Name / Joshua James Brooks Student Number / 465480 University Of Portsmouth / School of Architecture Dissertation submitted in partial fullfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Architecture. I
Declaration Unit title:
421
Title of assessment:
Thesis Dissertation
Date of submission:
7th January 2015
I affirm that this assignment, together with any supporting artefact, is offered for assessment as my original and unaided work, except insofar as any advice and or/assistance from any other named person in preparing it. Any quotations used from written sources are duly and appropriately acknowledged.
Name:
Joshua Brooks
Signature:
II
“Architecture functions as ideology in built form. Homes are more than just houses, more than just shelter�
- Stephanie Carlisle, 2006.
III
Forward Shirin can’t remember what she thought a refugee camp would be like.
Maybe she thought a refugee camp would be a friendly place where there were people who looked after the refugees, welcomed them and comforted them and told them everything would be fine.
Maybe she thought a refugee camp was a clean place where every family had a hut or a room, where there where schools, doctors, nurses.
Maybe she thought that in the refugee camp you would get everything you had lost in the war, clothes, beds, blankets, pots, shoes, combs, exercise books, books and all the other things that people need when they have fled their home.
At any rate Shirin-Gol had not imagined that a refugee camp was a place where they scream and spit, a place where she had to live in a tent with holes and tears in it, which stank, which had no floor so that you had to sit and sleep on God’s bare earth.
At any rate Shirin-Gol had not thought that in a refugee camp there would be no food, no water, no groceries, no pots and nothing else unless you paid for it, unless an aid organisation registered you and gave you a food card, a blanket card, a mattress card, a pot card, a doctor card, a whatever-elseyou-can-think-of card.
(Shakib,2002) IIII
Abstract I am primarily concerned with how people use everyday space and in particular the space that they live in. A person’s home can be used to articulate social relations; strengthen identity and cultural meaning; as well as helping to build relationships between social groups and spaces. My proposition is that ‘people’ create a spirit of place. The aim of this written thesis is to explore how we can learn from existing refugee camps to shape future designs that create environments to provide safety, structure and human comfort. These will need to consider the impending casualties of war as well as catastrophic natural disasters. Human history is littered with displacements, forced migrations, treks and flights. These movements are underpinned by violence and terror that have formed the memories, silences and nightmares that are experienced by the refugees. The advanced technologies of modern warfare have been designed to inflict mass casualties; leading to the removal of civilian homes and enabling the state to expel undesirable populations as well as forcing movement of terrified families. The crisis of internal displacement is one of the most pressing problems of our time. Worldwide, some 42 million persons are on the borders of their own countries as a result of armed conflict, internal strife and serious violations of human rights (UNHR, 2012). This phenomenon of forced displacement has resulted in refugees becoming a defining characteristic of the post-Cold War era and contemporary
international relations. This issue has been at the forefront of media coverage for the past 25 years and is an ever growing problem today. Currently refugee camps are bursting at the seams, with some providing a home to just over 400,000 people (The Wall Street Journal, 2013). Refugees experience loss like no other. The loss of their identity through displacement; their family through war; control over their own lives and their dignity through living in these conditions. Refugees are merely existing, not living. The life of a refugee is an intense and traumatic experience of personal, national and cultural dimensions. Their confined lives within the camp exacerbate the separation of the alien from the nation. Is the camp in which they reside the only spatial device that separates them from an independent life? The vast majority of camps are full and there are no methods in place for expansion. Therefore environments become incredibly overcrowded, tense and formidable. Their identity and culture is no longer formed by their surroundings and all social relationships are now lost through the midst of war. With the recent conflict in Syria forcing more than 4.2 million people from their childhood homes since 2013 (Ingram, 2014), the following questions are posed; Where do these people go? Where do they belong? And how do they maintain communities, if even possible?
V
Acknowledgements I would like to thank the following list of people, without even one of whom this thesis would not have been written to the degree and scope that it is presented here. First of all id like to thank my tutors, Nick, Kate & Paula. Their abundance of knowledge has helped me continuously and I appreciate everything they have done for me. Secondly id like to thank my studio peers. These guys have become like family over the past two years and I couldn’t imagine the group without a single one of them. Id also like to thank my mum. Even though she hasnt helped me specifically with this thesis, without her I wouldnt be the person I am today. Finally Id like to thank my eternally patient girlfriend Jessica. Without her to vent to, bounce off and gain sympathy from, I would not have been able to write this thesis to the level it is.
VI
Table Of Contents Cover Declaration
I - II
Forward
III - IIII
Abstract
V
Acknowledgments
VI
Table Of Contents
VII
List Of Figures
1-2
1. Introduction
3 - 4
2. Subject/Focus 5 - 7 3. Case Study One 8 - 15 4 .Case Study Two
16 - 27
5. Conclusion
28 - 31
References
32 - 34
Figure Credits
35 - 37
Appendices
38 - 42
Back Cover
VII
List Of Figures Figure 2.1:
Zaatari Camp
Figure 2.2:
Burj El Barajneh Camp
Figure 3.1:
Zaatari Birds eye
Figure 3.2:
Zaatari Camp boundary
Figure 3.3:
Drawn by author Syrian Population
Figure 3.4:
Drawn by author The tweleve districts of Zaatari
Figure 3.5:
Drawn by author Zaatari population
Figure 3.6:
How familes and communities are formed
Figure 3.7:
Champs-ÉlysÊes
Figure 3.8:
Market selling second hand shoes
Figure 3.9:
Public space usage
Figure 3.10: Small open space Figure 3.11: Outskirts of Zaatari Figure 3.12: Small area to the West where children play Figure 3.13:
Central Paris. Use of open space
Figure 3.14:
Modular system
Figure 3.15: Cement laying for a self built toilet block in Zaatari camp Figure 3.16: UN tent with modular system. Figure 3.17: Example of extensions Figure 4.1:
Burj El Barajneh Refugee Camp
Figure 4.2:
Middle East
Figure 4.3:
Burj El Barajneh site boundary
Figure 4.4:
Drawn by author Burj El Barajneh figure map
Figure 4.5:
Drawn by author Camp timeline
Figure 4.6:
Drawn by author Sketch of rooftops
Figure 4.7:
Metal shacks of Barajneh 1
List Of Figures Figure 4.8:
Tower Block
Figure 4.9:
Badly damaged building
Figure 4.10: Electricty cables Figure 4.11: Some buildings show signs of the conflict Figure 4.12: Burj El Barajneh Camp Figure 4.13:
Main commercial road to the West of the camp
Figure 4.14: International Airport Figure 4.15: A flock of pigeons swoop of the heart of Bourj al-Barajneh at dusk Figure 4.16: Young boy who lives in the camp Figure 4.17: Teenage boy that lives in the camp Figure 4.18: Old Syrian man
2
Figure 5.1:
Young boy dressed in girls clothing during a period of flooding in Zaatari
Figure 5.2:
Young boy standing in the snow in Zaatari
Figure 5.3:
Teenage girl in the Burj El Barajneh camp
Figure 5.4:
Syrian children at the Greek border
Figure 5.5:
A overly packed Syrian boat on its way to Greece
Figure 5.6:
Syrian refugees attempt to swim to shore from sunken dingy
Figure 6.1:
Imagine taken by author Children playing
Figure 6.2:
Imagine taken by author Refugees sleeping in Victoria Square
Figure 6.3:
Imagine taken by author Outside Victoria Square Metro Station
Figure 6.4:
Imagine taken by author Refugees gatherd in Victoria Square
Introduction Every day all over the world people make the difficult decision to leave their homes, families, belongings, jobs as well as communities in search of a safer life. Leaving their countries when they have no other choice, fleeing from battlegrounds where every-day life is a struggle for survival. They may also be leaving their country for fear of persecution, natural disasters, poverty or human rights violations. At the point of fleeing, people are desperate to find a safe haven and therefore are more vulnerable to smuggling and human trafficking. These desperate people become refugees. In the midst of chaos and confusion the refugees must find a place of sanctuary, many of them look to organised camps specially built for their cause.
“A refugee camp is a temporary settlement that is designed purposefully for the placment of
refugees” (Herz, 2007).
A camp is usually set up and run by the Government, however due to the increasing size and pressures put on the camps, some can become self-reliant in order to be sustainable for the long term. I aim to explore two different types of camps and how they impact upon community cohesion and settlement. Although some may see a refugee camp as a ‘temporary settlement’, in many cases this is not a totally accurate description. Some refugee camps are over 67 years old, e.g. The Delheishe refugee camp in Jerusalem (Galib, 2008), where three generations of Palestinians have been displaced and only know life in a refugee camp. According to the UN estimations, on average a refugee will spend at least 17 years living in a camp until they return home (The Guardian, 2015). Refugees are often faced with two options; Is it the responsibility of the refugees to try and create a sense of home in order to survive? Or does survival come from the environment in which they inhabit? This research indicates that although refugee camps were intended to be a temporary fixture, in certain cases, there are a growing number of families that cannot return home, therefore the transition becomes permanent. Many refugees hold an abundance of skills and qualifications that they gained from their home country. Their occupations vary from agriculturalists, to educationalists to the medical profession and life in a refugee camp can be a very disempowering experience. Refugees often have skills and creative talents that they use to adapt in difficult circumstances (Betts, 2015).
“The primary economic actors are the refugees, many of whom come with productive
capabilities” (Werker, 2007).
3
There are now many small businesses in the camp that sell favourites from back home such as falafel and Arabic sweets. This need for home comforts reflects the refugees desire to feel part of a community again. From this prosperity, new clinics, schools, playgrounds and football stadiums have been established. The BBC reported that due to the improved work and living conditions, community relations have strengthened and crime and security problems have diminished (BBC, 2014). The more that their surrounding area becomes more like home, the more natural it will become to gravitate towards to the permanent thus a relationship towards there designed environment is improved. The Zaatari refugee in Northern Jordan now has a new ‘Safeway Store’ that enables the refugees to resemble some sort of normal life. “Now we have choices at the supermarket. With the vouchers I can go and shop for my home and get what I want” (BBC, 2014). The many issues of permanence can be addressed through differing design methods and lessons learnt from people whose existence is based on movement. ‘The Fula’ people are an African Nomadic tribe who move from place to place in search of food, safety and shelter. Resettlement is an everyday part of life for the Fula people and a clear consistency in their lives is their relationship with the other members of the tribe. Although a huge difference between a Nomad and a refugee is that Nomads are able to chose what they travel with, whereas refugees pack their bags with a sense of panic. A refugee, especially the younger ones, will pack things that are important to them symbolically, not necessarily important for survival. (Please see appendix 2 for extended stories as to what refugees pack thier bags with).
4
Subject/focus Refugee camps are often perceived as representing extraterritorial zones that alienate not only those within, but also those outside of them. This forms a dislocation from the immediate surrounding/ context in which the camp is situated. In many cases the formation of a community allows its inhabitants to feel more connected with their surroundings. Belonging to a group or community gives us a sense of identity. Researchers also find that people with strong social connections have less stress-related health problems, lower risk of mental illness, and faster recovery from trauma or illness (Diener and Biswas-Diener, 2008). These types of attachments help to ground a person in a stable place. This is because people relate more easily to buildings, individuals etc making them feel more at home, instinctively gravitating towards the permanent. Refugee camps act as extreme villages, towns or even cities, dependent on the scale. The Goldhap refugee camp in Nepal is considered the smallest camp in the world, being a temporary ‘home’ for just 4,600 refugees (UNHCR, 2010). In contrast the largest camp in the world is the ‘Dadaab’ camp in Kenya, which is currently ‘home’ to 329,800 people and is considered an extreme city (CNN, 2015). Constant issues such as scale, formation of communities and the issue of permanence versus temporary are just some of the concerns that have to be confronted by the refugees on a daily basis. Numerous organisation handbooks, articles and other forms of literature have been available to try and help with the maintenance of refugee camps. Huge influxes of people; even thousands of people can arrive at one time in a camp, which makes it extremely hard for organiser’s to maintain order. Past personal information becomes obsolete because of the unpredictable nature of the numbers. There are many examples of refugee camps that demonstrate a sporadic approach to their layouts, which result in an organic, free flowing network. The balance between an individual’s desire to create a place they can call home and a governments desire to maintain a certain level of order and discipline can be seen in many of the everyday decisions of the camps. Spatial configuration is a vital component to a successful communal space. A camp is essentially the fallout of a highly charged political agenda, where two styles begin to emerge, the tightly controlled and the more sporadic approach. An analysis of existing camps and highlighting the successes and failures of these case studies will hopefully reveal the pit falls and achievements of their intentions.
5
Figure 2.1: Zaatari Camp
6
Figure 2.2: Burj El Barajneh Camp
7
Figure 3.1 Zaatari Birds eye
Figure of Ataf & his shop
Figure 3.2 Zaatari Camp boundary
= 100,000 Internally displaced persons (IDP) At least 7.6 million Syrians have been driven from their homes but have stayed in the country at camps, or with family or friends
Figure 3.3 Syrian Population
8
Refugees At least 4 million have fled Syria, with most going to Lebanon, Turkey or Jordan
Deaths Since the conflict began, an estimated 250,000 Syrians have died
Not displaced Of the remaining 10.6 million Syrians, most have stayed in their homes
Case study One: Zaartari يرتع زلا ميخ م In the Jordanian dessert, near the Jordan-Syria border, there sits a dress shop on a street called the ‘Champs-Elysee’. This is no ordinary shop, it is a wedding dress shop, which a man named Ataf runs by himself, every day of the week. Ataf rents out these dresses to women in the camp (The Telegraph, 2015). It is small acts such as this that show the resilience and determination to provide a certain
quality of life. Such trade creates a sense of normality and stability in an otherwise ambiguous world. The Zaatari camp was constructed by the Government of Jordan (GoJ) along with other international organisation’s including the Jordanian Hashemite Charity and is run by ‘United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ (UNHCR) (Mannocchi, 2014), as an effort to provide an emergency
response to the on-going civil war in Syria. The war started five years ago, but it is people like Ataf thatrefuse to give in, who have built up the fragile social fabric which gives this camp a certain spirit of place. The camp officially opened in 2012. It started life as a small cluster of United Nation tents, which were erected when the Syrians started to cross the Syria/Jordanian border. It is a remarkable fact that the basic structure of the camp was built in just 9 days (The Telegraph, 2015), all of which was
originally ‘home’ to 100 families. Although, after recent epidemics of the ongoing conflict in Syria, such as the forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and those opposed to his rule battle each other as well as jihadist militants from Islamic State (The Telegraph, 2015), there are now over 80,000
individuals living in this camp. Nearly half of Syria’s 22-million-person population has been displaced, killed or have fled the country (Hoft, 2015). As seen in figure 2.4, the camp is split up into 12 districts. Each of these districts is essentially a community, which have varied social sectors, consisting of schools, hospitals, shops, mosques and washing facilities. Of these 12 districts, only three have schools. The designed environment is lacking what is needed to create a community, a spirit of ‘place and the relationship between the individual and its designed environment is obscured. Over half of the population in the Zaatari camp are children. 49% of these children are enrolled within school’s in the camp, although recent estimations predict that this figure is currently significantly lower due to the larger influxes of people in the past year (UNHCR, 2015). Ms. Corbett of the United Nations High Committee for Refugees states that, “Despite children brimming with potential, many of them are unlikely to find ways though which they can fully channel It” (Corbett. 2015). In an Article published in the Huffington Post, it is estimated that 20 percent of Syria’s [(pre-civil war) now] population reside in refugee camps (Huffington Post, 2015), Zaatari is the largest in both Syria
and Jordan. More than 350,000 Syrians have been registered in the Zaatari camp since it first opened in 2012 (UNHCR, 2015). Although a large number of these refugees have subsequently left the camp, 9
Figure 3.4 The tweleve districts of Zaatari
Figure 3.5 Zaatari population
S i x p e o p l e = Fa m i l y
Figure 3.6 How familes and communities are formed
10
Sixteen families = Community
over 80,000 still remain. Figure 2.5 shows the percentage of population in terms of gender (Spiegel, 2004). The refugees that left have either moved on to try and get into Europe, other camps closer to home, or have actually moved back to where they have come from.
At one time it was estimated that there are around 15,000 pre-fabricated modular units which have been provided by charities, local governments and organisations to house the refugees; nonetheless many thousands still live in tents. The donations of modular units have rapidly dropped in the last two years compared to 2012/13 when the camp first opened (UNHCR, 2015), forcing many thousands
to live in tents. When a refugee becomes situated it is hard to be of equal distance to wash facilities, schools, medical areas and mosques. This reason, coupled with transportation costs and harsh weather conditions make it extremely hard for all members of the camp to have access to all of the amenities at one time; more so for pregnant woman, older people and the disabled. One of the main reasons for this is due to the sheer size of the camp, with a total diameter of over five miles (The Telegraph, 2015). Washrooms, latrines and wells in the camp are built on a grid like formation and ignore the needs of women who are more likely to use the facilities more than most. These areas are poorly lit and are frequently unguarded; which makes these women even more vulnerable to rape and sexual assault (Mannocchi, 2014). Clearly the neglect of privacy considering females when it comes to
sanitation is something that is disregarded when designing camps. However, it is not just women who feel this vulnerability. In assessments conducted in 2013, parents reported being afraid to let children play outside after dark due fear of sexually motivated crimes. (UNICEF, 2012). Security in the Zaatari camp has become an increasing concern. A report by the United Nations found that although the inhabitants are safe from direct conflict, there are many other safety concerns in the camp (United Nations, 2015). Physical violence, theft and sexual harassment, are
highly prevalent among women and girls and in some cases boys are reported to have been abused in public areas. The number of reports of abuse has been increasingly rapidly due to the ever growing number of refugees arriving on a daily basis. Security is unable to keep every inhabitant safe at all times around every part of the camp. When it comes to the formation of dwellings in the Zaatari camp there are guidelines in which the layouts are formulated. The camps are organised by putting people into categories. A family is considered to be of 1-6 people, community is 16 families (Corsellis, 2005).


80,000/12
Population/Districts = 6,666
6,666/16
Districts/Community = 416
This means there are an estimated 416 Communities per district. Figure 2.6 helps illustrate this finding.
11
Figure 3.7 Champs-ÉlysÊes
Figure 3.8 Market selling second hand shoes
Informal Industrial Programmed Champs Elysee
Figure 3.9 Public space usage
Figure 3.10 Small open space
12
Figure 3.11 Outskirts of Zaatari
Figure 3.12 Small area to the West where children play
These ‘communities’ form the urban network that is relatable to neighbourhood’s, estates and villages that exist in and around cities. Each of these districts in Zaatari are left to grow organically by themselves, although they are restricted by the district boundary. These districts base themselves upon culture, familiarity and ethnicity. The organisation’s that run the camp emphasise the importance of these connections to influence the spatial context which effectively relieves stress and allows to feel more connected to their surroundings. This not only embellishes the relation to their designed environment, but improves social relations with one another. The structure of the Zaatari camp derives from its initial setup which, as mentioned previously, was a small cluster plan to the north west of the site. There are hardly any roads in this area and the dwellings are denser. As the camp grew due to the rapid influx of people, organiser’s were forced to swap to a grid like formation in order to swiftly cope and organise the floods of people coming in. One beneficial aspect of having a structured camp is that it allows for the formation of built up commercial areas to mirror the cities of home. There is a main street in Zaatari, which runs the length of the camp, it is known as the ‘Champs Elysee’ (figures 2.7 and 2.8). This street is as close to a commercial avenue as many of the refugees will get to experience during their time in the camp. It is perhaps the most vibrant and lively part of the camp. Residents stroll or ride donated bicycles up and down the street, which is densely lined with shops on both sides (Huffington Post, 2015). All of the shops and market stalls are built from left over building materials.
A staggered square plan is the formation upon which the rest of the camp is built. Although this may sound effective, the reality is that it creates isolation and little opportunity for community input, detaching spaces between neighbour’s and therefore creating voids. The more successful spaces are at the centre of the camp which lead off from the main road. There are also Functional spaces that are organised around community buildings such as schools and mosques (Edstram, 2014). Spaces become more undefined as you start to branch from the centre. For example, there are virtually no spaces to socially gather, meet or play. Figure 2.9 shows what little informal spaces there are. The introduction of informal public gathering spaces would allow more opportunity for connection. Such spaces would be more effective if they were similar to existing cities, such as Paris (figure 2.13). Large open spaces that corridor from one main space to other smaller spaces, creating a network of public order, thus improving the relationships towards a built environment. Although in many cases this may prove to be an effective strategy, it could be argued there aren’t such spaces in Zaatari or similar camps because of civilian safety. Due to the conditions of the camps, refugee tensions are often high when they are brought together in large numbers. These situations can cause friction, mass gatherings and potential aggression towards each other, as well as organisers of the camp or local authorities. Within the camp exists three individual forms of permanence relating to built form. Modular units (figure 2.14), tents and concrete block walls (Ḥanafī,n.d). When the refugees arrive at the camp they 13
Figure 3.13 Central Paris. Use of open space
Figure 3.14 Modular system
Figure 3.15 Cement laying for a self built
Figure 3.16 UN tent with modular system.
toilet block in Zaatari camp
Standard UN tent
Figure 3.17 Example of extensions
14
Example with addional concrete blocks
Example with modular system attachment
are allocated to either of these options, depending on availability. A single modular unit can hold up to six people; a family for example. The longer the ‘family’ resides within the unit, will determine how much they adapt the unit themselves, designing self-made spaces out of concrete blocks or combining with another family to form a complex. This initiative provides a strong example of how refugees try to form communities themselves, creating spaces in an attempt to replicate formations from back home. The use of prefabricated modular systems and straightforward building materials provides an accessible palette for the refugee which provides benefits not only to their physical well-being but their mental well-being also. The physical act of building the camps themselves is an ideal way to bring the refugees together as a community. This is a great way for the refugees to not only show initiative but to feel some form of ownership, building spaces similar to their place of origin. Self-build is something for future camps to assimilate, encouraging the refugees to take control. Although the costs may not be as inexpensive as a standard UN tents and even as quick is terms of assembly; The Zaatari refugee camp has derived its own initiative. Although it began life at a small cluster of sporadic tents, it has grown to become a city in its own right. Many considerations still need to be taken into action, considering the safety of its occupants, more precisely, the women, but also how the camps are controlled through the use of guards. That being said, the Zaatari camp has taken steps in the right direction towards social cohesion and solidarity through the formation of shops, schools and mosques.
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Figure Showing Birdseye View Of Camp
Figure 4.1 Burj El Barajneh Refugee Camp
Turkey
Cyprus Syria Lebanon Beirut
Israel Figure 4.2 Middle East
16
Figure 4.3 Burj El Barajneh site boundary
Jordan
Case Study Two: Burj El Barajneh ( ةنجاربلا جربArabic - Town of towers) The Burj El Barajneh is the largest Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon, located south of the capital, Beirut. Established over 65 years ago in 1949 (Amnesty International, 2007), makes it one of the
oldest camps in the world. According to Dana Masad, “The camp is ‘home’ to an estimated 33,000 inhabitants, which only 22,000 thousand are registered, the remaining population is thought to be illegal Palestinian inhabitants” (Amnesty International, 2013). The population of Burj al-Barajneh is
predominantly Palestinian, with approximately 3% of the population composed of Syrian, Egyptian and Bangladeshi families (Roberts 2004). More recently the camp has been subject to many conflicts, causing severe damage to properties, leading to thousands of more displaced refugees who have had to move to other camps further out of Beirut. Perhaps the most notable conflict is the ‘War of the camps’, which was a sub-conflict of the Lebanese civil war in 1984-89 (Stork, 2013). Sometimes referred to as a war between Muslims and Christians, this was a conflict that went on for four years and drove the vast majority of occupants out of the camp due to heavy shelling, sporadic clashes and the prevention of supplies being able to be delivered into the camp (Stork, 2013). The camp was opened by an NGO (Non-Government Organisation) and over the years, due to the many conflicts, these organisations have come and gone, leaving the inhabitants of the camp to essentially run affairs themselves. Although the Syrian army has check points at various points around the camps, they never actively enter the camp (Roberts, 2004). The camp is extremely dense and overcrowded, most buildings are three/four stories high and consist of multiple tightly packed clusters. Many problems exist within the camp, this is likely due to the age of the camp and lack of infrastructure. Although new sewage and waste water systems have recently been installed, they are unable to deal with heavy rain, this leads to further problems such as flooding, which is an ever recurring obstacle every winter (Amnesty International, 2013). The camp is made up of tight walkways that create a labyrinth of paths which only residents of the camp are able to resolve. These walkways show no signs of regularity, nor do they show signs of a logical pattern. Therefore, the camp can become easily disconcerting for visitors, for example the NGO’s who come to visit the camp (Fawaz,n.d.). This lack of structure and the resemblance to home could impact on the formation of relationships as well as communities as a whole because it becomes easier to remain isolated and harder to provide a safe environment for your family. However, the north of the camp is a much more organised area, with offices and shops as well as housing in combination with each other. The south of the camp consists mainly of residential towers and blocks. The manner that they have been built is of little concern for structural safety, but this is not the fault of the refugees. The inhabitants of the camp lack the constructional knowledge of which 17
Downtown Beirut 6km
Mosque Distribuation Centre
Water Tower Kindergarten Hospital
Water Tower
Cemetery
Intl Airport 3km
Mosque
Figure 4.4 Burj El Barajneh figure map
1950’s Figure 4.5 Camp timeline
Figure 4.6 Sketch of rooftops
18
1960’s
1970’s
2000’s
in addition to the NGO’s. Other parts of the camp reside as ruins, decayed spaces that show signs of the conflict that once tore the camp apart, bullet holes, shell holes and craters are a regular occurrence throughout the camp. Since the camp opened in 1949, the local Lebanese authorities have had very little input in the areas within and surrounding the camp. Although they have had little input, they have forced harsh building codes in the camp, preventing the refugees from adding extensions or improving their dwellings unless they are helped by NGO’s (FAFO, 2003). The only problem with this is that the
NGO’s have more and more recently left the camp due to safety concerns. The local authorities have not taken this into account, meaning the refugees are unable to make the smallest of additions/repairs to their dwellings, doing so results in harsh consequences. When the camp initially opened the refugees were given plastic tents. In 1955 a number of the tents were replaced by concrete blocks or corrugated metal structures, which tended to have metal sheets for roofing (Elias, 2009). Such basic forms of material started to provide the refugees with building forms, which they started to build upon themselves. For some years after, NGO’s helped the inhabitants to improve their shelters, although this was only short lived due to conflicts and damage (Elias, 2009). Although there is a boundary to the camp, there are no zoning laws to control the formation of dwellings, (FAFO, 2003). It could be argued that the shape of the camp comes from these enforcement’s, consequently, because there are no formations to abide by, there are no sizes to constrict the
spaces. This is evident in the aerial view which shows with clear distinction of an organic form compared to the surrounding climate. The design of the camp is an outsider’s nightmare. Since the camp is unable to expand beyond its given borders, the refugees have used all possible space to build their dwellings, which gives the camp its unmistakable identity. The camp is constructed of in-sitchu concrete and metal structures, which are virtually piled upon one another. The walls are predominantly hollow core concrete blocks (Sanyal, 2010) and in more recent years the metal sheet roofing has been replaced by concrete slabs. The walls are predominantly hollow core concrete blocks (Sanyal, 2010). Some of the single storey dwellings utilise the barest of materials, concrete block walls, tin metal roof and maybe some plastic sheeting for further waterproofing (Sanyal, 2010). It is hard for a refugee to maintain their surroundings and the high cost of materials, combined with the restrictions imposed
on bringing construction materials into the camps. This has meant that not only is the camp unable to grow outwards but that refugee families have been unable to carry out substantial repairs or maintenance. One thing the Burj El Barajneh does have, that many other camps do not, is electricity. This is evident in some forms such as the copious amounts of wired webs can be seen hanging between buildings (figure 3.10). Almost all the households in the camp have access to electricity, although not all are strictly legal. The Lebanese Government provide under half with legal electricity, whilst other 20
Figure 4.7 Metal shacks of Barajneh
Figure 4.8 Tower Block
Figure 4.10 Electricty cables
22
Figure 4.11 Some buildings show signs of the conflict
Figure 4.9 Badly damaged building
illegal sources provide the latter half. These illegal sources are thought to be people who have tapped into the local electricity grids (Doctors Without Borders, 2011). Although the thought of electricity in
a refugee camp is considered a luxury the reality is that it is totally unreliable. Power cuts are frequent and electricity is only available for a few hours a day. The Burj el-Barajneh camp has more people per square kilometre than Hong Kong [6,897] or Mumbai [20,482] (Cook, 2007). With so many ‘homes’ tightly packed in such a small boundary of
space, it becomes almost impossible to get pieces of furniture into homes within the camp. Its small things like this that can help an individual feel a connected to a space, but inside this camp, nothing is simple. One refugee told Amnesty international in an interview: “There is no privacy. There is no view, neither of the sea nor of the mountains. There is not space for children to play. We [only] have the right to dream about these things.” (Amnesty International, 2013) Not only can the formation of these structures lack privacy and identity, they can also be extremely dangerous. Many of the dwellings within the Burj El Barajneh are made primarily from metal sheeting (figure 3.7), this includes roofs as well as walls. In the high temperatures this can create significant problems, essentially simulating a greenhouse. Research has shown that families ranging from 4-7 people call these boiling boxes ‘home’. In 2008 there were a group of three families, totalling 12 refugees, living together in one of these homes. They told Amnesty International that one of their babies had died in the boiling summer heat, after being left in one of the rooms. This room was made almost entirely of metal sheeting which had virtually no ventilation (Amnesty International, 2013).
In another case where refugees had rebuilt elements of their housing; they had attempted to replace the metal materials with bricks and concrete blocks, but because of the laws imposed by the Lebanese governments the refugees were later fined and their structures were torn down by the local police (Amnesty International, 2013). Replacing the metal sheeting with bricks and concrete blocks seems like the only logical way to build for the future of this camp. Changing the planning laws would not only improve the quality of the infrastructure but it would improve the quality of life. Enforcing such laws may be virtually impossible because of the breakdown between the camp and local authorities as well as the government, but the experiences of boiling boxes, crumbling walls and even the lack of windows is surely a violation of human rights. Farah, a widow with three children living in the camp, said: “In winter, water comes through the corrugated iron roof. I am afraid to do repairs because we can be detained or fined.” (Amnesty International, 2013).
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Figure 4.12 Burj El Barajneh Camp
Figure 4.13 Main commercial road to the West of the camp
Camp
Airport
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Figure 4.14 International Airport
Khaled, who lives with 14 other members of his family in the gathering close to his parents, told Amnesty International: “[My parents’] house has one room where the ceiling is made of corrugated
metal and the ceiling in the other room is made of bamboo/wood sticks and on
the local authority. The local authority does not give permission. We could go
top of them mud. To use bricks in the ceiling instead we need permission from
to the government but it does not give permission either. I built [the wall of] a small room in 2003. The police came and pulled it down and I had to pay a
fine.” (Amnesty International, 2013)
Although from the outside the camp it may be viewed as a crazy labyrinth, it could be argued that the camp is a by-product of the senses of vulnerability, isolation and security. The camps character is that of a maze, which gives the refugees a symbolic advantage over outside enemies if they were to infiltrate again as many have done so before. The Lebanese government’s decision to prohibit building material to enter the camps has not halted the development of the camp, instead its compromised the safety of the refugees within the camp. The lack of knowledge when it comes to building materials has an outstanding effect on the structural stability of the camp. There needs to be programs available to the refugees to teach them building principles. In addition to the problems of the extraordinary overcrowding, there is a sheer lack of basic infrastructure, this is arguably due to many restrictions the Lebanese authorities have imposed over the years. This has meant that many thousands of Palestinians have been forced to live in makeshift, crumbling shacks that consist of the poorest of facilities sometimes even lacking such necessities basics like water. Like Zaatari, many of the refugees hold valuable skills, which earned them respectable livings back home before they became refugees. Although in the Burj El Barajneh camp, many refugees have jobs, this arguably because they have been left to their own devices and have created opportunities for themselves to make money. As the camp firstly neighbourhood the capital city of Beirut, it saw an exponential growth in 50 years, thus causing the camp to become a suburb of the city. It is strategically situated on the main road to the Beirut International Airport, where the refugees have found ways to generate revenue for the camp by opening shops, markets and garages along the road to bring in money and trade within the camp. This opportunity of business gives them a chance to earn a living and to make a better life for themselves. It is estimated that 40% of women within the camp work. The estimated average of all camps in Lebanon is 16% (FAFO 2013). This is a notable statistic that shows how infrastructure of Burj El Barajneh compares as the only self-ran camp in the Lebanese area.
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Figure 4.15 A flock of pigeons swoop out of the heart of Bourj el Barajneh at dusk
Figure 4.16 Young boy who lives in the camp
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Figure 4.17 Teenage boy who lives in the camp
Figure 4.18 Old Syrian man
With the absence of building and zoning codes to regulate spaces between buildings, coupled with the sheer lack of capacity, has inevitably caused ruthless issues. Natural light, overcrowding, ventilation along with thermal comfort are considered luxuries within a refugee camp, something which we take for granted as a western society. The sheer disconnection between local authorities such as the Lebanese government almost proves as an alienation from the surrounding context. It not only isolates the camp from the national infrastructure systems but isolates inhabitants from the surrounding context.
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Figure 5.1 Young boy dressed in girls clothing during a period of flooding in Zaatari
Figure 5.2 Young boy standing in the snow in Zaatari
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Figure 5.3 Teenage girl in the Burj El Barajneh camp
Conclusion Originally I had intended on stating the highlights and pitfalls of each of the two case studies and how the highlights could possibly be adapted to help design camps for the future. However, whilst writing and researching it slowly became apparent that there are no universal solutions for the construction of an optimum refugee camp, and no universal solution for a refugee’s situation. In cases of emergencies, fast sheltering people in need is of outmost importance. Effective and immediate well managed action is central to success when a catastrophe hits a given location. Although the basic need of shelter, water and food provide the main core; different races, religions and ethnicities have opposing beliefs, which can determine how a camp is formed. It is fair to say that both case studies have more negatives than positive’s, although the positives are a reflection of basic human nature. In the Zaatari camp, people identify with one of three major cultural groups based on geographic location; Sanamayn, Izra’, and Dara (UNCHR, 2015). Although historically these groups have had high tensions, there are areas throughout each of the districts containing each of these groups. This is a successful strategy which reduces the chances of social divides. Whereas the Burj El Barajneh has proven that differing religion’s do not work well together in single settlement. Although the camp is now predominantly Muslim, there was once an extremely high tension between Muslims and Christians in the 1980’s. This extreme tension eventually led to a historical war between the two cultures which forced the majority of Christians out of the camp (Stork, 2013). There is no doubt that one the successes of both camps are within the self-maintained commercial areas. Zaatari’s ‘Champs Elysee’ and Burj El Barajneh’s Northern Market Quarter prove that given the space and materials, refugees are able to not only provide jobs and money for their families but they are able to provide a spirit of place themselves. A spirit that is relatable to their homes, the homes where they once lived normal, prosperous and profitable lives. Wastewater and sewage can devastate plant and animal life within settlements. Furthermore, as a result of overcrowding, and the desperate need for space, there are very few green spaces within both case studies. Many refugees have backgrounds in farming and growing crops, which once created a strong connection with the land. Therefore, the future designs of camps should incorporate system’s where refugees can grow crops and provide a self-sufficient environment in which to live. It could be argued that having to live [at times] in such dreadful and dangerous circumstances, as well as having to cope with the stress of providing for your family on a daily basis, can lead to a mind-set where you have to consider accepting your situation; that this environment is more tolerable than the current situation you came from.
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Figure 5.4 Syrian children at the Greek border
Figure 5.5 A overly packed Syrian boat on its way to Greece
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Figure 5.6 Syrian refugees attempt to swim to shore from sunken dingy
Each refugee situation, and each refugee camp which is constructed as part of a programme to aid that situation, is unique. There are many lessons that can be learnt from past and present experience, as well as numerous academic papers, and if this wasn’t the case then this dissertation would serve no purpose. However, at the same time it is essential to acknowledge that the research into refugee camps is by definition an endless cycle. We will be constantly discovering new, unique, refugee situations, until a time comes where the people of the world decide that there should not be any more instances which leads to human beings becoming refugees. Providing temporary shelters should, at least to some degree, be designed with the intention of possible permanence. As my research has shown, these ‘temporary settlements’ are in fact not temporary at all. Expansion is key. Being able to expand a camp gradually over time is an essential design consideration, otherwise spaces become disastrously cramped and claustrophobic. This can not only lead to further tensions, but can also create poor mental and physical health. Refugee camps create a need for social and sustainable solutions that need to be based on environmentally sound planning. Although these settlements are prone to developing slum characteristics, as seen throughout this thesis, some camps have developed self-reliant communities that encapsulate entrepreneurial determination to provide a spirit of place.
31
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Figure Credits Figure 2.1: Google Maps. (2015). Zaatari Camp. www.google.co.uk/maps/place/Al+Zaatari+Refugee+Camp/@32.3031324,36.3201337 Figure 2.2: Google Maps. (2015). Burj El Barajneh Camp. www.google.co.uk/maps/place/Borj+Al+Brajne,+Lebanon/@33.8548457,35.4878013,16z Figure 3.1: University OF York,. (2012). Zaatari Birds eye. Retrieved from http://www.york.ac.uk/media/prdu/ documents/generaldocuments/Jordan Figure 3.2: Google Maps. (2015). Zaatari Camp boundary. www.google.co.uk/maps/place/Al+Zaatari+Refugee+Camp/@32.3031324,36.3201337 Figure 3.3: Drawn by author Syrian Population Figure 3.4: Drawn by author The tweleve districts of Zaatari Figure 3.5: Drawn by author Zaatari population Figure 3.6: Drawn by author How familes and communities are formed Figure 3.7: Amesh, J. (2013). Champs-ÉlysÊes. Retrieved from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/ middleeast/syria/10293274/British-MPs-took-away-hope-with-Syria-vote-say-refugees.html Figure 3.8: Richard, M. (2014). Market selling second hand shoes. Retrieved from http://blogs.bmj.com/ bmj/2014/04/30/paivi-hietanen-and-matthew-richard-providing-healthcare-in-a-syrian-refugee-camp/ Figure 3.9: Drawn by author Public space usage Figure 3.10: Millett, P. (2013). Small open space. Retrieved from http://blogs.fco.gov.uk/petermillett/2013/08/21/ world-humanitarian-day-so-what/ Figure 3.11: Lee, S. (2015). Outskirts of Zaatari. Retrieved from http://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/ ng-interactive/2015/oct/29/undiscovered-country-the-globe-travelling-hamlet-jordan-refugee-camp Figure 3.12: Zvereff, D. (2015). Small area to the West where children play. Retrieved from http://blog.leica-camera.com/2015/10/16/daniel-zvereff-zaatari-refugee-camp/ Figure 3.13: Google Maps. (2015). Central Paris. Use of open space. https://www.google.co.uk/maps/search/paris /@48.8588536,2.3124518,13688m/data=!3m1!1e3 35
Figure 3.14: CNN,. (2015). Modular system. Retrieved from http://edition.cnn.com/2015/02/19/world/meast/ syria-jordan-refugee-camp/ Figure 3.15: Oxfam,. (2016). Cement laying for a self built toilet block in Zaatari camp. Retrieved from https:// www.flickr.com/photos/oxfam/8488410141 Figure 3.16: Amesh, J. (2013). UN tent with modular system. Retrieved from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ worldnews/middleeast/syria/10293274/British-MPs-took-away-hope-with-Syria-vote-say-refugees.html Figure 3.17: Drawn by author Example of extensions Figure 4.1: Norfolk, S. (2006). Burj El Barajneh Refugee Camp. Retrieved from http://www.1stdibs.com/art/photography/color-photography/simon-norfolk-lebanese-refugees-at-burj-el-barajneh-camp-beirut Figure 4.2: Google Maps. (2015). Middle East. www.google.co.uk/maps/place/Borj+Al+Brajne,+Lebanon/@33.8548457,35.4878013,16z Figure 4.3: Google Maps. (2015). Burj El Barajneh site boundary. www.google.co.uk/maps/place/Borj+Al+Brajne,+Lebanon/@33.8548457,35.4878013,16z Figure 4.4: Drawn by author Burj El Barajneh figure map Figure 4.5: Drawn by author Camp timeline Figure 4.6: Drawn by author Sketch of rooftops Figure 4.7: Clements, M. (2015). Metal shacks of Barajneh. Retrieved from https://www.travelblog.org/Photos/6353035 Figure 4.8: Power, J. (2015). Tower Block. Retrieved from http://palestinagrupperna.wordpress.com/page/12/ Figure 4.9: Filimi, M. (2015). Badly damaged building. Retrieved from http://mapuinpal.wordpress.com Figure 4.10: Machaalani, E. (2015). Electricty cables. Retrieved from http://www.pinterest.com/ pin/518265869599009761 Figure 4.11: Quilty, J. (2008). Some buildings show signs of the conflict. Retrieved from http://www.tadamon.ca/ Figure 4.12: Haddad, G. (2009). Burj El Barajneh Camp. Retrieved from https://www.flickr.com/photos/albanyassociates/30038/
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Figure 4.13: Pollard, R. (2015). Main commercial road to the West of the camp. Retrieved from http://www.smh.com. au/world/palestinian-camp-in-lebanon Figure 4.14: Google Maps. (2015). International Airport. www.google.co.uk/maps/place/Borj+Al+Brajne,+Lebanon/@33.8548457,35.4878013,16z Figure 4.15: Haines-Young, J. (2011). A flock of pigeons swoop of the heart of Bourj al-Barajneh at dusk. Retrieved from http://newirin.irinnews.org/photos-palestinian-bourj-el-barajneh-lebanon-electrocution/ Figure 4.16: Miler, Y. (2013). Young boy who lives in the camp. Retrieved from http://mcuoft.com/30lives/yaseen/ Figure 4.17: Riboldi, M. (2012). Teenage boy that loves in the camp. Retrieved from http://www.sansicarus. com/2012/03/05/the-people-of-bourj-el-barajneh/ Figure 4.18: Hadid, D. (2014). Old Syrian man. Retrieved from http://www.timesofisrael.com/famed-syrian-storyteller-shares-his-countrys-sorrow/ Figure 5.1: World Food program,. (2015). Young boy dressed in girls clothing during a period of flooding in Zaatari. Retrieved from www.wfp.org/stories/how-deal-with-storm-refugee-camp Figure 5.2: Qing, S. (2013). Young boy standing in the snow in Zaatari. Retrieved from news.xinhuanet.com/english/photo/2013-12/13/ Figure 5.3: Hiba, S. (2014). Teenage girl in the Burj El Barajneh camp. Retrieved from www.buzzfeed.com/kirstenking/this-photo-series-explores-the-bedrooms-of-girls-in-the-midd Figure 5.4: The Guardian,. (2015). Syrian children at the Greek border. Retrieved from www.theguardian.com/ world/gallery/2015/aug/22/migrants-clash-with-the-macedonian-police-in-pictures Figure 5.5: Wall Street Journal,. (2015). A overly packed Syrian boat on its way to Greece. Retrieved from http:// www.wsj.com/articles/boat-people-trying-to-reach-europe-disrupt-mediterranean-mercantile-shipping Figure 5.6: Epatiko, L. (2015). Syrian refugees attempt to swim to shore from sunken dingy. Retrieved from www.pbs.org/newshour/rundown/photos-migrants-risk-sea-voyage/ Figure 6.1: Image taken by author Children playing Figure 6.2: Image taken by author Refugees sleeping in Victoria Square Figure 6.3: Image taken by author Outside Victoria Square Metro Station Figure 6.4: Image taken by author Refugees gatherd in Victoria Square 37
Appendicies - 1 Transcript
Victoria Square. Athens. Greece. 5th November 2015
During my time on a field trip to Greece I had the chance to visit some refugees that had recently fled Afghanistan and Syria. The following transcript is a conversation between myself, Richard Williams, Chris Lucas and two students that were handing out food to the refugees. Rich: We haven’t got much but we hope this helps. [hands over two packs of cookies] Student 1: Thank you, we will put it this bag [bag containing other food products] Rich: Do you do this every night, come out here? Student 1: Not every night, when we can. Where are you from? Joshua: We’re from England. Were on a field trip, based in Faliron. Student 1: Oh ok, sounds like fun Rich: We just thought we would come here, to have some insight as to what is happening. Joshua: How many of them [refugees] sleep here? Student 2: Some of them stay like two or three days and then they move on. Also, because now it is getting colder, you know. Two weeks ago there were many of them, hundreds with blankets and tents sleeping in the square, then the police came and they took everyone to the stadiums and so now they are living there. They live on the ground, most of them do not have bags (sleeping) to lay on. So we went once to the stadiums and distributed blankets donated from students and shops. So yeah, they try to stay, but the police tell them to go. Joshua: What was the name of the stadiums? Student 2: [asking her friend] You know how the stadium is called? Student 1: The main one is called Galatsi Student 2: [Introduces herself] Sorry, hi guys! Haha I thought it was just one of you. Chris: That’s ok, we just gave some biscuits. Would have loved to give more but this was an unexpected detour. 38
Student 2: Are you students here? Chris: No, from the UK studying architecture. Student 2 is approached by two young children: What do you want, cola or water?...Of course, cola!
Joshua: So how is it at the stadium? [Galatsi] Student 2: Its crowded and there is no system. The government are not doing anything, its heart-breaking. They are more concerned with the Greek Crisis, maybe you heard about it? haha So they don’t have much, and they can’t do much either [the refugees]. What’s shocking is how many children there are, and they aren’t being cared for. Joshua: Do you donate food yourself, is it out of your own money? Student 2: Some of us is out of our own money. Some of us, like me, get sponsored. Student 1: But still we all collect money from friends and family. I think the whole thing is just crazy. Joshua: Did you say you were studying over here? Student 2: Im doing my internship, but yes, we all study here. I’ve been here for like five months. How long are you staying? Joshua: Were going back Saturday, were only here for a week. Student 2: Ahh ok, otherwise you could have joined us next week. [she turns to a group of children and gives them sandwiches]. Its so nice to see them enjoy small things that we take for granted. We cannot stop the war but we can be a bit more human. Joshua: How many people have been here? The most you’ve seen here? Student 2: Here?, oh like maybe a thousand a day. Its really a lot, one time I think it must have been three thousand in a day. They are mostly afghan and Syrians that are unable to afford ferries elsewhere in Europe. At the borders its crazy, crazy! Like the queues, its just insane, but that’s just how it is. They like your cookies haha. Come take a picture. Joshua: Ok, were going to go now guys, thanks for talking to us. I think what you’re doing is amazing, you guys are showing compassion I wish others would show. Student 2: Thank you. Ok, nice to talk with you. Stay safe. Bye Student 1: Bye guys! 39
Figure 6.1 Children playing
Figure 6.2 Refugees sleeping in Victoria Square
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Figure 6.3 Outside Victoria Square Metro Station
Figure 6.4 Refugees gathered in Victoria Square
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Appendicies - 2 Website www.carryology.com/bags/whats-in-my-bag-what-refugees-bring-when-they-run-for-their-lives/
What’s in My Bag? : What Refugees Bring When They Run for Their Lives A mother Name: Aboessa Age: 20 From: Syria
When vicious fighting erupted in Yarmouk, an unofficial camp for Palestinians just south of the Syrian capital, Aboessa managed to escape with her husband and their 10-month-old daughter, Doua. After crossing the border to Turkey, they spent one week sheltering in another forlorn camp before jumping into a rubber raft bound for the safe shores of Europe. The Turkish police patrolling the coast stopped them and detached the boat’s motor in order to force them to turn back, but the refugees kept going, steering the boat through the sea’s strong currents with makeshift paddles. - Hat for the baby - An assortment of medication, a bottle of sterile water, and a jar of baby food - A small supply of napkins for diaper changes - A hat and a pair of socks for the baby - Assortment of pain relievers, sunscreen and sunburn ointment, toothpaste - Personal documents - Wallet (with photo ID and money) - Cell phone charger - Yellow headband
“Everything is for my daughter to protect her against sickness. When we arrived in Greece, a kind man gave me two jars of food. Another man gave us biscuits and water when he saw my baby.” 42
What’s in My Bag? : What Refugees Bring When They Run for Their Lives An artist Name: Nour Age: 20 From: Syria
Nour has a passion for music and art. He played guitar in Syria for seven years and painted. As bombs and gunfire echoed in the distance, Nour grabbed the items closest to his heart before leaving for Turkey — things that today evoke bittersweet memories of home. - Small bag of personal documents - A rosary (gift from his friend; Nour doesn’t let it touch the floor) - A watch (from his girlfriend; it broke during the journey) - Syrian flag, Palestinian charm, silver and wooden bracelets (gifts from friends) - Guitar picks (one also a gift from a friend) - Cell phone and Syrian SIM card - Photo ID
- 1 shirt
“I left Syria with two bags, but the smugglers told me I could only take one. The other bag had all of my clothes. This is all I have left.” 43