Tokyo Thesis: The Metropolitan Village

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JORIS BERKHOUT AR2A010 - ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY THESIS

THE METROPOLITAN VILLAGE A STUDY OF THE TOKYO URBAN FABRIC


THE METROPOLITAN VILLAGE “To foreign visitors and even to many residents, Tokyo appears to be a paradigm of urban chaos, spatially confusing and structurally illegible. Nevertheless, every city with a long history possesses an internal logic in its physical form.” (Maki, 2008, p. 150)

by Joris Berkhout Delft University of Technology & Tokyo Institute of Technology march 2011 ar2a010 - Architectural History Thesis student id:

1275208

tutor Tokyo Tech: tutor TU Delft:

prof. Haruyuki Fujii Hans van Dijk

All pictures and illustrations by the author, unless otherwise specified. The original cover image of Tokyo’s complete urban rail system is made by FML, www.mukiryoku.com


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INTRODUCTION

p. 7

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

P. 7

1. OBSERVATIONS

p. 8

individuality of lots spatial independence inferiority of streets public spaces

2. THE LOGIC OF TOKYO

p. 16

HISTORY social and spatial characteristics of Edo

p. 18

a modern city

URBAN PLANNING

p. 26

the legacy of Tokugawa 1919 laws post war developments

3. THE CITY IN JAPAN

p. 32

dynamic monumentality urban forms and power nature and the city

4. EXAMPLES

p. 38

KIKUKAWA ARAKI-CHO TAISHIDO

p. 39 p. 40 p. 42

5. THE METROPOLITAN VILLAGE

p. 44

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY

p. 48


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INTRODUCTION

When visiting Tokyo for the first time, still puzzled by a culture shock and a jet lag, the city confronts you unforgivingly with is acoustic and visual cacophony of neon signs, advertisements, loudspeakers and masses of people, all purposefully moving in their respective direction. Fortunately, the perplexity is quickly overcome, but the first answers immediately lead to more questions. Living in Japan has been a continuous flow of new experiences for me. Having had the opportunity to visit this fascinating place and the pleasure to call Tokyo my home has made a lasting impression. Many books have been written about Tokyo, in this report I will put my observations from walking, biking, commuting and living in Tokyo in the context of this literature. I will describe the city and investigate how and why it got to be that way. Finally I will describe what kind of consequences this has for other cities, both now and in the future.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank all those who have made my stay in Japan so enjoyable and interesting. Special thanks go to professor Haruyuki Fujii of the Tokyo Institute of Technology and the students of his lab for the valuable feedback they provided me with during my research period. In addition to my research, Koen Klinkers has given me the opportunity to work at Frontoffice Tokyo Architects. This has been a very interesting insight in the practice of designing in Tokyo.

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1. OBSERVATIONS

This section will introduce the urban principles which make Tokyo such a distinctive city, without any equal in the world. The observations mentioned here can be found while biking and wandering through the city. They are presented as short anecdotes and phenomena, as a visitor to the city or a reader of common literature on Tokyo would discover them. In the next chapters these observations will be put in a broader context of urbanity in Japan, and in relationship to each other. This will lead to an understanding of why the city is as it is, and how it came to be that way.

INDIVIDUALITY OF LOTS “Tokyo’s morphology is probably unique among metropolises: it is like a mosaic. The individual pieces are extremely small and varied, their connections often hidden. There is no other metropolis of its size in the world that manages to maintain a stable order with this sort of configuration.” (Maki, 2008, p. 145) One of the first things to notice when walking around in Tokyo is the incredible diversity and contrast among the buildings. Massive concrete blocks, wooden houses, glass office towers and buildings in all imaginable styles sit comfortably next to shrines, construction sites and shopping malls. Obviously, in Japan two adjacent buildings do not need to be related in any way. What happens on a piece of land is to a certain extent entirely up to the owner or developer and it is not uncommon at all to find a tall office tower next to an old wooden shack without anyone bothering. Or a small restaurant surrounded by a gigantic residential complex. This urban diversity is combined with a chronic shortage of land and soaring real estate prices and has resulted in many remarkable solutions: a roller coaster through a building, a driving range for golfers above a taxi

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parking, factories including employee housing and tennis courts inside an expressway interchange spiral. Many of these examples are documented in the publication Made in Tokyo. (Kaijima, Kuroda, & Yoshiharu, 2001) Another feature that increases the diversity and disconnectedness between buildings even more is a mandatory gap that separates adjacent buildings physically from each other. Even in areas around major stations where land is extremely expensive this separation is often visible, though exceptions can be made if both property owners agree. In areas further away from stations the detached houses tend to have walls surrounding the property, and keep a distance from the neighboring house. The possibility of a connection over the lot border seems to be impossible. However, any frictions or tension between lots does not occur. In contrast to some countries with large (economical) disparities between social groups. Even as land prices climb and society grows more complex, Japan’s social equality and homogeneity contributes to maintain its spatial equivalent. (Maki, 2008, p. 146) In short, Tokyo is a city without any attempts to integrate the different parts that make up the city, which has resulted in an urban landscape that is extremely fragmented. But this absence of coherence goes several steps further than the scale of individual buildings or plots. Actually, the whole city is falling apart into separate pieces.

SPATIAL INDEPENDENCE Located near the exits of large metro and train stations one often finds area maps, helping people find their way in the neighborhood directly surrounding the station. However, if someone is planning to venture out of this area into other parts of the city, these maps lead to leftover space between buildings

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a strange discovery. That is, they do not seem to fit into the map of the city as a whole because the north direction is rotated in a different way at each station, according to what is most practical for navigation in that specific area. So usually the direction of north is aligned with the main passageway through the station, making it easy to navigate out of the station in the right direction. Even though this is a relatively insignificant example it illustrates that two places such as Meguro and Ikebukuro, though only ten kilometers apart from each other, can exist in different worlds each with its own system of coordinates. Only connected to each other via a twenty minute train ride. This means that when travelling through Tokyo, most people do not have a mental map of the city as a whole. Instead they use a network of railways to establish geographic relationships. (Ohno, 2006, p.106) Therefore people imagine the areas they go to for school, work or living as spatially independent worlds. “During this transition from home to work, one sees nothing and says nothing.� (Berque, 1993, p. 83) In the vacuum between the major centers around the busiest train stations lies a part of the city consisting of mainly low rise housing, with an almost suburban feeling.

INFERIORITY OF STREETS Between the built structures of the city lies the public space consisting of streets and squares. In Japan, the roads that make up the public space do not seem to be an important element of the city and squares do not seem to exist at all. This has several reasons. The Western urban paradigm puts great emphasis on the street as the basic element of the city, whereas in Japan this is not the case. Tokyo is a city of randomly scattered plots with buildings on them, through which the streets squeeze themselves to provide the bare minimum means of accessibility. Off course Tokyo has its greater boulevards like Omotesando Dori or the Marunouchi district,

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but these are exceptional cases imported from Europe and imposed on

shop displays and signs cry out to attract potential customers. In this

the city structure and as such they fail to create a coherent network. Even

way the street becomes a place of consumption where every building

when a district is planned based on a grid like street pattern, the result is

competes with the surrounding ones in an ever brighter and louder battle

not a street based city. The area to the west of Shinjuku station used to be

for attention. Or as Peter Popham describes it: “It was a mess of highly

a reservoir for a water purification plant. When the plant was relocated its

assertive and wildly incongruous elements, all abutting each other without

premises were developed into an office district with a grid plan, derived

a hint of compromise or deference, and with no trace of organization.�

from Manhattan. However, the result does not look like Manhattan at all.

(Popham, 1985, p. 37) The culmination of which is the well known scene

Even though the streets are straight, most buildings seem to stand on

around the Hachiko crossing outside of Shibuya station. The street itself is

their piece of land as they please: rotated or set back in various ways

merely the setting of this fierce battle for attention.

making the straight streets look ridiculous.

PUBLIC SPACES It is typical that in most cases streets are not named, and do not lead

The second observation to point out when it comes to streets is the life

from one particular place to another. The Japanese address system does

and social activities that take place in public places. In short it can be said

not use streets. Instead a three digit code is used symbolizing the house

that the main use for a street seems to be transit space for the hurrying

number, the number of a group of houses, and the number for a particular

masses of people going from one place to another. Benches, terraces and

area, a cho. As this system is relatively difficult to use, most organizations

similar elements that would make the street a place to stay are difficult

provide a small map with their contact details. On these maps, metro

to find. For example, if a cafe has a space for sitting outside, it is usually

stations and convenience stores are common elements used as points of

meant for smoking.

reference for navigation. Most smaller roads appear to follow an arbitrary course, making it notoriously difficult to find the right way. Generally one

But drawing the conclusion that in Japan there is no public space meant

gets the impression that buildings were constructed before the existence

for sitting down and interacting will prove to be too simplistic. Japan

of any street plan, as is clearly visible on the image shown on the next

does have a historic precedent of life on the streets as can be seen in

page.

Ando Hiroshige’s famous woodblock prints of Edo (see page 22). Open spaces at the foot of bridges functioned as public spaces and squares with Most private

teahouses and show tents attracting large crowds of people. (Jinnai, 1995,

properties have a very clear boundary. In contrast, the spaces between

p. 147) At present this kind of public space has become rare, but is does

properties such as the streets belong to no one and are thus allowed

still exist. Spending a Sunday afternoon walking over the car free streets

to live an organic life of their own. In residential areas the roads form a

in Ginza, or Shinjuku will drastically alter the street experience. The crowd

labyrinth of ever narrower alleyways and in the busier commercial areas

which is usually rushing by is replaced by groups of people strolling at

As a result, the street atmosphere is quite remarkable.

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a leisurely pace. Known as Hokosha Tengoku, or “pedestrian heaven” it shows that street life may have become scarce, but it still exists. (Richie, 1986, p. 97) Public space as social space also continues to exist in commercialized public spaces such as shopping mall plaza’s and theme parks. (Ohno, 2006, p.17) An important point to mention here is that in Japanese society it is uncommon for strangers to meet up and socialize, this surely has an impact on city life but it goes beyond the scope of this research to fully explain. The closest counterparts of western squares or plazas would be the open spaces in front of major train stations catering the crowds of people entering and exiting the station. These squares are an important place for people to meet up. (Treib, 1986, p. 117) The observations of Tokyo explained above provide an impression of the city as it is: a city consisting of randomly dispersed and inconsistent buildings, containing an extraordinary variety of spaces. There is not a single attempt of integration, a concept of urban beauty or a well defined center. Instead it is a city of fascinating contrasts, where every building or space is enjoyed by its own merits. The urban public space is of secondary importance as there are no squares or plazas. And even though there is a Japanese equivalent of the European social street life, it is fragile and easily falls victim to more a more functionalistic use of public space turning streets into traffic canyons or the warzones of a commercial battle for the customers’ attention.

This page: the leftover space between buildings has become a place to fit in especially narrow vending machines and airconditioning units. Also note the chaos of different pavements on the street.

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Left: first houses were built, streets and alleys grew into existance around them. Above: signs have become a major source of information regarding public facilities or offices located within a building. The street is merely the setting of this fierce battle for attention.

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Stitched panorama from six-lane Shinjuku dori to a small alleyway in Araki-cho. It is a transformation from a large city street (or avenue) to the atmosphere of a small town, or as Peter Popham (1985, pp.41) puts it: “Ten lanes had shrunk in one movement to less than ten feet. In the space of a couple of yards we had passed from a place that felt like a big city to a place that had the scale of a village and the pace and activity of a small town.� The counterpositioning of these contrasting atmospheres is very characteristic for Tokyo. At the heart of the urban fabric, one finds a small village.

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2. THE LOGIC OF TOKYO

The observations from the previous chapter show what a fascinating city Tokyo is. In this section it will be investigated why the city has grown in the way it did. First the historic development from the fishing village of Edo to the present day megalopolis of Tokyo will be described. This is of vital importance because even though the city has been destroyed and rebuilt many times after earthquakes and fires, its layout and structure have remained strikingly similar. The system of urban planning in Japan has been the main reason for this historic consistency, linking the current condition to developments in the past. Off course, these rules and legislation themselves have changed in different political and economical times. The last and probably most important aspect is the people’s perception of the city. Ultimately it is how people see the city that makes them develop it in a certain way. It is how people want a city to be that makes them create legislation to reach an ‘ideal city’. The question is how do Tokyo’s inhabitants see the city, and which urban aspects are valued the most. After all, the city is the ultimate representation of a society.

right page: aerial view of a residential area near Higashikitazawa station

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2.1 HISTORY

SPATIAL AND SOCIAL CHARACTER OF EDO The historic capital of Japan and the residence of the emperor was Kyoto. But all of this changed in 1603, when Tokugawa Ieyasu became Shogun, and choose to relocate the Shogunate to Edo. Even though the emperor would stay in Kyoto until the Meiji restoration roughly 250 years later, this meant that the de facto capital was moved to Edo, which was at that time a relatively small fishing village. But its geographic features made it a village with great potential. The large Kanto plain on which Edo was located was mostly undeveloped at that time and was positioned in a strategic place in central Japan, roughly in the middle between the northern city of Sapporo and the southern city of Fukuoka. (Speidel, 1983, p. 36) The period of the Tokugawa rule from 1603 to the Meiji restoration in 1868 meant an enormous increase in population and trade in Edo, and it was then that the foundations for the city that is Tokyo today were laid out. The center of Edo was formed by the castle of the Shogun, currently known as the imperial palace.

Around this castle a spiral shaped

defensive system of moats developed over time, but that was not the only means of protection. Japanese society was highly segregated both socially and spatially during the Edo times. The samurai class most loyal to the Shogun (fudai daimyo) lived closest next to the castle, directly followed by the more distant tozama daimyo. As Edo grew more and more, the former fishing village on the marshlands to the east of the castle became the thriving town of the merchant and artisan classes. On the other hand the hilly Yamanote area to the west of the castle was the place where the vassal daimyo’s of the Shogun built their estates. These daimyo were the local rulers of various areas in Japan, but in order for the Shogun to control them they had to travel to Edo regularly and their families

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were forced to live in Edo permanently. The fact that the local lords had their families taken hostage by the Shogun and their resources depleted by maintaining their Edo residences meant that their ability to conspire against their ruler was diminished. During the Edo times these different classes lived separated from each other, each lived in their respective type of housing, which will be explained more specifically below and corresponding location in the city. Not only a social system was used to enforce the power of the Shogun, the urban structure of the city itself was meant to keep enemies out and the population from uprising. To achieve this the city was divided into different parts, and free travel was restricted. In contrast to the boulevards of Haussmann in Paris which controlled the population by order, the city structure of Edo was meant to control its inhabitants by means of chaos and separation. Every citizen was registered in the kenban system and neighborhoods were separated by street gates. Intruders from outside were hindered by right angled corners and staggered rectangular strips of land. (Jinnai, 1995, p. 20) In fact, Edo’s labyrinthic structure was a means of control and exerting power over people. Both Edo and modern Tokyo can be divided in two distinctive parts, roughly east and west of the imperial palace. The main difference between the low city in the east, and the high city in the west was and still is the underlying landscape. The low city is located on a flat plain and was therefore built according to a grid based structure. In contrast the high city gradually grew into a complex patchwork different neighborhoods, according to the existing roads and topographical features.

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The spiral structure of Edo and the distrubution of social groups into separate parts of the city are the most important characteristics of Edo. (source: Berque, 1993, pp.59)

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The high city to the west of Edo castle, presently circumscribed by the Yamanote train line, where the daimyo lords had their mansions was located on the Musashino uplands. It is a hilly area consisting of 7 main hills, 5 valleys and numerous folds in the landscape forming a complex intersection of plateaus and valleys. As Hidenobu Jinnai explains, this topography was decisive for the way Edo continued to grow. (Jinnai, 1995, pp. 7-65) The first roads that went through this area followed either the tops of the ridges or ran along the valley floors. Most of the busier interregional roads that radiated outwards from Edo castle followed the ridge lines of the landscape. On the smaller hills protruding from the main ridge line secondary roads emerged, serving the first residences of daimyo lords and warrior classes. These spacious estates occupied the most scenic parts of the landscape, offering the best views of the surrounding mountains. On the other hand, the roads along the valley floors, characterized by less favorable views and some existing farmer’s villages quickly grew into commoner settlements, serving the nearby warrior classes. These districts boasted a lively street scene and could be seen as low cities within the high city, tiny versions of the low city along the Sumida river banks which housed Edo’s main entertainment areas. In Edo, each social class had its corresponding type of housing. The main types being: the machiya, the nagaya and the yashiki. The machiya was a townhouse for the wealthy merchant class in the low city, containing a (work)shop and private house. Less prosperous artisans and workers lived in nagaya housing. Often built in compounds or in the rear yards of the machiya, compared to which it was smaller and built of cheaper materials. These two housing types dominated the low city. In the high city, the yashiki type of housing was intended for the samurai classes who had the exclusive privilege to build a gate to access their house. It was

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Edo in 1644. In the middle the castle of the Shogun is visible, to the right of it lies the low city where several grid patterns occur. Immediately west of the castle there is a district for lower class samurai, characterized by a loose grid pattern. Further west lie the Yamanote highlands where a complex street pattern has emerged from the underlying landscape. These differences between areas of the city are still visible in modern day Tokyo, see chapter 4 for three examples of this. (image source: Berque, 1993, pp.61)

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surrounded by a wall and mostly hidden from the street, in contrast to the previous types these estates were inward looking and did not contribute to an urban culture. Within their walled enclosures lay spacious villas and gardens. (Treib, 1986, pp. 109-112) And this classification went even further: “Rules for architecture according to land surface, structure, and design were clearly established within each lot. […] indications of status (the gates, walls and gardens of row houses and individual houses), and structural elements were combined to create the special appearance of each neighborhood.” (Jinnai, 1995, pp. 20-21) It was the combination of the social system and the underlying topography that was decisive in forming the city that would later become Tokyo. “This mechanism, probably without any parallel in the world, came into operation when the peculiar institutions of Japanese warrior society were added to the complex and varied natural terrain surrounding Edo” (Jinnai, 1995, p. 15) From the warrior society came the division of the population in several distinct groups, each with their corresponding type of housing. At the same time the intricate features of the landscape prevented the city from being built according to an integral plan. Instead each of the natural characteristics found on the Yamanote hills was used in its own distinctive way, thus using the complex landscape to its fullest extent. For example: temples would be built on mountain slopes with staircases leading towards them; areas with spectacular views would be transformed in lush warrior estates and if a spring existed a pond could Map from 1888 showing the Gokokuji Temple, southeast of Ikebukuro . Some streets are oriented in relation to the temple, some to follow local hills and others are built according to their own logic. Together they form the mosaic that is characteristic for the urban tissue of Tokyo. (Sorensen, 2002, p. 32)

be created. With contemporary Tokyo in mind, it is interesting to note that in high city of Edo commercial and entertainment quarters have been spread over a variety of places from the beginning, and were not located in one

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Pictures of Japanese housing types, both the historical and present day versions. From left to right: Historic yashiki estates with characteristic walled enclosures. (source: wikitravel) Modern “yashiki” estates in a Tokyo neighbourhood Traditional machiya type housing, no modern equivalent exists. (source: Atelier Bow-Wow) Relatively old style nagaya rowhouses (source: ata.hannam.ac.kr) Relatively new nagaya rowhouses

central area. For example the lively commoner districts developed from

contrast Edo’s city structure would remain mostly unchanged. Because the

old villages, located in the various valleys. Temples and shrines, attracting

system of different social classes was abolished, the large daimyo estates

large amounts of people and becoming popular amusement districts,

along major roads were confiscated. These lands would become the sites

were scattered on the edges of the city.

for the governmental, educational and cultural facilities of the modern state. In this way major changes took place within the lots and the overall

TRANSFORMATION INTO A MODERN CITY In 1868 the Meiji restoration took place, and the Tokugawa Shogunate

structure of the city was left unchanged, and thus kept its characteristics from Edo times.

ceased to exist. The 250 years in which the Tokugawa clan reigned from their Edo castle, had made it the most important city in the nation. For this

The abolishment of the warrior society and its system of social

reason it was decided to keep it as Japan’s capital and to move the new

segregation would have more serious implications. Already in the late

head of state, the emperor, from Kyoto to what from then on was to be

days of Edo, many samurai were getting gradually poorer and could hardly

known as Tokyo: the eastern capital. As Edo became Tokyo, it transformed

afford to live in their high city mansions. In contrast, the merchant class

from a capital of a feudal regime to the center of a modern state. In many

had become increasingly wealthy, but because of the hierarchical warrior

European cases this meant that the city structure had to be adapted to a

society was not allowed to live in the kind of houses the samurai had.

great extent in order to provide place for the institutions of a new state. In

The merchants and artisans were restricted to their machiya housing

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in the low city. But after the Meiji restoration all of this changed. While

process already occurred when lower class samurai downsized the estate

the larger warrior class estates were confiscated by the new government

type for use in their Hatamoto districts. Nowadays the outer walls have

and used for new functions, many smaller ones were sold to the new

contracted even more and almost collide with the house itself, leaving

aristocracy and other wealthy civilians. But regardless of their new

hardly any space for the garden. But despite the scale, the building type

inhabitants, the housing typologies as the yashiki estate type and

is essentially the same. It is a type that is fundamentally secluded and

machiya townhouse did not change. (Jinnai, 1995, pp. 21-23)

closing out its surroundings, resulting in a city of individual plots.

Through a process of social aspiration the estate type house, which

Similar changes happened to other city areas and their corresponding

was no longer reserved for high ranking samurai on the hilltops of the

building types as well. The lively commoner quarters of Edo have

high city, became the residence of choice for the emerging bourgeoisie.

developed into the commercial and entertainment centers of the new

(Berque, 1993, p. 85) And actually, the detached house surrounded by a

city. The Hatamoto districts for lower class warriors became the place

garden still is the ideal type for the present day worker living in Tokyo’s

where middle class workers would live. Despite their new inhabitants

residential areas. Obviously, the lots have been subdivided and shrunk

housing types and cultural forms remained intact and can be traced back

to only a fraction of their original size. But the underlying principle of

even today. For example Jinnai argues that the godown type warehouses

a house situated in a garden surrounded by a wall remained. A similar

which featured fancy exterior decorations can be seen as a prototype for

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the neon sign and billboard-buildings found around the major stations of today’s Shinjuku and Shibuya. (Jinnai, 1995, p. 28) Restaurants and workshops with their interior opened to the streets of the city, can be traced back to the machiya type of Edo’s commoner quarters. The overall result of these social changes is that gradually the estate type became customary for housing, and the godown and machiya types for commercial buildings. So Tokyo’s commercial areas are as lively as Edo’s low city, but its residential areas consist of many miniature estates, lacking any interaction between the house and the city. After the Meiji restoration Japan rapidly developed from a backward rural nation to an industrialized and powerful modern country. Even the great Kanto earthquake 1923 would be only a bump in the road. (Buruma, 2004, pp. 63-85) However, the earthquake was particularly destructive for the old low city of Edo with its high density wooden dwellings. As the old town burnt down, the lively neighborhoods with their machiya townhouses and street life would disappear from the city. (Seidensticker, 1991) The center of Tokyo moved westwards to its current location: the Yamanote highlands and their corresponding yashiki estate housing type. During the Second World War Tokyo would be completely destroyed again, but because rebuilding had to be fast and inexpensive no major changes were made to the city as it was. Both before the war and during reconstruction the population of Tokyo was growing fast, but its urban structure had not been changed since the times of Edo and the Meiji restoration. Throughout the city’s history various attempts have been made to control the growth of Tokyo and to implement a new urban planning system. This page: moonlit street scene in Edo by Ando Hiroshige. (source: Abbeville Press) Right page: map of Edo in the 1840’s (source: xavierhs.org)

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2.2 URBAN PLANNING

THE LEGACY OF TOKUGAWA It was during the Tokugawa period that the foundations of the present day city have been laid. Moreover, this era would have great influence on the conception of an urban planning system in Japan. As explained above, the tremendous growth of Edo was governed by two principles. On the one hand the topography of the landscape which governed urban plans in a very pragmatic way, on the other hand the tight control of the Shogun over urban developments by means of a system of social classes. The result was a very fragmented city. There was a separation between the high and the low city, while the high part itself was also subdivided spatially, socially and administratively into many different fragments. And even though the low city did have a grid like layout, the Shogun prevented the formation of a coherent city structure in order to prevent any civic uprising. Overall, the legacy of the Tokugawa period has influenced future urban planning in two ways: first it resulted in an existing city that provided the basis for later growth and planning initiatives. Secondly it influenced the culture of urban values and traditions. The fragmented structure of Edo at the time of the Meiji restoration had a profound influence on the traditions of urban planning in Japan, even up to modern times. Because the city structure was meant to enforce the authority of the Shogun, it successfully prevented the development of any civic consciousness. The Japanese city was never considered an independent entity, and the idea of the city as a corporate body did not exist. When Edo turned into Tokyo it was merely an assemblage of independent neighborhoods. Because of this there always has remained a certain resistance in Japan against any form of urban planning, as the very concept of a city that should be planned is not very strong. (Sorensen, 2002, p. 37) For this reason most

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of the growth that occurred in Tokyo during the industrial revolution after

1919 LAWS

the Meiji restoration took place unplanned, which would have severe

The time between 1900 and 1920 is known as the the Taisho period

consequences.

in Japan. It was a time characterized by rapid industrial growth after the initial reforms from the Meiji restoration had settled down. The population of Tokyo increased from 420.000 to 1.180.000 in the fifteen years between 1905 and 1920. At the same time it became common for people to gain ownership of the land on which they built their house. Most of this gigantic increase in population occurred around the edges of the existing city. On these urban fringes new developments were built in a disorganized and haphazard way. There was no system of regulations that could be used to manage the transformation of agricultural lands around the city into dense residential areas. As the urban sprawl and worsening standards of living continued it became clear that there was an urgent need for a strengthened planning system. These beliefs lead to the introduction of a new City Planning Law and Urban Buildings Law in 1919 by the Japanese government. The 1919 laws were based on several existing European systems, and had five main parts: a zoning system, a building code, a building line system, a system for designating public facilities and a Land Readjustment (LR) system. As such it was the first urban planning law ever to be implemented in Japan. (Sorensen, 2002, pp. 108-115) Despite the good intentions behind the 1919 laws, there were several

The first zoning map of Tokyo was made in 1925. The distribution of functions is strikingly similar to the structure of Edo. There is a residential area containing small pockets of commercial activity (located at crossings of roads or former farmer’s villages) to the east of the imperial palace. The commercial areas at important crossroads would later grow into major hubs such as Shinjuku, Shibuya and Ikebukuro. The commercial area west of the palace corresponds to Edo’s merchant town. Even though this area lost most of its economic activity after the 1923 earthquake it is still contains the Ginza shopping district and many offices in Marunouchi. Source of map: Sorensen, 2002, p.117

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factors that weakened their actual influence significantly. For example the zoning system and building code as shown in the table on the next page had an inclusive rather than an exclusive character as seen in most Western systems. It allowed the mixture of various functions to a great extent. In residential areas only the most heavy industry was banned, and within dense industrial areas it remained very common to build THE LOGIC OF TOKYO

27


housing for employees. In fact, the laws were not even intended to

POST WAR DEVELOPMENTS

protect residential areas from industrial pollution. Instead their purpose

The urban planning system introduced in 1919 would stay in place until

was to protect industrial developments within the zoned areas from

1968, which meant it was the single most important planning device

public’s complaints, and by doing so providing a legal framework to

governing the post war boom of construction in Japan. Considering the

ensure economic and military growth. (Sorensen, 2002, p. 112) Actually,

weak character of the regulations it is no surprise that big cities like

the necessity of an urban planning system was controversial, and

Tokyo which continued to be confronted with large scale suburbanization

many people considered local roads, parks and cleaning as goods to be

did not have any measures to control and organize the urban sprawl.

provided by the local residents themselves.

And this time the effects were worse than in the early 1900’s. A national policy to ensure Japan’s recovery from the war meant that emphasis was put on rapid economic and industrial development. There were hardly any controls on pollution emissions and combined with a very tolerant zoning system this lead to severe environmental problems in Japan’s urban areas. (Sorensen, 2002, p. 203) But times were changing, and a new type of civic consciousness was arising in Japan, resulting in citizen’s movements and activism urging for better living conditions and leading to the introduction of a new planning system in 1968. The planning system introduced in 1968 was in many ways a major improvement over the laws from 1919 and it was primarily directed at controlling the rampant urban sprawl of the post war period and ensure the creation of sufficient public facilities. The most important aspects were the plans to divide the City Planning Areas in two different zones: an area where developments would be allowed and an area where developments would be restricted. Secondly a development permission system was added, this regulatory tool provided municipalities for the first time with the power to prevent projects unless certain conditions

Table explaining the categories and their corresponding restrictions in the 1919 zoning system. It is clear that the system is not strict at all. Small factories are allowed in residential areas. Or even worse, housing is allowed in (heavy) industrial areas, this used to be quite common for housing of factory employees. (Sorensen, 2002, p.116)

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(such as the creation of public roads and infrastructure) were met. Thirdly, procedures for public participation were included in the planning system. These were however more about informing citizens instead of handing

THE LOGIC OF TOKYO


them over any real influence. The last element of the new legislation was the elaboration of the rudimentary zoning system into more categories. (Sorensen, 2002, pp. 213-223) Just as the 1919 planning system, the 1968 system was conceived as a means to create a better living environment and to control the suburbanization of cities, and it did succeed in reducing industrial pollution in urban areas. But just as its predecessor, the new legislation had too many loopholes to exert any real power over urban planning issues. For example, any project smaller than 1000 square meters and all government initiated projects would be exempted from most restrictions. Because of this the new laws had the adverse effect of actually stimulating small scale developments without overall planning and infrastructure. So the suburbs of Tokyo and other cities kept growing at an alarming pace along the new private railway lines that radiated out from the center. These new neighborhoods lacked basic infrastructure and public facilities. So in the second half of the 20th century the government willingly or unwillingly continued to fail to create a better organized city. But at the same time citizen mobilization kept growing stronger and stronger, and would take a much more prominent role in shaping the city in the next decades. (Sorensen, 2002, pp. 224-255) Peter Popham (1985, pp. 87-91) tells the sad story of Yoshihitaro Muramatsu and his wife. Living in a small wooden house in upscale Minami-Aoyama they saw a property developer put up a large apartment Map showing unplanned developments in suburban Urawa City, Saitama prefecture (north of Tokyo). Housing is built in small patches, just small enough to evade planning legislation. As a result they are not equipped with basic services such as sewers, gas and electricity. Note the narrowness of the access roads, lack of through connections and houses built under a high voltage line. (Sorensen, 2002, p.237)

PERCEIVING TOKYO

building in their neighborhood. Although they were able to hold on to their piece of land, this resulted in their house being surrounded by a concrete wall thirteen stories high, degenerating their living conditions and blocking the sunlight from their home.

THE LOGIC OF TOKYO

29


This reason for this kind of practice is that Japanese building regulations

the most important aspects of Japanese urban planning have been quite

seem to be fairly flexible when it comes to height and floor area ratio

consistent though the ages, most notably the lack of any planning. Ever

restrictions. Incentives are used commonly to promote the creation of

since the Meiji restoration politicians and planners have steadily chosen

public space on the ground level for example. As a reward for doing this,

to devote resources to economic growth over the improvement of urban

height restrictions can be lifted or a larger building mass may be built.

living conditions. A civic society was up until quite recently non-existent,

Often local government found themselves without any choice but to

and decision making power has been with the central government rather

provide developers with less strict building limits in order to be able to

than local politics. As a result residents and communities have always had

purchase necessary land for road widening in return. These mechanisms

to take measures by themselves to increase the living conditions. This has

make it possible that large scale buildings pop up in areas, which are

lead to a strong tradition of self-reliance in Japanese communities.

effectively designated as low rise neighborhoods. The use of so called district plans is a good example of this increased public involvedness with urban projects. The district plan system was introduced by the Ministry of Construction in 1979 and allowed local governments for the first time to make detailed urban plans for a particular district. Once these plans would be supported by 90% of the area’s inhabitants the district plan would become legally binding. Even though a plan that was not approved could also steer developments, most community governments sought for public support to back their plans. The Taishido case study at the end of the section will show how a district plan has worked in practice. During the 1990’s the Japanese economy slowed down, and real estate prices were falling to more reasonable levels. This meant that the huge pressure on buildable land was lessened and developments lost pace. Their place was taken by concepts as local rights, urban amenities and historical preservation which became increasingly important. Nonetheless, sprawl continued to exist as a proper planning system was still not widely implemented. (Sorensen, 2002, pp. 288-332) Overall,

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The lack of a sufficient zoning plan has many adverse effects, but it also leads to very diverse and lively neighborhoods. Temporary parking spaces, workshops, convencience stores and restaurants ensure activity throughout the day. (and night) The far right picture illustrates the sense of self-reliability that exists in many communities and leads to very well kept streetside gardens and community shrines.

THE LOGIC OF TOKYO


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THE LOGIC OF TOKYO

31


3. THE CITY IN JAPAN

“If it is true that the built environment reflects its society, then Japan is truly remarkable.” (Geuze, 2001, p. 155) In the previous sections the historic legacy of Tokyo and the principles of urban planning in Japan have been explained. Together they provide an understanding of how Tokyo got the way it is today. But we do not know yet why it got to be this way. Urban planning systems are created by people, and decisions on how to develop the city throughout history have been made by the city’s inhabitants. So ultimately it is the way the citizens perceive the city and what they value the most what leads to the urban ideal they strive for. Based on these values the city takes shape and urban regulations are put into place. The city is the image of a society and its ideals. And in the case of Japan, it is obvious that its society is very distinct. This chapter explains the way the Japanese sense of space, how people perceive the city and in which way the urban and natural environments are related.

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THE CITY IN JAPAN


DYNAMIC MONUMENTALITY

constitutes the heritage here is as much the subject (the participants in the

The shrine in Ise is arguably one of the most important of the Shinto

rite) as it is the object (the temple). This is something radically different

religion, the native religion of Japan. It is located in Mie prefecture

from positivist dualism. And this is, indeed, the paradoxal effect produced

and dedicated to the goddess Amaterasu-ōmikami. However it’s most

by temporal forms: by involving subject and object in a single process, they

remarkable feature is the repetitive ritual lasting 20 years, involving

exclude historical objectivization. Like myth, they tend to abolish time, at

numerous festivals and processions. Ultimately this ceremony leads to

least the linear time of historical sequentiality. At Ise, the archaic and the

the destruction and full rebuilding of the shire itself, the next rebuilding

present-day are, in effect, cyclically resolved in the same form every twenty

being scheduled to take place in 2013. The next shrine will be built out

years.” (Berque, 1993, p. 27) In the case of cities this means that the

of completely new materials and on a different site, the only continuous

buildings and urban forms themselves are not important from a cultural

element is the procedure of the construction which has remained exactly

pont of view, it is the society’s traditions that have meaning to people.

the same since the year 692. This means that the monumentality of

Because of this people do not attach much value to the built environment,

the shrine is not to be found in its physical attributes, but instead in its

which has important implications for the city. The concept of the city as a

carefully executed rituals and the people performing them. In fact this

monument, does not exist.

kind dynamical monumentality is a vital aspect for understanding the Japanese culture, of which the most famous facets are not static objects but ceremonies and the perpetuation of acts. It is in these acts that the Japanese recall a sense of community. (Berque, 1993, p. 95) Examples of this are abundant, from a well executed tea ceremony and the wearing of a kimono (including the ritual of dressing into one) to proper social customs and manners in daily life. It is surprising how many Japanese believe that the changing of the seasons, each of them with its distinctive character, is a something only occurring in Japan. While the changing of seasons is certainly not limited to Japan, only there is it loaded with so

vital

difference

Below: Amsterdam canal houses. A monumental city scene of stone buildings and a Japanese ritual are both examples of cultural heritage from which a community obtains its sense of identity and which it therefore strives to preserve. The built environment in Japan does not posess a similar cultural meaning.

much cultural meaning. The

Above: Japanese tea ceremony photo by: Ame Otoko, www.flickr. com/photos/ameotoko

between

monumentality

of

objects

and

monumentality of procedures is explained as follows by Berque: “[…] at Ise, we are in the presence not of a ‘finite object,’ but of an ‘infinite process’ (at least in theory); and this is merely another way of saying that what

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THE CITY IN JAPAN

33


URBAN FORMS AND POWER

Japanese cities are spatially dispersed. And even if there is a kind of

Yet, monumentality cannot go without the aspect of power. And from

center, such as the Shogun’s castle in Edo, this center is more like a

the earliest times onwards, the planning of the urban environment

vacuum at the heart of the city. (Popham, 1985, pp. 93-102)

has been a means of expressing power. Those with power have always tried to control space. Whether a baroque city laid out according to the vision of an autocratic monarch, or a zoning plan issued by a democratic government, it is about a person or entity enforcing its will on the built environment. (Kitayama, Tsukamoto, & Nishizawa, 2010, pp.29) In Japan there have not been many cases of the strong type of leader. Even the Shogun in the Edo era was not a visibly present; instead he exercised power indirectly by dividing the city and controlling the citizen’s daily life through the kenban registration system. Thus, power in Japan tends to be invested into persons and habits instead of in grand public buildings and boulevards. Interestingly, monotheism never made it into Japan (In contrast, Shinto is a religion involving many different local deities and gods) and the concept of a strong leader type is very uncommon. Throughout history power has been executed vaguely and indirectly, and certainly not in urban forms. Because of this, Tsukamoto describes Tokyo as a democratic city. Regarding power, Fumihiko Maki distinguishes two types of cultures: those who build towers and those who do not. In tower building societies (Western societies for example) it is common to define a center, on the contrary in Japan no clear center exists. Instead the concept of okusei, or inwardness, is the basis for the formation of space in Japan. Important or treasured things tend to be kept hidden and are certainly not being showcased, which resulted in a kind of “philosophy of inner space”. Inner space is “a convenient alternative to the center, devised by a culture that

Paris: city of monarchism. Tokyo: metabolizing/democratic city.

denies absolutes such as centers.” (Maki, 2008, pp. 153-162) As a result,

see also: Tokyo Metabolizing (Kitayama, Tsukamoto, & Nishizawa, 2010)

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THE CITY IN JAPAN


NATURE AND THE CITY In Japan there is no urban ideal, and monumentality is not to be found in physical objects or the built environment. However the natural environment does play an important role in defining the structure of the city, as in how the topography of the landscape formed the basis of the city on the Yamanote highlands. Additionally the favorite type of house, the yashiki estate, is always located in a natural setting, denying the city in which it is built. Being the opposite of western cities, which are defined in contrast to nature, nature manifests itself in the very heart of the Japanese city. Temples or shrines are always secluded by trees because the sacred forests on the mountain slopes are the place for the divine to reside. In this way temples introduce a piece of pristine nature right into the city. The boundary of the city never consisted of walls or other structures, but was formed by the views of the mountains in the distance.

The underground and main point of reference for the average house in Tokyo are its natural surroundings, which can be seen as an underlayer of the the city.

“The microcosm of the house finds itself located once directly within the macrocosm of nature, by a short-circuit which abolishes the urban

must also have been a certain notion of fear for these unfamiliar places,

mesocosm.” (Berque, 1993, p. 37) This is illustrated by the diagram on the

and the relationship of the Japanese with nature is at best ambiguous.

next page. In a culture that has nature as its supreme point of reference,

The Japanese monsoon climate makes trees grow very fast, and for a rice

an urban ideal cannot exist. Instead “the Japanese city was (and in all

cultivating society it was a tough job to keep the rice fields clear. (Ohno,

likelihood still is) in certain respects an enormous village, and has always

2001, p. 157) For these people there was nothing enjoyable about the

been inherently rural in character.” (Maki, 2008, p. 159)

forest.

However this relationship with the natural world is complex. While it

Even nowadays the number of parks in Japanese cities is astonishingly

is true that nature is at the origin of Japanese culture, it is doubtful if it

low compared to western cities and property prices are not notably

really is nature itself that is being valued. Both in ancient and current

higher on sites next to greenery. Moreover, the common assumption of

times people lived on the low plains between the foot of the mountains

the Japanese society as one in touch with nature seems hard to keep up

and the coast. The wild nature up the mountainside was a sacred place for

when taking into account the ease with which developers destroy natural

the gods to live, outside ordinary people’s sphere of activity and as such

settings and rivers are turned into concrete canals. “Plants have always

it was treated with admiration and awe. (Maki, 2008, p. 157) But there

represented a kind of threat in Japan. There is nothing lovable about plants

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THE CITY IN JAPAN

35


and nature to the Japanese. They are an enemy force to be reckoned with.

divide the world into competing spaces that are more or less real, or unreal,

They can be enjoyed as long as they are rendered extremely artificial, but

but united in shared discourse.” (Berque, 1993, p. 157) It is these spaces

basically Japanese people don’t like to be in the forest, which is why you

that fundamentally make up the Japanese city which developed “[…]

have the kind of landscape you have today.” (Ohno, 2001, p. 34) Instead a

not as a community clustered around an absolute center, but as numerous

highly abstracted image of nature is valued the most: the view of distant

territories, each safeguarding its own inner space –be it public, semipublic

mountains or miniature bonsai trees. Another important aspect is the

or private.” (Maki, 2008, p. 167) The Japanese house is fundamentally not

habit of socializing nature, such as the viewing of autumn leaves or spring

meant to be looked upon from the outside, as a western house. Instead

blossom is just as much a social ritual as it is about the beauty of nature.

the inside spaces and the view or merely a reference to the outside world are to be experienced. The whole city is built up of structures consisting

Nature is the most important to the majority of Japanese in abstract

only of interior spaces, bearing no relationship to the city except an

or socialized forms. Attachment to the land is valued very highly and

external neon advertisement. Space between buildings becomes

has an almost sacred meaning. People’s worship of the land is revealed

completely irrelevant which is why Tokyo feels so different from a

by myriad stories and legends, has become a part of the collective

western city.

unconscious. Consequently, property rights and land ownership are very well protected. However the bonding is with the ground and not the

This principle of spatial independence is similar to the notion of a city

buildings on it: “In no other country have people been so attached to land

consisting of autonomous spaces. As mentioned above, it is perfectly

and so little disposed to regard buildings standing on land as permanent.

normal for a traditional Japanese restaurant with a stone garden to be

In Japan urban space means land, not structures.” (Maki, 2008, p. 159) The

located on the 11th floor in a busy shopping district. The space inside

foundation and bottom layer of the city is the land on which it is built, and

the restaurant is a world on its own and has nothing to do with the

its intricate natural features.

urban situation around it. Japanese people have the remarkable ability

SPATIAL INDEPENDENCE

to enjoy every space by its own merits, regardless of its surroundings.

The last point to mention is the existence of a huge variety of separate

This kind of spatial independence can be found very often in Japan. Just

spaces or “worlds”. As was described in the observations chapter, Japan is

taking an elevator might take you to an Irish pub, a karaoke room styled

full of spaces that are disconnected from their physical surroundings such

as a tropical island or the cockpit of a spaceship. By not dismissing these

as karaoke or love hotel rooms. Tokyo becomes much more exiting when

experiences as fake, but by actually accepting and enjoying them the city

one accepts and acknowledges the existence of these spaces, for example

becomes a fascinating collage of different spaces. This is the genuine

enjoying a traditional Japanese hot spring onsen in the entirely modern

quality of Tokyo.

Odaiba district, built on reclaimed land in Tokyo Bay. “These are all practices in which the scene sheds its links with its physical environment to

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THE CITY IN JAPAN


The diagram by Berque (1993, pp.68) illustrates how the Japanese house is rooted in its surroundings: “The private microcosm is brought directly into contact with the natural macrocosm by concealment of the public mesocosm behind the hedge.� In other words, Japanese buildings ignore their urban context at the most basic level and interior spaces are linked to entirely different locations. Karaoke booths and love hotel rooms do not require any windows and transfer the visitor to a completely different world. A vital point to notice is the fact that the Japanese house (or actually any interior space) is not meant to be viewed from the outside. It is meant to look outward from, not neccesarily to the direct surroundings but possibly even relating to a place somewhere else altogether.

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THE CITY IN JAPAN

37


4. EXAMPLES

To illustrate the principles introduced in the previous section, and to demonstrate them occurring in the city, three examples will be provided. The first area to focus on is Kikukawa, in the low part of the city. Secondly we will look at Araki-cho, a little west of the imperial palace in the Yamanote area which was formerly dominated by samurai estates. The last example is the Taishido district in Setagaya ward. A former suburban area, built up in an outright disorganized way with low quality wooden housing providing shelter for the victims of the 1923 earthquake. Together these three sites provide an overview of the urban conditions occurring in Tokyo.

ARAKI CHO

KIKUKAWA

TAISHIDO 38

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XXXXXX SECTION TITLE XXXXX


KIKUKAWA The area around Kikukawa station is situated in the low part of Tokyo, roughly 5 kilometers east of the imperial palace. In Edo times the low city was the place for commoners and merchants to live, making it the cultural and entertainment district of the city. In contrast to the high city to the west of the imperial palace it does not have a hilly topography. Instead it is located on former marshlands at the banks of the Sumida river. Because of this it did not have the complex structure found in the high city but was laid out using a grid like system. But the grid was just used for practical purposes and was not a vision for an ideal city which should be pursued. Therefore the Japanese grid lacked the internal consistency of a grid like that of Miletus, which spread over two separate banks of a river. (Maki, 2008, pp.165) The earthquake that struck Tokyo in 1923 affected the low city particularly, because it was built up very densely with wooden structures. After the devastating fires most people moved towards the high city and built their new homes in suburbs to the west of the Yamanote area. An example of such a suburb is the Taishido neighborhood which will be discussed later. The low city has never regained its central function and lively atmosphere. Up to today it is slightly run down and derelict. The characteristic waterways that once made Tokyo the Venice of the East have been filled or are at least surrounded by backsides of buildings. Only recently after the increase of civic awareness in the 70’s and 80’s the riverfronts are being turned into parks and green areas again.

Top right: vista through a straight street which is characteristic for the low city. Bottom right: waterfronts are recently being transformed into parks and green areas.

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EXAMPLES

39


ARAKI CHO

common sight in Tokyo where the buildings along major streets are much

Araki cho is a small neighborhood in the eastern part of Shinjuku ward.

higher than what would normally be allowed. As a result the “village” of

In Edo times there were a few samurai residences on a hill, and there

Araki cho has become enclosed by a band of gigantic buildings, sheltering

was a small stream flowing down the valley into a pond. Currently the

it from the busy street. When entering the village from the busy Shinjuku

spacious estates have been subdivided into many small lots, and the

Dori one experiences a captivating transformation: “Ten lanes had shrunk

area has the character of a small neighborhood with shops (and an

in one movement to less than ten feet. In the space of a couple of yards we

extraordinary number of bars and restaurants). The street pattern is

had passed from a place that felt like a big city to a place that had the scale

clearly based on the topography of the landscape: Shinjuku Dori running

of a village and the pace and activity of a small town.” (Popham, 1985, p.

along the southern side of Araki-cho, follows a main ridge line. The main

41) For a panorama image capturing this transformation, see pages 16-17.

secondary streets run at right angles to Shinjuku Dori, in the past leading to samurai estates located on the sides of the ridge line. Nowadays these

Araki-cho is also a good example of how the economic boom and

streets are bustling with (night) life and still are the main streets serving

high land prices in central areas put a very high pressure on the local

Araki-cho. The samurai properties were situated between the secondary

community. There is a delicate balance between the large edge buildings

streets, meaning there were never any public streets in these areas.

sheltering the village, and the case when they start encroaching and

Consequently, when the land was subdivided into many small plots and

threatening the existing urban life and fabric. Despite this, Araki-cho has

only very narrow alleyways between the houses were created on the sites

remained a vital community.

of former estates. (see picture on the right page) This process is described in detail on pages 19-21. Other topographical elements have also been preserved. For example the small river still exists today, but it is covered by a street and can only be recognized by its stone (instead of asphalt) pavement. The lake in the valley is now home to the local community shrine. The feeling of a community or a town within the city is further strengthened by the fact that the Gaien Higashi and Shinjuku Dori have been widened for traffic and fire protection purposes. The only way for the government to acquire the land required for road widening was by compensating the owners of the land and to allow them to initiate large scale developments along the edges of the streets. Resulting in a very

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EXAMPLES


Left page: historic map of Araki-cho Left: a clash between the small scale “village” and the large scale edge buildings. Top right: small alleyway.

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EXAMPLES

41


TAISHIDO

Taishido is a residential area near Sangen-Jaya station, a little more

The example of Taishido shows an unplanned, formerly suburban area

than 3 kilometers outside of the Yamanote line in Setagaya ward. In

outside the Yamanote line. When the city of Tokyo grew the area turned

1907 the predecessor of today’s Den-en-Toshi commuter line was

into an overcrowded neighborhood with bad living conditions and

opened providing a railway connection from downtown Shibuya to

substandard wooden apartments posing a serious fire risk. (Ohno, 2006,

rural Futako-Tamagawa. The areas around the new stations developed

pp. 15-16) But on the positive side, it has seen one of the most significant

quickly as the population of Tokyo grew leading to the characteristic

examples of local community urban improvement initiatives in the 80’s.

linear suburbanization along the railway line. Before the arrival of the first trains these were rural areas, and there was no underlying historic layer as was the case in Araki-cho. Combined with the fact that there were no urban planning systems at all before 1919 the new suburbs around the Yamanote area such as Taishido-cho grew patch by patch in a disorganized way, lacking adequate local roads and facilities like schools and parks. Especially after the earthquake in 1923, when many residents of the former low city moved to the new suburbs around the Yamanote line such as Taishido these became overcrowded and living standards decreased dramatically. Ever since, local governments have been struggling to intervene in this notorious wooden apartment belt, trying to raise the living conditions. As described in the section about urban planning, the introduction of new legislation in 1919 and 1968 could hardly influence new city developments, let alone the already built up part of the city. It was only in the 70’s and early 80’s that civic movements demanding better neighborhoods began to gain power and managed to improve the situation. Taishido is a remarkable example of this because the local community and Setagaya ward cooperated intensively and implemented one of the most prominent examples of machizukuri city planning

High-risk, densely built up wooden housing areas of Tokyo. Also known as the “wooden apartment belt”, these areas are the main targets of machizukuri redevelopment efforts. Source: (Sorensen, 2002 p. 313)

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in Tokyo. In addition, funds were available from the metropolitan government to renovate wooden apartments and purchase land for road

EXAMPLES


widening and the creation of pocket parks. (Sorensen, 2002, p. 269) The map below shows an overview of all machizukuri interventions in Taishido. Up to today the area has a very strong sense of community, and the numerous parks and playgrounds are very well kept by the local residents.

Above: neighbourhood park and playground in Taishido Left: overview of machizukuri projects in Taishido. Source: (Sorensen, 2002, p. 271)

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EXAMPLES

43


5. THE METROPOLITAN VILLAGE

“the Japanese city was (and in all likelihood still is) in certain respects an enormous village, and has always been inherently rural in character.” (Maki, 2008, p. 159) The fundamental concept of the city does not exist in Japan. All the various urban elements discussed in this research have been stacked on top of each other without the coherence and order that usually comes with the concept of a city. From the Japanese cultural, political or monumental point of view the city as a separate entitiy is rather insignificant. The vast megalopolis of Tokyo does not have a very prominent governmental body, instead it is made up of 23 different wards referring to themselves in english as “city”. Neither is there a very strong cultural meaning rooted in urban Tokyo, because the Japanese cultural ideal is a reference to nature. Yet the real and wild nature is not appreciated from close by, and can only be found in abstract representations. So apart from a lot of people living together, there is not much that provides Tokyo with an urban identity and it is very appealing to regard it as an enormous village with 35 million inhabitants. Because there is no such thing as a city in Japan, it has been so difficult throughout history to plan and protect it. Short term pragmatic and functionalist planning have dominated the entire range of additions and alterations that have been made to Tokyo. In the past the topography of the landscape was the underlying principle. But when it became technically and economically possible to level hills and cover rivers there was nothing to stop that from happening. So after the war the construction of metropolitan highways and train lines struck Tokyo particularly hard, because there was no urban ideal that should have

Above: a pragmatic city of stacked layers.

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been preserved or protected. Every new layer was added without any

THERE IS NO CITY


consideration for previous ones. For that reason Tokyo is often described

Not only did an economic crisis of the kind we are facing now hit Japan

as a layered city involving various systems stacked onto each other, each

already before, Japan is also currently confronted by demographic

referring to its own internal logic.

developments which will affect western countries in the future as its population is expected to age and shrink significantly. These changes

However, these elements are mainly a framework. The urban tissue

will have the biggest impact on the countryside and small cities, but even

between all the highways and railroads is what really makes up the

for Tokyo it means that a very long period in which the city has been

city, and it is this tissue of wildly diverse buildings and functions that

growing continuously will come to an end. Japan is an interesting case for

makes Japanese cities so energetic. This fabric between the layers is

future developments because it is leading in demographic trends which

a complex mosaic of different spaces in which the part precedes the

will affect urban life. The debate about the future of the city is certainly

whole. Every object is judged on its own merits. Though there are many

very active. For example prof. Ohno introduces the concept of a fibercity

negative effects related to the weak planning and zoning systems, on the

to deal with a shrinking population. This idea maximizes the potential of

positive side it has resulted in very lively and thriving neighborhoods

Tokyo’s excellent urban transport system in order to create a city of fibers

where shops, housing and workspaces coexist. (Sorensen, 2002, p. 222)

along the railway lines.

Furthermore the urban fabric is incredibly flexible, with an average building lifespan of just 26 years. The focus on the part rather than the

Some others argue that a better relation between the house and the city

whole meant that the city could be transformed from the feudalistic Edo

is neccessary to keep neighborhoods vital: breaking up with the current

into a modern city, without affecting much of its original structure.

yashiki estate type house and reinventing the machiya type, which is opened towards the streets and city life. (Berque, 1993, p. 88) In recent

At the same time the high price of real estate, protection of property

housing projects such as the Moriyama house (see plan on the next page)

ownership, ambivalence about urban projects in general and more

by Ryue Nishizawa this investigation of the house-city relationship is very

recently a lack of funds were the reason that there never was a big

clear.

master plan for Tokyo that has been implemented. The whole city and its suburbs consist of endless haphazard additions and small alterations.

In the publication Tokyo Metabolizing Yoshiharu Tsukamoto of Atelier

This is an interesting aspect, because after the economic crisis the same

Bow-Wow introduces the concept of “void metabolism”. Because the

impossibility to implement large urban plans seems to apply to western

average lifespan of a house in Tokyo is 26 years and every building

cities. The time of the big plans seems to be over. This was illustrated

sits on its own isolated plot, it can maintain a relatively quick urban

clearly by the manifest “Make no big plans” by Crimson architectural

metabolism. But unlike the metabolism of the 60s, there is no core,

historians at the 4th IABR in Rotterdam. In this context the Japanese urban

which differentiates this as phenomenon “void metabolism.” At the same

paradigm become a relevant topic in the West.

time Tsukamoto acknowledges that the individual unit of the house (the

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THERE IS NO CITY

45


historical yashiki type) is intolerant to its surroundings and like Nishizawa

surroundings based on this layer. Off course, to foreign visitors this

he seeks for strategies to open up the house to the community. (Kitayama,

layer is incomprehensible at first which might be the reason why one

Tsukamoto, & Nishizawa, 2010)

experiences such a big culture shock in Japan.

At the same time, a new layer might be added to the city in the form of an

The pragmatism towards the urban environment and the denying of

invisible social network connecting places and people. This provides new

the concept of a cityscape which are so important for Tokyo’s urban

means for restaurants or shops to attract customers, evading the physical

development have resulted in a truly remarkable city. It shows us how a

urban structure and making it even more irrelevant. Information becomes

city that has been built without any planning lives and works. It shows us

more valuable than physical objects, and in Japan this particularly the

a city where spatial relations have become irrelevant and where the parts

case as signs have always been more important than architecture for the

dominate the whole. And most of all, it shows us a city where the absence

purpose of attracting people. Maki (2008, pp.120) notices the creation

of any dogmatism has lead to a fantastic diversity and an endless range of

of a perceptually ephemeral world made of transient surfaces such as

possibilities.

neon signs and projected images. Symbols become important points of reference in the city. In a culture that consistently values traditions and rituals over built structures it is no surprise that a national or communal identity is not provided by buildings or urbanism. Instead monumentality is to be found in dynamic processes. These can be regarded as a separate and layer or “mythic field” covering the city. It is this layer that reinforces the identity of the inhabitants. (Berque, 1993, pp. 143-146) Distant mountains that were once visible have now become symbols, still existing in people’s minds. The changing of the seasons and the omnipresent vending machines are all elements of this layer. Furthermore local foods and traditions seem to be more important for a city’s or region’s identity than its architecture. People very often refer to a characteristic type of food that belongs to a particular area or city. All of these examples are part of this mythic field and it is this layer that makes Japanese spaces undeniable Japanese. The people categorize themselves and their

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Right page left side: Landscape of neon signs in Shibuya. The signs lead to an abstraction of the cityscape because they have become the main source of information of what happens inside buildings. Frequently abbreviations such as 8F (eighth floor) or B2F (-2th floor) are used. Also see: page 13. Right page right side: Moriyama House, Ryue Nishizawa. Floorplan showing an investigation in the relationship between house and city.

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6. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Berque, A. (1993). Japan: Cities and Social Bonds. Paris: Éditions Gallimard. Buruma, I. (2004). Inventing Japan: 1853-1964. New York: Modern Library. Geuze, A. (2001). Dancing on the Volcano. In M. Kira, & M. Terada, Japan. Towards Totalscape (p. 155). Rotterdam: NAi Publishers. Jinnai, H. (1995). Tokyo: A Spatial Anthropology. Berkeley: University of California Press. Kaijima, M., Kuroda, J., & Yoshiharu, T. (2001). Made in Tokyo. Tokyo: Kajima Institute Publishing Co. Kitayama, K., Tsukamoto, Y., & Nishizawa, R. (2010). Tokyo Metabolizing. Tokyo: TOTO Publishing. Maki, F. (2008). Nurturing Dreams: Collected Essays on Architecture and the City. (M. Mulligan, Ed.) Cambridge: MIT Press. Ohno, H. (2001). The Landscape of Daily Life in Japan. In M. Kira, M. Terada, M. Kira, & M. Terada (Eds.), Japan. Towards Total Scape (pp. 156-160). Rotterdam: NAi Publishers. Ohno, H. (2006). Tokyo 2050 Fibercity. (M. Shizuga, Ed.) Tokyo: Shinkenchiku-SHA co., ltd. Popham, P. (1985). Tokyo: The City at the End of the World. New York: Kodansha America. Richie, D. (1986). Walking in Tokyo. In M. Friedman, Tokyo: Form and Spirit (pp. 90-97). New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc. Seidensticker, E. (1991). Low City, High City: Tokyo from Edo to the Earthquake. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Sorensen, A. (2002). The Making of Urban Japan: Cities and planning from Edo to the twenty-first century. London: Routledge. Speidel, M. (1983). Japanische Architektur: Geschichte und Gegenwart. Stuttgart: Hatje. Treib, M. (1986). The Dichotomies of Dwelling: Edo/Tokyo. In M. Friedman, Tokyo: Form and Spirit (pp. 107-125). New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY


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