RETHINKING INFORMALITY: Strategies of Urban Space Co-Production by Jota Samper

RETHINKING INFORMALITY Strategies of Urban Space Co-Production JOTA SAMPER + CATALINA ORTIZ + JAVIER SOTO Medellin - Comuna 8

ABOUT THIS BOOK

his work is the product of an international collaboration between the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s School of Architecture + Planning, the Architecture Department, the School of Planning at Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the planning council of Comuna 8. The goal of this project is to envision, plan and design prototypical criteria and design alternatives as relevant proposals for decision makers in the community. The project also aims to make institutions and other stakeholders aware of various alternatives for the growth of informal settlements in the City of Medellin’ Comuna 8 (District 8).

Faculty Jota Samper, MIT Catalina Ortiz, UNAL Javier Soto, UNAL Karen Johnson, teaching assistant, MIT

MIT students Claudia Bode Kate Mytty Adriana Akers Alison Coffey Carmela Zakon Luxi Lin Cate Mingoya Callida Cenizal Emily Royall

UNAL students

César Augusto Mazo González Hendys Paola Guzmán Tenjo Johan Stiv García Cardozo Juan Sebastián Galeano Villa Laura Andrea Vahos Osorio Ana María Palencia Rivera Carolina Tabares Usma Daniela Idárraga Ossa David Puerta Carmona Javier Ricardo Trujillo Parra Iván Darío Castrillón Escobar Manuela Aldana Sánchez Samuel Barrios Miranda

Published by MIT School of Architecture and Planning ISBN 978-1-942846-41-3

CONTENTS 04 Acknowledgements 05 Foreword 06 Introduction 12

REFRAMING PLANNING (UNAL Planning)

16 Conceptualization

35 Articulate

40 Strengthen

47 Integrate

MAPPING, FORECASTING & ACTING (MIT)

106 Housing

128

Income Generation

138

Risk Management

158 Mobility

178

DESIGN (UNAL Architecture)

182

Middle Hillside Corridor

187

Habitat Enclave

188

Intervenciones Puntuales

Coproduction Negotiated of Space

Public Space

229 Conclusion

Acknowledgements W

e are grateful to Rubyselen Ortiz Sanchez and Jairo Maya Planning leaders at the Council and Local Management group of Comuna 8 for joining us throughout the process and their feedback. To Eran Ben Joseph, Director of the Department of Urban Planning, MIT; and MIT DUSP Practicum Committee for their support for the workshop; To Edgar Arroyo Castro, Dean of the School of Architecture, UNAL; Edgar Meneces, Dean of the Department of Architecture, UNAL; Pedro Torres, Director Area Cirrucular in Architecture and Urbanism, UNAL; To Juan Sebastian Galeano Villa, David Puerta Carmona, Samuel Barrios Miranda, Cesar Augusto Gonzalez Mazo, Jose Abraham David Ramirez, Ryan Catalani, and Bailey Sincox for their help with the translation to Spanish; To Alison Coffey for the compilation and production of the publication in Spanish; To Shaoyi Liang and Maria Sanchez Estefania Castrillon for graphic design; And Marco Aurelio Londo単o, Carlos Andres Escobar Gutierrez and Jose Alexander Brown Caicedo for support in providing information.

INTRODUCTION

Introduction

his book summarizes the result of the workshop “Rethinking informality: Spatial Strategies for Comuna 8, Medellín “ This workshop is an international collaboration between MIT’s School of Architecture + Planning, the Architecture Department, the School of Planning at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia in Medellin and the planning council of Comuna 8 . The goal of this project is to envision, plan and design prototypical criteria and project alternatives as relevant proposals for decision makers in the community. The project also aims to make institutions and other stakeholders aware of various alternatives for the growth of informal settlements in the City of Medellin’ Comuna 8 (District 8). The workshop is the result of the work of three methodological independent but link studios two in the Universidad Nacional one with a planning focus and the second with an architectural focus and a third in the Department of Urban Studies and Planning (DUSP) at MIT that mix architects and planners. The goal of this diversity is to enrich the discussions and also the scope of the exercises. The workshop is a pedagogical platform for transnational applied knowledge. With a twofold goal (1) First to produce applied products that engage ethically with the needs of local communities on current urban problems around the issues of informality and (2) second to develop skills in the students that engage in the creation of projects adjusted to the needs of these communities. In the 1990s, at same time that the United States was bombing Baghdad, Medellín was the most dangerous city in the world. Since 2003, the city has undergone an internationally renowned urban transformation, part of a controversial nationwide peace process. Implemented under three consecutive mayor administrations (03-07, 08-11, 12-

14), the city—now perceived as a totally different place with a homicide rate 10 times lower—is seen as an example of how to engage with conflict and violence thru spatial and urban policies. Today the city’s spatial practices had become the model to intervene in cities were large concentration of informal settlements and conflict intersect.

This workshop wants to look at the challenges of growth management of cities in the global south, its goal is twofold: on one side is an interest in the creation of predictive models of city growth, as tools to inform design and planning decision making process; secondly (and more importantly), the project is interested in generating urban development strategies that use the inherent qualities of the informal development in the cities in the south as a way to direct growth in ways that is sustainable an equitable. Given today’s preponderance of urban informality across the global south, which accounts for up to one-third of urban development in the world (Davis 2006), a new practice-oriented perspective on how we intervene in this prevalent geography is needed. This workshop tries to contribute to the nascent practice of contemporary spatial interventions on spaces of urban informality (Hernández 2010). It does so in a way that tries to merge the large bodies of practice of community involvement in spaces of poverty (Perlman 2010; Betancur 2007; AlSayyad 1993; Rojas et al. 2010) with the innovative physical approaches of design urban practice (Brillembourg 2004; Echeverri and Orsini 2011; Castro and Echeverri 2011). Today the city of Medellin is starting the next generation of urban projects in informal areas that have made the city internationally renowned , a main feature of this new generation of urban projects is the key interest on controlling urban growth into protected areas and into high environmentally sensitive and risk slops of the Andes mountains. The new project called the “Metropolitan Green Belt”(Cinturón Verde Metropolitano) have mixed responses in Medellin while having support for all state agencies, communities at the urban perimeter have different feelings about the development of the project. The planning council of the Comuna 8 (Consejo de Planeación y Gestión

de la Comuna 8) is one of those community groups. They have been working with the help of the school of planning at the Universidad Nacional on a new proposal that challenges the vision of the city planning Department (Departamento Administrativo de Planeación DAP). The goal of this workshop is to combine the recommendations of this advancing work with new field research to propose concrete project spatial strategies that will be implemented by our community partner. The premise of the work was (1) to maintain the community on site and (2) the designed interventions are frame as inclusive and concerted between multiple state and community actors. Finally all actors including the community agreed in that five key issues were the most important to address: risk management, housing, food security, mobility and public space. This conflict between informal urban communities and the state is not unique to the Medellin case, the entire geography of informality in the “global south” and of urban regeneration in the “global north” are filled with such conflicts. What makes this case unique is that happens in the context of a historical favorable record of the city of Medellin of implementing new prototypes and strategies of intervention is such risk environments and with incredible levels of success measured by the number of awards that such projects have achieved. Ultimately this context of creative implementation and critical review offers several possibilities. First, it generates a critical review (using our community partners interest) of such (award winning) projects. Second, it becomes an ideal scenario to introduce new models of urban intervention in informal settlements that can in the future be actually implemented by new partnerships between the city and community. Differently to studio and workshops that see communities as “clients” the work presented here place our relationship

with the community under the notion of “interlocutor” (Simone 2008, 17; Sletto 2012), in Simone’s interlocutors are those who “open up the possibility of some alternative kind of communication that itself may generate new ways of working” (Simone 2008, 20–21) Sletto’s argument that in the context of this kind of academic endeavors the notion of interlocutor “permits us to escape simplistic assumptions of rights and privilege to speak, to instead consider more fully the potential of disruptive studio engagements to advance the radical agency of new speakers, including residents, civil society representatives, and also students and city planners, who may emerge to foment what Simone refers to as alternative ways of working.” (Sletto 2012, 229). The workshop was divided in two sections the first (Part I) on site in Medellin during nine days in February 2014 was a collaboration with community partners students and faculty from both institutions in which a hands on workshop environment produced quick ideas and prototypes of possible strategies that were presented to community leaders. The feedback from the community in that session serve as a guidance for the rest of the workshop. The second section at MIT in Cambridge and in the Universidad Nacional in Medellin during the spring semester combined seminar, discussions and studio formats. Short informal talks will introduce concepts, analytical techniques and site planning models. Short exercises as well as a major project will provide practice in various site planning and design techniques. The three groups meet again and present result at the end of the semester in Cambridge. The final product was presented to the community in the form of a book in Spanish along with an exhibition of the projects in the Parque Biblioteca La Ladera in Medellin, Comuna 8 in August of 2014.

This book present specific recommendation for the local government of Medellin and for the community of Comuna 8 to respond to the challenges of the planning process and as a search for more just and concerted proposals. The report is divided in three sections: the (1) first REFRAMING PLANNING is devoted to the conceptual underpinning and the definition of negotiated co-production of space as a strategy for territorial planning. The (2) second MAPPING, FORECASTING & ACTING has the goal of to understand the logics of growth of informal settlements and specifically the ones located in the edges of the city of Medellin (through mapping), to be able to see prospectively how those logics will play in the future (through forecasting) and finally to propose strategies that intervene on those possible futures (acting). This section propose project on the five issues defined by the community (risk management, housing, food security, mobility and public space.) and the (3) third DESIGN propose urban and architectural interventions in the mid hill section of Comuna 8 with three public building projects. We hope, this process will illuminate and contribute to the generation of better interventions and planning practices in the areas of concern to both the affected communities and the city as a whole.

Bibliography AlSayyad, Nezar. 1993. “Squatting, Culture, and Development : A Comparative Analysis of Informal Settlements in Latin America and the Middle East.” Journal of Developing Societies. Betancur, John J. 2007. “Approaches to the Regularization of Informal Settlements: The Case of PRIMED in Medellin, Colombia.” Global Urban Development Magazine, WORLD BANK – IPEA INTERNATIONAL URBAN Research Symposium, 3 (1). http:// www.globalurban.org/GUDMag07Vol3Iss1/ Betancur.htm. Brillembourg, C. 2004. “The New Slum Urbanism of Caracas, Invasions and Settlements, Colonialism, Democracy, Capitalism and Devil Worship.” ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN 74: 77–81.

Rojas, Eduardo., Inter-American Development Bank., Cities Alliance., and Taller “Programas de mejoramiento de barrios : análisis comparado de lecciones aprendidas y nuevos enfoques.” 2010. “Building Cities : Neighbourhood Upgrading and Urban Quality of Life.” In . [Washington, D.C.] : InterAmerican Development Bank; [Cambridge, Mass.]: Cities Alliance ; David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies : [Distributed by Harvard University Press]. Simone, AbdouMaliq. 2008. “Emergency Democracy and the ‘governing Composite.’” Social Text 26 (2 95): 13–33. Sletto, Bjørn. 2012. “Insurgent Planning and Its Interlocutors Studio Pedagogy as Unsanctioned Practice in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic.” Journal of Planning Education and Research, 0739456X12467375.

Castro, L., and A. Echeverri. 2011. “Bogotá and Medellín: Architecture and Politics.” Architectural Design 81 (3): 96–103. Davis, Mike. 2006. Planet of Slums. London; New York: Verso. Echeverri, Alejandro, and Francesco Orsini. 2011. “Informalidad Y Urbanismo Social En Medellín.” Càtedra UNESCO de Sostenibilitat de La UPC 12: 11–24. Hernández, Felipe. 2010. “Beyond Modernist Masters Contemporary Architecture in Latin America.” http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-30346-0495-6. Perlman, Janice E. 2010. Favela : Four Decades of Living on the Edge in Rio de Janeiro. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.

UNAL Master

REFRAMING PLANNING

Objectives

o understand the territorial relationships and complexities of managing urban growth in metropolitan environments. By recognizing the challenges of planning discipline to address the sociospatial impacts of urban growth process and the provision of public infrastructure in formal and informal settlements. Here we propose a set of territorial strategies to catalyze and coordinate the transformation processes of the central area and the Comuna 8 based on the interdependencies between the urban dynamics of the study area.

Negotiated Co-production of Space Tools for collective land management

César Augusto Mazo González Hendys Paola Guzmán Tenjo Johan Stiv García Cardozo Juan Sebastián Galeano Villa Laura Andrea Vahos Osorio

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Conceptualization Transcending the binary framework in urban planning and informality

thought process stemming from binary entities is considered to be an epistemological obstacle to approach the complexity and uncertainty in urban processes. The limitations and insufficiencies of public policy in solving territorial problems are derived from the theoretical and practical assumptions of urban planning and informality. Thus, these need to be challenged and reformulated in the Latin American context in order to generate new narratives about territorial dynamics and their intervention strategies. This initial analysis requires one to think about territory and its transformational relationships from a renewed perspective of social-spatial dynamics. A classic approach, applied to different contexts, suggests that particular historical urban development that responds to local realities is incomplete, lacking and not adjusted to an ideal. This approach limits the possibility for analysis as a local and coherent process of a particular context. Starting from this idea, the workshop proposes a conceptual framework, through which a contextualized review of urban processes in Latin America will provide a new scope with respect to territorial planning and management and the stakeholders involved.

Planning The study of cities today has been marked with a paradox; the greatest portion of urban growth in the twenty-first century takes place in developing countries while the greatest portion of theories or approaches

regarding how cities function come from cities in developed countries. In other words, city models belong to the first world and most of the problems related to cities are found in the third world (Roy, 2010). This mismatch produces an array of myths which have become common place in the characterizations of urban planning processes and management, where the judicial systems that regulate informality are produced. This becomes the first reference point in the challenge that this workshop addresses.

Myths and realities of planning When the city is planned and managed in developing countries, one can generally find differences between the governments and the communities. These differences are characterized by differing positions on priorities for intervention, which visualizes some of the myths regarding planning. Planning myths compose the idea that it is done exclusively by the state through an objective and rational intervention that seeks consensus. It is also thought to include: clear limits between what is legal and illegal and what is public and private, a monopoly of knowledge and of territorial control that functions under a single definition of order. The myth creates the illusion that planning is able to predict, that there is an absolute legitimacy by the state and full trust among the different territorial actors (Roy, 2010). The reality of planning is different; territorial control is divided and in dispute, interventions are based on political interests and the planning process is actually based on conflicts being starting points for reaching agreements. Additionally, there is a vast array of ideas about what is considered â&#x20AC;&#x153;orderâ&#x20AC;?, a heterogeneous knowledge of the territory and porous borders, for example, between what is legal and illegal or public and private. Due to this, planning must begin with anticipation. Planning must be thought of in a environment of weak governability where the state is not considered to have a strong or

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legitimate presence in all spaces (a recurring reality in Latin American contexts). Planning must also have the fundamental objective of being a participatory process that is more than a legitimization process, but rather a negotiation among the territorial actors involved. This must be considered parallel to official knowledge and institutional power. Through planning and its legal apparatus, the state has the power to determine what is informal and what is not. In doing so, it determines which types of informality may live on and which ones will disappear. In consequence, planning is also a political struggle, where the power of the state is reproduced through the capacity of building and rebuilding its classifications of legitimacy and illegitimacy which, through the discourse, will ultimately establish the deserving and the non-deserving (Roy, 2010).

Urban Informality Informal settlements are more than just a contingent form of urban development, as is generally thought. These settlements make up a structural part in the historical development of cities, especially in Latin America, due to the fact that they belong to an urban consolidation process that has historically

tended towards formalization processes (Fernandes, 2011). This preconception induces a series of myths that have a definitive influence in the treatment of urban consolidation processes by approaching them in a pejorative manner, with problems to solve and not as processes that are in an early stage and on the path to consolidation.

Myths and Realities in Urban Informality The myths that are associated to the concept of informality imply that the process appears where there is absence of the state and that is an exceptionality of urbanization made up of people that are excluded from the market. It is also believed that informality is the equivalent of poverty, a spontaneous chaos and that it is exclusive to the global South as a manifestation of underdevelopment. Closely linked to these myths about informality are the concepts of deficiency, marginality and conflict. In practice, informality is the prevalent mode of urbanization, which functions in a unregulated market and is produced by state action or inaction. Furthermore, one must understand that informality is truly not associated to socioeconomic conditions as it is common in the global North as well as South with some singular organizational patterns that are more a manifestation of the unequal growth of global capitalism (Watson, 2012). Although the inhabitants of informal settlements can present a wide variety of socioeconomic traits and in some settlements can generate fluid dynamics through their informal economies, the recurrent theme is of deficient economic conditions, informal economy and low sustainability (Fernandes, 2011). In terms of legal characteristics, apart from being the determining aspect of informality, there is a diverse field due to the all of the potential variations since the violation of legality can be done in many ways, for example: through the violation of private, public and communal property laws,

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the violation of urban, environmental and construction codes and regulations, lacking the requirements for formalization and legal dispositions (Fernandes, 2011). Quite differently from settlers or settlements, high-end informality generally enjoys high quality infrastructure and its inhabitants are guaranteed ownership of their properties. Informality, at first sight, seems to be a land use issue, which is what is normally addressed through attempts of restoration of urban and landscape “order” and through inclusion in formal markets (Roy, 2010). According to Abramo (2012), the market is the main structuration vector in formal residential land use in big Latin American cities. Contrary to the informal market, the regulating institutions of this market are already inscribed in the official legal-political system of order. Its three main traits being: the territorial immobility of the real estate asset, its high individual value and its long devaluation period. The formal real estate market generates recognition of neighborhood and equality among its neighbors in the same territory, which has generated hierarchies, stratification and in the same way, segmentation. In the end, the generation of new real estate models that are ever more exclusive and innovative (generating higher levels of quality of life) promote a city with a diffuse structure. This movement of residential substitution produces an increase in density, making families consume less urban space due to the higher land costs (Abramo, 2012). In some cases, informality is given through a “silent invasion of the common” (Bayat,

2000), by using spaces, that are not apt for urban use according to formal planning, in nonconventional ways and in this way achieving structures that are adapted to the environment and reinforce the social networks of the local inhabitants (Sletto, 2012). Informality exists in spite of planning, not thanks to it. Still, planning mechanisms permeate everyday processes in communities, inducing them to validate interventions that are designed by formal planning, which in many cases opposes the most critical needs of the community. In the face of the horizon of informality, two new phenomena emerge: “insurgent planning” and “interlocutors”. The former is the social process through which informal residents are considered subjects that are in the capacity of planning their own territories hand-in-hand with other efforts. The latter concept refers to the actors that allow new and pedagogical relationships and links between the state and residents of informal settlements, as well as academic actors, urban planners, international agencies, etc. (Sletto, 2012).

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Context

The historic urbanization process in the Valley of Aburrรก shows that a large part of the city has been urbanized informally. This tendency has been consolidated during the last 50 years through accelerated urbanization due to migratory processes from the countryside to cities by people with low economic resources and by a real estate market that has does not supply this influx of demand with accessible options. This tendency in the eastern hills of the city has made urbanization in the mid-slope and high-slope areas of Comuna 8 to be of mostly informal origin. In this particular context, Comuna 8 has experienced considerable demographic growth due to the coming together of basic variables such as the birth rate, along with others that correspond to the local context of the city, such as forced displacement. According to the DANE (National Administrative Statistics Division), in 1993 the Comuna had 103,034 residents and in 2014, Comuna 8 has a population of 153,156 showing a growth of 50% in the last 20 years. This accelerated growth influences quality of life directly since the appearance and consolidation of informal settlements and their level of quality are directly related to the amount of time the people have lived in the territory. Many of the inhabitants, as was mentioned beforehand, are associated to the forced displacement. According to the official

Source:Jota Samper, Joost de Bont

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Source: Resultado y Balance Politico Consula Popular Comuna 8

Medellin Model At the local, national and international levels, a lot has been said about Social Urbanism and how it has evolved to consolidate an image of state interventions of what is known today as the Medellin Model. This concept is known for a series of physical interventions of an iconic and monumental nature, such as the Metro and its integrated system of buses, bicycles, tram and cables, the Integral Urban Projects – PUI, the Library Parks, the green belt, the Articulated Life Units – UVA and the Medellin River Park, among others. These territorial interventions are oriented towards the concretion of a city model, which responds

increasingly to external variables that are not in line with the will of the territory’s own inhabitants and are closer to the demands of the city’s internationalization.

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quality of life survey for Medellin in 2011, more than 70% of the inhabitants of Comuna 8 belonged to strati 1 and 2, while 97% of the population could be found among strati 1, 2 and 3. Along with socioeconomic status, another variable that is related to population growth of lower-income residents of the Comuna is home ownership; the last cited source also indicates that more than 40% of the population does not have a legal formalized home. While the majority of this portion of the population rents, about 9% of the total population of the Comuna are settlers that reside through usufruct, antichresis or squatting.

Territorial Problems After performing an exploration of primary and secondary data and a visit to the area of study, which was accompanied by members of the local community, a matrix with the territorial problems was created (p. XX-XX ). Comuna 8’s panorama reflects needs in terms of socioeconomic conditions, quality of life and housing situation. The municipal government is inclined towards an intervention of the urban border that prioritizes urban containment through the city’s green belt project (Jardín Circunvalar) and that is accompanied by a strategy rooted in strong investment in the Metro and Metrocable transportation system. These interventons are framed within the “Civic Pedagogical Urbanism” slogan, where the Metropolitan Green Belt project, mainly the city’s component of that larger green belt, is made into the area’s main project. Furthermore, the government seeks to establish an intervention fringe in order to contain the urban ‘stain’ and

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to have territorial balance in the urban-rural transition by including a series of public space projects. At the same time, the mobility and infrastructure interventions are focused around the implementation of three new lines that will be linked to the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Metro system: a 4.3 kilometer tramway that will connect A Lineâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s San Antonio station in downtown Medellin to the Alejandro EchavarrĂa neighborhood; the first Metrocable, the M Line, will connect the area around the Miraflores Sports Park to the Trece de Noviembre neighborhood; the second Metrocable, the H Line,

will link from the last tramway station up to the Villa Turbay and La Sierra neighborhoods, with an intermediate station in the Las Torres sector of the San Antonio neighborhood. From the community, mainly from the Committees of Public Utilities and the Displaced, the community actors performed a referendum in order to try to define the concrete proposals for the fringe interventions in Comuna 8 and the implications that these had on what was defined in the POT of Medellin. Apart from requiring democratic participatory mechanisms for the concertation of territorial actions, where

and the Librar Park La Ladera. In terms of oversight and for vote counting, various institutions from Medellín were present as well, such as the Medellin human rights office, the Medellin Observatory for Human Security, Corporación Región, the Popular Training Institute, the Inter-neighborhood Committee of the Disconnected, Corporación Jurídica Libertad, Moravia Concertation Committee and the people’s defense office.

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the referendum is proposed as a mechanism that is recognized by the institutions, the demands of the community manifest a need for neighborhood improvement programs, risk mitigation, dignified housing and a guarantee of permanence in the territory by the local communities. The referendum took part in 10 voting booths located around the Comuna: Villa Turbay School, Esfuerzos de Paz 1 Youth House, Villatina’s social site, Sol de Oriente home garden, Altos de la Torreo Cedepro School, Golondrinas school, Llanaditas communal site, Julia Agudelo School, Casa de la Cultura, Las Estancias

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The proposal contained the following points:

1. Guaranteeing permanence of the territory’s inhabitants 2. Reclassification of risk zones and development of a risk mitigation and management plan.

a.Conduct a study of risk zones identified in Llanaditas, Golondrinas, El Pacífico, Altos de la Torre, Villatina La Torre, Esfuerzos de Paz 1 and 2 and Union de Cristo b.Survey affected homes and develop a risk management plan for the homes that are identified in non-recoverable risk areas

3. Improve neighborhoods through participatory planning.

Implement the neighborhood improvement projects identified by the authorities. The community considers these improvements a historic debt since this category of urban improvement was developed in 1999 but there has not been a single project in this area to date.

4. Construct dignified housing

a.There is housing deficit of 8,000 houses in Comuna 8, the highest of Medellín’s comunas. The development of a Land Trust would benefit the community when constructing new houses. Several potential land parcels have been identified for a Land Trust: the Girardot battalion grounds, the Universidad de Antioquia property between the Alcázares de Sucre and the Normal Municipal School soccer field, the parcels next to the Claret homes in the high parts of Villa Turbay and La Sierra. b.The purchase of land by the city and changing of zoning would also encourage the development of appropriate housing within Comuna 8.

5. Extension of land parcel ownership and home legalization.

a.To encourage home legalization, the team recommends the implementation of the existing Urban Regularization and Legalization Plans (PRLU) within the Comuna. This would include legalizing the following neighborhoods: Llanaditas, Golondrinas, El Faro, Altos de la Torre, El Pacífico, 13 de Noviembre and La Primavera. b.The three components of regularization include: • Parcel ownership, or in other words, the formalization of a title deed • Settlement regularization, which mainly refers to developing and implementing risk management • Construction recognition through the adherence of houses to earthquake resistance building codes

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6. Extension of public utilities.

Public utilities like water should be extended and guaranteed to all precarious settlements within the urban perimeter. Other public services and infrastructure, such as phone lines, natural gas and garbage collection should also be extended.

7. Creation of access roads

The monorail should be rejected; instead, there needs to be a greater emphasis on human and non-vehicular mobility in the high slopes of Comuna 8. The prioritized projects are: • Access road to El Faro • Connecting arteries between Golondrinas and Altos de la Torre • Connecting arteries between the Las Mirlas road and La Sierra • Widening of the road between Pinar del Cerro and Sol de Oriente • Connecting arteries between Esfuerzos de Paz and Villa Liliam • Second stage of the 8th and 9th boardwalk in Las Estancias • Parallel streets for Calle 52 and Enciso Los Mangos •Bridges between Comuna 8 and Comuna 9 over the Santa Elena stream

8. Inclusion of settlements within the perimeter.

The urban perimeter should be extended to include El Faro, El Pacífico, Pinares de Oriente and Alto Bonito in Villa Turbay as residential land within the urban perimeter; these neighborhoods should be formally recognized as part of Comuna 8.

9. Development of food security zones

The creation of a food corridor around Pan de Azucar would help generate a regular food source. This could include a mixed garden involving fruit trees planted by the community. When the Green Belt is launched, the trees in the Green Belt would then belong to the community.

10. Launch of consultation mechanisms for approval of the POT and the Metropolitan Green Belt

The consultation committee would be composed of Social Institute of Housing (ISVIMED), EDU, the Administrative Planning Department (DAP) and the Metropolitan Area. In addition, the City Council would sign an agreement that would forbid the possibility of leaving the decision of POT and the Green Belt exclusively in hands of EDU.

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Results of community voting

Results by neighborhood

After analyzing the most evident problems within the Comuna, the greatest point of tension surges when the visions of both actors are compared. The main actors of this scenario demonstrate that there are different ways of thinking about and producing proposals, solutions and interventions. In a methodological sense, the government and organized communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s proposals become the main resource to trace a path and to identify with greater clarity what this workshopâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s challenges are in establishing issues, negotiations and agreements.

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Challenge Divergent intervention priorities There is tension between the differences of intervention priorities of the State and those of the Community. This tension manifests itself in four dimensions: biophysical, social, spatial and institutional. Each dimension highlights certain challenges and also opportunities. To address this tension, while also keeping in mind the priorities suggested by the community -- risk, public space, housing and mobility â&#x20AC;&#x201C; it is necessary to analyze the characteristics that exist at different heights on the slope of the Comuna.

Within the updated definition of risk zones that will be adopted in the new MedellĂn master plan (POT), 3,200 homes in Comuna 8 will be classified as located in recoverable risk zones while 1,800 homes will be in non-recoverable risk zones. These numbers are lower than the numbers indicated in the previous master plan. As a result, the rights and responsibilities by the state and the community in these areas must be adjusted to fit a new reality. Additionally, 70% of the homes in Comuna 8 are in strati 1 and 2, while 43% of homes are not inhabited by their owner and 84% of

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households do not have a member that is considered formally employed. In terms of community security, Comuna 8 urgently needs a solution; it has the third highest number of homicides in Medellin, and second highest number of disappearances and intraurban displacement. While the authorities have recognized some of the needs of the community, they have not recognized all of the communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s needs. The divergence in the perspectives of the community and the authorities means that some of the needs that the community sees as critical are not recognized by the authorities. As

result, the distance between the two actors grows. The underlying opportunity is to develop concrete proposals over points of agreement and create opportunities for shared understanding of the different perspectives about the territory through a coproduction approach. In a broad sense, coproduction would help to create a relationship between decision makers and stakeholders that is based on trust, respect, equality and a mutual understanding of each otherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s objectives.

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Divergent priorities of intervention

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STRATEGY

STRATEGY : COPRODUCTION NEGOTIATED OF SPACE T

he concept of coproduction rejects the idea of producing something in a transactional business-like manner. Coproduction, as a concept, tries to move away from the obstacles that normally exist between service providers and clients. Ideally, it aims to be a joint process that goes further than the sharing of information in order to generate inclusion and commitment by all parties involved. It is important to identify that the label of coproduction does not apply to any and all efforts of participation, but rather to relationships that imply the provision of resources by all parties to produce a final product or service. In much the same way, the involvement of the user in the evaluation and design of services, representation on committees and panels, referendums or consultations and simple communication are not coproduction exercises. There are different approaches to coproduction, including one that has been developed by American political scientist Elinor Ostrom which has left a seed in the contextual strategies of countries in the developing world. Even though the concept of coproduction has evolved, especially in contexts related to NGOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, Ostrom makes important contributions that are still valid today. Its approach, from the provision of public services, allowed her to identify how synergies that were generated were complementary; the State provides the resources and the technical experience while the community provides knowledge about their local environment, time and abilities. It is precisely the communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role as the provider of this local perspective that empowers the community to have control about the detailed information of their territory. Social cartography is a clear example of this resource.

Organizations such as Slum Dwellers International (SDI), apply a coproduction strategy, but with a slightly different interpretation. While the vision that coproduction is a joint production of public services between citizen and state, SDI also recognizes the political capital that this strategy can give entire communities to be able to negotiate with the state. This is increasingly common in contexts where the state has been weak and unable to provide services (Watson, 2012). The needs of public services like potable water and the generation of facilities and public space require large financial investments that communities are unable to provide. This generates the need to negotiate with the state to produce joint solutions stemming from a shared objective. Mitlin highlights some of the benefits of the implementation of coproduction as a strategy in SDIÂ´s programs around the world. It is important to note that coproduction bears a distinct difference from rightsbased movements, such as the right to the city movement, by defining itself as a strategy based on needs. In previous related efforts, communities have been relegated as secondary by waiting for the state to implement the rights they demand and for the city to provide development (Mitlin, 2008). Accordingly, coproduction then becomes an alternative for insurgent movements (Watson, 2012).

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BENEFITS OF THE COPRODUCTION STRATEGY DESIGN BENEFITS.

It is more effective than lobbying the state for improvements in service provision and state intervention in shelter markets because it enables real delivery problems to be considered by those who suffer the consequences of poor quality programmes and policies. There are lots of problems in the professional models and they need to be revised, but the urban poor design through experience not through abstract conceptual models.

RELATIONAL BENEFITS.

A practical engagement with the state avoids the confrontation often associated with the claims of civil society groups that tends to provoke a defensive reaction from the state. A practical engagement builds strong positive social relations and, in many cases, there are further opportunities for collaboration.

INCLUSIVE BENEFITS



POLITICAL BENEFITS

In terms of local organization. The emphasis on the practical and nonconfrontational encourages low-income women to play a central role in the local process. This participation secures one objective of the SDI process, to provide a collective entity through which this disadvantaged group can strategize to address their needs.

The scale and nature of a mass movement based around women’s engagement with their practical development needs is a latent political promise and a threat; politicians are drawn into the process in part because they want to secure the electoral support of this group.

EMPOWERMENT AND Engagement in this process has proved effective in encouraging those POVERTY REDUCTION BENEFITS

involved to feel positive about their work and gain growing confidence in their skills and capacities. In so doing, it addresses the insidious nature of poverty and inequality in which low-income and otherwise disadvantaged citizens are treated as less worthy than others.

Source: Mitlin 2008

STRATEGY

To achieve the objective of facilitating a negotiated coproduction of space in Comuna 8, a series of tools have been created to foment joint territorial management. The strategy is made up of three components: The tools that make up these strategic components are actor maps, planning instruments and platforms, the design of a technical academic program that is specialized towards planning and a series of maps that locate physical intervention opportunities to adequately integrate the territory and the physical interventions. Accordingly, some architectural prototype designs are generated that illustrate possible scenarios and opportunities for construction within the territory.

Adapted from Governance International

1. Articulate Articulate community and state planning systems in a binding manner.

2. Strengthen Strengthen the capacities of the territorial actors.

3. Integrate Integrate the territory and the physical interventions performed

This allows the identification of the multiplicity of actors, focal points in alliances and decision-making, and the formal capacities that actually influence the territorial planning process.

Being able to recognize and understand diverse territorial actors, with special attention to the relationships among them, is key in facilitating the creation of articulations that will potentially solve structural problems. Additionally, the aim is to provide coproduction strategies and methodologies within the territory through the needs and projections of the people that live within it day to day. As a whole, this creates dialogue with a city model that needs to be more inclusive and coherent In order to truly understand the territory and its challenges, it is necessary to understand that the state and the community are not wholly homogenous entities; there is a dynamic of relationships that is intensely diverse. With this in mind, the workshop proposes an analysis of actors, instances and instruments.

The identified actors were grouped as follows:

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1. Articulate

Community Actors

This actor is made up of the social organizations that, through the community, have acted in terms of themes, needs and proposals around day to day realities. Some are representatives within official processes, such as the Community Action Committees (JAC) and the Local Action Committees (JAL), while others are consolidated around thematic objectives; the Environmental and the Neighborhood Emergency Committees. Another group, with a much stronger dynamic, includes groups that present territorial realities; Thematic Work Committee, Victims and Displaced Population Committee and the Housing and Public Works Committee. The latter also deals with proposals and solutions, through the assertion of rights, such as the formulation of proposals and possibilities of articulations, dialogue and negotiations with different actors. These committees are also part of a city-wide program, the Inter-neighborhood Committee, which accompanies and strengthens them, through spaces for the consolidation of popular proposals.

STRATEGY

Public Institutions

This group of state actors, that have contacted, negotiated or physically intervened within the territory of study, are identified according to their institutional origin in the face of territorial planning problems. There are decentralized public entities such as the Metro, the Municipal Administrative Planning Department (DAPM) and the Public Works Enterprise of Medellin (EPM) and there are other public actors that are directly linked to different deputy Mayorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s offices, such as the

Current Map of Actors

Urban Development Enterprise (EDU), Social Housing Institute of Medellin (ISVIMED) and the Emergency and Disaster Risk Management Administrative Department (DAGRED). These institutions act for the state, in terms of presence and interventions, through city plans that are approved and executed partly by the municipal administration, with a marked influence in resettlement due to high risk and urban constructions.

Private Actors

Among the private actors present in the territory, the transportation guild is highlighted

In much the same way, each of these is connected to planning channels where different points of view, needs and proposals are brought up. For the private actors, the Territorial Advisory Council is the channel through which state actors and the POT are articulated. The community actors act within the Local Planning and Management Council, where relationships with state actors are made. In theory, these councils are articulated to the review and adjustment of the POT process in order to consolidate the city model through a participatory process. The reality is that these

relationships are not binding. Considering that territorial actors have the instruments that would allow the consolidation of planning and development proposals, such as community actors with their Local Development Plans and the city with its Municipal Development Plans and the POT, these are not properly articulated among them, which breaks down and complicates the harmonic and coherent development at the different territorial scales. With a coproduction strategy in mind, new relationships and engagements among territorial actors are proposed based on the premise of what actors exist, their interests and power relationships.

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due to the imminent operation of the integrated public transport system. The three groups of actors (private, public and community) have relationships among them due to the dynamics of the territory; mainly those related to mobility and transportation, housing, risks and threats, use of public space and territorial interventions.

The previous actor map shows not only the new potential components of the groups, but the new relationships sought among them, as well as the instances and instruments needed. The groups of territorial actors are still the same ones that were illustrated in

STRATEGY

the first map, yet this proposal established a different relationship among them. Fundamentally the idea is that the instruments relate to each other, keeping in mind that the Local Development Plans should be the ones that influence and are given feedback through the Municipal Development Plans and the POT, so that they may be included in the proposals made from neighborhood realities, community projections and the results of zonal planning processes. This promotes convincing and influential participation that is also qualified and defended by the community planning instances.

Potential Map of Actors

The proposal also includes the strengthening of The Right to the City Committee as a channel for dialogue and interlocution, understanding it as an emerging planning instance that has the capacity of congregating community proposals and the support of NGOs, such as Corporacion Juridica Libertad which works with legal issues. International cooperation may also be considered through leveraging and strengthening of community alliances at the zonal level. When this emerging channel is recognized as an interlocutor of the territorial planning process, it would be articulated to

also on playing the role of qualifier of diverse territorial actors, which would guarantee long term processes that feed territorial planning. The role of academic actors is much greater in the strengthening strategy that is proposed within this document where academia becomes the focal point.

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the other two planning channels; The Territorial Advisory Council and the Territorial Council. This would allow a dialogue and a coproduction of the vision and interventions to be had in the territory, with the minimal guarantee of providing spaces for encounters, dialogue and negotiation.

Strengthening of the private and public actors is also proposed. The public institutions can be assisted by different dependencies which have integral approaches to different problems that are present in the Comuna and that are unrelated to urban interventions, such as social, educational, security and nutritional problems, among others.

Academic

The academic actors would not only be focused on the accompaniment of territorial interventions or the study of the impacts, but

STRATEGY

2. Strengthen

he intention of this strategic component of the proposal is to train the local community through the implementation of educational tools in the short, medium and long term. In doing so, continuous analysis of territorial transformations is generated and strengthened, while providing tools to consolidate community-based proposals. As a whole, the community strengthens its planning and management of its own territory while engaging in processes at the city scale. This instrument is devised in a way that will bring together the formal educational process and collective community training, through three phases:

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STRATEGY

Neighborhood Lectures, Extracurricular Activity

Integrated Curriculum

Who?

The second phase seeks to promote a more solid and constant process, within the formality of the public school system, by integrating curricular subjects of certain areas.

Public schools, community and students

How?

The students, teachers and residents of Comuna 8 that are interested in territorial issues meet at the local public schools that agree to participate to participate in lectures led by social organizations, NGOs and the academic sector. Some examples would be local transportation employees that would be affected by the expansion of the city system, or families living in environmental risk zones. Simultaneously, this program would give anyone who has not received their high school diploma to finish their secondary education through the Special Integrated Lecture Cycles (CLEI).

When?

Neighborhood Lectures would be monthly for the duration of an academic semester, with the possibility of maintaining this process in the long run.

Why?

This first phase intends to examine urgent territorial problems and to create concrete products that will transcend these situations, such as risk and emergency management protocols as well as maps of risk and territorial tensions.

Who?

Secondary school students of the Comuna 8, teachers, administrative personnel, higher learning institutions, municipal institutions, community organizations and NGOs.

How?

This phase seeks the inclusion of territorial issues and territorial planning and management within the official social science and natural science curriculums. Students will develop competences and discussions around the needs of the Comuna, as well as participate in exercises that would feed the Neighborhood Lectures, which during this phase, serve as the community socialization spaces for the students.

When?

The Integrated Curriculum would be done in a small time span - shorter than one school year - in order evaluate its pertinence and possible extension to the rest of the school year.

Why?

This phase seeks to consolidate a commitment to territorial planning and management of oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s own Comuna in the formative processes of children and young persons. As concrete products, this phase will produce a territorial research proposal and micro-intervention proposals for actual territorial problems.

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Vocational Degree

Who?

Educational institutions, 10th and 11th grade students, teachers, Local Planning and Management Council, community organizations and NGOs, municipal institutions.

How?

Environment Regulatory Plan with territorial planning principles and to produce base documents for community instances and social processes in the Comuna (Local Planning and Management Council, The Right to the City Committee and the Interneighborhood Committee).

This phase is developed through the construction of a curricular grid, which opens up the possibility for high school students of attaining a technical vocational degree in Territorial Planning, as long as they have participated in the Neighborhood Lecture and the Integrated Curriculum and want to delve further into the strengthening of community planning and community coproduction processes with other institutional actors.

When?

This phase is designed to last the full two years of other technical degrees, and should begin after completing the previous phases. In order for this to be possible, the high schools must incorporate this proposal as a technical vocational emphasis, allowing the students to be formed in the subject and to give feedback to the participants of the integrated curriculum and thus, the Neighborhood Lecture spaces.

Why?

The main purpose of this phase is to build continuous planning processes within the community that, in the long run, will facilitate the construction of increasingly qualified proposals on the part of the community actors. This will in turn promote coproduction processes. As a whole, this phase would be a big step in increasing and strengthening the communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capacities through the knowledge and proposals that are projected for the Comuna. Within four years, there will be a graduating class of students who, accompanied by academic, technical and professional actors, will be able to propose punctual interventions, reform the School

STRATEGY

The formative educational component has the following proposed content:

Learning the legal framework of land use planning

Getting to know our Land Use Management Plan - POT

Interpreting territorial dynamics

Proposing collective territorial management and construction strategies

1.1.1 1.1.2 1.1.3 2.1 2.2 2.2.1 2.2.2 2.2.3 2.3 2.3.1 2.3.2 2.4 2.4.1

Legal precedents of land use planning in Colombia Territorial development – Law 388 of 1997 Principles of land use management

Past POTs Environmental guidelines in land use management Main Ecological Structure Land classification: Protection and Restricted Development Rural planning units Urban management Real Estate dynamics Territorial management instruments Municipal, Local and Neighborhood Intervention Projects Practical Exercise and “Neighborhood Lectures”

3.1 Environmental dynamic 3.1.1 Climate change and Risk Management 3.1.2 Ecological Structure 3.2 Sociocultural Dynamic 3.2.1 Neighborhood inhabitants to the city 3.2.2 Governability, conflict and community organization 3.3 Settlement and habitat dynamics 3.3.1 Urban growth stages of the Comuna 3.3.2 Informal neighborhoods and integral neighborhood improvement 3.3.3 Urban borders and limits 3.4 Structuring systems dynamics 3.4.1 Mobility 3.4.2 Public spaces and facilities 3.4.3 Public works 3.4.4 Food security 3.5 Economic dynamic 3.5.1 Employment 3.5.2 Consumption 3.5.3 Investment 3.5.4 Management 3.5.5 Land uses and economic activities 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4

Community model of territorial occupation Community territorial management (Coproduction) Territorial information, follow-up and monitoring system Communicative strategy

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STRATEGY

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Integrate T

his component of the strategy proposes an integration of GIS as a tool for territorial planning and management. The possibility of using GIS has allowed territorial planning and management processes to strengthen their interventions through the identification of issues, possibilities and opportunities in the territory using fairly simple technical criteria. To consolidate the coproduction proposal that is developed in this project, the team proposes thematic maps that illustrate the Comunaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s areas where housing, mobility and public space projects could be implemented; while at the same time improving the quality of life and permanence within the territory. The three maps were made to show opportunities for interventions in housing resettlement, mobility and recovery of public space through linear parks. The purpose of this tool is to highlight, not only important areas, but negotiation criteria. The final synthesis map reveals areas with the greatest importance for interventions and negotiated actions in the territory.

STRATEGY

Resettlement Opportunities

ousing is one of the most pressing issues for the community and for the municipality in terms of the Comunaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s physical and social transformation. This issue is approached by the project through resettlement since it is important for the Comuna to visualize its capacity of not only containing the people within its borders, but of being a receptor of groth processes for the city through adequate planning and interventions. This map was made with the following in mind: One and two story constructions, according to the cadaster officeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s data from 2013, are adequate redensification targets as solutions to resettlement processes that are necessary in the Comuna today. One story buildings offer the most opportunity, while two story constructions presented a lesser opportunity for resettlement. Constructions with three stories or more were not considered in order to maintain feasibility within current construction codes. Tendencies of densification near Metro Cable constructions permit the forecasting of similar phenomena in the Comuna. We have set a 100 meter radius of potential redensification and resettlement nodes around Metro Cable and Tram constructions.

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STRATEGY

Resettlement for redensification

fter performing spatial analysis with the criteria areas with high, medium and low opportunities for redensification and resettlement were highlighted. Additionally, after careful calculations it was found that light densification of one story constructions that are within the areas that were found to have a high potential for redensification would quantitatively solve the housing deficit within the Comuna.

API

Tratamientos POT 2014

CN2

Oportunidad de Redensificaci贸n API MIE

API API

API

CN2

CN3

MI2

API MI2E RU3

CN5

CN3

MI2

Baja Media Alta

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API

Tratamientos POT Oportunidad de Rede

CN2 API API API

Baja Media Alta

MIE API

API

CN2

CN3

MI2

API MI2E RU3 CN5

CN3

MI2 MI2

MI2

STRATEGY

Opportunities for Inter-neighborhood and Integrated Transport System â&#x20AC;&#x201C; SIT Accessibility

ince mobility issues are a latent preoccupation of communities, municipalities and public and private entities, an approach that considers coproduction is crucial. A mobility map is constructed as a tool that will highlight the current and the projected situations, where existing bus routes and projected SIT routes are taken into account to create a 50 meter buffer on each side of these. This produced certain gaps in coverage that would come into play once the bus routes that are scheduled to be canceled are gone and the new SIT routes start operating. These areas are great options for alternative proposals in community transportation. With the same logic, areas with accessibility challenges in the high part of the Comuna are highlighted, since this is an issue that affects quality of life. The designation of these areas was confirmed with satellite imagery and site visits.

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STRATEGY

Prioritization of Linear Parks for Public Space

ur approach to public space was based on the proposed project that was found to be important and approved in municipal and local plans; Linear Parks. The objective is to provide intervention criteria, in addition to the existing social and environmental criteria that speak of the importance of these areas. The prioritization of linear parks as public space was performed considering the size and shape of the watershed to which it belongs, whether it provided water for community aqueducts or not and if there were constructions within the buffer zones or not. These criteria allowed identification of the Castro Stream Linear Park as a priority for intervention, due to the fact that if it is not intervened it could become a high-risk factor in the event of torrential rains. Its mismanagement could be responsible for the loss of water as a resource from this stream. It is important to note that the resettlement urgency for 5600 homes in the Comuna, it is necessary to create a minimum of 28000 square meters of public space that can be satisfied with public space. Green Belt Santa Elena River Cerro Pan de Azucar High Risk Areas No recuperable

Priority 1 Priority 2 Proirity 3

STREAM

LA CASTRO EL Ă&#x2018;ATO CHORRO HONDO LA LOQUITA LA ARENERA

SIZE (HECTARES) 436,417 356,444 135,642 91,751 32,271

CONSTRUCTIONS 1079 224 1384 1046 792

AQUEDUCTS 2 0 0 0 0

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STRATEGY

Synthesis: Integration of Areas

he synthesis map is the product of the overlap of the areas identified to have the best opportunities for interventions in each of the addressed topics.

Posible Intervention Criteria

Green Belt Santa Elena River Cerro Pan de Azucar High Risk Areas No recuperable

56 Priority 1

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STRATEGY

Risk Constructions in Non-recoverable Risk Zones

ue to changes in the definition of risk areas from the review and adjustment of the POT in 2014, the number of homes in non-recoverable high risk areas decreased to 1708 from 7682 homes that had this designation since the POT was approved in 2006.

Floors 1 2 3 4 5

Total Constructions in Recoverable Risk Zones

1 2 3 4 5

Total

POT 2006 POT 2014 5724 1231 1672 414 273 61 12 2 1 0 7682 1708 2797 2356 1301 842 296 172 28 8 1 1 4423 3379

Batall贸n Girardot La Mansi贸n Villa Hermosa

San Miguel

La Ladera LLanaditas Los Mangos Enciso Trece de Noviembre Sucre

El Pinal

Cerro El Pan de Azucar

La Libertad

San Antonio Villatina

Risk Areas POT 2006

Villa Turbay

Villa Lilliam La Sierra Las Estancias

River Area of Risk Recuperable Area of Risk Non Recuperable 58

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Areas POT 2006

Areas POT 2014

Comuna No Risk Area of Recuperable Risk Area of Non Recuperable Risk

Risk Areas POT 2014 Risk River Moderate Risk Areas landslides High Risk Landslides 59

STRATEGY

Conclusions

he cartography that resulted from the POT redefinition of 2014 shows a new panorama for negotiation in relation to the interventions in infrastructure that are being executed, in which the main change and the best chance for the reconstruction of relationships between the implicit planning actors is the qualification of risk. In addition to the reclassification of homes into the neighborhood improvement urban treatments from being in areas of non-recoverable risk , there are multiple paths for new intervention policies in terms of risk mitigation, redensification and formalization of irregular settlements. With the table of needs in mind, the project shows advances in terms of the “where” stemming from the changes in the POT. This leads to other questions such as the “how” and the “when”, while making clear that the city government’s argument of having the absolute necessity of resettling the homes within these areas becomes invalid. With risk being the structuring problem among the community’s priorities, the needs in terms of housing can also be approached since these were directly linked to the policies related to the definition of risk areas. Consequently, new zones for investment with new housing subsidies are opened, as well as increasing the demand for expansion in coverage and formalization and tenure security. Although this and other themes still present divergences in viewpoints, the workshop provides tools that will allow a coproduction scenario. This means that the underlying question is still the possibility of reaching an inclusive and articulated planning system among territorial actors. The principal aim, within the base of the new tools that are being presented, is the strengthening and showcasing of the community actor because the harmonization of his actions along with the possibilities within the institutional framework being to make up the balance of

coproduction. In terms of the materialization of negotiated coproduction of space, the proposal of the workshop is that, apart from the community, academia and private actors get involved; which is why the Right to the City Committee is the instance where this concrete idea is proposed.

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Bibliography

Fernandes, Edesio. Regularization of Informal Settlements in Latin America. Policy Focus Report. Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. 2011. Roy, Ananya. Urban Informality, Toward an Epistemology of Planning. Journal of the American Planning Association, Spring 2005, Vol. 71, No. 2. Abramo, Pedro. La ciudad com-fusa: mercado y producción de la estructura urbana en las grandes metrópolis latinoamericanas. vol 38, No 114. Mayo 2012, pp. 35-69, Artículos, ©EURE. Watson, Vanessa. Planning and the 'stubborn realities' of global south-east cities : Some emerging ideas. Planning Theory published online 24, May 2012. http://www.sagepublications.com Sletto, Bjørn. Insurgent Planning and Its Interlocutors : Studio Pedagogy as Unsanctioned Practice in Santo Domingo. Journal of Planning Education and Research published online 30 November 2012. http://www.sagepublications.com Mitlin, D. (2008) "With and beyond the state – coproduction as a route to political influence, power and transformation for grassroots organizations" Environment and Urbanization Vol 20, No 2, Octubre, pag. 339-360 Empresa de Desarrollo Urbanos de Medellín (EDU). PROYECTOS EDU 2012 – 2015. TRANSFORMANDO INTEGRALMENTE EL HÁBITAT. CAMACOL OCTUBRE 29 DE 2012 RESULTADOS Y BALANCE POLÍTICO CONSULTA POPULAR PROPUESTAS COMUNITARIAS BORDES COMUNA 8 AL POT MEDELLÍN. 18 de mayo de 2014. Plan de Desarrollo 2012 – 2015. Medellín un Hogar para la Vida. Alcaldía de Medellín, Consejo Territorial de Planeación de Medellín.

http://www.medellin.gov.co/transito/ http://www.minuto30.com/ https://www.metrodemedellin.gov.co/ http://www.worldhabitatawards.org/ http://rethinking-urban-fringes-in-medellin. blogspot.com/ http://www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu/news/ dpusummerlab-2013-pamphlet

MIT Master

MAPPING, FORECASTING & ACTING Objectives

his section objective is to understand the logics of growth of informal settlements and specifically the ones located in the edges of the city of Medellin (through MAPPING), to be able to see prospectively how those logics will play in the future (through FORECASTING) and finally to propose strategies that intervene on those possible futures (ACTING). Ideally, this process will illuminate and intervene in areas that are of concern to both the affected communities and the city as a whole.

Public Space Discovering the drivers that shape Comuna 8 and its physical space.

By Claudia Bode and Kate Mytty

ACTING FORECASTING

Mapping Public Space

MAPPING

Discovering the drivers that shape Comuna 8 and its physical space By Claudia Bode and Kate Mytty

omuna 8 is defined by its environment and physical context, as well as by how people use the space. Environmentally, it has a wealth of streams and changing topography; the combination of which create an incredible landscape that can also expose residents to environmental risk. Recently, the Medellin planning department updated the risk maps that show environmental risk as categorized into irrecuperable and recuperable risk; from the city’s perspective, these areas indicate which houses must be moved or stabilized for safety. These risk areas influence where public space is built and the type of public spaces built. Medellin is a city famous for its violence, along with its urban planning examples. Violence pervades different areas of Comuna 8. In our mapping process, we wanted to explore what areas are safe and which areas are not safe. Like the risk group, we used the number of homicides as one point of information on insecurity or human-driven risk. It is certainly not the only factor and could be extended to include factors like crime, police calls, and gang activity. How people use space informs the design of public space. Public space becomes where people are exposed to human-driven risk. Given the environmental and human-driven risk, the City of Medellin has several big plans at the Comuna 8 level and at the city level that will directly and indirectly impact Comuna 8. In our mapping, we sought to understand how each of the city-driven changes would impact Comuna 8’s future.

One large change in Comuna 8’s future is the city’s proposed Green Belt (Cinturon Verde); designed to contain the growth of the city, it has huge implications for Comuna 8 in displacement and growth boundaries. Throughout the public space sections, you will see two of the key aspects of the Green Belt on every diagram; the Sendero Vida (walking path) and the Sendero Bici (bicycle path).

Community borders and neighborhoods as drawn by Comuna 8; their drawing is slightly larger and has more neighborhoods than the city’s drawing.

PUBLIC SPACE

Streams Comuna 8 has a wealth of streams. The stream beds are often related to risk and steepness. Here you see where the streams are located, alongisde the cityidentified risk in both a plan view and 3D view.

Irrecuperable Risk Recuperable Risk Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

Topography Comuna 8 lives in the tall hills of Medellin. This diverse and changing topography defines the land and its use. The steep topography has historically led to landslides and at times, may also decrease accessibility.

Topography lines Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

ACTING

Amenities & Transportation

MAPPING

FORECASTING

The location of amenities and transportation point to areas in the community that have more foot traffic -- potential nodes of activity. A gap in amenities and transportation can also point to a lack of activity or potential spaces for intervention.

Police Stations Schools Churches Libraries Medical Facilities Buses, Cable Car and Tramline

Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

Risk Risk is driven by environmental context and peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s actions. This map shows the environmental risk mapped by the city and recent homicides; both are one way to understand risk. Public space design must recognize risks associated in a space and respond appropriately.

Homicides (2010 - 2014) Homicides (2004 - 2009) Irrecuperable Risk Recuperable Risk Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

PUBLIC SPACE

Urban Plans Driven by the City Medellinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s planning department is known for implementing Proyectos Urbanos Integrales (PUIs) in the spaces with the greatest risk (environmental and people-driven). The city has big plans for Comuna 8 and its surroundings. If they are all realized, Comuna 8 will likely see more foot traffic and also the displacement of many houses. Proyectos Urbanos Future Tramline and Cable cars

Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

The Green Belt

$500 million project 74 kilometers = $6.75m per kilometer

A large park centered around a walking and biking path that will surround the entire city on its hillsides. The city aims to control growth and protect the environment. If the GB continues as planned, it will lead to hundreds of displaced houses within Comuna 8 and greater foot traffic. Image: Rendering by city design firm

River Road Park

$1 billion project 23 square kilometers = $43m per square kilometer

A large park on each side of the river; one goal of this project is to protect the environment. Similar to the GB, this project will also display many people in the process of bringing new public space to the city. Image: Rendering by city design firm

Metrocable

$25 million project Roughly 500,000 people currently use metrocables each year

Two cable car lines and one tram line will be built in or around Comuna 8. This will connect residents into the city center faster and likely also attract people to Comuna 8 and the Green Belt. Image: http://www.lecturaalsur.com/2012_08_26_archive.html

ACTING FORECASTING

Diagramming Public Space

MAPPING

How do Public Space Drivers translate into a conceptual roadmap that aids in the design of future public spaces in Comuna 8?

The physical space of Comuna 8 is shaped by many factors: topography, streams, amenities, bus routes, existing public space, risk and the Greenbelt, among others. Mapping these elements provides a window into the hidden workings of this community; however, they are also important in determing the shape of public spaces to come. By layering these forces it is possible to forecast not only growth patterns but to develop a roadmap for the development of future contextually sensitive public space. The diagram which resulted from these mappings is a conceptual roadmap rather than a prescriptive code. Rather than specifying exact dimensions for urban elements, the diagram allows the citizens of Comuna 8 to categorize future public space interventions in the category of either a node (large of small) a connection (large or small) or a Greenbelt activation. Each intervention can, in turn, respond to one or many of the drivers that were mapped out. Who’s to say a market can’t simultaneously address landslide risk? Why can’t a stream cleanup program address violence due to conflict?

Both Comuna 8 and Medellin City Govnerment hope to control growth up the hills. However, continuing patterns of violence and displacement all but ensure that growth will continue. An analysis of settlement patterns and topography shows that new settlement is likely to occur where the slopes of the mountains are less steep, in many places crossing the line of the Greenbelt.

The City of Medellin’s planning department developed the Manual de Diseno y Construccion de los Componentes del Espacio Publico. The guide provides overall public space goals and specific measurements for elements like streets, sidewalks and trees. Yet, when applied to the hillside context of Comuna 8, that guide is unsuitable for the environment.

PUBLIC SPACE

Greenbelt: Walking Path Greenbelt: Bike Path Large Nodes Small Nodes Connectors

The public space diagram above consists of large and small nodes, large and small connectors and activation of the Greenbelt, and is based on an analysis of the mapping presented in the previous section. The diagram is meant as a conceptual tool that helps to link together the multiple public space strategies suggested in our Public Space Guide.

72 Homicides 2010-2013 Homicides 2004-2009

Homicides

Bus Routes Schools Health, Police, Food, Religious Amenities

Social Amenities

PUI Projects Transportation Projects

Planned City Projects

Greenbelt: Walking Path Greenbelt: Bike Path Large Nodes Small Nodes Connectors

FORECASTING

Public Space Diagram

MAPPING

ACTING

PUBLIC SPACE

Topography

Quebradas Non-recuperable Risk Recuperable Risk

Environmental Risk

Homicides 2010-2013 Homicides 2004-2009

The final Public Space diagram is shaped by the many public space drivers we identified by mapping Comuna 8. These include topography, physical risk, conflict risk, streams, amenities, transportation routes, planned city projects and the location of the Greenbelt. For instance, the metrocable stations are natural locations for large neighborhood hubs, and the smallest streets wind through the areas of the Comuna which are currently not well serviced by transportation routes.

ACTING FORECASTING

Creating Public Space

MAPPING

How can the information gathered translate into practical strategies for the development of future public space in Comuna 8? The development of a public space diagram is the beginning of a strategy which integrates multiple drivers and multiple goals. However, it is not enough to simply outline a conceptual framework for the design of future public space. The ”Public Space Guide to Comuna 8” is the tool which turns mapping and forecasting into action. It is simultaneously a educational tool, an aid for the Comuna when they negotiate with the City, an an inspiration for their own grassroots public space design development, and a roadmap which should allow them to categorize their interventions into broad categories. In addition to the diagram and its drivers, the Guide contains examples of various kind of possible public spaces which fit into each category, descriptions of the actors and resources needed for various kinds and scales of interventions, inspirational examples of public spaces around the world, and various strategies or “tactics” for DIY urbanism. The hope is that the Guide can serve as an example of a different kind of more contextually appropriate design manual. Given the environmental and human-driven risk, the City of Medellin has several big plans at the Comuna 8 level and at the city level that will directly and indirectly impact Comuna 8. In our mapping, we sought to understand how each of the city-driven changes would impact Comuna 8’s future.

PUBLIC SPACE

Diagram of the proposed nodes and connections throughout Comuna 8

Large Nodes Small Nodes Connectors Sendero Vida Sendero Bici Cinturon Verde

ACTING

Examples of Nodes and Connectors

FORECASTING

We developed a series of examples of nodes and connections. The goal was to provide inspiration and a foundation for Comuna 8 to build from. These are a few of the examples that build on our plan.

MAPPING

01 Mini Node Small Plaza/Marketplace Small community plazas can be located in high-traffic areas and contain a variety of social spaces for a variety of demographics, as well as places for income generation

02 Mini Node Stream Crossing Program

Encouraging youth to take ownership over small areas of nearby streams; creating small public spaces where these streams cross roads

03 Large Node Metrocable Plaza

Leveraging future Metrocable stations as multi-functional social spaces that include various programs identified by the Comuna.

04 Small-Scale Connector Fringe Mobility and Access to Services Mobility corridors in the most marginalized areas bring easier access to needed services, as well as connect residents to the rest of the Comuna and Medellin.

05 Large-Scale Connector Node-Node_Greenbelt Connections

The streets or paths that connect the major neighborhood nodes can be highlighted as safe, welcoming, active corridors that encourage movement within the Comuna

06 Greenbelt Activator Node-Node_Greenbelt Connections

Leveraging the future Greenbelt as an opportunity for new Comuna-centric public and income-generation space

PUBLIC SPACE

End Product: Public Space Guide A preview of the end product: a Public Space Guide that serves to start a converstaion on the specific needs and goals of public space in Comuna 8. Included here are the cover and some of the page spreads.