Master Thesis Booklet by John Nelson

ESTABLISHING NEW CENTERS 5.10.2013 Honors Thesis

John Nelson Tulane School of Architecture Master of Architecture Candidate 2013 Thesis Adviser Scott Bernhard, AIA Mintz Associate Professor of Architecture Second Reader, AIA Cordula Roser-Gray Professor of Practice Third Reader Richard Campanella Geographer / Senior Professor of Practice

ESTABLISHING NEW CENTERS NELSON

INDEX 4 - 13

QUESTIONS / ABSTRACT / DOCUMENT

16 - 19

ANNOTATIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

22 - 35

PRECEDENT RESEARCH

38 - 43

SITE DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH

46 - 47

PROGRAM DISTRIBUTION

50 - 69

PROJECT DEVELOPMENT

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Thesis Questions How can participatory civic interventions create new areas of centrality that catalyze New Orleans neighborhoods frayed by blight? How can New Orleans’ duality, being both a shrunken city and a rapidly growing city, influence the scale and speed of response from public investment in neighborhoods affected by the city’s contraction over the past half-decade? Abstract New Orleans is simultaneously a shrunken city, suffering the problems of blight, and a rapidly growing and changing city of opportunity. Blighted and vacant properties pose a systemic threat to the sustainability of neighborhood vitality, property values, effective tax bases, public safety, and economic growth. Blight is both the cause and effect of the problems plaguing the New Orleans’ urban fabric. While it is the effect of global issues that have impacted shrinking cities over the last half century, it is also the cause of localized superficial and social problems in New Orleans inner core. A new approach is required to address how the city’s localities address civic needs and identities in neighborhoods frayed by blight. I believe this condition should challenge designers to reinterpret plot organization and reconstruction strategies. “Centers” should form a framework for the revitalization of blighted neighborhoods. New Orleans is a city poised to receive more substantial, permanent, and drastic interventions that go beyond just temporary solutions that address blight as just a causal factor. The current aggregation of blighted properties and vacant lots should be addressed as an opportunity, acting as medium for intervention. Localized civic centers can use these voids and begin to catalyze public and private development in their proximity. As cities are reshaped by the instability of changing populations, it is essential that architects develop innovative ways to rebuild fractured urban fabrics to be more responsive, stable, and equitable.

def - Vacant housing units are those units with no occupants upon inspection def - blighted housing units are those units open to the elements, condemned or slated for demolition

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‘Centers’ should form a framework for the revitalization of blighted neighborhoods.

def - centers are those physical interventions where civic activity is concentrated

ESTABLISHING NEW CENTERS NELSON

Establishing New Centers

1 Campanella, Richard. 2011. “Where the Hell Is Plum Orchard?” NOLA Defender.

Inner Core - “aka historic or inner core: This part of the city developed for residential settlement prior to 1900” This area of the city is generally not prone to flooding and at or above sea level.

2 Campanella, Richard. “City Neighborhoods: A Matter of Evolving Perception.” The Lens, June 1, 2011.

3 Campanella

“…neighborhoods are oftentimes better defined by their cores than by their peripheries.” 1

- Richard Campanella

Blighted properties and vacant lots characterize large portions of the urban fabric of New Orleans’ inner core. In areas with systemically poor growth, the presence of abundant blighted properties and vacant lots stifles the ability for the neighborhoods to recover or foster any type of economic growth. To address these problems, the solutions posed must acknowledge the current context as an opportunity, critiquing the social and political failings that created the problem. Blight presents the opportunity to take advantage of vacancies and avoid a regression to previous ideas of city building. This thesis advocates for architecture’s ability to formalize civic centers as a framework for the revitalization of blighted neighborhoods, catalyzing both public and private growth in areas that private investment fails to reach. The 73 “official neighborhoods” that compose the urban fabric of New Orleans serve as a standardized delineation, able to simplify the composition and allocation of city wide data.2 These hard line borders fail to address the singularities of the nebulous and overlapping neighborhoods that they try to contain. The “official” neighborhoods homogenize the disparate problems of each area they bound and make providing localized solutions difficult. This problem demands that planners “[come] to terms with the uncertainty and ambiguity”, and begin to address blight and vacancy in stagnate neighborhoods with the development of centers.3 These centers can begin to address local public needs. When placed in areas with systemically low growth, they can begin to catalyze new development and foster local identity.

DEVELOPMENT REGIONS/ AREAS OF CENTRALITY inner core pre - 1890 middle ring 1890 - 1950 outer ring 1950 - current day

Map Underlay: Campanella, R. (2002). Time and place in New Orleans: Past geographies in the present day. Gretna, Louisiana: Pelican Publishing. 5

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New Orleans Is SHRINKING Globalization has led to the recently coined phenomenon of shrinking cities. 4 New Orleans is a large part of this new analysis because of its multiple population contractions over the past half century. Some of these declines fit into the larger national narrative of shrinking cities, while others, like Hurricane Katrina, are relatively unique and cause a different type of blight.5 From the outside looking in, the cause of most blight is virtually indistinguishable. Causal factors elucidate more nuanced approaches to solving current planning problems and give a more thorough understanding about why a neighborhood’s growth has stagnated. The modern shrinking city highlights, in a new way, the ever present reality that cities will always be incomplete.6 New Orleans history of vacancy reflects this perpetual relationship. The population decline began after the city’s population peak of 627,525 in 1960. Over the next 20 years the population began to filter out of historic, inner core neighborhoods to the middle and outer rings of urban development. The inner core of the city began to dissolve as housing type and availability began to increase in new areas previously undeveloped. New levees, drainage systems, and extensive highway networks opened the lower lying land for speculation and development. The periphery now was the engine for new construction and growth and the recipient of those moving out of the inner core. As housing stock increased city wide without a subsequent increase in population, the beginnings of a systemic vacancy problem in the inner core emerged. 7

4 Martinez-Fernandez, Cristina. 2012. “Shrinking Cities: Urban Challenges of Globalization.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 36.2 (March): 213–25. 5 Plyer, Allison, Elaine Ortiz, and Ben Horwitz. 2011. Housing Development and Abandonment in New Orleans. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center. http://www.gnocdc.org/HousingDevelopmentAndAbandonment/index.html, 1.

6 Ryan, Brent D. “Rightsizing Shrinking Cities: The Urban Design Dimension.” In The City After Abandonment. Chapter 14. University of Pennsylvania Press.

7 Plyer, Allison. 2011. Population Loss and Vacant Housing in New Orleans Neighborhoods. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center. http:// www.gnocdc.org/PopulationLossAndVacantHousing/index.html. CHANGE IN VACANCIES - 2000-2010 2000

2010

Map based on: Plyer, Vacant

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8 Plyer, Allison, Elaine Ortiz, and Ben Horwitz. 2011. Housing Development and Abandonment in New Orleans. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center. http://www.gnocdc.org/HousingDevelopmentAndAbandonment/index.html, 6.

9 Bass, Frank. 2012. “Katrina Comeback Makes New Orleans Fastest-Growing City.” Bloomberg, July 27. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-0628/katrina-comeback-makes-new-orleans-fastestgrowing-city.html.

10 Plyer, Allison. 2011. Population Loss and Vacant Housing in New Orleans Neighborhoods. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center. http:// www.gnocdc.org/PopulationLossAndVacantHousing/index.html. 11 Plyer, Allison, Elaine Ortiz, and Ben Horwitz. 2011. Housing Development and Abandonment in New Orleans. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center. http://www.gnocdc.org/HousingDevelopmentAndAbandonment/index.html.

A weak inner core was further affected by losses in the oil industry that doubled the vacancy rate in the city between 1880-1890. Subsequent migration from the inner and middle rings of development outward intensified abandonment and blight in the historic and the mainly residential neighborhoods like the Seventh Ward and Central City. In 2005, Hurricane Katrina only served to exacerbate a problem half a decade in the making. 8 The dissolution of the historic inner core and the neighborhoods that compose it had been the result of varied factors that speak not to its irrelevancy, but to the increase of new forms of living and a lack of planning and policy to manage growth and decline. New Orleans Is GROWING New Orleans is faced with the dichotomy between the physical remnants of a shrunken city and the emergent signs of a growing city – the city’s population grew by 4.9% between April 2010 and July 2011 to 360,740. 9 Though this growth is positive, the city still struggles with a vacant housing percentage averaging close to 25 percent, while neighborhoods in the inner core of development like Central City and the Seventh Ward remain around 40 percent. 10 These historic neighborhoods, once densely populated and vibrant, now stand as some of the most resistant to growth, or rather stabilization. Blighted and vacant properties – aside from those physically removed from their foundations by Hurricane Katrina – represent changes in housing demand and the inability of the inner core to adapt over the past 60 years. Historically, these problems disproportionately affect dense and culturally significant neighborhoods inside the first core of urban development in New Orleans. Ironically, these areas are the most responsible to rebuild in terms of elevation. 11

INNER CORE IN RELATION TO ELEVATION

inner core pre - 1890 0 foot elevation edge of inner core

Map Underlay: Campanella, R. (2002). Time and place in New Orleans: Past geographies in the present day. Gretna, Louisiana: Pelican Publishing.

It is these neighborhoods, or singularities, that constitute the diverse structure 7

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of city and directly contrast the speculative development in the middle and outer rings around New Orleans which continually fail to address the collective needs of the population. Response The city’s recent responses to this problem have been responsible: expediting inspections, taking control of delinquent properties, removing properties that are a risk to the general population. These actions are essential in the short term to stabilize neighborhoods in flux. The city’s plan does not, however, elucidate a clear response to the reformation of productive neighborhoods once the properties are given to private development bodies.12 Relying on traditional development to transform neighborhoods with incredibly high vacancy rates and systemically poor growth is a bleak prospect. Populations in these neighborhoods have been shrinking since the 1960’s, Currently at work in the city are two means of growth at varying scales to refill the frayed urban fabric. One method is traditional development which feeds off of proximity to existing successful zones. The other is isolated interventions that attempt to infill the gaps left by vacancies, creating a critical mass. Both methods are needed at different levels throughout the city. Combining the principles of both could help guide the development of productive centers inside historic neighborhoods which have systemically low growth rates. A center could be a direct creation of a critical mass that informs the creation of other, private initiatives. Rebuilding the tattered inner core with singular housing interventions is a difficult prospect, especially when those neighborhoods lack an urban center or proximity to basic services. Programs like Tulane School of Architecture’s Urbanbuild espouse a “one house at a time” motto.13 With such a small critical mass, singular efforts produce a marginal effect. The existence of a node, or area of centrality, where these interventions could amass, would foster a zone of sustainable of growth. Aggregation of these disparate efforts could act as framework for the regeneration of multiple neighborhoods. Other interventions try to create critical mass and rebuild sizable portions of neighborhoods at once. Mission driven developers in New Orleans have tried to promote large scale urban infill of existing vacant parcels, but are met with policies that promote “big box” multifamily complexes. The issue of quantity over quality driving the decision of government housing agencies highlights the 8

12 “Blight Strategy City of New Orleans”. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center. 2011.

13 Anon. “Urbanbuild: Context.” http://tulaneurbanbuild.com/index2.php#/rtext_2/3/. def - node is a point to which activity and focus are directed

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14 Morris, Neil. 2010. “Rebuilding the City at a Human Scale.” Times Picayune, August 5.

15 Oriol, Bohigas. 2004. “Ten Points for an Urban Methodology.” In Transforming Barcelona. Chapter 5. New York: Routledge.

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In New Orleans, traditional peripheral development rarely breaks into zones with systemic growth problems, 16 Plyer, Allison. 2011. Population Loss and Vacant Housing in New Orleans Neighborhoods. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center. http:// www.gnocdc.org/PopulationLossAndVacantHousing/index.html.

larger issue of the priority assigned to the re-establishment of the historic inner core of development. Policy should shift from “…’the most housing the quickest’ to ‘what will do the most to bring back our neighborhoods.’ “14 This change in thinking and adaptation of policy must be linked with a focused intent to reform neighborhoods around new centers. The creation of well-formed public services and amenities can spur private growth in stagnant neighborhoods. Traditional peripheral development isolates investment into pockets which fragment the urban fabric. Generally, the peripheries are not built “to satisfy the wishes to the users. They appeared … to serve the interest of capital invested in public or private development “. 15 When policy begins to reinforce market trends, it works to further decentralize the urban fabric rather than work to reestablish a successful city from the inside out. In New Orleans, traditional peripheral development rarely breaks into zones with systemic growth problems, seen in neighborhoods like Central City. Hard lines are drawn, some only two blocks wide, between successful areas of development and those historic neighborhoods with vacancy rates of 40 percent. 16

CENTER FRAMEWORK new center tributary area

The resistance to new approaches is based in a lack of willingness to use the current effects of a shrunken city as an opportunity to implement new ideas of city building. Current blight strategies proposed by the city fail to recognize the full potential of blighted and vacant properties. A reliance on transferring the 9

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properties as quick as possible to private entities is the short term solution.17 In areas where growth and investment are systemically low, a new approach is required to create new active neighborhood centralities. Blight is the effect of poor city planning and the solution lies in a new, more proactive approach to reestablishing the city’s historic inner core.

17 “Blight Strategy City of New Orleans”. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center. 2011.

Vehicle Architecture is best suited as the medium to formalize physical civic centers that catalyze further growth and address the singularities of specific historic neighborhoods. Creating centralities allows for a more focused intent on re-establishing specific neighborhoods with systemically poor growth. A general plan must serve as a framework rather than developmental praxis, while the focus remains on specific neighborhoods and their civic needs. Architecture can inform a new urbanism if it addresses uncertainty, change, and a matrix of exchange.18 The entirety of interventions across the city must be shaped and established on a point by point or neighborhood by neighborhood basis. Not acknowledging singularities that compose the city and relying on the success of a general plan “[counterfeit] a spirit of popular participation, whose criteria cannot logically be extended beyond the local neighborhood dimension.” 19 Growth for growth’s sake, the methodology of the 1960’s, must adapt to be designed growth. The restructuring of the frayed New Orleans fabric must not aim to create a static or stable configuration; rather, it must seek “…the creation of enabling fields that accommodate processes that refuse to be crystallized into definitive form[s]”.20 The current state of vacancy and blight demonstrates the volatility of a changing city. This instability must be addressed through a new direct arrangement of centralities which work to catalyze proximal growth. These new centers will be formed by a clear model of public investment that blends a mix of civic program with a framework for private commercial investment. The creation of a new center will act as an anchor for further private development in areas that have struggled to receive this type of investment. The pieces that compose the project will be addressed in phases, anticipating reciprocal growth as a way of informing its scale over time.

def - centralities, aka nodes, those points to which activity and focus are directed

18 Koolhaas, Rem, Bruce Mau, and Jennifer Sigler. 1998. Small, Medium, Large, Extra-Large. New York, NY: Monacelli Press. 967.

19 Oriol, Bohigas. 2004. “Ten Points for an Urban Methodology.” In Transforming Barcelona. Chapter 5. New York: Routledge. 95.

20 Koolhaas, 969.

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Scalar Relationships A civic program, placed in a residential setting, will confront issues of scale. The intervention must mediate between residential zoning and a new scale of growth, acknowledging the lack of public services, civic activity, and access to local commerce. This thesis purports that the hybridization of civic program in a residential zone is crucial to establishing new catalytic centers in stagnant neighborhoods. This hybridization will allow civic programs and services to assimilate into areas that are geographically isolated from basic services, creating an anchor for public and private investment. BLOCK DIAGRAMS

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The proposed “center” will exploit the adjacencies of blighted properties and vacant lots as an opportunity

existing vacant parcels

build back

standard civic typology

new civic scale

The proposed “center” will exploit the adjacencies of blighted properties and vacant lots as an opportunity. A large, contiguous portion of a singular block will be created by the unification of adjacent parcels, allowing the intervention to integrate a new scale into the residential fabric. Generally, civic programs are pre-planned in the development of a city’s fabric, taking advantage of whole or large regularized portions of blocks. The current paradigm, created by half a century of density decline and increases in vacancies, allows for a reinterpretation of plot organization. The jagged union of blocks does not accept a standard civic program, forcing the program to integrate more fully into the residential scale. 11

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New “centers” will act less as object-buildings and more like a mesh to fill the gap between existing residences, linking all edges of the block. These multiple parts integrated with exterior public space – will provide access through the site and link disparate pieces of program. Connection of program, both physical and visual, will create overlap and activity that begins to foster a stronger civic identity through collective experience.

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SOURCES

Bass, Frank. “Katrina Comeback Makes New Orleans Fastest-Growing City.” Bloomberg. Web, July 27, 2012. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-06-28/katrina-comebackmakes-new-orleans-fastest-growing-city.html. “Blight Strategy City of New Orleans”. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center, February 5, 2011. Bohigas, Oriol. “Ten Points for an Urban Methodology.” In Transforming Barcelona. Chapter 5. New York: Routledge, 2004. 91-96. Print. Campanella, Richard. “City Neighborhoods: A Matter of Evolving Perception.” The Lens, June 1, 2011. Campanella, Richard. “Where the Hell is Plum Orchard?” NOLA Defender, Apl 2011. Koolhaas, Rem, Bruce Mau, and Jennifer Sigler. Small, Medium, Large, Extra-Large. New York, NY: Monacelli Press, 1998. Martinez-Fernandez, Cristina. “Shrinking Cities: Urban Challenges of Globalization.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 36.2 (March 2012): 213–25. Morris, Neil. “Rebuilding the City at a Human Scale.” Times Picayune. New Orleans, LA, August 5, 2010. Plyer, Allison. Population Loss and Vacant Housing in New Orleans Neighborhoods. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center, October 28, 2011. http://www.gnocdc. org/PopulationLossAndVacantHousing/index.html. Plyer, Allison, Elaine Ortiz, and Ben Horwitz. Housing Development and Abandonment in New Orleans. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center, October 28, 2011. http:// www.gnocdc.org/HousingDevelopmentAndAbandonment/index.html. Ryan, Brent D. Design After Decline: How America Rebuilds Shrinking Cities. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012. Ryan, Brent D. “Rightsizing Shrinking Cities: The Urban Design Dimension.” In The City After Abandonment. Chapter 14. University of Pennsylvania Press, n.d. “Urbanbuild: Context”, n.d. http://tulaneurbanbuild.com/index2.php#/rtext_2/3/.

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INDEX 4 - 13

QUESTIONS / ABSTRACT / DOCUMENT

16 - 19

ANNOTATIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

22 - 35

PRECEDENT RESEARCH

38 - 43

SITE DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH

46 - 47

PROGRAM DISTRIBUTION

50 - 69

PROJECT DEVELOPMENT

ESTABLISHING NEW CENTERS NELSON

Annotative Bibliography Campanella, Richard. “City Neighborhoods: A Matter of Evolving Perception.” The Lens, June 1, 2011. Campanella explains the origins behind the standard delineation of New Orleans “official” neighborhoods. He argues that the cartographic lines that define the 73 neighborhoods fail to capture the more nebulous arrangement of perceived boundaries – generally because almost everyone has a different idea of what constitutes the periphery. Campanella stresses that “…neighborhoods are often best defined by their cores than by their peripheries”, and calls for an acceptance of “uncertainty and ambiguity”. Neighborhood delineations are important because they allow for a statistical analysis of trends, but they create a different reality. This reality is generally false and does not recognize that the perception of neighborhoods is created by the recognition of a strong core and subsequently trickles outward. Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Vintage, 1992. Jacobs stresses that the self-destruction of diversity is caused by success, not failure. She sees city planning and design's role as developing a place that is sympathetic to these diverse interests while maintaining the ability to discern when qualitative success has met its peak and diversity is actually diminishing. Public bodies should assume the role of establishing their built work to facilitate points that will add effectively to diversity. Jacobs acknowledges the scale of single street or block as being able to duplicate or regenerate spontaneously after decline if their surrounding district retains some mixture of diversity. Her study illustrates the cause that may have facilitated blight in some New Orleans neighborhoods and beckons and appropriate rebuilding strategy. I believe there is a parallel between that lack of diversity in New Orleans neighborhoods and their inability to manage blight. Koolhaas, Rem, Bruce Mau, and Jennifer Sigler. Small, Medium, Large, Extra-Large. New York, NY: Monacelli Press, 1998. Koolhaas highlights the complexities of the city and the planners inability address the rapidly growing scale. Koolhaas points to the death of Modernist planning principles which were based on abstraction and repetition. A more nuanced relationship to urbanism is called for, one that rethinks the planner's role less as a maker and more as a supporter of the city. Urbanism cannot be replaced by architecture; it must address uncertainty and the ever changing role of the city. Marshall, Tim. 2004. “Introduction.” In Transforming Barcelona. New York: Routledge. Marshall highlights how Barcelona, over the past 30 years, has become a unique 16

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model for the way to reinvent fractured urban fabric. The city’s isolation and a variety of other political and economic factors have created an urban condition that is uniquely Catalan. The city’s peripheral growth during the 20th century ¬- through the annexation of surrounding municipalities – mirrors that of American cities. Census trends showed a decrease in both the “Barcelona city” and in the Barcelona metro area, with a net gain in the rest of the Barcelona province. This suburbanization drove the Barcelona government rethink the formation of its urban fabric. Careful attention was given to the treatment of public spaces and buildings including infrastructure, open space, and civic structures. Morris, Neil. “Rebuilding the City at a Human Scale.” Times Picayune. New Orleans, LA, August 5, 2010. In relation to a Louisiana Housing Finance Agency Policy, Morris argues for the focus of rebuilding efforts in New Orleans to be neighborhood focused. Morris believe policy should not promote consolidated, large-scale housing, but rather begin to re-stitch the frayed urban fabric of empty lots and vacant single and doubles¬ - an defining characteristic of the New Orleans landscape. Morris acknowledges the higher cost of building/renovating singular units in comparison to the economies of scale involved in large scale housing complexes, but he argues it is more responsible and more sustainable to longevity of neighborhoods to put the effort into rebuilding the original fabric. Morris calls on public policy to reflect this sentiment and change the focus from quick recovery to long term stability. Oriol, Bohigas. “Ten Points for an Urban Methodology.” In Transforming Barcelona. Chapter 5. New York: Routledge, 2004. Bohigas describes the urban methodology that drove the reformation of Barcelona's urban fabric, establishing the city as domain of the commonality. This commonality is expressed through the conjunction of the public space, which is the city. Bohigas argues that these public spaces, open spaces and civic structures, demand the attention of the designer. He believes that traditional urbanism should be replace with architecturally specific projects that provide basic services for the areas that occupy and foster a sense of civic engagement and pride. These architectural interventions create the physical framework for a system of “new areas of centrality” which begin to give shape to loosely formed neighborhoods and provide network of organization. Plyer, Allison. Population Loss and Vacant Housing in New Orleans Neighborhoods. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center, October 28, 2011. http://www.gnocdc.org/PopulationLossAndV- cantHousing/index.html (accessed November 11, 2012). This census fact brief from the GNOCDC frames data complied over the past decade to illustrate that the effects of Hurricane Katrina only worked to magnify 17

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a declining population trend. The brief highlights the causal factor of population vacancies to be a movement outward from the inner and middle rings of development. These areas, by themselves, held close to twice the current population of 343,829. Population loss and vacancies are up in 65 of New Orleans’ 72 neighborhoods and those changes do not directly correlate with Katrina-caused damage, reinforcing the fact that the loss of population was systemic prior to the storm. Ryan, Brent D. Design After Decline: How America Rebuilds Shrinking Cities University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012. Ryan insists on a balance between the short comings of Modern planning, "demolition and inhumanity", and its desire to be optimistic and utopian in an attempt to affect social change. Ryan catalogue's early attempts of urban revitalization in response to shrinking cities over the past 60 years, specifically centrally planned public efforts, to show their relative successes and failures. 'Reformed' Modernism is prescribed as the solution to reconcile projective design with the social expectations of residents in shrinking cities. I think it is valuable to understand the implications of interventionist policies of the past and understand why those that are deemed 'unsuccessful' failed. Also, this reading positions large scale responses to incredible problems like blight, as responsible, while acknowledging that cities will always be incomplete. Ryan, Brent D. “Rightsizing Shrinking Cities: The urban design dimension.” In The City After Abandonment. Chapter 14. University of Pennsy vania Press, n.d. Ryan questions "right sizing" – a relatively new term developed by policy makers – and its application to the problem of shrinking cities. Ryan calls for designers and planners to use the new opportunity of population decline and housing loss to shape a better physical environment with cities' new needs. Links between ambitious urban design and social action have faded since the end of Modernism is the 1970's, but Ryan states that new methods – being interventionist, critical, and benevolent - could supplant current ineffective design strategies for shrinking cities. Ryan addresses the shortcomings of past urban strategies to address the impermanence and patchwork arrangement of vacant area in cities. This incompleteness was addressed by Kevin Lynch when likened metropolitan areas to 'the polycentered net' which consisted of intense peaks of density and extensive regions of low density. Current redevelopment of areas emphasize housing adjacent to high value areas and exclude those isolated areas from receiving spillover benefits of new public services, reducing equity.

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Thomson, Dale. “Targeting Neighborhoods, Stimulating Markets: The Role of Political, Institutional, and Technical Factors in Three Cities.” In The City After Abandonment, 104–132. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Thomson explores the complex problem of shrunken cities and the challenges they experience directing diminishing resources. Thompson advocates for allocating resources strategically, or directing investment to a limited number of geographical areas to enhance the impact on the community. The efficacybased strategic geographic targeting as a primary method is acknowledged as problematic when directed toward middle neighborhoods. Through experience with three cities (Baltimore, Cleveland and Detroit), Thompson concludes a collaboration between community development leaders and government bodies is most appropriate to promote sustainable ventures. This idea can be translated into having a geographically-specific, physical anchors developed through government investment intended to jumpstart and direct investment.

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INDEX 4 - 13

QUESTIONS / ABSTRACT / DOCUMENT

16 - 19

ANNOTATIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

22 - 35

PRECEDENT RESEARCH

38 - 43

SITE DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH

46 - 47

PROGRAM DISTRIBUTION

50 - 69

PROJECT DEVELOPMENT

ESTABLISHING NEW CENTERS NELSON

Project: Equipamientos Londres-Villarroel - Barcelona Architect: Coll-Leclerc

Description The Equipamientos Londres-Villarroel, designed by the architecture firm Coll-Leclerc, was the product of a public competition to design and renovate the interior courtyard of an Eixample Block while incorporating the diverse programs of youth housing, primary school, and parking. Located in the Eixample’s second expansion, Coll-Leclerc took this opportunity to combine these programs in a typology that was relatively unique to Barcelona’s urban fabric. The building configuration of two offset masses privileges light air as well as the physical and visual links to public space. The reinterpretation of Cerdà’s original figure ground relationship creates a density in program that is demanded by the unique needs of the district in which it is placed. Coll-Leclerc reevaluated the built form and its relation to the street, linking entrances, circulation and open spaces which become places for relations and exchanges to the public domain both physically and visually.

Short Section

Site Plan

“Edificio De Equipamientos y Viviendas.” El Croquis. 142 (2008): 190-201. Print. 22

View From Street of Interior Court

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Project: Equipamientos Londres-Villarroel - Barcelona Architect: Coll-Leclerc

Block Configuration

Standard + Adapted Block Typology

Alteration Reconfiguring the standard block configuration was a critic of the thickened Cerda block which relies on light wells to supply internal program with light and air

“Edificio De Equipamientos y Viviendas.” El Croquis. 142 (2008): 190-201. Print.

Aerial Urban Condition 23

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Project: Equipamientos Londres-Villarroel - Barcelona Architect: Coll-Leclerc

Sectional Variation

Internal Void

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Project: Tallinn Town Hall - Estonia Architect: Bjarke Ingles Group [BIG]

Description The Tallinn Town Hall, designed by BIG, was the firm’s most direct materialization of their interest in public participation. The configuration of the building’s mass addresses both public service and political functions. The orientation of the separate pieces of program are skewed and create voids which permit light and air to filter to the ground level. The entirety of the political functions are lift above the ground plane and allow for a “public service marketplace” to exist on the ground level and permit public access across the site. I believe the massing of the project most effectively addresses the theoretical intentions of overlap and transparency of public and political functions as well as the contextual relation to a historic and dense urban condition in Tallinn through a fracturing of scale. Aerial Site View: Tallinn, Estonia

Plan _"TAT: Tallinn Town Hall." BIG. N.p., n.d. Web. 07 Oct. 2012. <http://www.big.dk/>.

Section Massing Configuration (Fracturing)

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Project: Tallinn Town Hall - Estonia Architect: Bjarke Ingles Group [BIG]

Sectional Variation

Aerial Massing

_"TAT: Tallinn Town Hall." BIG. N.p., n.d. Web. 07 Oct. 2012. <http://www.big.dk/>. 26

Interior Court

View to Historic Context

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Project: La Escuela de Hosteleria - Cadiz Architect(s): María Gonzales, Juanjo López de la Cruz

Description La Escuela de Hosteleria confronted the problem of how a new piece of architecture could assimilate into the voids of a historic city. The opening where the new building was located formal held a pasture for cattle before slaughter while the remaining slaughter house was reproposed making the entirety of project. La Escuela de Hosteleria reconfigures the building typology of the surrounding town, characterized by distinctive roof profiles and a sparse material palette, to inform spacial configurations and provide relief between different programs. The building’s articulated roof passively camouflages itself inside the surrounding town rather than cheapening design intentions to mimic historic conditions.

Site Context Figure Ground

Diagrammatic Sketch

_“Escuela de Hosteleria, Medina Sidonia.” AV Monographias. 153-154 (2012): 81-87. Print.

Roof View of Historic Context 27

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Project: La Escuela de Hosteleria - Cadiz Architect(s): María Gonzales, Juanjo López de la Cruz

Material Considerations

Section B

Section A

Detail Section

_“Escuela de Hosteleria, Medina Sidonia.” AV Monographias. 153-154 (2012): 81-87. Print. 28

Material context The the varied reinforced concrete roof forms are clad with fired ceramic tiles to limit the material palate reference the subtle modulation of contextual roof pitch

Ceramic Tile Roof

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Project: Manzana Fort Pienc - Barcelona Architect: Josep Llinás

Description This project represents a coherent hybridization of various programs and the success of their layering. Though the heterogeneous programs of the building do not completely reveal themselves at first, visual and physical links among the library, market, super market, elderly residence, student residence, day care, civic center and primary school slowly begin to show themselves. Fort Pienc is a project that is fundamentally linked to public space because of its unique situation in the Eixample District. It sits in a block cut diagonally by the pedestrian Ribes Highway, which accounts for the uncommon geometry of the building’s plan. Fort Pienc’s position on this new urban axis relieves its dependence on access to the vehicular street, allowing a more powerful relation between the pedestrian and its public space. Entrances to the majority of functions are located on the inside the block, off the public square, rather than being located on the street. This forces a great deal of social mixing to happen in this shared space. The entire block is treated as public, both built form and open space. Those areas that are semi private, like the primary school, are still afforded visual connections to the public space.

Site Plan: Access

Geometric Collisions Llinás blurs the line between outside and inside, public and private, and solid and void to hybridize program

_“Manzana Fort Pienc” El Croquis. 128 (2006):100115. Print.

Massing Overlap 29

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Project: Manzana Fort Pienc - Barcelona Architect: Josep Llinás

Areas of New Centrality Fort Pienc adds to the urban fabric of the Eixample district as a place of tension and public overlap. This confluence of both space and heterogeneous program creates a dynamic relation between the public and civic services. The unification of vital public services and housing in a single location makes it difficult for those in the community to not find some way of interacting with or experiencing the building Fort Pienc’s role as an area of new centrality inside the Eixample district is further substantiated by its place in public discourse and social gathering. Fort Pienc asserts itself as an area of new centrality through its adaptation of multiple programs into a single, cohesive architectural mass. Fort Pienc plays a significant role in the daily lives of those in the neighborhood whether they are conscious of this or not.

Spatial Overlap

_“Manzana Fort Pienc” El Croquis. 128 (2006):100115. Print. 30

Barcelona’s New Civic Nodes

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Project: Improve Your Lot! - Detroit Architect: Interboro

Description Improve Your Lot! was a study of what Interboro define as “The New Suburbanism”, the process of self-interested individuals acquiring adjacent blighted properties making (b) lots. The homeowners would fill these new lots with a variety of programs which had a range of added utility, from sheds to billboards. Interboro followed five case studies at the local scale and then speculated the relative success of expanding the practice to the city scale. The study raised the questions of how can designer/planners learn from collective urbanism that is already occurring and what role does the design/planner play in a system like Detroit.

Uses of Acquired Lots

Band Aid Urbanism - (b)lots on the block scale The organic acquisition of property is a band aid fix that could lead to a slower future recovery due to less land in sparsely populated neighborhoods

_Armbost, Tobias, Daniel C-Oca, and Georgeen Theodore. “Improve Your Lot!”, n.d. 31

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Project: Vacant Land: Site Strategies for New Orleans Design Group: Tulane City Center, Jericho Road

Description Jericho Road and the Tulane City Center have responded to shrinking cities as an opportunity to improve green space networks and other natural systems, believing that landscape can be an adaptive buffer and accommodate varying degrees of investment in the future. Their proposals assume the existence of empty lots as a new part of the urban landscape and work to turn them into amenities that reduce their pervasive, negative effects. This approach and other spontaneous urbanism projects address impermanence and embrace it as a new normal.

Vacancy on Neighborhood Scale

Proposal for Bringing Value to Vacancy

Micro Level Strategy These microlevel interventions address the larger issues blight through aggregation and address the high input cost to rebuild _Welty, Seth, and Dan Ethridge. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Vacant Land: Site Strategies for New Orleansâ&#x20AC;?, n.d. 32

Proposal for Bringing Value to Vacancy

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Project: Quinta da Malagueira - Portugal Architect: Ă lvaro Siza

Description This project, designed in 1974, represents the last of a series of three social housing project complete by Siza. Malagueira, the third project was designed outside of the limits of Evora as a suburban community. Malagueira is characterized by Sizaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s desire to create low rise high density development. The project covers 27 hectares with 1,200 two floors living units (built over 20 years). Siza designed the Malagueria to be a stand alone entity that would be governed by the residents as a cooperative organization. This large scale intervention dwarfed other housing projects a tasked the designer with solving the ideas of town planning and urban structure solely with architecture. The urban voids between the dense units created a network of public open spaces and nested community functions like stores, parking, recreation, and pedestrian traffic near homes.

Elevation The change in elevation provides relief from the repetition and allows for variety in space recognition

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Project: Quinta da Malagueira - Portugal Architect: Ă lvaro Siza

Variation The variation/adaptability of residences drives the massing and vibrancy of the Malagueira. There are two types units that have further variations around an internal courtyard. This variation allows customization for the user in relation to their need and financial mobility. This manipulation of the pair of combinations is a key to achieving a pleasing rhythm with only two types of housing.

Organization Variations

Section Through Unit Variations

Figure Ground Variations 34

Figure Ground Variations

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Project: The Morgan library - New York, New York Architect: Renzo Piano

Description The design of the Morgan Library is defined by its integration with the surrounding historic buildings that compose the entirety of the public gallery. Piano occupied the vestigial space between those buildings with modestly scaled pavilions that feed an enclosed central court. This court unifies internal circulation between the disparate pieces of program and serves the new center for activity within the complex. All components of the program feed off of this new found adjacency. Piano privileges the development of the enclosed court by sinking a large portion of program below grade. This allowed for the internal public space to be physically linked with visitors entering from the street. View in Atrium

New Main Entrance to Gallery

Interstitial Space Before Project

Sections Through Atrium and Circulation Corridor 35

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INDEX 4 - 13

QUESTIONS / ABSTRACT / DOCUMENT

16 - 19

ANNOTATIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

22 - 35

PRECEDENT RESEARCH

38 - 43

SITE DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH

46 - 47

PROGRAM DISTRIBUTION

50 - 69

PROJECT DEVELOPMENT

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1 Plyer, Allison. 2011. Population Loss and Vacant Housing in New Orleans Neighborhoods. Greater New Orleans Community Data Center. http:// www.gnocdc.org/PopulationLossAndVacantHousing/index.html. POPULATION DENSITY - 2000

2 Plyer POPULATION DENSITY - 2010 38

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3 Plyer VACANCY DENSITY - 2000

4 Plyer VACANCY DENSITY- 2010 39

ESTABLISHING NEW CENTERS NELSON Underlay based on: Campanella, R. (2002). Time and place in New Orleans: Past geographies in the present day. Gretna, Louisiana Pelican Publishing.

inner core pre - 1890 middle ring 1890 - 1950 outer ring 1950 - current day

NEW ORLEANS GROWTH Underlay based on: Campanella, R. (2002). Time and place in New Orleans: Past geographies in the present day. Gretna, Louisiana Pelican Publishing.

inner core pre - 1890 0 foot elevation edge of inner core

INNER CORE IN RELATION TO ELEVATION 40

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Map illustrates the current site of the thesis intervention as well as a proposed matrix of additional interventions that take advantage of similar

intervention site tributary area

“DECENTRALIZED” CENTERS

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FAUBOURG LIVAUDAIS 1937 - 1951 SANBORN MAP

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VE SA

E RL

CK JA E AV

N TO NG

S WA E AV

VE SA

Vacant parcels account for near 40% of total parcels in central city.

E RL

vacant lots state of blight

VACANCY AND BLIGHT MAPPING CENTRAL CITY

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INDEX 4 - 13

QUESTIONS / ABSTRACT / DOCUMENT

16 - 19

ANNOTATIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

22 - 35

PRECEDENT RESEARCH

38 - 43

SITE DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH

46 - 47

PROGRAM DISTRIBUTION

50 - 69

PROJECT DEVELOPMENT

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PROGRAM DESCRIPTION A new, civic center and public market are proposed to fill a collection of adjacent vacant properties on Dryades Street in the blighted region of Faubourg Livaudais. This new area of centrality will work to foster civic identity while facilitating growth and investment. The civic functions of the building will include decentralized city government offices for the District “B” Council Member, public forum, public market, mediatheque, child activity center and public open space. Other interventions, or “Centers” following this model would adapt the building’s program to fit that neighborhood’s specific civic needs. The site for new civic center occupies the majority of the block and is bounded by First and Second Streets running north/south and Danneel and Dryades Street running east/west. The site is composed of 13 vacant lots and 1 blighted lot with an existing building measuring 47,415 square feet. The majority of vacant lots are located at the mid-block, a common arrangement of vacancies across New Orleans’ built fabric, which allows clear access through the site to all four sides of the block A portion of the site (7,830 sq ft ) falls inside the zoning of (B-1) Neighborhood Business District while the remainder of the site is subject to (RM-4) Multiple Family Residential District requirements. Both zoning sets allow or a maximum height of 40 feet and a maximum FAR of 4.00. A maximum lot coverage of 60% main structure is dictated by the RM-4 requirements. Interpretation of the zoning shows that restrictions in Central City have been removed to allow for a wider range/scale of new development. PROGRAM ALLOTMENT Total Site Total ...............................................................................47,000 sq ft DISTRIBUTION Government Offices - District ‘B’

Gross - 4,100 sq ft

Entry ..................................................................................................... 500 sq ft Conference Room - 500 sq ft ............................................................... 260 sq ft Office Space ..................................................................................... 1,700 sq ft Private Rooms (2) - 135 sq ft ................................................................270 sq ft Bathroom - 100 sq ft ............................................................................ 200 sq ft Files - 100 sq ft .................................................................................... 100 sq ft Break Room - 350 sq ft ....................................................................... 520 sq ft Public Forum

Gross - 3,400 sq ft

Seating (112 persons) ...................................................................... 2,200 sq ft Flexible Storage .................................................................................... 150 sq ft Bathrooms (2) - 200 sq ft .................................................................... 400 sq ft Entry ..................................................................................................... 600 sq ft

“Offices for the Junta De Castilla Y Leon.” Architizer. Accessed December 16, 2012. http://www. architizer.com/en_us/projects/view/offices-forthe-junta-de-castilla-y-leon/39669/.

ESTABLISHING NEW CENTERS NELSON Spain. Ajuntament De Barcelona. Fort Pienc Market. June 17, 2010. Accessed December 16, 2012. http://w110.bcn.cat/portal/site/Mercats

Public Market

Indoor Flexible Vendor Zone .............................................................. 2,500 sq ft Covered Exterior Vendor Spill Out ...................................................... 1,400 sq ft Mediatheque

“Idea Store in London.” Detail, October 2004, 1120-123.

“Construction.” Dryades YMCA. Accessed December 16, 2012. http://dryadesymca. com/?page_id=46.

Gross - 7,800 sq ft

Reading Stacks ................................................................................. 1,800 sq ft Flexible Reading Zones ...................................................................... 2,600 sq ft Media Zones .................................................................................... 2,200 sq ft Entry / Checkout ................................................................................... 800 sq ft YMCA Children’s Learning Center

Saieh , Nico . "SOS Children’s Villages Lavezzorio Community Center / Studio Gang Architects" 13 Jul 2009. ArchDaily. Accessed 06 Nov 2012. <http://www.archdaily.com/28636>

Gross -3,900 sq ft

Gross - 4,400 sq ft

Lobby ................................................................................................... 850 sq ft Multi-Media Room................................................................................. 400 sq ft Multipurpose Classrooms .................................................................. 1,500 sq ft Offices .................................................................................................. 180 sq ft Counseling Room .................................................................................. 100 sq ft Bathrooms ............................................................................................ 160 sq ft Files ...................................................................................................... 150 sq ft General Store

Gross - 1,000 sq ft

Front of House ...................................................................................... 800 sq ft Storage ................................................................................................. 400 sq ft Total Built Area Outdoor Public Space

24,600 sq ft 16,800 sq ft or 28% of total site area

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INDEX 4 - 13

QUESTIONS / ABSTRACT / DOCUMENT

16 - 19

ANNOTATIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY

22 - 35

PRECEDENT RESEARCH

38 - 43

SITE DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH

46 - 47

PROGRAM DISTRIBUTION

50 - 69

PROJECT DEVELOPMENT

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BLIGHT AND VACANCY IN CENTRAL CITY

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Project Development “...neighborhoods are oftentimes better defined by their cores than by their peripheries.” ~Richard Campanella The recent phenomena of shrunken cities in the US has caused large portions urban centers to struggle to remain vibrant and productive. Neighborhoods’ inability to adapt have left swaths of built fabric frayed and blighted. In New Orleans’ Central City, a random selection of a parcel would yield an occupied residence only half the time. This thesis purports establishing a system of decentralized centers in order to catalyze new growth, abandoning traditional models of development that have failed to penetrate these neighborhoods. The thesis vehicle was developed as scalable armature, or system, that could exploit the aggregation of empty parcels to implement new public centers in New Orleans’ inner core. Capitalizing on the use of vacant mid-blocks, the proposal creates public access through the site as well as increased access and exchange with the building’s program and public space. The combination and overlap of public programs allows more a engaged experience as well as a more efficient use of finite public resources.

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MAIN VIEW ENTRANCE FROM FIRST STREET

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EXISTING VACANT PARCELS

BUILD BACK

STANDARD CIVIC TYPOLOGY

NEW CIVIC SCALE BLOCK DIAGRAMS 53

AGGREGATE VACANT PARCELS

CARVE RECONFIGURED VOID

CLAIM CONNECTED PUBLIC DOMAIN

EXPAND RESPONDING TO GROWTH

SCHEME GENESIS

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TYPICAL VIEW UNDER PUBLIC CANOPY

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COVER • ADAPTS TO PROMOTE VISUAL AND PHYSICAL CONNECTION • MARKS THE PUBLIC DOMAIN

INNER SKIN • LAYERS VARYING DEGREES OF OPACITY TO SIGNAL USERS TO THE INTERNAL PROGRAM

STRUCTURE • LIGHT FRAME STEEL STRUCTURE ACCOMMODATES A RAPIDLY SCALABLE CONSTRUCTION MODEL • ORGANIZATION LOGIC CAN EXTEND TO ADDITIONAL, TYPICAL BLOCK ARRANGEMENTS

MASSING STRATEGY • BUILDING SCALE ADDRESSES RESIDENTIAL CONTEXT • CENTRAL VOID INTERNALIZES PUBLIC EXCHANGE + INCREASES THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A POROUS INNER MEMBRANE

EXPLODED PERSPECTIVE

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VIEW OF PEDESTRIAN INTERSECTION

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VIEW FROM TOWER OF FAUBOURG LIVAUDAIS

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VIEW OF TOWER FROM LIBRARY DECK

SECTION PERSPECTIVE THROUGH MEDIATHEQUE

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NORTH - SOUTH SECTION THROUGH MARKET

EAST - WEST SECTION THROUGH PUBLIC ZONE

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DANNEEL STREET

6 7

DRYADES STREET

FIRST STREET

SECOND STREET

GROUND LEVEL PLAN 62

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SECOND LEVEL PLAN PROGRAM DISTRIBUTION 1. DISTRICT B COUNCIL PERSON OFFICE 2. MEDIATHEQUE 3. CHILDREN’S YMCA LEARNING CENTER 4. PUBLIC FORUM SPACE 5. PUBLIC MARKET 6. GENERAL STORE 7. RECIPROCAL GROWTH ZONES 8. EXPANSION ZONES

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STANDARD VERTICAL LOUVER TYPICAL ARRANGEMENT

CRIMP CODE ZONES OF EXCHANGE

LOUVER ARRANGEMENT CODE ZONES OF EXCHANGE

SHATTERED VIEWS AND LIGHT

FACADE - LOUVER DEVELOPMENT 64

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EXPANSION • RESPOND TO RECIPROCAL GROWTH • ADAPT FRAMEWORK TO ADDITIONAL LOTS

PUBLIC ACCESS • OPEN NETWORK THROUGH BLOCK • INCREASE PHYSICAL AND VISUAL EXCHANGE WITH PROGRAM

PROGRAMMATIC FLEXIBILITY • AGGREGATION OF CIVIC SERVICES • ACCOMMODATE VARIED LOCAL NEEDS

ALTERNATIVE CIVIC PROGRAM TYPES • PUBLIC HEALTH CENTERS • SCHOOLS • HOUSING

IMMEDIATE CONTEXT 65

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1/32” = 1’ SCALE SITE MODEL

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1/32” = 1’ SCALE SITE MODEL

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1/32” = 1’ SCALE SITE MODEL

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3/32” = 1’ SECTION MODEL