Publisher: International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation
CEO: Basil Ugorji
Editor-in-Chief: Dianna Wuagneux, Ph.D.
Managing Editor: Basil Ugorji
Peer Review Panel: Dianna Wuagneux, Ph.D., Viola Boelscher
Copy Editors: Uzair Fazl-e-Umer
Layout & Design: Muhammad Danish
Proofreaders: Marcelle Mauvais, Kumi Milliken
Web Management: Opher Segev
Sponsors for this Issue: Zakat and Sadaqat Foundation (ZSF)
Sponsorship Opportunity: All inquiries about sponsorship opportunities for upcoming issues should be sent to: livingtogether@icermediation.org.
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The opinions expressed herein are solely the opinions of the authors and do not represent the official views of the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation (ICERM). ICERM is not responsible or liable for any errors or omissions contained herein. Send comments, critiques, questions, requests or inquiries about subscription or republication to livingtogether@icermediation.org. The Role of Religion and Ethnicity in Contemporary Conflict: Related Emerging Tactics, Strategies and Methodologies of Mediation and Resolution The Journal of Living Together All Rights Reserved. Copyright © 2014 International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation Cover Photo © 2014 ICERM. All rights reserved – used with permission. This journal may not be reproduced, transmitted, or stored in whole or in part by any means, including graphic, electronic, or mechanical without the express written consent of the publisher except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. Journal of Living Together Volume 1, Issue 1, September 2014 ISSN 2373-6615 (Print) ISSN 2373-6631 (Online) To submit manuscripts for consideration, please check our themes for upcoming issues & see our author’s guidelines at www.icermediation.org. Digital copies may be sent to livingtogether@icermediation.org with “Journal of Living Together” in the subject box. Hardcopies may be sent to: International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation 11 W. Prospect Avenue, 3rd Floor Mount Vernon, New York 10550 United States of America They will not be returned. Be sure to include the title of the theme to which you are responding. Accepted authors will be notified. To submit pictures to be considered for publication in Photos from the Field check guidelines at www.icermediation.org & send entries to livingtogether@icermediation.org. Those not conforming to guidelines will not be considered.
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Who We Are The International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation (ICERM) is a U.S. based 501 (c) (3) tax exempt public charity, nonprofit and non-governmental organization working to develop alternative methods of preventing, resolving, and educating people about inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflicts in countries around the world. ICERM works with the State of New York residents and diaspora associations, national governments, judiciary, schools, community leaders, religious groups, peace advocates, media, local, regional and international organizations, etc. to foster a culture of peace among ethnic and religious groups through research, education and training, expert consultation, dialogue and mediation, and rapid response projects. We are committed to creating a new world characterized by peace, irrespective of cultural, ethnic and religious differences. We strongly believe that the use of mediation and dialogue in preventing and resolving ethnic and religious conflicts in countries around the world is the key to creating sustainable peace.
Specific Programs And Services ICERM organizes its work into five specific programs: • Research: We create and maintain a global ethno-religious conflict alert database and develop new conflict prevention and resolution tools. • Education and Training: We educate people about ethnic and religious conflicts through online radio, peace forums, conferences/workshops/seminars and publications, and we train new mediators and facilitators through classroom and e-learning modalities. • Expert Consultation: We provide consultation services, monitoring and evaluation, post-conflict investigation and reporting, election observation and assistance to formal and informal leadership. • Dialogue and Mediation: We facilitate communication and dialogue and assist parties to reach a mutually satisfactory solution through unbiased, culturally-sensitive, confidential, regionally-costed and expeditious processes. • Rapid Response Projects: We provide moral and material support to the victims of ethno-religious conflict.
Purposes ICERM adopts as its mandate the following purposes: • To conduct technical, multidisciplinary and result-oriented research on ethno-religious conflicts in countries around the world; • To develop alternative methods of resolving inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflicts through research, education and training, expert consultation, dialogue and mediation, and rapid response projects; Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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• To nurture and promote a dynamic synergy among diaspora associations and organizations in New York State and in the United States in general, for a proactive ethno-religious conflict resolution in countries around the world; • To organize peace education programs for students in order to strengthen peaceful co- existence amidst cultural, ethnic and religious differences; • To create forums for communication, dialogue, inter-ethnic and inter-religious exchanges through the use of modern technology, social media, conferences, seminars, workshops, lectures, arts, publications, sports, etc.; • To organize ethno-religious mediation training programs for community leaders, religious leaders, ethnic group representatives, political parties, public officers, lawyers, security officers, physicians, health-care workers, activists, artists, business leaders, women associations, students, teachers, etc.; • To promote and provide inter-community, inter-ethnic, and inter-religious mediation services in countries around the world, under unbiased, confidential, regionally costed and expeditious process; • To act as a resource center for mediation practitioners, scholars and policy makers in the area of inter-ethnic, inter-religious, inter-community and inter-cultural conflict resolution; • To co-ordinate the activities of and assist existing institutions concerned with ethno- religious conflict resolution in countries around the world; • To provide professional and consultation services to formal and informal leadership, local, regional and international organizations, as well as other interested agencies, in the area of inter-ethnic, inter-religious, inter-community and inter-cultural conflict resolution.
About the Journal of Living Together The Journal of Living Together is a multi-disciplinary, scholarly journal publishing peer-reviewed articles within the fields of ethnic conflict, religious/faith-based conflict, and their methods of resolution, with emphasis on mediation and interfaith dialogue. Living Together is published by the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation, New York. A multi-disciplinary research journal, Living Together focuses on a theoretical and practical understanding of ethno-religious conflicts and their methods of resolution with emphasis on mediation and interfaith dialogue. The journal publishes articles that discuss or analyze ethnic and religious/faith-based conflicts or those that present new theories, methods and techniques for ethnic and religious conflict resolution or new empirical research addressing either ethno-religious conflict or resolution, or both. To achieve this goal, Living Together publishes several types of articles: long articles that make major theoretical and practical contributions, shorter articles that make major empirical contributions including case studies and case series, and brief articles that target rapidly rising trends or new topics in ethno-religious conflicts: their nature, origin, consequence, prevention and resolution. Personal experiences, good and bad, in dealing with ethno-religious conflicts as well as pilot and observational studies are also welcome.
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Publisher’s Preface It is our intention to use this publication as a way to share ideas, varied perspectives, tools and strategies for the mediation and mitigation of religious and ethnic conflicts within and across borders. We do not discriminate against any people, faith or creed. We do not promote positions, defend opinions or determine the ultimate viability of our authors' findings or methods. Instead, we open the door to researchers, policymakers, those impacted by conflict, and those serving in the field to consider what they read in these pages and join in productive and respectful discourse. We welcome your insights and invite you to take an active role in sharing what you've learned with us & our readership. Together we can inspire, educate and encourage adaptive changes and lasting peace. Peace and blessings, Basil Ugorji Founder & Chief Operating Officer International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation New York, United States of America
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Table of Contents Editor’s Corner................................................................................................ Page 1 Words from the Board................................................................................... Page 3 Meet Our Bridge Builders.............................................................................. Page 5 Social Media Buzz........................................................................................... Page 10 Up & Coming .................................................................................................. Page 12 Photos from the Field......................................................................................Page 20 Book Reviews................................................................................................... Page 23
Articles Remembering Forgotten Genocides (René Lemarchand, Ph.D.) ...................... Page 27 Holy Conflict: The Intersection of Religion and Mediation
(Jamie L. Hurst)...................................................................................................... Page 32
Identity Reconsidered (Ms. Zarrín Caldwell)..................................................... Page 39 Storytelling as a Means for Peace Education:Intercultural Dialogue in Southern Thailand (Erna Anjarwati, Allison Trimble).................... Page 45 Analysis of Tito’s Policies on Ethnic Conflict: The Case of Kosovo (Lanhe S. Shan).................................................................. Page 53
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Editor’s Corner
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elcome to the first edition of the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation’s Journal of Living Together. We were surprised and delighted to receive so many outstanding submissions, and see the resounding response to our very first call for papers as an appreciable indication of the connection people feel to our mission and our community. Through this journal it is our intention to inform, inspire, reveal and explore the intricate and complex nature of human interaction in the context of ethno-religious identity and the roles it plays in war and peace. By sharing theories, observations and valuable experiences we mean to open a broader, more inclusive dialogue between policymakers, academics, researchers, religious leaders, representatives of ethnic groups and indigenous peoples, and field practitioners around the world. Lasting peace stems from changes in thinking about what it is to be a part of the human family, who we are to one another, and what mutual obligations and responsibilities exist between us. It requires us to accept that we are each a resource, an advantage, an asset to the whole. It hinges on our ultimate acceptance of cultural identity, history, faith and tradition as simply vivid aspects of our overarching human kinship. The belief-based perspectives that influence these patterns of being however are among the most deeply ingrained of all individual and social mechanisms. Any efforts to reshape them are highly ambitious and fraught with seemingly insurmountable obstacles. Yet, cultures and their societies are not static, and their adaptive nature requires that even within the most intractable of conflicts, there will be change; how they change will depend upon shifts in the environment, changes in human experience, and the availability of new information with which to make different choices. The theme of this issue: The Role of Religion and Ethnicity in Contemporary Conflict: Related Emerging Tactics, Strategies and Methodologies of Mediation and Resolution looks at ways to influence these changes, improve interethnic and interfaith experiences, and offers information which can enlighten social discourse and reveal the possibility of previously unforeseen choices. We begin with “Words from the Board,” where Dr. David Silvera explains that mediation is at the very heart of democratic thought & lays out the value of mediation as a vital aspect of adult education in his commentary, Education for Democratic Citizenship and Intercultural Conflicts by Mediation. Dr. René Lemarchand’s cautionary discussion regarding the risks involved in mankind’s willingness and even propensity to ignore some of history’s worst atrocities follows in his article, Remembering Forgotten Genocides. Jamie L. Hurst’s paper, Holy Conflict: the Intersection of Religion and Mediation, explores the junction where religion and mediation meet, focusing on the unique challenges and opportunities this crossroads brings to bear. In her piece, Identity Reconsidered, Zarrín Caldwell describes the cost of “narrowly-construed identity formations” and puts forward the idea that the teachWebsite: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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ings of the Bahá’í Faith on nested identities might offer some new ways of approaching peacebuilding. Similarly, in their work Storytelling as a Means for Peace Education: Intercultural Dialogue in Southern Thailand, Erna Anjarwati & Allison Trimble describe their research conducting peace storytelling as a means to encourage social reconciliation between Thai-Buddhists and Malay-Muslims youth. And finally, Lanhe S. Shan presents an in-depth assessment of the long-term outcomes following the implementation of unfortunate conflict mitigation strategies and offers suggestions for improved results in Analysis of Tito’s Policies on Ethnic Conflict: the Case of Kosovo. This journal is not meant to be a bastion of declarative wisdom, rather it is intended to be a conduit, a medium for vibrant exchange, and discussion of its contents is vital to its purpose. We want your input, your ideas, your thoughts and your insights. You will find plenty to discuss every quarter in the articles, book reviews, Living Together Movement updates, social media buzz, and Photos from the Field here, and in the issues ahead. Have something to add? Let us hear from you. If you have been drawn to these pages, we believe that you have something to offer. Be sure to check out our page of upcoming themes and new Calls for Papers. Please share them widely; together we can make a difference. Peace is a choice. Dianna Dianna Wuagneux, Ph.D., Chair International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Words from the Board
EDUCATION FOR DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP AND INTERCULTURAL CONFLICTS BY MEDIATION Dr. David Silvera
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ediation philosophy is based on consent. When in conflict, the parties involved should reach an agreement through the assistance of a third party; one which is objective and neutral, without any formal authority, the mediator. Mediation is at the heart of democratic thought, as it expresses values, such as the freedom of speech, the right to be heard, the majority role and rule, and the rights of the minorities. These values are found in the mediation process, as well as in the mediation philosophy. I claim that the basis of mediation derives from democratic thought and has developed to its present stage and status, only because of the democratic values that people share. In Adult Education we see the importance of the involvement of adults in community life, contributing and volunteering. We consider these people as active participants in the democratic way of life. Such adults are the perfect candidates to acquire the tools of mediation and conflict resolution. It is agreed by Adult Educationalists that education for democratic citizenship is important, and I would like to add that the study of mediation is equally important, and that there is no diversity of opinion between democracy and mediation. On the contrary, the principles of democracy can enrich mediation and vice versa. Below are some agreed upon principles from the Adult Education field, Andrología, which
are part of active citizenship and mediation: a. “Education for Democratic Citizenship” means education, training, awareness-raising, information, practices and activities which aim, by equipping learners with knowledge, skills and understanding and developing their attitudes and behaviors, to empower them to exercise and defend their democratic rights and responsibilities in society, to value diversity and to play an active part in democratic life, with a view to the promotion and protection of democracy and the rule of law. b. “Human Rights Education” means education, training, awareness-raising, information, practices and activities which aim, by equipping learners with knowledge, skills and understanding and developing their attitudes and behaviors, to empower learners to contribute to the building and defense of a universal culture of human rights in society, with a
Biography Dr. David Silvera is a valued Member of the Board of Directors for the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation, New York, NY. In addition, Dr. Silvera currently serves as the Director of the Silpar Mediation and Training Centre, as well as the Academic Director of the Derachim -School for Conflict Resolution in Israel.
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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view to the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. c. “Formal Education” means the structured education and training system that runs from pre-primary and primary through secondary school and on to university. It takes place, as a rule, at general or vocational educational institutions and leads to certification. d. “Non-Formal Education” means any planned program of education designed to improve a range of skills and competences, outside the formal educational setting. e. “Informal Education” means the lifelong process whereby every individual acquires attitudes, values, skills and knowledge from the educational influences and resources in his or her own environment and from daily experience (family, peer group, neighbors, encounters, library, mass media, work, play, etc).
from Israel being an immigration society, and suggest dialogue as a tool for living together. When I suggested that way of solving differences and conflicts, I didn't use the term mediation. But, mediation is the message needed for better society and living together in harmony.
Conclusion The combination of democratic values, Adult Education principles and the philosophy of lifelong learning, together with the principles of Mediation can provide an adult with great abilities and motivation to contribute to his community and society. These tools and attributes can enable us to be able to live with our fellow neighbors in understanding, peace and harmony.
Conflict as a Cultural Event Each of us is affiliated with many groups including those related to national origin, geographic region, generation, gender, race, sexual orientation, occupation, vocation and specific activities. Cultural behaviors are shaped and reshaped by the narratives of groups, narratives that give information about degrees of privilege or victimization, status, history, identity, conflict and relationship. When one cultural group with which an individual feels affiliated is threatened, targeted or victimized, that affiliation may become dominant and defended. The aspect of individual identity related to this cultural group may become a chief lens through which that individual experiences and interprets the world including communication, interactions, and conflict. Intercultural mediation can bridge, through communication, the understanding of the “different,” and its associated values and believes. In my book, "Crossroad East &West," I have described the cultural differences in Israeli society, resulting
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Meet Our Bridge Builders Laurel Gordon, Washington, DC, U.SA. November 2012 During my first week at Columbia University as an undergraduate that …my first-generation Pakistani-American roommate and I awakened to the plume of smoke billowing up in front of our dorm room window and the newscast that the World Trade Center was collapsing. I went on to develop a keen interest in understanding the fundamental reasons why people do what they do: an interest borne out of the passion to help people understand each other. Columbia’s Core Curriculum had me tracing common moral arcs through the Qur’an, the Bible, and the Torah, and I came to believe strongly that if people take the time to listen to each other and look at each other’s traditions with an open mind, there could be much less violence in the world. I am interested in becoming a member of the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation because I see in this organization the potential to help serve this purpose: helping people to understand each other.
Chavie Brumer, New York, U.S.A. April 2014 As a Jew, who is very aware of what it feels like not to be accepted because of my beliefs and who carries a legacy of not having a secure geographical place in the world …, I believe in the value of world peace, world-wide equality, the sanctity of and respect for all humanity, human dignity, integrity and individual worth, regardless of country, ethnicity, race, culture or other elements that create human division. I believe in the need to acknowledge and respect differences among people, but deem that focusing on our similarities is also important. As a social worker with 17 years of experience working with a variety of cultures, I admire those who commit their lives to global conflict resolution, mindfulness and meditation. I think my values would work well with those of ICERM and look forward to volunteering in an accepting environment.
Marcelle Mauvais, New York, U.S.A. July, 2014 I am motivated to join the ICERM because the center not only reports what is going on through their monitoring of conflicts like those conducted by minority groups ranging from the streets of China to the violence in Sudan, but also provides an alternative approach to a way out of these religiously and ethnically fueled crises. It is my understanding that ICERM establishes conflict management strategies that result in solutions. Evidently, it is my belief that at times the government's action via the military "is all wrong." While "government action" is executed, far too often, extreme groups remain and continue to flourish in an environment that sustains an atmosphere that is ripe for violence. More use of nonprofit organizations such as ICERM could intercede and possibly prevent issues that foster religious and ethnic tensions. It is my hope to not helplessly read or watch global news, but to also be a part of combating injustices through peaceful dialogue. Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Kumi Milliken, Harare, Zimbabwe June, 2014 I am interested in becoming a Volunteer for the International Centre for Ethno-Religious Mediation because I believe your vision to “create a new world characterized by peace, irrespective of cultural, ethnic and religious differences” is a very important goal that needs to be addressed and tackled in order to achieve sustainable peace and democracy around the world. I firmly embrace developing alternative methods and fostering peace amongst ethnic and religious groups and feel that education is key for preventive measures against future conflicts. ICERM’s vision is both inspiring and encouraging and I would be honored to be a part of an initiative that promotes mediation and peace amongst diverse ethnic and religious groups.
Silvana Lakeman, Dublin, Ireland June 2014 Given [that] I intend on pursuing a master’s degree in international affairs and notably conflict resolution in one to two years time, my interest in working as a research intern at the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation speaks for itself… I hope becoming involved with ICERM as an intern [will] add to my education in international affairs and inspire me to continue to pursue a career in conflict resolution, whilst providing me with a background in research that would support future studies. I would much appreciate the opportunity to learn from experts in field and to experience first-hand the workings of this organization.
Irene Marangoni , Milan, Italy July 2014 I am very interested in the research and analysis of conflict. In my opinion, [the] dialogue and mediation methods that ICERM uses are very important tools. I also completely share your mission. [Joining] ICERM, [is] for me, is a great opportunity because I can further my research [in] analytical and … multicultural approach[es], [while] having the possibility to use my knowledge in anthropology… international cooperation and development.
Durra Elmaki, Virginia, U.SA. July 2014 … I believe mediation is essential in promoting peaceful resolutions in modern-day ethnic/religious conflicts. I think the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation has tremendous potential to play a vital role in facilitating mediation for parties directly impacted by conflict. My own contribution to the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation would be a reflection of the dedication that I have for working towards the reduction of global conflict and the eradication of ethnic conflict which has really been cemented by my experience as a Sudanese-American, whose own life experience has had exposure to the stark contrast of the social state of affairs not only across societies but within them as well. Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Caleb Petry, Ohio, U.S.A. July 2014 The International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation’s goals are very dear to me. As an individual, I have always been drawn to conflicts and understanding their causes, as well as their effects on populations. I began my studies in international relations and policy as a result of my desire to work towards a better world. My time in Nicaragua further inspired me, as I saw the long lasting impacts of their civil war to this day, despite the long since cessation of hostilities.
Shanice Jerriho, New York, U.SA. July 2014 In my first semester of my junior year at John Jay College I decided [to] take a Sociology of Conflict class. ... I loved the class! So I decided I'd go for ‌a minor in dispute resolution. ..We made videos, watched videos, learned tactics and mediated situations. So I've become very comfortable mediating situations of personal or business conflicts at the beginner level. However, I'm not too fond of mediating between religions and ethnicities locally and internationally. And that's why I'm interested in becoming a member of the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation. Because of my prior experience in mediating personal conflicts, with training and an overview from your company I could possibly combine everything I've learned to contribute more & collaborate with your organization. I want to learn more techniques, skills, [and] broaden my [understanding of] universal conflicts so that way I can be more knowledgeable to help others in their situation[s], and maybe one day teach mediation and dialogue skills.
Kyung Sik Won, New York, U.S.A. July 2014 I strongly believe in the mission and the vision of ICERM and I want to be a part of the ongoing effort to bring peace within ethnic or religious conflicted communities. I believe there is a desperate need to educate people about all the different cultures, traditions, religions, and etc. As ICERM grows I, too, want to be able to grow alongside and gain valuable experiences and knowledge. In knowing that being a part of ICERM will be a great learning opportunity.
Zaklina Milovanovic, New York, U.S.A. July 2014 For the past 15 years I have closely followed the high-conflict events in many world regions. I got interested in the ethnic and religious conflicts during the collapse of my country, Yugoslavia, where I saw the devastating outcome of the conflict that could have been minimized or even avoided, with dialogue between the different ethnic and religious groups. I am a strong believer in the power of communication, as a solution for inter-religious and inter-ethnic conflicts around the world, and that is the reason I am applying for this wonderful volunteering opportunity. The mission of International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation is my professional and personal mission: there is an alternative way to conflict. Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Rajendra Subba, Morang District, Koshi Zone, Nepal July 2014 The mission, vision and goals of ICERM attracted me very much and I found them very much aligned with what I have been doing since 2009 in Nepal. I have been working for peacebuilding and conflict transformation through dialogue and mediation as well as capacity building training on peacebuilding. ICERM is the appropriate organization through which I can work together [with] people from around the world and different communities to contribute to building [a] harmonious and peaceful world and further sharpen my skills and knowledge on dialogue and mediation. Working with ICERM, I can also bring international support, expertise, experience and lessons learned to my home country and further contribute to promote dialogue, tolerance and harmony. This also provides me an opportunity to work with international experts, peacebuilders and practitioners and share learning and knowledge from the field in dialogue and mediation.
Uzair Fazl-e-Umer, Karachi, Pakistan July 2014 My primary goal is to experience diversity through my interaction with people from different ethnic groups, cultures and religions while working at the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation. I want to learn how to create spaces for cultural and intellectual expression with the aim of forming peaceful communities. Such spaces are scarce at the moment especially in Pakistan. A space like a virtual café (public space) may serve as a common point for diverse political and social groups within and across borders. The resultant exchange of thoughts, actions and learning would be based on relevant themes of democracy and human rights. I want to experience the honesty of the diverse group of people in person and would like to create a space where people may interact and develop a high level of trust among each other in order to form a positive image as well as strengthen their relationships for mutual benefits.
Justus Triumph Atayaaba, Upper East Region, Ghana July 2014 Thinking about using experiences and knowledge acquired over the years to contribute to and advocate for world peace in those countries that do not have peace, I have found myself hooked with ICERM, an international peace organization that brings hope and a bright future to the world. Becoming a part of this family as a volunteer has to do with putting words into professional practice and learning new methods of application according to the standards of ICERM, to be well equipped to deliver satisfactorily in order to meet set targets and accomplish the organization’s objectives. It is my fervent hope to display and contribute my key competencies in fundraising among other things in order to attract the attention of the world to partner with ICERM’s worthy cause.
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Oludayo John Bamgbose, Ibadan, Nigeria July 2014 As a Conflict Mediator in training, my work experience with the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation (ICERM) will provide a formidable ground to build my capacities in Conflict Mediation. It will also provide an opportunity to use the set-skills I have acquired over the years in pursuit of the goals of ICERM, while providing a veritable platform for networking as well as a support-base in my future endeavors in conflict mediation particularly in Africa, which is currently witnessing an ugly wave of terrorism that many have alleged has religious coloration.
Victoria Vuono, New York, U.S.A. August 2014 I was first introduced to this organization through my school. I have a great appreciation for the work that this organization does. Though government is supposed to bring order and mediate parties, there is much bureaucracy that clutters these processes. The world needs a mediation that is closer to the people with a more humane perspective to which I believe ICERM can deliver.
Francisco Angelo Pucciarello, New York, U.S.A. August 2014 My first trip to Kenya opened my eyes to the beautiful and problematic aspects of life outside of my country, America. I started a journey in order to appreciate other cultures wholeheartedly and with an open mind while pushing myself to finding justice for some of the inequalities I witnessed both in some countries and in my own American communities. Through mediation, dialogue and other forms of conflict resolution, I have found the most satisfying routes to address conflict. The International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation (ICERM) fully embodies the purpose of my story.
Gabriella McMichael, Cairo, Egypt July 2014 I am interested in becoming a volunteer at the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation (ICERM) in order to have the opportunity to in some way contribute to knowledge generation regarding ethno-religious conflict and effective conflict resolution. Reflecting my experience and current place of residence, my particular regions of interest are the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. While I need to develop my own knowledge of conflict resolution, I am especially interested in contributing to ICERM’s work on the strengthening of conflict monitoring networks, and also conflict early warning and response mechanisms.
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Social Media Buzz
Hello, The ICERM movement in my community is fast growing and the people around here, though of diverse religion and ethnic background, are very loving and [live] in peace with one another; but, we are very concerned about the lives of our people [living] in [other] parts of Nigeria and beyond… [S]chool children were massacred in broad daylight in Adamawa State… a whole community like ours in Mafa Local Government Area of Borno State was brought down to dust. We solicit for your aid in making Nigeria and other African countries peaceful by training and updating us with the needed information to gradually create a peaceful Nigeria, Africa and the world at large. We believe that if we start this positive advocate, other communities around us will join and little by little and we can make it a state movement and the whole country can also be part of it one day because "the journey of a thousand miles starts with a step".
Sodiq Ajala, Nigeria March 2014
It’s good I found your group on Facebook; the problem in my country Nigeria circles around all the title of [your] page.
Dogara Alanji, Nigeria October 2013
Lovely group! We need [you] here in Nigeria ... [I’d] love to work with you... [because] we [h]ave religion problems in Nigeria...[please] help us.
Abdallah Hussein, Nigeria October 2013 The Nigeria of our dream[s] will be... achieve[d] on a firm foundation of peace…[Violence] is not the instrument use[d] by our founding fathers to bring to us INDEPENDENCE. Unity is strength; together we shall never be broken. [O]neness [will] lead to great development..[let’s] build the new Nigeria of our dream[s].
Evang Udy Praise Ekpouko, Nigeria October 2013 Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Social Media Buzz
Greetings from Ghana, On behalf of the Center for Islamic Research and Studies ( It is a conflict prevention and conflict resolution NGO that seeks to transform conflict into cooperative action), the Council of Imams and Ulamas of the Northern Region of Ghana and the President and current Regional Chief Imam , we say Assalamu Alaikum warahmatul-lai ta'ala wabarakathun. [To] end violent conflict [is] our purpose and our call to action. Instead of tearing down an existing world, we focus on constructing a new one. We do this through conflict transformation. Meaning: we look to change the everyday interactions between groups of people in conflict, so they can work together to build up their community, choosing joint problem-solving over violence. Our mission is to transform the way the world deals with conflict, away from adversarial approaches, toward cooperative solutions. We write to indicate our interest in attending your first annual conference which is on the theme: “Ethnic and Religious Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding” during the visit of the Regional Imam and some sub-Imams and Ulamas to America in October, 2014. We hope to improve upon our knowledge and skills when it come[s] to dealing with issues of conflict and he will come back to Ghana and share the knowledge with his colleagues and … peer educators. The visit will give us the chance to see your organization. We will also get the chance to create partnership for collaborative studies and research for mutual benefit. The visit will help in improving understanding, educating, tackling, promoting tolerance and improving community relations.
Mohammed Kamal-Deen Abdul Razak, Assistant General Secretary, Ghana May 2014
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Up & Coming
Annual International Conference on Ethnic and Religious Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding The International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation invites you to its
st Annual International Conference
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On Ethnic And Religious Conflict Resolution And Peacebuilding
Theme: The Advantages of Ethnic & Religious Identity in Conflict Mediation and Peacebuilding Venue: 136 East 39th Street Between Lexington Avenue and 3rd Avenue New York, NY 10016, USA Date: Wednesday, October 1, 2014 Time: 9am – 5pm
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Keynote Speaker:
Ambassador Suzan Johnson Cook 3rd Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom for the United States of America Registration: Information about registration is on our website, www.icermediation.org. You can also register on the event page at: www.icermconference.eventzilla.net.
14 The Journal of Living Together We recognize this to be a crucial moment in history, a time to step up and ensure that our children and grandchildren do not have to suffer through the horrors of war or genocide in all of their guises. It falls to all of us to open the doors to dialogue, to come to truly know one another, and to accept that in so doing, we can take the first tentative steps toward a world that can work for everyone. And so we begin by working from where we are by revealing the assets available to us. The religious and ethnic differences long blamed for hatred and intolerance are taken out into the light where the advantages that they offer, the connections between us that they make apparent and the opportunities for healthy relations they support are affirmed. Our strength and promise are based on this foundation. We appreciate the burden of the schedule that your responsibilities maintain, yet hope that you will be able to join us and bring your invaluable insights to this event.
Conference Synopsis Description:
This conference is, therefore, aimed at introducing a positive look at ethnic and religious groups and their roles in conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Papers for presentation at this conference and the publication thereafter will support a shift from the focus on ethnic and religious differences and their disadvantages, to finding and utilizing the commonalities and advantages of culturally diverse populations. The goal is to help one another discover and make the most of what these populations have to offer in terms of mitigating conflict, advancing peace, and strengthening economies for the betterment of all.
Specific Goal: It is the purpose of this conference to help us get to know one another and see our connections & commonalities in a way that has not been made available in the past; to inspire new thinking, stimulate ideas, inquiry, and dialogue & share anecdotal and empirical accounts, which will introduce and support evidence of the numerous advantages that multi-ethnic & multi-faith populations offer to facilitate peace and advance social/economic well-being.
The 21st century continues to experience waves of ethnic and religious violence making it one of the most devastating threats to peace, political stabilization, economic growth and security in our world. These conflicts have killed and maimed tens of thousands and displaced hundreds of thousands, planting the seed for even greater violence in the future. For our First Annual International Conference, we have chosen the theme: The Advantages of Ethnic & Religious Identity in Conflict Mediation and Peacebuilding. Too often, differences in ethnicity and faith traditions are seen as a drawback to the peace process. It is time to turn these assumptions around and rediscover the benefits that these differences offer. It is our contention that societies made up of an amalgamation of ethnicities and faith traditions offer largely unexplored assets to the policy makers, donor & humanitarian agencies, and mediation practitioners working to assist them.
Purpose:
Policymakers and donor agencies have fallen into the habit, especially during the last several decades, to look at ethnically and religiously diverse populations, especially when they occur in failed states or nations in transition, as being at a disadvantage. Too often, it is assumed that social conflict naturally occurs, or is exacerbated by these differences, without looking more deeply at these relationships. Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Living Together Movement Living Together Movement, a project of the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation, is a new civic movement made up of peace-driven individuals who recognize the same humanity in all peoples,
on what the other person is saying rather than what we are going to say next. We celebrate our diversity in a symbolic manner with the traditional arts, songs, food and drinks that our members bring to the living together meeting.
Living Together Movement Forum Discussions in New York City Theme: "Discussing the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict with Empathy and Compassion" When: Thursday, August 28, 2014
Time: 6:00 pm in Eastern Time. and are passionate about bridging the gap between different races, ethnicities, religions, political views, genders, generations and nationalities, in order to increase respect, tolerance, acceptance, understanding and harmony in the world.
Where:
We come together every month to listen to, talk with, learn from, understand and share with one another. Each member enriches the group with a unique story and cultural background. Everyone is given an equal opportunity to talk about his or her cultural background and feelings, or any topics of interest, including but not limited to security issues, politics, policies, war, conflict, conflict resolution, human dignity, forgiveness, foreign relations, world peace, economy, education, employment, family, health, immigration, science and technology.
Registration is free and open to the public. You must register to attend the forum discussion at www.livingtogethermovement.eventzilla.net
“The Living Together Movement is like “a home outside a home. We gather, we talk, we listen, we learn, we share and we celebrate in a relaxed, friendly, and welcoming ambience.�
We practice empathic listening, and do not judge or criticize anyone. Our goal is to truly understand the other before seeking to be understood; and to focus
John H. Holmes Community House, First Floor. 28 East 35th Street, New York, NY 10016.
Registration:
Forum Reflection: Nations are different than countries and can exist within, across and outside of political borders. Unlike countries which are usually founded upon common history and geography, nations are born of shared ideology and the traditions that support its precepts. These beliefs and practices create and sustain a robust communal identity providing a sense of belonging and mutual obligation to its population. These dynamics can play a healthy role in the lives of individuals and community members, but can also be discriminatory and exclusionary, leading to separation and segregation from other peoples. In these instances, people can become intolerant and prejudicial in their thinking about, and actions towards, others resulting in bigotry at the least and apartheid at the extreme. Sadly, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, entire generations of people have been raised in the state of active hostility between the two groups, which have different ideologies, an interwoven history and a shared geography. This is a real challenge.
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
16 The Journal of Living Together For a meaningful discussion, forum participants are encouraged to reflect on the following questions: • What are the identities that have developed from these ideologies that may play a role in the crisis? • How are these identities reinforced and main tained? • What are the biases and prejudices that have emerged? • What aspects of these two ideologies, traditions, beliefs and ethics support peace? • The care and protection of others? • Fair and impartial treatment of others? • The protection of human dignity, right and just action, and respect toward others? • Where do the principles and credos of these two peoples regarding the responsibility toward others intersect? Overlap? • How might these places of correspondence and agreement help to bring about changes in perceptions and behavior that would be life-af firming, and cooperation building?
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Certificate Program The Mediation of Ethnic and Religious Conflicts ICERM is currently accepting applications for its online and classroom certificate program on The Mediation of Ethnic and Religious Conflicts starting on Monday, January 5, 2015 and ending on Friday, January 30, 2015. Register online at www.icermediation.org to participate in the January 2015 Session.
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Sponsorship and Partnership Opportunities Sponsor One Project at the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation Dear Friends, As a regular course of practice, our staff makes inquiries about organizations that have interests which correspond with our own. Yours is among them; and it is because of the alignment of our missions that I wanted to get in touch. The International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation (ICERM) is a U.S. based 501 (c) (3) tax exempt public charity, nonprofit and non-governmental organization working to develop alternative methods of preventing, resolving, and educating people about inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflicts in countries around the world. ICERM works with the State of New York residents and diaspora associations, national governments, judiciary, schools, community leaders, religious groups, peace advocates, media, local, regional and international organizations, etc. to foster a culture of peace among ethnic and religious groups through research, education and training, expert consultation, dialogue and mediation, and rapid response projects. We are committed to creating a new world characterized by peace, irrespective of cultural, ethnic and religious differences. We strongly believe that the use of mediation and dialogue in preventing and resolving ethnic and religious conflicts in countries around the world is the key to creating sustainable peace. Policymakers, humanitarian groups, and especially those in conflict affected regions now realize that the strategies used to address the violent conflicts of the past are of little use against the rapidly spreading extremist-driven insurgencies that we currently face. A better understanding of these radical uprisings and more applicable tactics to attend to them are desperately needed. We hold that the ethnic and religious identities now blamed for much of the unrest in the world can actually be tapped as valuable assets in support of stabilization and peaceful coexistence. Those who are responsible for such bloodshed, and those suffering at their hands, need a safe space within which to hear one another’s stories and to learn, with guidance, to see each other as human once again. We have created such a place. We are staffed with world-class experts in ethno-religious violence, all of whom dedicate their time pro bono. We offer relevant courses, radio broadcasts, dialogue forums, a peer reviewed journal and consultancy services; we are also organizing an annual international conference on ethnic and religious conflict resolution and peacebuilding designed to advance conflict mitigation methods. We would be honored if you would join us in our mission through your support, and allow us to give back in kind. If world leadership had the know-how to resolve the fanatical fringe-driven upheavals and resulting suffering of today, they would have done so. The members of the human family who understand this, and who care enough, need to step up. We seek partners in this worthy effort. Any provisions/contributions-in-kind (materials, equipment, meeting & office space, financial donations and endowments, sponsorship of specific projects, or of an individual (such as conference-hopefuls from war-torn nations), or any other assistance that facilitates the continuance of our non-profit operation are tax-exempt and central to our mission and existence. In return, we will share the nature of your mission and extent of your generosity with our international audience and membership. We can offer your organization links to ours, opportunities to publish relevant articles on our website or in our journal, mention in our blog-space, the publishing of events in our online calendar, the chance to have a spokesperson interviewed on one of our radio broadcasts, and more. It is going to take time, dedication and resources to restore a more peaceful way of living and resolving conflict; and to heal the physical and emotional trauma left in its wake. Would you be willing to partner with us? Fill out the sponsorship form and return it to the ICERM office. You can also contact the ICERM office at icerm@icermediation.org to learn more about sponsorship and partnership opportunities. At the minimum, let’s start a conversation; we have much in common, and can accomplish so much more together. In gratitude for all of the good work that you do – With respect and appreciation,
Dianna Wuagneux, Ph.D. Chair, Board of Directors
On behalf of the ICERM Board of Directors International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation 11 W. Prospect Avenue, 3rd Floor Mount Vernon, New York 10550
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Photos from the Field
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The "Sheep Project" in the Maasai Community of Arusha, Tanzania A Campaign against Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) This project was initiated by the “Integrated Networking for Transformative Agenda” led by the ICERM East and Southern Africa Regional Programs Manager, Tom Kimanani Agalomba and his colleague, Wilibald Ngambeki.
Project Location: This is a pilot project that was carried out within the Maasai community, a sub group of the Plains Nilotes of Arusha region, northern Tanzania. The project started in 2011. The pictures were taken by Mr. Wilibald Ngambeki.
These pictures are of the women who perform Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), a cultural practice that the Integrated Networking for Transformative Agenda is working hard to discourage. In the Maasai land, the practice of FGM of girls is acceptable because of the following reasons: • Cleanliness: They claim that uncircumcised girls or women are dirty because of vaginal discharges. • Clitoris: They believe that the clitoris is a penis. Their men claim that marrying a girl who has not undergone FGM is equivalent to marrying a man; hence there cannot be two men in the house. They also claim that the clitoris hits and kills babies during child labor. • Intergenerational Curses: They believe that shedding blood during the circumcision of boys and the FGM of girls help in breaking the chain of curses that tend to extend from one generation to another. • Sexual Promiscuity: They claim that women who have not undergone FGM are sexually promiscuous, while those who have been circumcised have low sexual drive. To discourage the practice of female genital mutilation in the Maasai land, Integrated Networking for Transformative Agenda devoted their work to helping girls and boys in both primary and secondary schools. Due to the widespread sensitization carried out by this organization, there was an increase in the number of girls who escaped their family homes after having been forced to undergo FGM by their parents and community members. The Integrated Networking for Transformative Agenda’s scarce resources led to project adjustment. The organization began to target women who undertake FGM and their community leaders. The organization reached an agreement with about 142 FGM practitioners. They promised to secure an alternative source of income for these women, and in return, the women are expected to let go the practice of FGM. Indeed, these women understand the negative impacts of FGM. After having sections of dialogue with them, they reached a consensus and agreed to give three sheep to each of the 142 FGM practitioners in order to help them transition to a different profession. The "Sheep Project" is intended to eradicate FGM in the three villages where the organization is currently working. This is a pilot project that targets the entire Maasai community, and encourages women to take part in a campaign against FGM. The project is also intended to empower women. In the Maasai Community, women do not own animals, but through this project women are now becoming sheep owners. The "Sheep Project" in the Maasai community of Arusha poses a challenge to the status-quo.
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Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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Book Reviews From Cultural Justice to Inter-Ethnic Mediation: A Reflection on the Possibility of Ethno-Religious Mediation in Africa. By Basil Ugorji; 230 pages; $22.95. Published by Outskirts Press (March 6, 2012).
With the U.S. wholesale distribution through Ingram and Baker & Taylor, From Cultural Justice to Inter-Ethnic Mediation is available worldwide on book retailer websites such as Amazon and Barnes & Noble.
Book Description
Inspired by ethno-religious conflicts which occur in a frequent, incessant and violent manner in the contemporary Nigerian society, Basil Ugorji examines the very real struggle for cultural justice that often leads to tribal violence and clashes, ethnic and religious wars, and genocides. The author thoroughly investigates the relevance of certain measures, judicial and coercive, used to manage ethno-religious conflicts in Africa. Based on the historical and political contexts (pre-colonialism, colonialism, post-independence), the author explores the premise that a shift is required in the research of peaceful resolution: first, from retributive justice to restorative justice, and second, from coercive methods of reconciliation to ethno-religious mediation, with a focus on the ethnic, tribal and religious groups involved in conflicts; the origins, causes, consequences, and actors involved; and the forms and places of occurrence of ethno-religious conflicts. With scholarship and compassion, the author sees the people within the conflict and exposes their humanity. Beyond the posturing and politics, he returns sanity to
the discussion by revealing the often counterintuitive behavior of social systems under stress. More than just empirical observation, From Cultural Justice to Inter-Ethnic Mediation: A Reflection on the Possibility of Ethno-Religious Mediation in Africa provides welcome insights into convoluted dynamics and offers practical strategies through peace education. There is something here for everybody seeking a way forward out of chaos in Africa, from grassroots advocates to senior policymakers.
About the Author Basil Ugorji is the founder and chief operating officer of the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation (ICERM), a U.S. based 501 (c) (3) tax exempt public charity, nonprofit and non-governmental organization working to develop alternative methods of preventing, resolving, and educating people about inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflicts in countries around the world. Basil's passion for ethnic and religious conflict resolution is based on the remarkable events in his life. At the age of 14, he learned that his uncle and aunt died as a result of the inter-ethnic conflict which culminated in the Nigeria-Biafra civil war. As a young adult, he saw many dead bodies and severely wounded people in Africa, all victims of ethnic and religious violence. He also had the opportunity to listen to the devastating stories of survivors while he was a leader of a youth movement. Basil's assessment of this social problem is that sustainable peace can only be achieved through the development and propagation of new ways of living together irrespective of ethnic or religious differences. To achieve this goal, Basil studied conflict resolution at the University of Poitiers, France, where he received master's degrees in mediation and philosophy, specializing in multiculturalism, ethno-religious mediation, conflict analysis and conflict prevention. Originally from Nigeria, he earned his bachelor of arts in philosophy from the University of Ibadan. Throughout the course of his studies and professional experiences, Basil has focused on conflict analysis and resolution. He was a research scholar at the California State University's Center for African Peace and Conflict Resolution, Sacramento, and later worked at the United Nations Department of Political Affairs in New York. Basil currently lives in New York with his wife and child.
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
24 The Journal of Living Together Witness to Transformation: My years at the United Nations. By Ambassador Shola Jonathan Omoregie; 360 pages; $34.95. Published by Africa World Press, Inc.; First edition (January 24, 2014).
Witness to Transformation: My years at the United Nations is available worldwide through Africa World Press and on book retailer websites such as Amazon.
Book Description Witness to Transformation: My years at the United Nations, is a candid and illuminating memoir written by Ambassador Shola Omoregie, founder and chief operating officer of Africa Peace Support, former Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau and Head of the United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS). In this detailed and illuminating memoir, Ambassador Shola Omoregie sheds light on a personal journey from childhood in Nigeria, professional transition into the Nigerian Foreign Service, and to his eventual place as a top United Nations official, where he served for three decades. Ambassador Omoregie recounts the story of his youth with verve, sharing anecdotes of his birth in a polygamous family and of growing up in the homes of his maternal grandfather and uncle. He offers personal and direct accounts of the influence of the Nigerian civil war on his life, including many dangerous encounters when he was mistaken for a rebel soldier. As the Resident Representative of the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia in Botswana and later in Angola, culminating in his appointment as the Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Peace Building Support Office in Guinea-Bissau, he was entrusted with the responsibility of managing critical United Nations peace-building efforts. He boldly addresses the many
peculiar challenges and limitations of working in a multinational setting and navigating the many associated ordeals, such as leading the international community efforts to stabilize the volatile situation in Guinea-Bissau. He examines the extraordinary powers exerted by certain major countries within the organization and deftly explores the practical implications of the structure of international power systems on the internal workings of the United Nations Security Council. The memoir provides glimpses from the vantage point of someone who had seen action in the Front Line States in Southern Africa; of being at the heart of the United Nations Secretariat in New York at a critical time, personally witnessing the inner dynamics of the Security Council; and of leading critical field assignments in Angola, Botswana and Guinea-Bissau, while also undertaking United Nations Ad Hoc assignments. Witness to Transformation: My years at the United Nations also offers lessons learned from his direct experiences as a United Nations expert and as a consultant for the African Union, to which he provided technical and political expertise during the establishment of its Peace and Security Council. The insights of this work come from someone who has observed developments at close quarters at the international level, including the transformation in the Security Council following the end of the Cold War. This fascinating multi-disciplinary memoir will be of special interest to policy makers, scholars in a broad range of academic disciplines and others with interest in, and committed to multilateral diplomacy in a multifaceted international environment.
About the Author
Shola Jonathan Omoregie is the founder and chief operating officer of Africa Peace Support, LLC, an international political and security consulting firm with headquarters in New York. A retired career diplomat, Ambassador Omoregie had extensive experience spanning over three decades at the United Nations where he was an expert in Security Council affairs and peace operations. He retired from the United Nations after serving as the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Guinea Bissau. Ambassador Omoregie was also a long-serving member of the Nigerian Foreign Service where he rose to the rank of ambassador. He served at various Nigerian diplomatic missions, including Beijing in China and London and Liverpool in the United Kingdom, where he was the area officer. He was educated at the University of Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria, where he earned a B.SC (Honors) in psychology. Born on 12 December 1946 in Benin City, Nigeria, he is married and has six children.
Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
25 The Journal of Living Together Misunderstood Myanmar – An Introspective Study of a Southeast Asian State in Transition. By Dr. Koh Kim Seng; 284 pages; $32.00. Published by Dr. Koh Kim Seng; First edition (March 1, 2011).
Misunderstood Myanmar – An Introspective Study of a Southeast Asian State in Transition is available at leading book distributors such as www.marymartin.com and on book retailer websites such as Amazon.
Book Description Based on the author’s interviews with key governmental and military leaders, as well as on his first-hand knowledge of the country, Misunderstood Myanmar – An Introspective Study of a Southeast Asian State in Transition, by Dr. Koh Kim Seng, is a multi-dimensional exploration of the fundamental issues underlying the world’s negative view of Myanmar. Dr. Koh clearly highlights the deep impact of British colonization on the current social, economic and political problems, as well as the effects of Myanmar’s entrenched ethnocentricity, Theravada Buddhist religion and culture on its problematic governmental structure. Also discussed are the roles of the military, as well as the conflicts that the ethnic minorities face, allowing for more clarity on the difficulties the country has in finding both internal and external resolution. This book is a kaleidoscope of Myanmar’s past and present, shedding more light on its mysteries and enables the world to see its future possibilities.
guards its sovereignty and independence jealously, steadfastly refusing to let outsiders access to its decision making processes. This book reveals the opinions, beliefs and strategies of these elites in an open minded way that gives the full scope of their unique view of history. The cloistered nature of the regime has led to a dearth of empirical information which has resisted the efforts of academic scholars, correspondents, and political analysts alike. The result has been a failure to understand Myanmar’s intransigence to protests, exhortations and impositions of the US led democracy and human rights agenda. A widespread perception has emerged that Junta elites are dimwitted, corrupt and repressive, whose decision making is dependent upon the advice of astrologers, that Myanmar is a pariah state, and that whatever development is taking place is merely cosmetic. This book argues that to understand the vicissitudes of Myanmar’s recent history and the behavior of its generals one has to grasp the dynamic interaction between its external environment (including the disgruntled diaspora & international community) and the internal environment consisting of the generals’ ideological orientation in politics and economics still drawn from adverse colonial experiences and betrayals, as well as religion and culture. ‘Exceptionally’ because unlike other developing states Myanmar has been isolated from the international world for so long that those same internal factors have crystallized and come to take on a significance which, arguably, exceeds the role played by history, culture and religion in other parts of the world. Without the contemporary distortion of media and political manipulation of information, Misunderstood Myanmar offers a valuable overview of the true state of affairs in Myanmar and makes an ambitious attempt to reveal the underlying motivations of those in power. Through oral histories, personal and scholarly accounts, Dr. Seng provides a rare insider’s view of this little understood nation unavailable until now.
Those who have even a passing familiarity with Myanmar will know that the Myanmar Government is exceedingly wary of information sharing and Website: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
26 The Journal of Living Together The Hour of Sunlight: One Palestinian’s Journey from Prisoner to Peacemaker. Sami Al Jundi and Jen Marlowe; 368 pages; $16.99. Published by Nation Books (February 1, 2011).
The Hour of Sunlight: One Palestinian’s Journey from Prisoner to Peacemaker is available worldwide through the publisher, Nation Books and on book retailer websites such as Amazon, as well as on the author’s website: www.donkeysaddle.org.
Book Description The Hour of Sunlight recounts the only ambition of teenager, Sami Al Jundi: overthrowing Israeli occupation of traditionally Palestinian lands. With two friends he formed a militant cell and began building a bomb to use against the Israeli police. But their plans were derailed when the bomb exploded prematurely, killing one of his friends. Sami was sentenced to ten years in prison.
formation began: Sami was welcomed into a highly organized, democratic community of political prisoners who required that members of their cell read, engage in political discourse on topics ranging from global revolutions to Russian literature. In the prison library, Sami found a book on Mahatma Gandhi. He was struck by one story in particular—a Hindu man who had murdered a Muslim baby came to Gandhi seeking repentance. Gandhi told him that there was one way that he could find peace again; he must raise a Muslim orphan for twenty years. It took two decades to build a life, Sami reflected, but only seconds to destroy one. Sami left prison still determined to fight for his people’s rights—but with a very different notion of how to undertake that struggle. He discovered the Palestinian Center for the Study of Nonviolence, and later became supervisor of an Israeli-Palestinian coexistence center in Jerusalem. He kept his faith in reconciliation alive through the most difficult times, remaining determined to inspire a new generation to follow the path of peace and nonviolence.
About the Author Jen Marlowe Jen Marlowe is an author, documentary filmmaker, and human rights activist who lived and worked in Jerusalem from 2000 to 2004. She is the founder of donkeysaddle projects, which works to bring attention to marginalized and oppressed people around the world. Ms. Marlowe is the author of "Darfur Diaries: Stories of Survival." "The Hour of Sunlight" was co-authored with Sami Al Jundi, the subject of the book, who lives in the Old City of Jerusalem with his wife and family. For more, visit: www.donkeysaddle.org.
The Hour of Sunlight describes Sami’s extraordinary metamorphosis from a militant to a passionate advocate of nonviolence and peaceful reconciliation. Born to a family of Palestinian refugees in the Old City of Jerusalem, Sami was only five years old when Israeli soldiers took over his home after the 1967 war. His family began life again as refugees in another part of the Old City. In moving detail Sami describes how these and other realities (and indignities) of his early years led to his radicalization. Following his arrest, Sami was bound and tortured for weeks by the Israeli General Security Service before beginning his ten-year prison sentence. Ironically, it was in an Israeli jail that his personal transWebsite: http://www.icermediation.org / www.icermediation.com
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REMEMBERING FORGOTTEN GENOCIDES René Lemarchand, Ph.D.
As one who spent much of his professional life investigating Burundi’s tormented history, I welcome this opportunity to shed light on one of the least remembered and widely misunderstood genocides of the last century: in 1972 Burundi became the scene of an orgy of ethnically targeted violence -- which I do not hesitate to describe as a genocide -- when anywhere from 200,000 and 300,000 Hutu civilians were massacred at the hands of a Tutsi dominated army. More than 40 years later, I remember the Burundi tragedy as if it happened yesterday, in part because it is associated in my mind with the loss of many close friends, because of its causal relationship to the 1994 genocide of Tutsi in Rwanda, and because the silence of the media surrounding the events of 1972 were in obvious contrast with the frenzy of press coverage about the Rwanda bloodbath. The Burundi genocide is not the only horror story that has fallen into oblivion. In my edited volume on Forgotten Genocides: Oblivion, Denial and Memory, my contributors and I deal with such rarely remembered cases as the Herero of German South-West Africa, the Kurds of Iraq, the Aborigines of Tasmania, the Assyrians in 19th century Ottoman Turkey, the Hutu refugees from Rwanda in eastern Congo, the Roma during Nazi rule, and the Tibetans in contemporary China. This is only a small sample. In his recently published public accusation entitled The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger and a Forgotten Genocide, Gary Bass offers a devastating indictment of Nixon’s policies at the time of the break-up of Pakistan and the birth of Bangladesh. Nixon and Kissinger, according to Bass, by uncritically supporting the Pakistani military against India, were indirectly responsible for the death of hundreds of thousands of Bengali. With the White House looking the other way, the Pakistani army killed at least 300,000 Bengali, most of them Hindus, and forced 10 million to flee to India.
Keywords: Burundi, violent conflict, Hutu, Tutsi, Rwanda, memory, genocide, media manipulation, ethnic discrimination, state-sponsored amnesia, minority rights, power-sharing, ideology
Why Remember? Behind these tales of horror lies an obvious question: Why should we bother to drag such appalling events that unfolded in faraway lands out of the shadows, decades if not centuries ago? The quick answer is that they involve the lives and deaths of millions of people, who, for a variety of reasons, not the least of which is hatred of the “other”, were wiped off the face of the earth. This is not a trivial matter. I am reminded of George Santayana’s aphorism: “Those who do not remember the past are doomed to repeat it.” It is incumbent upon us, therefore, as citizens, students and academics, to shine a light on these abominations, even though some of us would rather not be reminded of
Biography René Lemarchand is Emeritus Professor of Political Science at the University of Florida. He has written extensively on the history and politics of the Great Lakes region of Central Africa. His book on RWANDA AND BURUNDI (1970), received the Herskovits Award from the African Studies Association. His latest works include THE DYNAMICS OF VIOLENCE IN CENTRAL AFRICA (2009) and an edited volume on FORGOTTEN GENOCIDES: OBLIVION, DENIAL AND MEMORY (2012). He served as regional advisor on governance and democracy with USAID, first in Abidjan (1992-1996) and then in Accra (1996-1998). He served as visiting lecturer at the University of California at Berkeley, Brown University, Smith College, Concordia University (Montreal) and the Universities of Helsinki, Copenhagen, Bordeaux and Antwerp.
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28 The Journal of Living Together them, especially where a more clear-eyed and determined stand by US policy makers would have saved hundreds of thousands of lives. Rwanda is of course, the classic example of how the Clinton administration turned a blind eye to a major human tragedy. But as Samantha Power has shown in her outstanding, prize-winning investigation, A Problem from Hell, the same could be said of our policies in Bosnia, Cambodia, Iraq and Kosovo. As she convincingly shows, the reason for our inaction is not to be found in our lack of resources, but our lack of will, only thinly disguised by pious references to “acts of genocide” (Rwanda), or “respect for national sovereignty.” As we now realize, concern over the likelihood that we could be dragged into a very messy situation in a state about we knew next to nothing, and where we had no obvious interest at stake, was the main reason for Clinton’s decision not to intervene in Rwanda. The same is true of Burundi: it simply did not register on our radar screen as a place where our national interests were at stake.
Lessons from Forgotten Genocides For those of us trying to elucidate the roots of evil, there are important lessons to be learned from a sustained examination of such seldom remembered atrocities. If we lift out gaze beyond the Big Five (Strauss) – Holocaust, Rwanda, Armenia, Cambodia and Former Yugoslavia – a number of significant findings come into focus: • Contrary to what is sometimes taken for granted, genocides are not necessarily state-sponsored; they can also happen as bottom-up phenomena, rooted in grassroots enmities (examples include the Roma and the Aborigines of Australia); • The roles of victims and perpetrators are often blurred: a group that qualifies as a victimized community at one point in time, can eventually emerge as a perpetrator at a later date, or vice versa (cases in point include both Tutsi and Hutu in Rwanda, and Kurds in Turkey); • Looking at such cases reminds us of the significance of what Helen Fein calls, “genocide by attrition”, meaning preventing the social reproduc-
tion of group members (as in Tibet for example); • As the case of Burundi dramatically demonstrates, social structure can act as an incubator of violence: where groups are vertically structured, with an ethnic minority at the top and the majority reduced to an inferior status, conflict can easily mutate into genocide; • Genocide cannot be isolated from its wider geopolitical context, be it regional or global (as was the case during the cold war). The last of these factors finds a dramatic illustration in the case of Burundi, where the regional context helps explain the local uprising of Hutu insurgents, and the global context the reluctance of the US to intervene.
The 1972 Genocide in Burundi The dynamics of the Burundi genocide are rooted in both domestic and regional factors. It emerged as a small archaic kingdom centuries before it gained its independence from Belgium in 1962, and before Belgium’s birth as a nation in 1830. It shares with Rwanda a bifurcated social structure, where the Hutu represent about 80 percent of a population estimated at 9 million, the Tutsi 19 per cent and the Pygmoid Twa one percent. While sharing many traits with Rwanda, Burundi was a more complex, more flexible social system, where the monarchy was weak. Until its overthrow by the Tutsi army in 1965, the monarchy was, if anything, a source of social cohesion. While Rwanda acceded to independence as a republic under Hutu rule, Burundi remained a constitutional monarchy under a mixed Hutu/Tutsi government. The precipitating factor behind the genocide was the Hutu insurgency that broke out in late April 1972 in and around the lakeside communities of Rumonge and Nyanza Lac. This was essentially a peasant revolt ignited by the revolutionary incitements of a handful of opponents, operating from Tanzania and others from the Congo. Most of them were former students at the University of Bujumbura (Butoyi, Ndabiyure and Mpasha). Given the fact that the Hutu community had been socially marginalized and politically excluded for a number of years, it is easy to see why they should have been highly susceptible to anti-Tutsi propaganda. Hundreds or
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29 The Journal of Living Together possibly thousands of innocent Tutsi civilians were killed. The Tutsi-dominated army promptly quelled the uprising, and in a matter of days peace was restored to the area. But then another chapter began that immediately took on the quality of genocide. It involved the systematic rounding up of every educated Hutu male, including school children, university students, civil servants and NGO workers throughout the country. All were subsequently killed, their bodies thrown into mass graves. One Tutsi (ganwa) witness, Boniface Kiraranganiya, estimates the number of Hutu killed at 300,000. “If one day I lose my mind”, he wrote, “the events of 1972 will have contributed to it by 95%.” He describes what he saw as “the paroxysm of madness, a perfect example of what man is capable of doing when all restraints are lifted, when there is nothing left to prevent him from giving free rein to his destructive instincts.” One of the most distinguished victims of the carnage was none other than deposed king Ntare, who had just returned from Uganda after receiving assurances that his life would not be at risk. The most amazing thing about this orgy of violence is how little impact it has had outside Burundi. Equally astonishing is that the only condemnation issued by the US government (though never made public) came from, of all people, Richard Nixon, in the form of handwritten remarks on a memo from Henry Kissinger, in which he advised against a US intervention. Nixon’s statement captures his sense of anger in the face of what he referred to as Foggy Bottom’s callous attitude and use of double standards: This is one of the most cynical, callous reactions of a great government to a terrible human tragedy I have seen. When the Paks try to put down a rebellion in East Pakistan, the world screams. When Indians kill a few thousand Paks, no one cares. Biafra stirs us because of Catholics, the Israeli Olympics because of Jews; the North Vietnamese bombings because of Communist leanings in our own establishment. But when 100,000, one third of the people of a black country [sic], are murdered, we say nothing because we must not make blacks look bad (except of course when Catholic blacks are
killed). I do not buy this double standard. Tell the weak sisters in the Africa Bureau of State to give a recommendation as to how we can at least show moral outrage. And let’s begin by calling our Ambassador immediately for consultation. Under no circumstances will I appoint a new Ambassador to present credentials to these butchers. Nixon’s outburst provides a jarring note to the seeming indifference of the US public and policy makers at the time. Significantly, his sense of outrage did not resonate beyond the Oval Office. The assumption that came to dominate the State Department was that, however regrettable, the slaughter posed no direct or indirect threat to US national interest. Other factors intervened to keep the carnage out of the limelight. One is that human rights issues had yet to emerge as a significant source of public concern; another has to do with the abysmal ignorance – both among the attentive public and policy makers -surrounding Burundi’s past and recent history; yet another is to be found in the fact that, unlike what happened in Rwanda, the génocidaires won the day, and never missed an opportunity to rewrite history from their own biased perspective, in effect claiming that the Hutu insurgency was the harbinger of a genocide of Tutsi – presumably, extraordinary dangers thus required extraordinary remedies.
The Regional Fallout That it might in due course pose a threat to the stability of the region never entered the minds of policy makers. With the benefit of hindsight, however, it appears that the events of 1972 have had profound consequences within and outside Burundi’s boundaries. For one thing, for the next twenty years Burundi emerged as a Tutsi-dominated state, thus creating the conditions (i.e. the entrenched political and economic interests) which led to the assassination of the first popularly elected Hutu president, Melchior Ndadaye, on October 21, 1993, following remarkably free and fair elections. For many hard-liners among the Tutsi community, murder was the only way to challenge the verdict of the polls. This game changing event is what unleashed the ten-year civil war between Hutu and Tutsi, causing the loss of an estimated 100,000 lives.
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30 The Journal of Living Together Meanwhile, to the tens of thousands of Hutu refugees who fled to Tanzania in the aftermath of the 1972 genocide, at least as many were added by the civil war. Today the refugee issue has re-entered the country with a vengeance. By 2003 Tanzania was host to about 800,000 refugees (overwhelmingly Hutu), to which must be added 300,000 IDPs. Hundreds of thousands have now returned to Burundi, expecting to recover their land. But in their absence much of this land has been taken over by Tutsi elites, or sold to prospective buyers. In some instances their land has changed hands several times. Restoring their lost properties to the original owners is a hugely complicated problem. Of all the pressing issues, confronting the Nkuruziza government, none is more potentially explosive. None, that is with the exception of the challenge posed by the FNL (Forces Nationales pour la Libération), the standard bearer of Hutu radicalism, and now the source of considerable violence. The point to be stressed here is that the FNL is the outgrowth of the 1972 genocide: its original incarnation, the Palipehutu (Parti pour la libération du peuple Hutu) was founded in a refugee camp in 1980 by the late Remy Gahutu. It is sadly ironic that the greatest threat confronting the Hutu-dominated government of President Nkurunziza should stem from the most stridently pro-Hutu and anti-Tutsi movement generated by the 1972 genocide. No less than the murder of Ndadaye, memories of the 1972 genocide of Hutu in Burundi, are critical elements in the background to the Rwanda genocide of 1994. Just as the assassination of Ndadaye sent a powerful message to the Hutu of Rwanda (“the Tutsi just cannot be trusted,”) much the same message was inscribed in the 1972 bloodbath. Both were instrumental in shaping the outlook of the Hutu Power movement in Rwanda, thus contributing in no small ways to the rabidly anti-Tutsi sentiment that has accompanied the 1994 genocide. Not only are there important, though complex, interconnections between the 1972 and 1994 bloodbaths; although the scale of mass murder in Rwanda was at least twice the size of its analog in Burundi, they both share significant features: (a) Both came about in response to real threats to the incumbent governments: the Hutu-led peasant insurgency in Burundi, the Uganda-assisted armed invasion of Rwanda by Tutsi refugee warriors in
1990. Both in short must be seen, to use Helen Fein’s terminology, as “retributive genocides;” (b) In each case much of the killing was engineered by youth groups identified with the regime: the Jeunesses Révolutionnaires Rwagasore (JRR) in Burundi; the interahamwe in Rwanda; (c) In both instances the international community proved utterly impotent to prevent the worst from happening, not for a lack of appropriate resources but for a lack of will. What Samantha Power identified as the key obstacles to effective intervention in Rwanda – “self-serving caution and flaccid will” -apply equally well to the case of Burundi.
How to Prevent Genocides What strategies if any can be used to prevent such colossal crimes from happening? The issue has received considerable public attention in recent times. A turning point was the appointment in 2008 of a Genocide Prevention Task Force (GPTF), headed by Madeleine Albright and William Cohen, followed in 2012 by the creation of the Atrocities Prevention Board (APB), a high-level White House task force chaired, until recently, by Samantha Power. The report issued by the GPTF, Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for US Policymakers (2008), offers a broad range of preventive strategies: i.e. Early Warning: Assessing Risks and Triggering Action; Early Prevention: Engaging before the Crisis; Preventive Diplomacy; Halting and Reversing Escalation; Employing Military Options; International Action: Strengthening Norms and Institutions. Significant though they are, the jury is still out on most of these recommandations. Although international intervention in Libya probably prevented Gadhafi from engaging in a genocidal response to the Bengazi insurgency, in Syria the track record of the international community is not nearly as encouraging. A detailed commentary on preventive strategies would carry me too far afield. I can only applaud the courage and determination of journalists and scholars, policy wonks and international civil servants – Samantha Power, Gary Bass, Gareth Evans – in trying to name and shame not only mass murderers but those who, consciously or unconsciously, became their allies in perpetrating what Churchill called in 1941 “a crime without a name.” Thanks to Raphael Lemkin, the crime has been given a name, yet a great deal more is needed to stop the g-word
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31 The Journal of Living Together from becoming reality. Let me give the last word to Max Weber, who drew a fundamental distinction between the ethics of ultimate ends and the ethics of responsibility. “There is an abysmal contrast”, he wrote, between conduct that follows the maxim of an ethic of ultimate ends – that is, in religious terms, ‘The Christian does rightly and leaves the results with the Lord’ – and conduct that follows the maxim of an ethic of responsibility, in which case one has to give an account of the foreseeable results of one’s action.” The dangers involved in applying an ethics of ultimate ends as an alternative to an ethics of responsibility are all too clear in the case of Syria; equally clear, however, are the costs of our failure to exercise an ethics of responsibility in the many cases where it could have made a difference – as in Burundi.
References Adam Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghosts, (Houghton Mifflin, 1998). Alison Des Forges et al., Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda (Human Rights Watch and International Federation of Human Rights, 1999). Benjamin Stora, La Guerre des Mémoires: La France face à son passé colonial (Editions l’Aube, 2008). Benjamin Sehene, Le piège ethnique (Editions Dagorno, 1999). Scott Straus, The Order of Genocide: Race, Power and War in Rwanda (Cornell University Press, 2006). Bert Ingelaere, Living Together Again, The Expectation of Transitional Justice in Burundi, IOB Working Paper 2009/6. Ernest Renan, Qu’est-ce qu’une (Editions mille et une nuits, 1997).
nation?
Eva Hoffman, “The Balm of Recognition”, in Nicholas Owen ed., Human Rights, Human Wrongs (Oxford University Press, 1999). Henry Rousso’s The Vichy Syndrome: History
and Memory in France Since 1944 (Harvard University Press, 1991), translated by Arthr Goldhammer. Jan Vansina, Antecedents to Modern Rwanda: The Nyiginya Kingdom (The University of Wisconsin Press, 2004). Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition as History (The University of Wisconsin Press, 1985). Paul Kagame, “Preface”, in Phil Clark and Zachary Kaufman eds., After Genocide: Transitional Justice, Pot-Conflict Reconstruction and Reconciliation in Rwanda and Beyond (Hurst and Co., 2008). Paul Ricoeur, “Le pardon peut-il guérir?”, Esprit (March-April 1995). Pierre Nora, “Between Memory and History”, Representations, 26 (Spring 1989). Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved (Vintage Books, 1988). René Lemarchand, The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa (The University f Pennsylvania Press, 2009). René Lemarchand, Forgotten Genocides: Oblivion, Denial and Memory (The University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011). René Lemarchand, Burundi: Ethnic Conflict and Genocide, (Cambridge University Press, 1996). Richard Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600-1860 (Wesleyan University Press, 1973). Samuel Totten and Rafiki Ubaldo, “Introduction” in Totten and Ubaldo eds., We Cannot Forget: Interviews with Survivors of the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda (Rutgers University Press,2011). Stef Vandeginste, “Burundi’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission: How to shed light on the Past while Standing in the Dark Shadow of Politics?”, The International Journal of Transitional Justice (2012).
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32 The Journal of Living Together
HOLY CONFLICT: THE INTERSECTION OF RELIGION AND MEDIATION Jamie L. Hurst
Abstract Conflicts involving religion create exceptional environments where both unique barriers and resolution strategies emerge. Regardless of whether religion exists as the source of conflict, ingrained cultural and religious beliefs have the ability to substantially affect both the process and outcome of dispute resolutions. Relying upon various case studies, this paper investigates the intersection of religion and mediation, focusing discussion on the challenges religious parties bring to mediations, how religion can be used as a strategy in mediation proceedings, and the impact a religious mediator has on the mediation process and outcome. While there is no definitive conclusion presented with regard to whether disputes involving religion create a more intractable conflict or whether a religious mediator increases the likelihood of reaching a peaceful settlement, this paper does succeed in identifying opportunities for including religion in the mediation process and explores various characteristics from which religious mediators are able to draw in order to affect the mediation process. Ultimately this paper seeks to provide a starting point from which continued research into the diverse roles religion and religious actors can play in the dispute resolution process. It suggests that as religion’s role in both intra and inter-state conflict continues to persist, and in some cases even heighten, mediators are charged with reevaluating how religion can be used to countermand this trend in order to both address conflict and positively impact the overall dispute resolution process. Indeed because this paper argues that religion possesses a unique power to promote peace, it is necessary that the dispute resolution community dedicates substantial research resources toward understanding the extent to which religion can positively influence
conflict resolution outcomes and strategies. In the end, this paper hopes to provide justification for continued research with the ultimate aim of creating a valid model of dispute resolution that can be replicated in conflicts across the world.
Keywords: Religion, conflict, dispute resolution, mediation, faith-based actors
Introduction “Religion has a dual legacy in human history,” existing as both a catalyst for conflict, yet also as an advocate for its resolution (Gopin, 1997, p.1). Yet despite the prevalence of conflicts enacted or merely marked by religious elements, the last two decades have been critical in studying the effects of religion on the dispute resolution process. Attempting to understand how religion relates to conflict resolution and mediation, research has identified a number of “characteristics that distinguish faith-based interventions from secular ones: a) explicit emphasis on spirituality and/or religious identity; b) use of religious texts; c) use of religious values and vocabulary; d) utilization of religious or spiritual rituals during the process; e) involvement of faith-based actors as third-parties” (Bercovitch & Kadayifci-Orellana, 2009, p. 185). This paper explores many of these characteristics as a means for determining how religion affects conflict resolution, paying special attention to the mediation process, and ultimately
Biography Jamie L. Hurst is from La Canada, CA and is a graduate of Hamline University School of Law in St. Paul, MN. She received a B.A. in Religious Studies from the University of California, San Diego and earned a M.A. in Sport Management from Indiana State University. She currently lives in Colorado and works for Metropolitan State University of Denver.
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33 The Journal of Living Together suggests continued exploration of the potential impacts of religion on mediation.
Religion as a Barrier to Resolution Despite predictions that modernization “would inevitably lead to the demise in the role of religion in politics,” religious conflicts continue to make up a significant portion of all conflicts (Fox, 2004, p.56). Even when religion is not the sole source of a dispute, religious elements associated with either the conflict or the parties have the powerful ability to influence the nature of the conflict (Fox, 2004). Indeed Toft (2007) argues that religion has played a central or peripheral role in the majority of civil wars from 1940-2000. Because religion is deeply seeded in parties’ identities and beliefs, religious conflicts tend to be more intense than nonreligious ones, and arguably create barriers that make resolution more difficult (Fox, 2004). As such, religion holds the ability to influence the intractability and indivisibility of conflicts. Although Crocker, Hampson and Aall (2004) reveal that there is still discussion as to whether religious conflicts are inherently more problematic than non-religious ones, recent research suggests that religious conflicts are intractable because of the “non-bargainable nature of the motivations behind them” (Fox, 2004, p. 58). Indeed once religious elements are introduced to a conflict, any type of compromise made has the ability to imply a weakness or break in foundational beliefs (Svensson, 2007). This phenomenon of isolating religious beliefs and indefinitely defending them because they reflect one’s identity and understanding of meaning, contributes to the unwillingness of parties to negotiate boundaries (Fox, 2004). Religious conflicts are also arguably more intractable because they are inherently viewed as indivisible. Leng and Regan (2003) suggest religious differences are not amendable to compromise due in large part to their characterization as immutable and exclusive. Conflicts with religious dynamics create a perception that the disputed issues cannot be divided (Svensson, 2007). In fact, once religion is inserted into a conflict, parties are more likely to perceive the dispute as indivisible because any concession appears as a substantial loss of value (Svensson, 2007). Because different religions conceptualize
authority in different ways, any division on the issue suggests a weakness not otherwise present in non-religious conflicts (Eastwood & Prevalakis, 2010).
Religion as a Strategy for Resolution While it is understood that religion is often responsible for the creation of conflict, conversely, religion also possesses unique characteristics that promote success as a resolution strategy. Specifically, religion has the ability to bring various resources to the peacemaking process. Abu-Nmer (2001) reveals that religion brings social, moral and spiritual resources to the peace-building process. Maregere (2011) believes “religion has the capacity to bring parties together, based on the increased trust that it can introduce in certain situations” (p. 21). Most notably, religion provides a spiritual dimension to conflict resolution that generates both engagement and commitment (Ruben, 2011; Abu-Nmer, 2001). By inserting religion into the resolution process, intermediaries are able to reframe conflict and create alternative models for contextualizing disputes (Mattews-Giba, 1999). Three predominant strategies have emerged from literature suggesting how religion assists the peacemaking process. First, engaging in religious and interfaith dialogue can increase understanding and enhance sensitivity to others. Second, religious values can be introduced to help parties find unforeseen commonalities. And finally, religious texts can be leveraged to explore shared values and traditions. By introducing religion into the dispute resolution process, parties are afforded unique resources that encourage, promote and assist peacemaking efforts.
A. Interfaith Dialogue
As a tool that fosters greater understanding between religious parties, interfaith dialogue is reserved for situations in which parties emerge from conflicting religious backgrounds. By converting participants’ narrow, exclusionist, antagonistic or prejudiced perspectives into tolerance, interfaith dialogue has the goal of promoting peaceful coexistence (Takim, 2004; Abu-Nmer ,2001). It functions as a mechanism by which parties can enlighten others as to the beliefs, traditions and sacred values of their religion. Indeed its purpose is not to reach doctrinal agreement, but rather to increase sensitivity toward others’ beliefs (Takim, 2004). Interfaith dialogue accomplishes this feat by facilitating an opportunity for parties to reveal the meaningful aspects of their
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34 The Journal of Living Together religion and explain how they experience the sacred (Takim, 2004). The effectiveness of interfaith dialogue within conflict resolution relies upon the presupposition of disinformation and/or misunderstanding. Too often religious conflicts misplace intensity “due to an ignorance or misunderstanding of spiritual traditions” of others (Sanchez, 2012, p. 756). Because its aim is not to convert the other party nor compromise personal beliefs, interfaith dialogue impacts the resolution process by creating context and an environment for understanding. An essential component in dialogue is the willingness to reexamine one’s faith in the light of how others relate to their tradition and the ability to strengthen or adjust one’s own engagement and interaction with the sacred based on the experience of the other. Understanding the faith of others should strengthen rather than weaken a person’s commitment to his or her tradition (Takim, 2004, p. 346). By engaging in productive communication, interfaith dialogue effectively relates the depth of parties’ faith while also encouraging elevated understanding and respect for others’ (Takim, 2004). For example, Gopin (1997) discussed how in the past decade, the Catholic Church successfully leveraged interfaith dialogue with Jews to create a theological shift that more fully respects the beliefs of Judaism. Indeed, it is through this honest exchange and the creation of a foundation of both differences and similarities that parties are afforded an opportunity to achieve a greater and more thorough mutual understanding (Sanchez, 2012). Interfaith dialogue is a valuable asset for conflict resolution with the power to enhance mutual understating, foster joint activities, and transform the type and quality of relationship enjoyed by parties. It even has the power to develop “lines of communications between hostile parties” (Bercovitch & Kadayifci-Orellana, 2009, p. 199). Ultimately, interfaith dialogue generates relationships with the ability to produce beneficial, mutual understanding between parties of different religions (Gopin, 2002). This phenomenon was observed in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia when an interfaith prayer day revealed that listening and experiencing prayers of another’s faith
showed more respect for various religious traditions than trying to bring them all together as though there were no differences among them (Little, 2007). By providing a platform for open and honest discourse, interfaith dialogue invites participants to explore the fundamental religious values of others in a contained environment where differences are highlighted and respected.
B. Religious Values
While interfaith dialogue focuses on the overt exploration of doctrinal differences, religion can also be inserted into the conflict resolution process through more subtle discussions. Specifically, motivation to settle a dispute can be derived from an appeal to transcendent, religious values (Matthews-Giba, 1999). Here, resolution strategies focus on identifying similarities between conflicting faiths, foregoing true doctrinal discourse. Therefore, effectiveness is increased when mediators reframe parties’ differences in terms of shared values. Recent research has documented various accounts where the reframing of issues into religious contexts greatly amplifies resolution efforts: Matthews-Giba (1999) suggests that religious values allow participants to reframe disputes focusing on individual loss into teachings on compassion and forgiveness for another; Abu-Nmer (2001) reveals that reframing disputes from religious contexts allow interveners unrestricted access and the ability to increase potential impact; Dochery (2001) discusses how law enforcement agents involved with the Branch Davidian negotiations had to reframe the negotiation narrative to demonstrate their understanding that two systems of laws – God’s and man’s – needed to be involved; and Bercovitch (2009) holds that reframing resolutions within a religious context dramatically increases the potential impact that will be experienced by all parties. Taken collectively, these consistent results invite an opportunity for identifying a common ground upon which conflicting parties can be motivated to seek resolution (Matthews-Giba, 1999). By transferring differences into shared transcendent values, a new lens from which a conflict can be viewed is created. In fact discussions generating shared values may even lead to creative and innovative conversations otherwise precluded. Typically such discussions focus on universally religious teachings such as generosity (Love & Singh, 2013), peace (Little, 2007), compassion and forgiveness
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35 The Journal of Living Together (Bercovitch, 2009). When applied in a mediation setting, this strategy not only provides for common understanding, but also positively impacts the goals established by the mediator by fostering mutual understanding. Mattews-Giba (1997) points specifically to moral growth, the ability to forgive, love of one’s neighbor, empathy and increasing the inter-connectedness of all humanity as mediation goals that emerge from shared values discussions. Therefore “shared motivations, common identities and community networks” all exist as “key drivers” for change (Ruben, 2011, p. 226). In addition to generating common ground, resolution strategies that focus on religious values also provide a vehicle for mutual enrichment between parties with opposing interests (Sanchez, 2012). By cultivating interfaith conversations that discuss religious values, parties are able to understand the conflicting interests of others in light of their experienced religious convictions. This strategy charges both parties with the responsibility of viewing the others’ situation in light of their own religious values, and in doing so, initiates solutions that feature coexistence and the mixing of faiths (Sanchez, 2012). Therefore by identifying shared values, mediators construct a new narrative of the conflict in which disputes can be understood as meaningful parts of a divine project (Bercovitch, 2009).
C. Religious Texts
A third strategy for employing the use of religion within conflict resolution is the utilization of religious texts. Here, successful mediators serve as “translators” capable of negotiating differences and similarities across religious borders through the use of religious narratives. As such, in-depth understanding and the ability to redefine religious texts rest at the core of conflict transformation (Mason, 2011). Religious texts generate their power in resolution scenarios from the trust religious parties place in them. There are two primary ways in which mediators can leverage this power. First, recognizing that religious parties use the text as a moral anchor, mediators can enter into dialogue that references main points shared by both the current conflict and the text. This strategy allows parties to draw parallels between traditional concepts and modern day needs. An example of this strategy would be using the Qu’ran as a resource to help Muslim women become empowered (Mason, 2011).
Additionally, religious texts can also be used to identify possible meeting points between conflicting parties. For example Christian, Muslim and Hindu religions all share a flood parable from which the lesson of divine retribution is derived. Because parties vest the power of the religious text, any similarities drawn between different texts automatically create a sense of legitimacy for the other party’s concerns.
The Religious Mediator Religion can also enter the conflict resolution process through the role of the mediator. Here, religious leaders and faith-based actors are purposefully inserted into conflicts because they are uniquely positioned to build relationships that develop trust between parties. By encouraging dialogue and enabling joint collaboration, faith-based actors have a powerful potential to affect the peace-building process (Maregere, 2011). The practice of using faith-based actors in the dispute resolution process is not novel, having long been harnessed by faith-based actors such as the Puritans, Quakers, the Pope, members of the Interfaith Mediation Center in Nigeria, and religious actors in Sierra Leone. Reychler (1997) suggests the historical effectiveness and strength of faith-based actors in the peacemaking process flows from six fundamental facts: 1) over [two-thirds] of people belong to a religion; 2) religious organizations have the capacity to mobilize people and cultivate attitudes of forgiveness and conciliation; 3) religious organizations can rely on soft power sources to influence the peace process: reward power, expert power, legitimate power, referent (relationship) power, and informational power; 4) non-governmental organizations fulfill tasks for which traditional diplomacy is not equipped; 5) most religious organizations can make use of their transnational organizations; and 6) religious organizations are in the field (p. 35-36). These realities create viable portals through which faith-based actors can, more easily than their secular counterparts, enter the dispute resolution process. However once inside, evaluation of the effectiveness of faith-based actors cannot cease to continue; special attention must now be diverted to how these mediators more naturally reach success. Sampson (1997) attributes the inherent susceptibility
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36 The Journal of Living Together of faith-based actors to find success in conflict resolution to their ability to play various roles throughout the process; religious actors can be advocates, intermediaries, observers, educators, and institutional actors. Bercovitch (2009) believes a mediator’s identity automatically affects the level of influence, trust and legitimacy brought to the proceeding. Relying upon this notion that specific aspects of the faith-based mediator directly affect the quest for resolution, it is significant to understand the attributes, resources and motivations of faith-based mediators that have the ability to impact the effectiveness of the mediation process.
A. Attributes
Faith-based mediators possess unique characteristics and strengths that support the mediation process (Bercovitch, 2009). For example, as faith-based mediators for the Tanenbaum Center for Interreligious Understanding, the Peacemakers identify both emotional intelligence and the desire to confront what they find painful as two inherent characteristics faith-based mediators should possess. Quakers have also enjoyed a storied history as successful faith-based mediators, citing the ability to sympathize with both sides in an international dispute among attributes that positively contribute to successful dispute resolution (Bailey, 985). Reviewed collectively, research has identified a variety of attributes commonly observed in effective faith based actors. Influenced by Thomas Princen, Reychler (1997) consolidates effective peacemaking traits into six primary resources possessed by religious actors: 1) Moral legitimacy; 2) Neutrality; 3) Ability to advance other’s political standing; 4) Ability to reach the (world) public opinion 5) Network of information and contacts; and 6) Secrecy. Using the Pope as an example for the embodiment of all these traits, Reychler argues that these six attributes allow an otherwise powerless transnational actor to influence parties within a dispute in subtle, yet effective ways (1997). While research has indeed identified various effective qualities of religious leaders and faith-based actors, a definitive list of attributes of effective faith-based mediators has yet to be determined. As such, it is generally accepted that much of faith-based actors’ success derives closely from their status as a religious actor (Bercovitch, 2009). Therefore qualities typically attributed to effective religious leaders, such as commitment to service, integrity, excellent communication, patience, inspiration, passionate, forgiving, sensitivity, etc..., can also
be considered valuable attributes for faith-based mediators. In addition to personal attributes, faith-based mediators also enjoy the flexibility to widen the scope of mediations to include non-traditional techniques and agenda items (Bailey, 1985). Because they are often non-official intermediaries, faith-based mediators have the freedom to disregard protocol, suggest unconventional remedies or procedures, and even introduce tangentially-related items otherwise not appropriate to suggest (Bailey, 1985). This ability to circumvent traditional mediator roles is an attribute unique to faith-based mediators.
B. Resources
Faith-based mediators are also afforded inherent leverage based on their role as religious leaders. According to Little (2007), religious Peacemakers are effective in light of their religious identity and their membership in the local community. Like Pope Gregory IX who was able to offer the Lombard League trust that was built by his moral authority, faith-based mediators enjoy a moral legitimacy that allows them to leverage both moral and spiritual resources to affect conflict resolution (Matthews-Giba, 1999). The Peacemakers refer to this phenomenon as the “Power of the Pulpit” and acknowledge it as a tool for those who claim its mandate (Little, 2007, p.11). Religious leaders and faith-based actors...are highly respected and their opinions are generally held in high regard within their communities...Therefore they are better equipped to reach out to the people, mobilize them, to re-humanize the “enemy” by using religious values such as justice for all, forgiveness, harmony, human dignity, and ultimately to motivate them to work towards peace (Bercovitch, 2009, p. 187). This inherent moral authority allows parties to immediately trust faith-based mediators. In fact, research has shown that “religious leaders, faith-based actors are more likely to be perceived as evenhanded, trustworthy, and possessing a strong moral and spiritual commitment than their secular counterparts” (Bercovitch, 2009, p. 190). Marefere (2011) also suggests religious leaders are uniquely positioned to leverage their moral authority and influence as a means to “encourage mutual understanding within and between protagonists” (2011, p. 22). Looking beyond the ability to affect the initial resolution labors, Marefere (2011) argues that
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37 The Journal of Living Together their inherent credibility allows religious leaders and faith-based actors to heavily influence the sustainability of settlement efforts. Specifically, he argues that the persuasion afforded to these leaders is often unrivaled at the grassroots level, and allows them to play a substantial role in ensuring the continued success of implemented settlements. However, in order to sustain this relationship, all associated institutions, religious leaders, and discourse must continue to be viewed as legitimate; as legitimacy is closely related to both the identity and nature of the dispute. For example, it was crucial to the success of faith-based interveners of the Inter Religious Council of Sierra Leone that they were considered credible and respected mediators by the government, rebels and general population. For without this standard of legitimacy, coup leaders would never have agreed to pursue discussions (Bercovitch, 2009). Therefore while faith-based mediators may enjoy a default legitimate status, they must work diligently to continue to leverage this reputation.
C. Motivations
Finally, faith-based mediators are more motivated to reach resolution than non-religious interveners. This increased motivation is a result of the spiritual and religious motivations that drive the mediator to seek peace (Bercovitch, 2009). For example, “religious institutions have an untapped and under-used integrative power potential” fueled by the religious values of forgiveness and conciliation (Rychler, 1997, 37). These moral pillars, from which a strong commitment to seek peace is derived, create a legitimate motivation for resolution not otherwise afforded to non-faith based actors without an explicit history and proof. While faith based actors possess vested spiritual and religious motivations that spur a desire to seek resolution, research suggests that motivations do not affect participants’ perceived impartiality. Whereas with non-religious mediators, motivation of any sort typically reflects poorly upon a mediator’s impartiality, faith-based actors generally enjoy a presumption of impartiality (Smith, 1994). And since effective mediation demands the appearance of impartiality, it is clear that faith-based actors enjoy the benefit of assumed impartiality derived from their position rather than their motivation.
Conclusion Religion and conflict have coexisted throughout the span of human history. And although much infor-
mation exists as to the catalyst-like properties of religion as a source of conflict, relatively little research explores the ways in which religion affects its resolution. As the climate of global conflicts continues to shift, there has never been a more critical time to reassess the power of religious dialogue and the influence of faith-based actors upon the peacemaking process. Understanding that these conversations and individuals possess unique characteristics with the ability to greatly influence how parties talk about, evaluate and solve conflict, now is the time to dedicate the resources necessary to explore the full potential of religion as a resource for peace and conflict resolution. Because the possibilities for extended research at this time are arguably vast, perhaps researchers should begin by reframing how the conversation about religion’s coexistence with conflict occurs. Specifically, greater emphasis should be given to the peacemaking qualities of religion in everyday discourse. When opportunities present themselves, global leaders need to expose religious strategies or actors that propel resolution efforts forward. Prevalent attempts to remove religion from the conversation entirely must be replaced with productive conversation about the peacemaking opportunities religion uncovers. Ultimately, the general understanding of religion’s role in conflict must transition from conflict-inducing to conflict-resolving. While much more work needs to be done to fully understand the potential impact religion has on the mediation and dispute resolution process, it is clear that the construction of shared religious values, use of religious texts, and identity of faith-based mediators hold the ability to redefine how global disputes are resolved. And although religion cannot exist as the sole solution from which resolution strategies are drawn, there is no denying the current, substantial need for religion to emerge as a viable option. As a result, dedicated research must persist in order to awaken the dormant power of religion as a leading peace-building agent. In the words of Cynthia Sampson, the time has come to identify, encourage, develop, mobilize, and empower the special resources and potentials of religious actors for constructive conflict transformation – and to coordinate their contributions as integral to the larger [peace-building] enterprise (1997, p.307).
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38 The Journal of Living Together
Bibliography Abu-Nmer, M. (2001) Conflict Resolution, Culture, and Religion: Toward a Training Model of Interreligious Peacebuilding. Journal of Peace Research 38 (6), pp.685-704. Bailey, S. (1985) Non-Official Mediation in Disputes: Reflections on Quaker Experience. International Affairs 61 (2), pp. 205-222. Bercovitch, J. & S. Kadayifci-Orellana, A. (2009) Religion and Mediation: The Role of Faith-Based Actors in International Conflict Resolution. International Negotiation 14 (2009), pp. 175-204. Crocker, C., Hampson, F. & Aall, P. (2004) Taming Intractable Conflicts: Mediation in the Hardest Cases. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace. Docherty, J. (2001). Learning Lessons from WACO: When Parties Bring their Gods to the Negotiation Table. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. Eastwood, J. & Prevalakis, N. (2010). Nationalism, Religion, and Secularization: An Opportune Moment for Research. Review of Religious Research 52 (1), pp. 90-111. Ferrer Sanchez, J. (2012). Interfaith Dialogue in Spain – Religious Mediation: A Brief Analysis of Spain’s Religious Liberty Law. Brigham Young University Law Review 2012 (3), pp. 729-773. Fox, J. (2004). Religion and State Failure: An Examination of the Extent and Magnitude of Religious Conflict from 1950 to 1996. International Political Science Review 25 (1), pp. 55-76. Gopin, M. (1997) Religion, Violence, and Conflict Resolution. Peace & Change 22 (1), pp. 1-31. Gopin, M. (2002) The Use of the Word and its Limits: A Critical Evaluation of Religious Dialogue as Peacemaking. In Smock, D. (ed.). Interfaith Dialogue and Peacebuilding. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace. Kleiboer, M. (1996) Understanding Success and Failure of International Mediation. The Journal of Conflict Resolution 40 (2), pp. 360-389. Leng, R. & Regan,P. (2003) Social and Political Cultural Effects on the Outcomes of Mediation in
Militarized Interstate Disputes, International Studies Quarterly 47 (3), pp. 431-452. Little, D. (2007). Peacemakers in Action: Profiles of Religion in Conflict Resolution. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Love, L. & Singh, S. (2013) Following the Golden Rule and Finding Gold: Generosity and Success in Negotiation. In Honeyman, C. & Coben, J. (eds.). Educating Negotiators for a Connected World. St. Paul, MN: DRI Press. Maregere,T. (2011) Religion: A Source of Conflict and a Resource for Peace. Conflict Trends, 1 (2008), pp. 17-23. Mason,S. (2010) Transforming Conflicts with Religious Dimensions: Explorative Workshop Overview. In Mason, S. & Kartas, M. (eds.). Centre on Conflict, Development & Peacebuilding Conference Report. Zurich, Switzerland: The Graduate Institute. Matthews-Giba, F. (1999) Religious Dimensions of Mediation. Fordham Urban Legal Journal 27 (5), pp. 1695-1710. Princen, T. (1992) Intermediaries in International Conflict. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Ruben, R. (2011) Can Religion Contribute to Development? The Road from Truth to Trust. Exchange 40 (2011), pp. 225-234. Reychelr, L. (1997) Religion and Conflict. The International Journal of Peace Studies 2 (1). Smith, J. (1994). Mediator Impartiality: Banishing the Chimera. Journal of Peace Research 31 (4), pp. 445-450. Svensson, I. (2007) Fighting with Faith: Religion and Conflict Resolution in Civil Wars. 51 Journal of Conflict Resolution 51 (6), pp. 930-949. Takim, L. (2004) From Conversion to Conversation: Interfaith Dialogue in Post 9-11 America. The Muslim World 94 (3), pp. 343-355. Toft, M. (2007) Getting Religion: The Puzzling Case of Islam and Civil War. International Security 31 (4), pp. 97-131.
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39 The Journal of Living Together
IDENTITY RECONSIDERED Zarrín Caldwell
Abstract Identity-based differences related to race, ethnicity, or religion may not always be the sole reason for conflicts spiraling out of control. However, such divides should not be underestimated, because they may be at the root of violence and armed conflicts. This article looks at some of these contemporary trends and then explores how the teachings of the Bahá’í Faith on nested identities might inform this subject and provide a new framework of analysis. The article further examines some of the consequences arising from narrowly-construed identity formations and, in conclusion, offers some practical ideas for implementing effective peacebuilding programs.
Keywords: Identity-based conflicts, Baha'i Faith, peacebuilding, global identity, spiritual identity
Introduction: The Role of Identity in Conflict
Over the last couple of decades, the role that differing ethnic and religious identities have played in armed conflicts has received more academic attention and interest. The conflicts between Israelis and Palestinians in the Middle East, between the Karen and Chin people in Burma, between Indians and Pakistanis in Kashmir, between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda, and between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo are just a few examples; but, in the context of history, the list of such divides is a very long one. In these and similar cases, opposing ethnic and/or religious communities typically have a very strong sense of a particular identity that is juxtaposed against “the other.” The armed conflicts that these divides have engendered have led to not only considerable bloodshed, but also in many cases, to the social and economic destruction of entire communities. Scholars in this field have different opinions regarding the main drivers of conflict and cite a range of
diverse causes, such as competition over land or capital, the holding of different values, unmet psychological needs, social and economic discrimination, or leadership that promotes polarized agendas. While armed conflicts can happen for these and many other reasons, this article takes a closer look at identity affiliations and the “us vs. them” narratives that can be at their core. As Jay Rothman (1997, p. 6) explains in his book Resolving Identity-Based Conflict: In Nations, Organizations, and Communities, what may appear to be conventional disputes over something like resources or socioeconomic disparities may actually have deeper roots related to identity. He adds that identity-based conflicts “are deeply rooted in the underlying individual human needs and values that together constitute people’s social identities, particularly in the context of group affiliation, loyalties, and solidarity.” Identity formations are not inherently problematic, but can become so when they lead to violence. For example, having diverse identities is a important part of being human and is how individuals find their place in the world and fit into a wider social framework. Forming narratives of who we are in relationship to a collective whole is particularly critical to self development and is the basis for creating meaningful societal bonds. This concept breaks down however, when the
Biography Ms. Caldwell is a Rotary Peace Fellow with a passion for international education and peacebuilding topics. She holds a masters degree in public and international affairs and has worked for several international non-governmental organizations, including an international interfaith organization based in Europe. Her recent work includes contracts with the Institute of International Education and the U.S. Institute of Peace.
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40 The Journal of Living Together primary identity of an individual or group—such as an affiliation with a nation-state, ethnic group, or religion—becomes so all consuming that it leads to violence against those holding opposing views. As Dr. Louis Kriesberg (2003) from Syracuse University suggests, the enduring identities of ethnic groups, identities that are non-compromising, identities built on viewing an enemy as subhuman, or identities associated with nationalist sentiments are among identity formations that can keep conflicts going.
All-Glorious; that all are servants of one God; for all breathe the same atmosphere, live upon the same earth, move beneath the same heavens, receive effulgence from the same sun and are under the protection of one God. This is the most great unity, and its results are lasting if humanity adheres to it; but humankind has hitherto violated it, adhering to sectarian or other limited unities such as racial, patriotic or unity of self-interests; therefore no great results have been forthcoming.
Bahá’í Perspectives on Identity
Despite the emphasis in the Bahá’í writings on the essential oneness of the human family, its teachings do not disregard other loyalties. Love of one’s country, a “sane patriotism,” and an individual’s pride in their own cultural heritage are all encouraged. The diversities of the human race are likened to a garden that is all the more appealing because of its diversity of shape, fragrance, and color. Shoghi Effendi (2006, p.77), the appointed head of the Bahá’í community until his passing in the mid 1950s, clarified that although recognition of one’s place in the larger human family is central to the Bahá’í teachings, this principle
In light of above, are there approaches that might break these destructive cycles? The rest of this article examines what the Bahá’í writings have to say about identity that might inform this topic and provide new ways to think about how peoples may live together more peaceably. The place of identity in the Bahá’í Faith is multidimensional. The Faith’s writings simultaneously address the imperative of embracing a common human identity that we all share, as well as the value of diversity and individual capacity. Both of these identities (universal and particular) are set in the context of humankind’s larger spiritual identity and reality. While Oneness and universality are themes that most religious scholars associate with the Baha’i Faith’s writings, but a closer examination shows that its perspective on identity is considerably more nuanced. A commitment to the unity of the human race is, indeed, central to the Bahá’í teachings and positioned as the next necessary stage in humanity’s evolution. Throughout the Bahá’í writings, its adherents are called to be “world citizens.” While this principle may have seemed unrealistic when the Faith was founded in the mid-19th Century, it is less far-fetched today as our interactions with others increasingly transcend traditional boundaries defined by geography, race, culture, or other divides. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, the son of the Faith’s prophet-founder Bahá’u’lláh and the interpreter of His teachings, spoke widely of these themes in his travels to both Europe and America in the early 20th Century. He spoke of the need for an “unlimited unity” over the more limited unities of lineage, tongue, nation, and politics (‘Abdu’l-Bahá 1982, p. 190-194): The unity which is productive of unlimited results is first a unity of mankind which recognizes that all are sheltered beneath the overshadowing glory of the
… can conflict with no legitimate allegiances, nor can it undermine essential loyalties. Its purpose is neither to stifle the flame of a sane and intelligent patriotism in men's hearts, nor to abolish the system of national autonomy so essential if the evils of excessive centralization are to be avoided. It does not ignore, nor does it attempt to suppress, the diversity of ethnical origins, of climate, of history, of language and tradition, of thought and habit, that differentiate the peoples and nations of the world. It calls for a wider loyalty, for a larger aspiration than any that has animated the human race. The Bahá’í Faith, then, values diversity, but calls its adherents to a wider loyalty to humankind. Yet, identity in the Bahá'í Faith goes beyond understanding one’s position in the larger society. It takes on a much more personal and individual character with the emphasis that its teachings place on spiritual identity. In many ways, this is the foundation of all other identity formations. Namely, the Bahá'í writings emphasize that individuals have a physical, intellectual, and spiritual reality. The material world, according to the Bahá'í teachings, largely serves as the means or conduit through which one’s spiritual qualities are refined and developed for continued progress in “all the worlds of God.” Bahá'í teachings imply that understanding this
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41 The Journal of Living Together spiritual reality is also central to achieving universal peace. “Until national and international prejudices are effaced in the reality of this spiritual brotherhood,” notes ‘Abdu’l-Bahá (1982, p. 143), “true progress, prosperity and lasting happiness will not be attained by man.” In a similar vein, he refers to the different “collective centers” that characterize the life of humanity. These include patriotism, nationalism, identity of interests, and political alliances. While these affiliations are important to organizing society, he notes, they are “the matter and not the substance, accidental and not eternal, temporary and not everlasting” and will not survive great revolutions and upheavals. Rather, he adds, the eternal collective center is the body of divine teachings that is influenced by the Holy Spirit and that “destroys the foundation of differences” (‘Abdu’l-Bahá 1993, p.101-107).
A Closer Look at Divisive Paradigms The Bahá’í scriptures center around a theme of unity and, as such, there are many passages relating to the attributes, qualities, and even institutional structures needed to attain this goal in a world of great divides. The founders of the Bahá’í Faith, however, were certainly not naïve about the great destruction and upheaval that often occurs in the name of narrowly-construed identities. Take religion. The Bahá’í writings address both its contributions to society and the way it has been misused. In the first instance, they laud the role of religious leaders who have practiced justice and fairness. Religion in its true form is seen as “conducive to the progress and uplift of the world,” as “the cause of human betterment,” the “source of human enlightenment,” and involving the “acquisition of praiseworthy attributes (‘Abdu’l-Bahá 1982, p. 179).” In a pointed statement to the world’s religious leaders in 2002, the international governing body of the Bahá’í Faith—the Universal House of Justice—noted the power of religion to awaken “in whole populations capacities to love, to forgive, to create, to dare greatly, to overcome prejudice, to sacrifice for the common good and to discipline the impulses of an animal instinct” (Universal House of Justice 2002, p. 3). Conversely, in the second instance the Faith’s texts include numerous passages about the damage that religious prejudice has done to society. Harsh words are reserved for those religious leaders who have led people astray to pursue their own selfish agendas.
Bahá’u’lláh himself was subjected to over 40 years of imprisonment, torture, and a series of banishments at the hands of both secular and religious authorities in the Ottoman Empire and Persia in the mid- 19th century when He revealed His cause. On nationalism and racism, Shoghi Effendi (1980, p. 113) also referenced the “false gods” of “Nationalism, Racialism and Communism” that humanity has blindly worshiped and to which “the flesh and blood of the slaughtered multitudes” have been sacrificed. He went on to state: The theories and policies, so unsound, so pernicious, which deify the state and exalt the nation above mankind, which seek to subordinate the sister races of the world to one single race, which discriminate between the black and the white, and which tolerate the dominance of one privileged class over all others – these are the dark, the false, and crooked doctrines for which any man or people who believes in them, or acts upon them, must, sooner or later, incur the wrath and chastisement of God. Numerous references can be found in the Bahá’í writings to those in positions of power during various historical periods who have brought ruin to countless societies and spilled the blood of innocents. In more contemporary documents, the Faith’s Universal House of Justice (2002, p. 2) comments on the “horrors being visited upon hapless populations today by outbursts of fanaticism that shame the name of religion” and calls upon both religious leaders and the “battalions of nationalism” to put away the “inflammatory rhetoric designed to provoke hatred and fear of others” and accept the “processes of unification that are transforming the rest of humanity’s social relationships.” A recent paper from a Bahá’í-inspired agency called the Institute for Studies in Global Prosperity (2009, p. 2) speaks more broadly to the detrimental effects that divisive ideologies as a whole have had, and are having, on contemporary society: … those who have sought advantage at the expense of others have often invoked real or imagined differences as a means of dividing people—in order to advance their own interests and ambitions. Over time, these distinctions born of self-interest have solidified into stereotyped constructs related to race, gender, nationality, and ethnicity. These stereotyped constructs have often been used to define human
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42 The Journal of Living Together beings and to divide them into groups. Narrowly identifying with particular physical or social characteristics and placing them at the center of our understanding of self and other has had ruinous consequences, whether that identity has been used as a basis for seeking preference over others or has congealed in response to the experience of prejudice and oppression. The deeply fragmented social reality that we find around us today is, in part, a consequence of these narrow identity constructs and attachments. This statement, and others like it, invites thoughtful citizens to reflect on whether or not the divisions that have become a “modus operandi” in our contemporary society are sustainable.
Considering Consequences At worst, strongly-held identity affiliations that position people along “us vs. them” dividing lines result in harm or violence to others. At best, they create an inability to work together for the common good. This latter point is all the more urgent given that the range of global problems that require humanity’s attention, i.e. challenges of environmental destruction, economic collapse, social disorder, etc., are unlikely to be solved if divisive identity constructs, increasingly angry and polarized discourses, and a failure to recognize our common human needs, are making collaboration impossible. The Bahá’í sacred writings emphasize that the most urgent issues facing humanity can only be addressed collectively, and that norms and institutions need to be updated urgently to reflect a new era in human history. Many contemporary thinkers would similarly acknowledge that the world is at a critical turning point and requires institutions to adapt to a more interdependent reality. Philosopher Kwame A. Appiah notes, for example, that the challenge before us “is to take minds and hearts formed over the long millennia of living in local troops and equip them with ideas and institutions that will allow us to live together as the global tribe that we have become (2006, p. xiii).” But, an awareness of why it is important to foster a global or common human identity is a necessary precondition. As repeated several times in this paper, that awareness does not preclude a pride in other loyalties, but it does call humanity to a rethinking of those attachments that are causing harmful, destructive divisions in society and to abandon practices that are no longer meeting the requirements of an evolving society.
Of course, as economic and other crises intensify, it may well be that people will form more rigid and exclusive identity groups in the short-term. “While the complexity and extent of the problems of the world require a perspective that sees the interconnected and often global nature of causes to problems, the crises of our times are narrowing the perspectives of vast numbers of people,” suggests Dr. John Woodall, a Bahá’i and formerly a psychiatrist at the faculty of Harvard Medical School (2005, p. 47). He goes on to note that finding the collective will to address global problems will require a broadening of identity that, in part, needs to be taught in a systematic way.
Practical Implementation The topics presented in this paper may seem abstract at one level, but they also lend themselves to some potential ways to work with different conceptions of identity as tools for peacebuilding and conflict management. The analysis below takes a closer look at working with spiritual and global identities, which, overall, get short shrift compared to a focus on more traditional identity formulations such as nationality. There are certainly many religious traditions, including the Bahá’í Faith, that emphasize the importance of a spiritual identity and the human soul’s relationship to a divine spirit. But, the question remains how to draw on this untapped energy, depth of knowing, and moral imagination to advance peace. As a contemporary paper from the Institute for Studies in Global Prosperity (2009, p. 2) notes: Men and women of insight, often inspired by the sacred scriptures of the world, have throughout history sought to broaden human consciousness by drawing attention to that which is most essential about human nature: the inner reality with which every human being is born, the reflection of the Divine in each of us, that which we all share in common, that which is whole within us, as opposed to the fragmented labels with which society tags us in the course of our life. Great religious leaders, such as Martin Luther King in the United States, Desmond Tutu in South Africa, Mother Theresa in India, and the Dalai Lama in Tibet have been vital voices for peace and justice. And, there are many more “unsung heroes” doing this important work. Most attention in the conflict resolution field or subfield of peace and justice however, particularly in media reporting, is on religion as a
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43 The Journal of Living Together source of division and a cause of conflict rather than a vehicle through which people can experience a shared commitment to a spiritual reality. Of course, interfaith movements have flourished over the last century and there are also many religious actors and peacebuilders who are encouraging interfaith dialogue and supporting reconciliation. Even in interfaith forums though, the focus is often on appreciating the differences, theological and otherwise, between participants rather than on examining the spiritual identities and common values that unite them. When so many people around the world seek what is spiritual and gives their lives meaning, even when it is not in the sense of following a traditional religious path or structure, such an identity would seem to have an important part to play in renewal. As politicians and intellectuals, especially in the West, often rush to disassociate themselves from anything with a religious or faith-inspired link, it may be that one of the greatest means for transforming societies is being overlooked. “To draw upon the spiritual roots of motivation that lie at the heart of human identity and purpose is to tap the one impulse that can ensure genuine social transformation,” suggests the Bahá'í International Community (2001). There are some initiatives that are focusing on learning about the spiritual lives of the other” and the religious values, for instance compassion and trustworthiness, that are critical to peacebuilding; but, how the spiritual impulse can be supported at the programming level remains a rich avenue to explore. In other words, what are the practical ways that this impulse can be used to foster more collaboration in a given community? There are many initiatives, for example, in the United States that bring people together across faith lines to advance one or more social causes. (A website that this author developed at www.modelsofunity.net also highlights a few of these case studies globally.) In addition to examining the role of spiritual identities in conflict transformation, there may be nothing that is more urgent than educational initiatives that can move society out of divisive paradigms. There are numerous ways, for example, that young people can learn to appreciate their own ethnic, religious, and cultural heritage without resorting to harmful and hateful messages about the “other.” Understanding that diverse identities are nested under the umbrella of a common human identity can help to develop the qualities of compassion and empathy that sit at the core of many traditions—religious and otherwise. And, a deeper understanding of the inter-
dependence of the peoples and nations of the world is not only becoming a moral imperative, but an increasingly needed skill in many professions. In school settings, especially below the college level, educational initiatives and courses could well frame discussions about religious and nationalist identities in the context of what it means to have a broader human identity and a sense of responsibility to those beyond one’s borders. With few exceptions, such as global citizenship-focused courses in select European countries, the curricula in most schools overwhelmingly emphasize national affiliation and identity. Little, if any, time remains for an exploration of global issues, worldviews, or the skills, attitudes, and values needed for becoming a “globally competent” individual and gaining the collaborative skills that this task will require. Teaching about conflict typically takes precedence over teaching the skills for peacebuilding. While understanding the history of conflict and the causes of conflict is a valuable exercise, little change for a better world seems possible if educators remain stuck in this conflict-focused paradigm. The International Education for Peace Institute (EFP) offers one alternative model. Inspired by Bahá’í ideals, it largely rejects conflict-centered approaches and promotes a unity-based framework in its curricula. It has successfully worked with hundreds of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina (representing the three main ethnic populations) to create “cultures of peace” in schools. Such educational models that are effectively working to bridge traditional divides in society need far more research and scaling up.
Conclusion
This paper has reviewed identity-based conflicts and some of the key principles of the Bahá’í Faith that might inform this subject. As a concluding observation, it is worth noting that prevailing theories related to identity, and related themes of multiculturalism, are overwhelmingly on ‘otherness.’ “The prevalent stance that identity is about difference is untenable,” suggests Matt Weinberg (2005/6, p. 179), a Bahá’í scholar on this topic. “Perceiving identity through the relativistic lens of separation or cultural preservation ignores compelling evidence of our common humanity and can only aggravate the forces of discord and disagreement now so pervasive in the world,” he adds. The Bahá'í teachings focus less on this ‘otherness’ and more on unity. For those who see this latter focus
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44 The Journal of Living Together as overly idealistic, it is worth asking whether the culture of conflict and adversarial approaches that seemingly characterize the modern world—not only in the field of international relations, but also in business, advocacy, and the legal realm — is a sustainable model. Taking a glass half full vs. half empty perspective, how would our world look if what unites people is receiving just as much, if not more, attention than what divides them? What if the global community was investing more resources in empowering the connectors in society rather than appeasing its dividers? What if disunity was seen as a cause of conflict rather than just a symptom? What could change vis-à-vis identity-based conflicts if more people accepted the concept of our common human identity? And, how might these principles be reflected in policy? Achieving these goals is not likely in the short term, but the lens through which one sees the world is critical to shaping the attitudes and behaviors that unfold from that understanding. While this paper has suggested that recognizing our fundamental spiritual reality and common human identity are important steps toward lessening identity-based conflicts, this path is hardly an easy one. Achieving any sense of peace in societies torn apart by ethnic conflict, for example, remains that much more difficult when there is no security, and/or when those who have suffered the most are seeing the perpetrators of violence rewarded for their crimes. As such, justice may be a first priority. And, even in stable societies, achieving unity of thought and action requires a common vision and purpose. Learning to live together peaceably may happen by conscious choice, but may be more likely to happen by default after continuing world crises that force humanity to face its shared reality. Whatever hardships the immediate future may hold, the world’s religions, and religious leaders, have an important part to play in this transformative period. And, ultimately, the Bahá’í teachings offer hope for a future that reflects humanity’s growing maturity. As Shoghi Effendi reiterated (1980, p. 117): The ages of its infancy and childhood are past, never again to return …while the coming of age of the entire human race is yet to come. The convulsions of this transitional and most turbulent period in the annals of humanity are the essential prerequisites, and herald the inevitable approach, of that Age of Ages … in which the folly and tumult of strife that has, since the dawn of history, blackened the annals of mankind, will have been finally transmuted into
the wisdom and the tranquility of an undisturbed, a universal, and lasting peace ….
Bibliography ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. (1982) Promulgation of Universal Peace, 2nd edition. Wilmette, IL: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. (1993) Tablets of the Divine Plan. Wilmette, IL: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. Appiah, K.A. (2006) Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. New York: W.W. Norton and Company. Bahá’í International Community (2001) Overcoming Corruption and Safeguarding Integrity in Public Institutions: A Bahá’í Perspective [WWW] BIC. Available from: http://statements.bahai.org/01-0528.htm [Accessed 09/23/11]. Effendi, S. (1980) The Promised Day is Come. Wilmette, IL: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. Effendi, S. (2006) The World Order of Bahá’u’lláh, Ebook Edition. Wilmette, IL: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. Institute for Studies in Global Prosperity (2009) Advancing Toward the Equality of Women and Men. [WWW] ISGP. Available from: http://www.globalprosperity.org Kriesberg, L. (2003) Identity Issues. In: Burgess, G. and Burgess, H. (eds.) Beyond Intractability. Boulder: University of Colorado. Available from: http://www.beyondintractability.org/bi-essay/identity-issues [Accessed 08/01/11]. Rothman, J. (1997) Resolving Identity-Based Conflict: in Nations, Organizations, and Communities. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Universal House of Justice (2002). Letter to the World’s Religious Leaders. Haifa, Israel: Bahá’í World Center. Weinberg, M. (2005-2006). WorldWatch in Bahá’í World. Haifa, Israel: Bahá’í World Centre. Woodall, J. (2005) Global Education and Mobilizing Political Will for Larger Freedom. World Order Magazine, 36 (4).
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45 The Journal of Living Together
STORYTELLING AS A MEANS FOR PEACE EDUCATION: INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE IN SOUTHERN THAILAND Erna Anjarwati, Allison Trimble
Faculty of Education, University of Tasmania, Australia
Abstract This article relates to my 2009 field research that focused on the use of peace storytelling as a medium for the transformative learning of peace education. The research was aimed at promoting social reconciliation and intercultural dialogue between youth of Thai-Buddhists and Malay-Muslims in the ongoing intra-state ethno-religious conflict in Southern Thailand. Senehi (2002) argues that storytelling is an instrument for socialisation and education. This is seen as the key to conflict transformation and peacebuilding by motivating people to undergo self-transformation. My study was informed by theoretical frameworks of peace education and conflict transformation that seek to promote constructive peace engagement through nonviolent approaches addressing major issues and increasing understanding, equality, and respect in relationships (Lederach, 2003). Through interviews and focus group sessions, as well as art workshops with the youth of conflicting parties, the case study demonstrates that peace education through storytelling can be utilized as a tool of narrative truth-telling, aimed at restoring inter-personal relationships, healing traumatic experiences and promoting social coexistence. This method can foster intercultural and interfaith dialogue. Further it can contribute to the development of a culture of peace, in which the practice of peace storytelling with a member from ‘the other’ group can be interpreted as a desire to proclaim the "unheard" voices and feelings to be shared with ‘the other’. It connects with the practice of active listening to overcome prejudice, leading towards the transformative learning process. Through the use of storytelling, participants in the study were given opportunities to share their lived experiences, affirm each other, and internalize new possibilities for expressing and working through both conscious and repressed thoughts and feelings together. The process contributed to the participants’ potential to transform a culture of violence into a culture of peace. Peace storytelling may, therefore, be seen as an apparatus for conflict transformation and peace education, as well as an act of art that may lead toward nonviolent social change in a society divided on ethno-religious lines.
Keywords: peace education, conflict transformation, storytelling, intercultural dialogue, southern Thailand
Introduction
“Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defence of peace must be constructed.” (UNESCO Constitution, 1945)
Since the end of the Cold War and the tragedy of September 11th 2001, religious and ethnic conflicts, as well as conflicts now termed as ‘ethno-religious’ have been perceived as the greatest threats to international stability. These conflicts tend to be heightened by identity-based issues that create protracted, intractable social conflict. Such is the case in southern Thailand, where ongoing intra- state, ethno-religious conflict is experienced between Thai-Buddhists and Malay-Muslims. Historically, the Malay Muslim insurgency has essentially been nationalist based. In more recent times however, it seems that there are some significant changes in the character of the conflict as Islamist militants emphasize the ideology of ‘Jihad’ in their fight against the Thai state.
Biography Erna Anjarwati is a peace researcher holding two Masters Degrees in International Peace Studies and Conflict Transformation from the University for Peace, Costa Rica and the University of Innsbruck, Austria. She is currently a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Tasmania, Australia. Her research interest areas include peace education and nonviolent alternatives, prescriptive and elective conflict transformation, and arts-based peace building, intercultural and interfaith dialogue. She can be contacted at: Erna.Anjarwati@utas.edu.au Allison Trimble is a Ph.D. candidate at University of Tasmania, Australia. Her research focus is in the area of educational leadership. Ms. Trimble’s professional background spans the areas of law and teaching; particular area of interest is the impact of Education Law on the modern principalship.
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46 The Journal of Living Together Lederach 1995) argues that social conflict emerges and develops on the basis of the meaning and interpretation that the people involved attach to actions and events. Following that view, conflict is thus connected to meaning, meaning to knowledge, and knowledge is rooted in culture. Culture then, is used by a group of people in order to interpret, express, and respond to social realities, and we perceive ‘the other’ as incompatible with our cultural/religious norms. These foundations of structural and cultural violence are strengthened by differences in religion, ethnicity, social class, language, history and lineage, contributing to feelings of prejudice towards ‘the other.’ These feelings may be expressed through varying forms of discrimination and violence, such as racism, ethnocentrism, chauvinism, stereotyping, terrorism, and so on. In addressing these types of issues, Dietrich and Sutzl (2006) have suggested that the response to structural and cultural violence can only be the demand of a pluralistic, differentiated and incompatible vision of peace that moves conflict away from destructive processes toward constructive ones that can reduce violence and increase justice in human relationships. As witnessed by the “UN Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence (COPNV) for the Children of the World (2001-2010)”, education plays an important role in the construction of identity and in the development of a ‘culture’(United Nations, 2000). The COPNV initiative aimed to change those mechanisms of cultures that legitimize the use of violence at every level of the society, including the inter-personal and inter-communal relationships (United Nations, 2000). To respond to the forms of contemporary violence, there is a need to promote peace through education. By deconstructing identities that fuel cultures of violence, as well as reconstructing its capabilities and competences, we as human beings can contribute to the development of a culture of peace , and thus transform conflicts through nonviolent means. The case study described in this article focused on the utilization of storytelling as a medium for narrative and dialogical truth, reflecting a transformative conception of peace education. The study examined the creation of mutual understanding and changing attitudes, behaviors and perceptions of ‘the other,’ to cultivate a culture of peace. This article describes the conceptual framework adopted for the research, with a brief overview of the methodology and a discussion of the relevant literature before considering some of the findings of the study followed by a reflection.
Conflict Dynamics in Southern Thailand It can be argued that the unrest in southern Thailand arises from historical and socio-political grievances, fanned by the separatist Malay-Muslim movements from Pattani against the Thai state. In the context of the Malay-Muslim worldview, primacy is given to ethnicity and religion. These attitudes, perceptions and behaviors have been strengthened as a result of internal repression and external influences, including the increase of militant Islam in the region and the return of the young people who have studied in the Arab countries and in Afghanistan, who ignite demands over local grievances. Further, the Malay Muslim population perceives the Thai government as denying their basic human needs and identity through its implementation of politics, economic, socio-cultural and military policies (Anjarwati, 2008). Azar (2006) presents a framework of protracted social conflict, which highlights the satisfaction of basic human needs, identity groups, governance and international linkages. Using that conceptual framework, three elements may be seen as having contributed to the apparent intractable conflict in southern Thailand: The first element relates to ideas around the glorious past and historical grievances of the Pattani Darussalam Kingdom that was incorporated into Siam (the former name for Thailand), in 1906. With political power subsequently held by the Thai state, native Malay Muslims were increasingly oppressed and discriminated against. The implementation of a policy to assimilate them into the dominant Thai culture, through language, religion and the formal education system, where Thai is the only official language, has been perceived by the native people as action reflecting cultural violence, as well as the government’s oppression and discrimination against Muslim minority of Thailand. Thus, cultivation of an identity in line with Malay nationalism has proven to be a powerful weapon used to motivate young people into joining the insurgent groups to fight against the Thai state to achieve socio-cultural recognition and political aims (Anjarwati, 2008). The second element concerns the politicizing of a conception of ‘Jihad.’ The separatist group leaders have been able to manipulate the ethnicity issue and transform it into a religious one by employing an extremist interpretation of the concept of jihad. These practices are highly volatile in the context of Islam
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47 The Journal of Living Together and are being used to fuel hatred towards the Thai-Buddhists and the Thai state. The third element involves social jealousy on the part of Malay Muslims towards the Thai state and Thai Buddhists living in the south, due to the inequality of economic development between regions. There have been massive development strategies developed by the Thai government towards states dominated by Thai-Buddhist majorities, whereas the Malay-Muslims in the south face poverty, unemployment, lack of educational opportunities, substandard infrastructure, and low living standards (Anjarwati, 2008). In light of these historical and contemporary factors, it can be argued that the duality, the concepts of ‘we and ‘them,’ are playing a critical role in contributing toward the conflict’s intractability. Indeed, one of the most devastating legacies of the ongoing ethno-religious conflict in southern Thailand is the polarized social relationships between the conflicting parties, especially at the grassroots level (Anjarwati, 2008).
Research Aim The overarching objective of my study was to examine how narrative storytelling can be utilized as a medium for transformative learning with regard to peace education, contributing to intercultural dialogue and social reconciliation among of Thai-Buddhist and Malay-Muslim youth in southern Thailand. The study adopted community-level mechanisms to address a culture of violence. The conflict transformation process reflected peace education values, raising awareness about the system of government oppression, and promoting intercultural dialogue and reconciliation for the development of a culture of peace in southern Thailand.
Themes in the Literature The related literature reveals three principal themes: an elicitive approach for conflict transformation, critical peace education, and peace storytelling as a medium for intercultural dialogue and reconciliation.
An Elicitive Approach for Conflict Transformation One of the approaches that can be constructive transformation of conflict is the elicitive approach. involves the fostering of culturally
utilized for the ethno-religious This approach sensitive peace
education that respects local cultures. It highlights the importance of a facilitation process to help explore and create new options for the transformation of the conflict. Further, it seeks to produce constructive change focusing on the relational and cultural dimensions of conflict: (i) The cultural dimension relates to how culture influences the problem-solving mechanisms that are put in place to address conflict, (ii) whereas relational dimension refers to the patterns of communication and interaction that affect relationships to increase mutual understanding between conflicting parties and transform the conflict through nonviolent means (Lederach, 2003). As storytelling is a part of the conflicting parties’ narratives, its use was appropriate as a community-level mechanism to help deconstruct identities that were fuelling the conflict, restore social relationships and raise awareness about the system of government oppression, as well as to promote intercultural dialogue among the youth of conflicting parties. The cultural conception of storytelling played a critical role in promoting peace through education in this study. It was utilized as a medium for transformative learning that fostered collective awareness. It encouraged people to practice values of a culture of peace in daily life, as an antidote to a culture of violence that has existed in the mind of every human being. Thus, within the elicitive approach the greatest resource for building a culture of peace is recognized as the people themselves. Educating young people to become agents of social change is central to the task of peace education.
Critical Peace Education The point is made throughout the literature on critical peace education that a cultural and context sensitive approach is crucial to create a culture of peace (Ardizzone, 2001, Burns and Aspeslagh, 1996, Carson and Lange, 1997, Reardon, 1999). Bajaj (2008) distinguished ‘critical peace education’ from the wider notion of ‘peace education’ by observing that the former emphasizes, “issues of structural inequality and research aimed towards local understanding of how participants can cultivate a sense of transformative agency.” Cranton (1994), regards it as “a process of being freed from the oppression of being illiterate, a means of gaining knowledge and skills, a way to satisfy learner needs, and a process of critical self-reflection to take constructive action leading towards social transformation.” Rather, the main goal of critical peace education appears to involve the development of critical awareness that enables
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48 The Journal of Living Together people to become agents of social change (Bajaj, 2008). According to Salomon (2002a), in regions of intractable conflict, as is the case in southern Thailand, the purpose of peace education is to change the mindset of people through peaceful means, thereby promoting understanding, respect and tolerance. Indeed, the philosophy of peace education itself teaches nonviolence, love, compassion and reverence for all life, and indirectly confronts the forms of violence that dominate society by teaching about their causes and providing knowledge of alternatives (Harris and Morrison, 2003). Peace education involves skills, including active listening, reflection, problem-solving, cooperation and conflict resolution, aiming to empower people with skills, attitudes, and knowledge to create a safe world and build a sustainable environment (Harris and Morrison, 2003). Critical peace education represents an aspect of conflict transformation which relies on transformative learning (Mezirow, 1991). The emphasis of the critical approach is on changing the learner’s perspective, rather than attempting to resolve the conflict (Fetherson and Kelly, 2007). In order for peace education to become more effective in terms of transformative learning, Von Glaserfeld (Matiru et al., 1995) highlights the importance of creating a ‘space’ for encounter, exchange and critical discussion that constitutes ‘rule governed interaction’ that contains an element of dialogue, reflection and evaluation or reflective practice to encourage reflection on how we understand ourselves and how we perceive our relationship with ‘the other’ (Mezirow, 1991). Cultural activity, including storytelling, has been one of the principal means through which people can engage with peace education (Kester, 2008) as it offers participants the opportunity to bridge the gap between experience and understanding. Through its participatory and dialogical processes, participants not only learn about the necessity and intrinsic value of peace; they are also offered support in guided practice. Thus, as Tibbits (2002) has pointed out, it is more likely that peace principles will be adopted, enacted, and sustained if participants are taught with pedagogical approaches utilizing dialogical and participatory activities.
Peace Storytelling as A Medium for Intercultural Dialogue and Reconciliation The argument is made by Senehi (2002) that narratives are the rationale behind community thinking.
Since cultural narratives encompass the knowledge that is shared by a group, they can be adapted and employed as a tool to support critical thinking and persuade people about aspects of social life. Stories therefore may function as vehicles for both socialization and education. This notion of the instrumental value of narrative underlies Fisher’s (2004) process of truth recovery which is based on narrative truth: storytelling between victims and perpetrators, where personal truths and diverging experiences are communicated to a wider public and dialogical truth: arising from the interaction and discussion among the conflicting parties to encourage social reconciliation by raising awareness of the people. Storytelling can also be understood as a mechanism for the transformation of a culture of violence into a culture of peace, through a process of ‘conscientization’ (Freire, 1970). This occurs when a community “voices” its concerns, and discovers solutions to problems that empower people to break free from a culture of silence. It transforms people from being the object to being the subject of development (Freire, 1970), which enables them to become active citizens. Accordingly, the practice of peace storytelling may be utilized as a technique for eliciting transformative action and envisioning peaceful futures. It can be through the vehicle of storytelling that the value of a dialogical process is realized. The process rests on a basis beyond oral exchange when stories are used as a form of truth-telling, reflecting peace education; they can help raise problems, identify solutions, and potentially heal traumas (Anjarwati, 2010). Such participatory dialogue represents a powerful catalyst for bringing about reconciliation without judgment of other cultures and religions.
Methodology The theoretical framework underpinning the study was elicitive conflict transformation (Lederach, 1997) conducted through participatory action research (Cherry, 1999). Storytelling, an important cultural practice for the conflicting parties, was used as a medium of transformative learning. The study was conducted in collaboration with the Institute of Asian Studies (IAS), Chulalongkorn University, Thailand, and Nong Chik Hospital, Pattani Province, Southern Thailand, in 2009. “I” was in contact and communication with representatives of the Nong-Chik Hospital since 2008, when she began fieldwork in southern Thailand. At the time, the hospital was conducting a collaborative peace-building program involving youth from Yala and Pattani Provinces, whose fathers had been killed
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49 The Journal of Living Together as a result of the ongoing conflict. One of the programs held in the hospital was based on participants sharing legend stories from their communities; however, this folklore had already been taken up for the purposes of the conflict and so acted to reinforce the culture of violence for participants. In my role as a peace researcher, “I” proposed an alternative, participative dialogue program to the hospital representatives, which they approved. “I” then acted as the facilitator, using peace-storytelling as a medium for transformative learning of peace education. The purpose of this program was to promote intercultural dialogue and raise awareness of ‘the other.’ “I” worked with young people of both genders, from both the Thai Buddhist and Malay Muslem communities, and conducted a series of three storytelling sessions, over a six month period.
the reality of her experience living in a conflict zone and as a victim of intra-state ethno-religious conflict. Her narrative and responses present compelling reasons for, and benefits of, peace storytelling. The storyteller’s father had been associated with militants killed by State forces in the Krue Se Mosque incident in 2004. While this Malay Muslim girl
shared negative inner feelings, the Thai-Buddhist children undertook active listening of her narrative truth as a means for the transforma-
Prior to the beginning of the storytelling activity, “I” started with a drawing session to let the participants use the power of imagination for projecting positive images of peace in their society taken from their interpretations of peace. It is argued that the subjects of the visual and other arts forms can stimulate a whole range of emotions and perceptions of people about peace, which are clearly important for conflict transformation and peace building (Galtung, 2008) ii. Arts and storytelling activities were conducted by the main author at Nong-Chik hospital in Pattani province, southern Thailand; six young people, between ages of 7-12 years old participated in the study. Children in this age range were selected to participate as this phase in their development is critical in the shaping of identity and perceptions of ‘the other.’ Three forms of data collection were undertaken; firstly, field notes made by me while “I” acted as a facilitator during the storytelling sessions and documented the events; secondly, the outcomes of a semi-structured in-depth group interview that was audio-recorded, and thirdly, the results of a focus group session. Data were collected during interviews with the participants in order to investigate their perceptions of changes within themselves which occurred during the process, as well as how that process helped them change their understandings of ‘the other.’
Findings and Discussion: Peace Education Through Storytelling in Southern Thailand A young Malay-Muslim girl shared her story that focused on her social and political experiences during the conflict. Through her story, she ‘voiced’
tive learning that encouraged an intercultural dialogue for mutual understanding. Her testimony provides an example of how peace storytelling works within the traditional culture of both communities. The storyteller’s father was one of a large group of Malay Muslim men who had been accused of terrorism. Unlike many others, her father was not killed in the Mosque incident, but his activi-
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50 The Journal of Living Together
ties after that were always watched by the military until he was eventually shot at home, in front of his family, including his daughter, in 2008. After telling that story and sharing her grief, she also expressed feelings of guilt and depression because she felt she had done nothing to protect her father’s life. Nevertheless, she made the following statement during a research session: “I want to help people because after the humanitarian disaster in 2004, about 2000 people died. Presently, I want to help the women and children who have the same horrible experiences as I do. As a young person, I truly want to learn about the cultural differences between us and
father being killed was withdrawn and depressed when she first joined the workshop group for healing facilitated by Nong Chick hospital. She was experiencing worries, regrets and repressed feelings linked to accumulated unfinished business with her father when she was unable to protect him. During the focus group, this young participant discussed the different components of that healing process. She explained how liberated she felt when working with art combined with storytelling, and that art enabled her to focus on healing her negative feelings, such as anger, guilt and disappointment. She stated: “To me, it was such a new experience and it was hard but helped me forget about my problems. When I was drawing the picture, it helped me create some distance between my physical and emotional aspects. Then the relief came from the fact that I had to work through the pain and express
it to feel more alive.”
The narrative truth practice helped her through the complex process of remembering and forgetting. It was a very confronting process for her, but she was able to finish her storytelling session and she said that after the suffering and sorrow, she felt good. “Peace and tranquility is produced by the purity of our mind. Every human being has love, unity, charity and understanding for each other. Human(s) live together though diverse nationality, religion, country or various language backgrounds, so they should appreciate each other’s differences to live in harmony, in happiness and in a peaceful way. This picture as you can see is my hope for peace in my land. When people have love for and understand each other, then the feelings of prejudice, jealousy and hatred will never exist anymore in our society.” Drawing allowed this child, who had witnessed such traumatic violence, to move beyond her negative feelings and the transformative process produced positive results: she reported feeling more alive, hopeful, encouraged, and tougher. She spoke of having moved away from feeling pity for herself.
the Thai-Buddhists. So, I really hope that we can be united again like before, because when everyone is united, hopefully we can find a solution to stop the conflict.” This 12-year-old girl who had witnessed her
“My story tells that I am a victim of the ongoing conflict in my own land, but a victim not being sorry for myself. I am a victim who is now fighting for my rights and I will never give up! I can see my bright future after all of this; my anger, my frustration and the feeling of my regret (sic). I want to forget it because I feel proud of myself now. I feel more confident since I was able to express my negative inner feelings in a right way and I feel transformed to become a better human.”
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51 The Journal of Living Together The storytelling experience helped this participant to recognize the reality of what had happened and to let go of her negative feelings of guilt. The activities proved to be a powerful way of helping her to cope with violent loss. In the workshop, when a group member related an experience, almost everyone present felt it as well. As a result, the storytellers experienced acceptance, understanding, and support, which transformed the experience they carried into the future.
Reflection and Concluding Thoughts The prolonged conflict between Thai Buddhists and Malay Muslims in southern Thailand has been maintained, in large part, by the stereotypes of ‘the other,’ drawn from the religious and cultural perspectives of both groups, as well as the limited knowledge of ‘the other’ held by the communities. Such stereotyping and prejudice are two critical elements that contribute to the intractability of the situation and block its transformation. Religious and cultural identities are fundamentally and inextricably entwined in the Thai conflict. Interestingly, Adler (1982) has suggested that identity does not belong to a single culture, but rather to a multicultural society, which necessitates social awareness about ‘the other.’ In this perspective, the identity begins to lose its distinctiveness and rigidity and the emergent identity shows an increasing ‘inter-culturalness’ in terms of interaction and communication across cultures. The power of storytelling in terms of peace education and conflict transformation therefore lies with the active listening on the part of the other participants. The understanding of both communities initiated by their young people may open a window for individuals and groups to restore interpersonal and inter-communal relationships that have been damaged due to conflict, as well as for future reconciliation. Another important and quite unique dimension of doing this transformative activity was the collective dynamic that developed between the young people. The participants supported each other during the focus group and art workshop; they suggested that this bonding gave them hope and courage to fight for their rights and to stand up for their dignity. In the longer term, activities like the one described may also assist victims and communities to understand the root causes of conflict in new ways, and to develop new strategies for living together in harmony in a more peaceful environment. My observations about the use of storytelling as a form of critical peace education in southern Thailand suggest that the process can reconnect the individual
and community which have been separated by dimensions of violence, allowing the process of forgiveness and reconciliation to unfold overtime. The skill of active listening is fundamental to this process, because it enables the audience to hear not only the words of the narrator’s story and his or her ‘truth,’ but also to feel the pain necessary for self-transformation. The intercultural dialogue provided by storytelling can give individuals and communities a sense of hope beyond the violence they have just experienced. Such a participative dialogue and reflection process constitute a transformative learning component of peace education allowing ‘the other’ to listen deeply and show respect, as well as to increase feelings of empathy and solidarity. I would argue that the practice of peace education through storytelling can create a ‘space’ for reflective dialogue in which inter-personal relationships can be restored, and social coexistence promoted. Through the use of storytelling, participants can be given an opportunity to share their lived experiences, affirm each other, and internalize new possibilities to create a culture of peace. The creation of a ‘safe’ space therefore, not only in a physical but, more importantly, in an emotional sense, is vital for conflict transformation to occur. The activity also allows the young people involved to be, simultaneously, both participant and observer enabling them to watch, reflect and evaluate the experience as they undergo self-transformation and empowerment. Through this narrative and dialogical truth, young people feel that they can bridge the issue of ethnocentrism and feel connected to ‘the other’ as valued human beings and recognize them as contributing members of society. If this occurs, through the process of unity and togetherness shaped by mutual understanding as practiced in dialogical storytelling, then the resulting empathy can rest on an authentic foundation to respect diversity in contemporary multicultural society in southern Thailand.
References A/RES/52/13, U. N. R. 1998. Culture of Peace. Paris: UNESCO. ADLER, R. B. 1982. Understanding Human Communication, Forth Worth, TX, Harcourt Brace College Publisher. ANJARWATI, E. 2008. Manipulation of Multiple Identities in Ethno-Religious Conflict: The Case of Ethnic Malay in Pattani Muslim Communities in Southern Thailand. Master of Arts in International Peace Studies, United Nations-University for Peace, Costa Rica. ANJARWATI, E. 2010. Gestalt Therapy as a Means for Conflict Transformation: Trauma Healing for Children
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in Southern Thailand. Master of Arts in Peace, Development, Security and International Conflict Transformation, UNESCO Chair for Peace Studies, University of Innsbruck, Austria. ARDIZZONE, L. 2001. Towards Global Understanding: The Transformative Role of Peace Education. Journal of Peace Education, 4, 1-10. AZAR, E. 2006. The Management of Protracted Social Conflict. In: RAMSBOTHAM, O., ET.AL (ed.) Contemporary Conflict Resolution: The Prevention, Management and Transformation of Deadly Conflicts. Maryland: Polity, University of Maryland. BAJAJ, M. 2008. Encyclopedia of Peace Education, Charlotte, North Carolina, Information Age Publishing Inc. BURNS, R. J. & ASPESLAGH, R. 1996. Peace Education and the Comparative Study of Education, Three Decades of Peace Education Around the World: An Anthology., New York and London, Garland Publishing, Inc. CARSON, T. & LANGE, E. A. (eds.) 1997. Peace Education in Social Studies, Vancouver, BC: Pacific Educational Press. CHERRY, N. 1999. Action Research: A Pathway to Action, Knowledge and Learning, Melbourne, RMIT Publishing. CRANTON, P. 1994. Understanding and Promoting Transformative Learning, San Francisco, CA, Jessey-Bass.
LEDERACH, J. P. 1995. Preparing For Peace: Conflict Transformation Across Cultures., New York, Syracuse University Press. LEDERACH, J. P. 1997. Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies, Washington, US Institute of Peace Press. LEDERACH, J. P. (ed.) 2003. "Conflict Transformation.", University of Colorado, US: Boulder. MATIRU, B., MWANGI, A. & SCHLETTE, R. (eds.) 1995. Teach Your Best - A Handbook for University Lecturers, Frankfurt: LIT Verlag. MEZIROW, J. 1991. Transformative Dimensions of Adult Learning, San Francisco, CA, Jossey-Bass. REARDON, B. 1999. Peace Education: A Review and Projection. Peace Education Reports. Sweden: Malmo University. SALOMON, G. 2002a. The nature of Peace Education: Not All Programs Are Created Equal., NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. SENEHI, J. 2002. Constructive storytelling: A peace process. Peace and Conflict Studies, 9, 41-63. TIBBITS, F. 2002. Understanding what we do: Emerging models for human rights education. International Review of Education, 48, 159-171. UNITED NATIONS 2000. International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for the Children of the World. In: UNESCO (ed.) Report of the Secretary-General. New York: United Nations General Assembly.
DIETRICH, W. & SUTZL, W. 2006. A Call for Many Peaces. In: DIETRICH, W., ALVAREZ, J. E. & KOPPENSTEINER, N. (eds.) Schlusseltexte der Friedensforschung. Vienna: LIT Verlag.
Endnotes
FETHERSON, B. & KELLY, R. 2007. Conflict Resolution and Transformative Pedagogy: Grounded Theory Research Project on Learning in Higher Education. Journal of Transformative Education, 5, 262-285.
Burns and Aspeslagh define structural violence as “where a group of people are systematically prevented from meeting their basic needs and/or developing their full potential or more explicitly as social injustice.”
FISHER, M. (ed.) 2004. Recovering from violent conflict: Regeneration and (re-)integration as elements of peacebuilding., Berlin, DE: Berghof Research Center for Constructive Management. FREIRE, P. 1970. Pedagogy of the Oppressed, New York, Seabury Press. GALTUNG, J. 1996b. Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization, London, Sage Publications. GALTUNG, J. 2008. Form and Content of Peace Education., Charlotte, NC, Information Age Publishing. HARRIS, I. & MORRISON, M. L. 2003. Peace Education, London, McFarland. KESTER, K. 2008. Developing Peace Education Programs: Beyond ethocentrism and Violence. Journal of South Asian Peacebuilding 1, 37-64.
BURNS, R. J. & ASPESLAGH, R. 1996. Peace Education and the Comparative Study of Education, Three Decades of Peace Education Around the World: An Anthology., New York and London, Garland Publishing, Inc. Moreover, Galtung defines cultural violence as “any aspect of culture such as language, religion, ideology, arts, or cosmology that is used to legitimize direct or structural violence.” GALTUNG, J. 1996b. Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization, London, Sage Publications. A Culture of Peace defined by the United Nations in 1998 as a set of values, attitudes, modes of behavior, and way of life that reject violence and prevent further conflict by tackling the root causes of violence, solving problems through dialogue and promoting negotiation amongst individuals and groups. A/RES/52/13, U. N. R. 1998. Culture of Peace. Paris: UNESCO.
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53 The Journal of Living Together
ANALYSIS OF TITO’S POLICIES ON ETHNIC CONFLICT: THE CASE OF KOSOVO Lanhe S. Shan
Abstract The Kosovo Conflict, which arose between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in 1998-1999, is a painful memory. However, the tension between them had existed since the Ottoman rule (1455 – 1912). During President Joseph Tito’s period (1945-1980), a series of policy and constitutional changes occurred aiming to stimulate peaceful development in the region, and the granting of certain autonomous powers to ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Three important aspects of Tito’s “integration-oriented policy” are examined in this article, including the Brother and Unity Policy, the “Blood Transfusion” Economy Policy, and the Migration Policy. This analysis demonstrates how those policies overall failed to alleviate the underlying ethnic tensions that afflicted the two ethnic groups. Furthermore, they did not stabilize the economy or advance the prosperity of the culture. In view of the analysis, this article suggests that policy makers take an in-depth look at ethnic relations when developing and promoting relevant policies. General recommendations and strategies are presented in this paper in order to assist policy makers and future researchers to better address the ethnic issues between ethnic Albanians and Serbs. Such attention is crucial to the stability of the region, the development of the economy, the prosperity of the culture, and the improvement of relationships at every level.
Keywords: Ethnic conflict, President Tito, Policy, Kosovo, Peacebuilding
Introduction The end of World War II also marked the end of the Yugoslav Civil War (1941-1945), when the second Yugoslavia emerged as a federation of the six socialist republics, Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Slovenia, as well as two autonomous provinces Kosovo and Vojvodina within Serbia. This federation developed peacefully
Map by Bruce Jones, www.bjdesign.com
for the next 35 years under the rule of Joseph Broz Tito (1945-1980). During this period, Kosovo was granted the right to direct its own cultural and economic development and was responsible for protecting its citizens’ rights according to the Serbian Constitution, which was passed one year after the Yugoslav Constitution. During this time, Kosovo’s ethnic Albanian populations gained an unprecedented level of influence as they were included as minority representatives in Yugoslavia’s federal government, and were protected under Serbian law. This
Biography Lanhe Shan is a project adviser for Kwacha Afrika, a Kenya-based NGO. With experience in the Balkans, India, China, and Kenya, her research focuses on conflict resolution and regional development based on sustainable policy and planning. Ms. Shan co-authors the blog “Thoughts Swap” and is a freelance journalist for the Oriental Morning Post – Shanghai Economic Review and other Chinese newspapers.
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54 The Journal of Living Together peace however, did not last. Ten years after Tito’s death, the federation of Yugoslavia disintegrated and the number of confrontations between Kosovo and Serbia skyrocketed. As the tension between ethnic Albanians and Serbs intensified, the Kosovo War broke out on 28 February 1998. Three traditional theories offer explanations for the cause of these developments: 1) the history of ethnic conflicts in the region, 2) a lack of a leader capable of continuing President Tito’s policies, and 3) political upheaval under Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic’s strong political interests. Though each of these three theories is justified, they all ignore the key roles of Tito’s policies themselves. Despite economic and cultural unification under Tito, his policies neglected to address one key issue: ethnic reconciliation. In 1963, Yugoslavia adopted a new constitution, making Kosovo an autonomous province with greater decision-making powers. In the 1970s, Tito’s policies continued to support ethnic Albanians within Kosovo. In 1974, Yugoslavia adopted an amended constitution, which entitled Kosovo to participate in the federal government, including being represented in the rotating federal presidency, electing parliamentarians to the federal legislature, and developing its own constitution. Along with these constitutional changes to grant Kosovo more autonomous power, Tito also introduced several policies in an attempt to improve inter-ethnic relations and reduce tensions between Albanian and Serbian ethnic groups. This paper will focus on Tito’s policies of “Brotherhood and Unity, “Blood Transfusion,” and “International Immigration and External Emigration,” arguing that they were not in fact well-designed to address ethnic tensions. Despite reducing Serbian cultural chauvinism, creating federal funding system to grant free-interest funds to under-developed states, and attempting to improve the economic and cultural situation between ethnic Albanians and Serbs, Tito’s policies failed in these respective ways: to take the history of ethnic tensions into account, to consider local conditions, ultimately aggravating tensions.
The Brotherhood and Unity Policy The “Brotherhood and Unity” policy introduced by Tito in 1963 was designed to eliminate existing tensions between ethnic groups and to maintain equal rights for each associated state member. In this
policy, he claimed that “We have spilt an ocean of blood for the brotherhood and unity of our peoples, and we shall not allow anyone to touch or destroy it from within.” Propaganda and slanted media reports were the main tools to promote “brotherhood” and equal rights among Kosovo’s Serbian and Albanian populations. However, this policy ignored historical precedents of ethnic tension, eventually resulting in the regressions following Tito’s death. Before 1945, the media, influenced largely by Albanians, portrayed an extreme situation of Serbian persecution of local Albanians. These reports played a large role in inciting Kosovo Albanians to rebel against the “annexation of Kosovo” under Tito and intensified the ethnic conflicts between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo (Ke 2012, p. 78). However, under the policy of “brotherhood and unity”, media images were controlled to present only images of love and brotherhood. Unity was advocated by attempting to curb Serbian hyper-nationalism and restrict the Kosovo Albanians’ rebellions. Furthermore, Serbs and Albanians were described as Yugoslavian brothers and friends who had cooperated in postwar socialist reconstruction, despite previous Albanian persecution (Ke 2012, p. 86). At the same time, Serbs who spoke openly against Kosovo’s autonomy risked being punished or imprisoned. Positive reports of the relationship between Serbs and ethnic Albanians prevailed in Kosovo’s mainstream media through many kinds of works. For example, Rexhep Qosja’s book “Death Comes to Me from Such Eyes” (1974) presents an optimistic picture of relations between Serbs and Kosovo Albanians as members living within a harmonious Yugoslavian family and holding positive attitudes toward each other. It is clear that Kosovo’s Albanians initially regarded Serbians as “evil” and “others”, perceptions only strengthened by stories of wartime atrocities; the Serbian Other, in ethnic Albanians’ mind, was a colonizer, a political persecutor and a war criminal. In short, a bridge that relied on nothing but imposed nationalism for support was impossible to construct between the two sides, as neither one could imagine sharing a community with the other. Instead of reconciling historical ethnic tensions, bringing war criminals to justice, or encouraging
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55 The Journal of Living Together people to understand each other’s history and culture, Tito’s policy of “Brotherhood and Unity” covered up latent ethnic issues with false fraternity and neglected a history of abuse and victimization between the two groups. Thus, while Tito’s policy of “unity and brotherhood” held Yugoslavia together while he was alive, that unity quickly dissolved after his death.
Economy Policy – Blood Transfusion In theory, the policy of “Blood Transfusion” was designed to close the development gap between Kosovo and the other Yugoslavian states. In practice, however, the gap was actually widened, adding to ethnic tensions. When Yugoslavia was formed, Bosnia, Macedonia, Montenegro and Kosovo were the poorer states of the union with relatively less developed economies relative to Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia. Kosovo’s per-capita income was $800 compared with Slovenia’s $5000 per-capita income (Jiang 2007, p. 9). In order to fill the economic gap between federation members, Tito adopted “The Blood Transfusion Policy”, a policy that attempted to facilitate the development of the region by funneling resources from richer to poorer states. The Blood Transfusion policy intended to shorten the distance and increase the trade, investment, and economic relations between Kosovo and other states. However, it soon became apparent that this solution was only a temporary one. By the beginning of the 1990s, the per-capita income in Kosovo was $1302 while Slovenia’s was $12618 (Jiang 2007, p. 9), presenting a larger gap¬¬. What Tito’s policy lacked was a long-term plan, one that would create a local infrastructure in Kosovo, one that could support and maintain a growing economy. Not only did the economic gap widen, but a new problem arose as well: the developed regions complained about the unsustainability of Kosovo’s system while Kosovo believed that the investments and newly-built industries were evidence of exploitation by those more developed regions. Such economic complaints leaked into Kosovo’s already unstable social situation, inciting further ethnic conflicts. After 1965, the source of funding for social assistance changed from the Social Investment Fund to the Federal Foundation, meaning Tito’s government could now divert a certain proportion of funds
contributed by each member state of Yugoslavia to assist regions with lower economic development, such as Kosovo, at very low interest rates. In this way, the autonomous state of Kosovo accounted for nearly 70% of its production budget with funds borrowed from the Federal Foundation (Jiang 2007, p. 13). One of the main downsides of this plan was that it failed to take Kosovo’s own situation into account before implementing an appropriate plan for economic development. At the time, Kosovo’s economy depended largely on agriculture: within the autonomous state, 68% of land was cultivable (Jiang 2007, p. 14). Kosovo’s economy was very weak, with very limited transportation, energy resources, and heavy industry that might support industrialization. Despite this, the Yugoslavian union invested in the processing industry, one that requires a strong and well-established infrastructure to survive. Instead of taking advantage of Kosovo’s rich mineral resources and exploring its potential basic industry, a large amount of money was injected to build and maintain the processing industry. This resulted in a disproportionate and irregular economic structure in Kosovo, as the processing industry preceded the basic industry base. Specifically, many corporations started to buy the basic components, raw materials from foreign countries that already had established relevant industries. Because there was no industrial precedent for anything like this in Kosovo, initial investments produced extremely low rates of return as many rushed to throw together a flimsy infrastructure with no long-turn potential. This resulted in the shutdown of many factories, a spike in unemployment, and another reason for regional destabilization. The inefficient management of funds intended for Kosovo’s economic reconstruction and Kosovo’s dependency on state funds resulted in Slovenia, Serbia and other developed states’ resentment of the Federal Foundations’ appropriation of their money. Considering their investments “wasted,” they were not willing to sacrifice more for Kosovo’s development, and refused to provide further funding or assistance. At the same time, Kosovo felt that they had been exploited because the new projects were actually intended to provide energy and resources to other parts of Yugoslavia (Malcolm 1998, p. 348). This economic tension intensified the ethnic tensions
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56 The Journal of Living Together between developed and underdeveloped regions, since both sides believed they had been treated unfairly. In Kosovo, ethnic Albanians began to relate their low social status in the region to their local economic status, breeding social unrest. The myopic policy of “Blood Transfusion” only served to contribute an economic factor to Kosovo’s existing high ethnic tensions.
Migration Policy - International Immigration and External Emigration Dissatisfaction with the status quo came to a head in the 1968 uprising of students demanding a “Kosova-Republika,” an autonomous Kosovo. As a result, Tito’s government responded with policies centered on migration. The migration policies were introduced by the Yugoslavian government in an attempt to ease tensions between ethnic Albanians in Kosovo and improve people’s economic situations.
p.1073-1106) book, Kosovo’s Serbian peasants bitterly complained that after 1966 they were subjected to myriad acts of harassment from younger members of the Albanian majority who were hungry for land as their rural population increased dramatically. In a 1985 survey of Serbian migrants from Kosovo, 46.4% of rural households reported instances of verbal ethnic threats to their settlements, and 24.6% reported various forms of physical assaults, mostly bullying of children that were grounded in ethnic discrimination (Petrovic and Blagojvic 1989, p. 123, 135). Kosovo Serbs who wanted to discuss the ethnic harassment within the Kosovo communist institutions were labeled ‘nationalists’ and disciplined by Albanian-dominated communist institutions (Petrovic and Balgojevic 1989, p. 178). Such portrayals of
1948
Tito’s open internal migration policy encouraged those Albanians in need to move into Kosovo to mine the rich mineral wealth of the region, largely increasing the Albanian population in Kosovo from 68% of the total population in 1948 to 77% by the end of 1981 (Petrovic and Stefanovic 2010, p. 1091) (Table 1). Along with the Albanian population’s autonomy came ethnic unrest in Kosovo. In addition, there were a growing number of reports of Albanian hostility directed towards Kosovo’s native Serb population. Like the policies of “Brotherhood and Unity” and “Blood Transfusion”, this migration process had unintended consequences that directly affected relations between Kosovar Albanians and Kosovar Serbs. The other migration policy implemented by Tito emphasized the emigration of unskilled, unemployed laborers. In doing so, the government intended to reduce ethnic tensions simply by changing the population make up. However, as soon became clear, it was not that easy. Not only did this transplant of citizens from one area to another not address the root of intercultural conflicts, but the new cultural dynamics had unforeseen consequences as well. The Internal Migration policy that mobilized Albanian people’s moving to Kosovo increased the power of the historically repressed Albanians; however, the unintended consequence was the ethnic discrimination against Kosovo Serbs. As mentioned in Aleksandar Petrovic and Dorde Stefanovic’s (2010,
1953 1961 1971 1948
Albanian Serbian
Rest
Total
727,820
498,242
199,961
29,617
68.46%
27.47%
4.07%
524,559
221,212
62,130
64.93%
27.38%
7.69%
646,148
264,604
52,779
67.06%
27.46%
5.48%
916,168
259,819
67,706
73.67%
20.89%
5.44%
1,226,736 236,525
121,179
77.42%
7.65%
14.93%
80,7901 693,531 1,243,693 1,584,440
Table 1: Kosovo Population (M. Bozinovich, 2003)
discrimination prevented any progress from being made on that front, and resulted in large numbers of Kosovo Serbs moving into central Serbia. As about 85,000, or one-third of all Kosovo Serbs, moved out of Kosovo between 1961 and 1981 (Winkle 2005, p.26), Albanian culture was promoted and Albanian people were empowered, yet the effort ended only in a worsening of reconciliation prospects and a greater lack of cross-cultural understanding. On the other hand, the government’s principal reasoning behind the external emigration policy was based in a desire to level the economic disparities between regions in the throes of ethnic unrest, such as in 1968 when Albanians protested against Serbian dominance. The external migration was initially billed as “temporary work abroad,” and later allowed many ethnic Albanians to work and settle abroad. This policy certainly satisfied the economic needs and wants of those who
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57 The Journal of Living Together left, and allowed them to remove themselves from situations of ethnic conflict, but did little to address the needs of those at home. In fact, the exodus of Albanians heading to Western countries caused further economic and social dissatisfaction, and heightened of nationalism on both sides of the conflict equation; economic woes and ethnic struggles continued to thrive.
Ethnic tensions were further aggravated when the Serbian hardliner Slobodan Milosevic came to power. His aggressive policy focused on building up Serbia’s power and revoking autonomous power of Kosovo regardless of law, historical precedent, and political reality, provoking strong opposition from ethnic Albanians in Kosovo and intensifying the conflicts on both sides.
In the end, both policies of migration, while providing temporary and concentrated solutions to the relevant problems of economic disparity and social unrest, failed to establish a long-term answer to the ethnic issues that would inevitably remain.
While a tradition of ethnic conflicts in the region, political upheaval, and inconsistent leadership had without a doubt contributed to Kosovo’s relapse into intense and seemingly endless ethnic conflict, oversights in Tito’s policies had their own significant effects as well. Though the Kosovo War has been over for more than ten years, the ethnic turmoil in Kosovo has never reached a balance, and problems of ethnic tension between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo persist. Policies that correctly address issues of ethnicity in Kosovo are very important for the stability of the federation, the development of economy, the prosperity of culture, and the improvement of relationships at every level. Therefore, a discussion about the policy errors during Josip Tito’s rule of the Yugoslav Federation is essential to solving the problems of today.
Conclusion Tito’s policies were implemented with the intention of serving and stabilizing the six republics and two autonomous provinces that made up Yugoslavia. Kosovo was granted more autonomy to increase its power within the federation in the hopes that this would provide further internal stability. Tito was, however, reluctant to give Kosovo the status of “Republic” because he feared a Kosovo-Albania alliance that would lead to the collapse of the Yugoslav Federation. With this in mind, most of his policies during that time were aimed at managing the shaky economic and political situations throughout the federal states and to bringing peace and stability to each region. However, his social, economic, and migration policies did not account for strong feelings of nationalism and cultural pride that were widespread throughout the autonomous regions. As a result his policies were unsuccessful in alleviating either Kosovo’s economic woes or the underlying ethnic tensions that afflicted everything from everyday interactions to government administration. In fact, Kosovo’s attachment to Serbia remains a point of contention even today. In the spring of 1981, one year after Tito died, Albanian students protested violently in Kosovo, proclaiming that Kosovo should be a Republic. Because of a lack of solid reconciliation of ethnic tensions, states started implementing their own policies. Yugoslav officials from Serbia argued that Kosovo’s aim was indeed to secede from Yugoslavia and form a Greater Albania. Thus, the central government in Belgrade staged an anti-Albanian campaign that took an especially strong hold in Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro, the three republics that had large Albanian minority populations.
Resolution and Peace-building Strategies The story of Tito’s policies failing to unite different ethnicities in the long-term tells us that an absence of conflict does not equate to peace. We must find an approach that builds the inner peace of each individual. Sociologist Galtung (1996, p.15) introduced the terms positive peace and negative peace. He claimed that negative peace entails the mutual agreement to end violence while positive peace entails reconciling current social identities and changing negative historical portrayals. Rather than ending conflicts, the reconstruction process involves building positive peace systems that are maintained by independent and long-lasting relationships. In this process, communication plays a significant role to foster the positive relationship needed for a peaceful society. Resolving conflicts is as complicated as conflicts themselves, requiring both communication and strategy. Knowing that addressing ethnicity issues is the key point in the situation of Kosovo, policymakers and future researchers should keep this in mind when making policies or implementing projects during post-conflict reconstruction. There are several
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58 The Journal of Living Together things that policymakers and researchers should know about Kosovo before starting their reconstructing works. Historical ethnic barriers in Kosovo range from relatively recent political events to an ingrained cultural foundation. Kosovar Albanians and Serbs have their own legends that include identity narratives, land and historical events that are strongly held against each other (Landis 2012, p. 605). Such distinctive group identity and cultural foundations create significant barriers to cross-community trust and respect. These long-held historical troubles often contribute to the current political agenda, which exacerbate mutual aggression. Thus, to resolve remaining post-conflict problems, addressing only current issues and disagreements is not enough for long-lasting peace. It is vital to develop strategies to enable group communication to reconcile respective histories and distinctive identity portrayals. The reason that communication is so important to the reconciliation of relationships, the dealing with discriminatory histories and the enhancement of understanding in multicultural societies, is because it incorporates trust and empathy into the peace process. During communication and interaction, people develop relationships and trust, which are necessary for further open communication. When groups in conflict are brought together to listen to each other’s stories, empathetic listening and realistic discussions, though hard to achieve, are extremely helpful to build mutual understanding and relationships (Landis 2012, p.611). “Mutual reorganization of one another’s sufferings creates a favorable atmosphere for progress of negotiation because underneath there is a verification of each other’s group identity” (Landis 2012, cited in Draguns 2007, pp. 6-7). As a result, local level discussions should be advocated between government units and the two ethnic groups, creating an atmosphere of understanding for one another’s concerns to increase the likelihood of living together peacefully. At the same time, those genuine discussions, open dialogues and respectful debates must also ensure the formulation and implementation of good policies. There are multiple strategies for creating dialogue and conversation between conflicting ethnic groups from both the author and outside researchers including Montiel et al. (2012), Marsella (2005), Oudenhoven (2012), and Landis (2012). Peace education is the foundation for creating mutual tolerance and
building trustful relationships. It should be required to people，especially those who deal with issues involving intercultural individuals, including government officials, policymakers, international agencies, and NGOs. The rise in multi-cultural interactions between people in the world necessitates peace education in general. There are various educational resources available online that should be made available in public education. One example is The Carter Center, a nongovernmental organization and resource center, which lists various conflict resolution and education sources (www.cartercenter.org). Another is the International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation, whose website contains relevant databases, online courses, mediation and mitigation related radio broadcasts and instructional resources (www.icermediation.org). The media plays a very important role in peace education and perception adjustment because of its direct dissemination of information and mass coverage. Media has a strong potential to inform and influence people with cultural information; it can also broadcast useful material such as methods to deal with conflict, thereby promoting an atmosphere of tolerance. Marsella (2005, pp. 615) has noted the power of media as one of the most influential means to transmit knowledge and moral patterns. The other critical value of media is the significant influence on individuals who are the direct recipients of the information in forms of TV shows, advertisement and other media content. Utilizing social influencers to promote peace values as proposed by van Oudenhoven (2012, pp. 621) is another suggestion. Community, spiritual, and social leaders play important roles in shaping and influencing others’ thoughts within groups; thus their promotion of an atmosphere of cultural respect, emphasizing interfaith reconciliation, and an inclusive perspective of ethnic “others,” will not only help to ameliorate conflicts but contribute to bridging the gap between the two “differences” as well. Peace building efforts should not rely solely on legislation. Conflicts start from civil society, and should be ended at the civic level as well. And civil society has great power in post-conflict reconstruction. One of the strategies to unite civil society and equip individuals with tools and knowledge for mutual understanding is linking institutions and organizations that implement programs within the civil society. Programs and projects designed by those
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59 The Journal of Living Together agents are often incorporated in the daily contact of people, aiming to promote cultural understanding of each other and change perceptions of one ethnic group towards another. Considering the often multi-layered structure of ethnic conflicts, the involvement of civil society ensures that the solutions penetrate several parts of the society, even at the grassroots level. Programs and projects should involve bringing people from two ethnic groups together to reduce prejudice and stereotypes, and help to make sense of the other group’s identity through the process of contact and dialogue. Project researchers and designers should find out the “central problems” and “key divergences” between cultures and come up with alternative interpretations of the situation. It is recommended that such alternative interpretations should be read to each group of people; then immediate follow-up and feedback sessions should be conducted for participants. The aim of those programs should be to generate the understanding of the perspective of the “other” in a conflict situation, as well as convey the other’s views for peace building. Based on personal experience of working on dozens of projects designed for the same purpose, this author can vindicate the power of those carefully designed projects by linked institutions and organizations for peace building at the civic level.
Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank Professors Norman and Zorica Wacker who supported the preparation of this article and shared their experience, and Alex Pinero who provided critical editorial assistance.
References The material contained in this document has been adapted from the following publications: Berislav Sefer, Social Aspects of the Industrialization of Yugoslavia: Second General Conference of UNIDO, Lima, Peru, 12-26 March 1975, United Nations Industrial Development Organization, 1974. Jing Ke, Change the hostile Other into Ingroup Partner: On the Albanian-Serb relations, Kosovo Public Policy Center, The Western Balkans Policy
Review Volume 2, Issue 2, Summer/ Autumn 2012. Daniel Ryan Van Winkle, The Rise of Ethnic Nationalism in the Former Socialist Federation of Yugoslavia: An Examination of the Use of History, Western Oregon University, June 2005. Aleksandar Petrovic & Dorde Stefanovic, Kosovo, 1944-1981: The Rise and the Fall of a Communist ‘Nested Homeland’, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol.62, No.7, September 2010, 1073-1106. Fuxia Jiang, [From the Kosovo War: Failure of National Policies], Qufu Unitersity, April 2007. (In Chinese) Neol Malcolm, Kosovo: a short history, London: Macmillan, 1998. Rexhep Qosja, Death Comes to Me from Such Eyes, Translated from Albanian, Pristina: Rilind-ja, 1974. Johan Galtung, Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict; Development and Civilization, SAGE Publications, April 1996. Dan Landis, Rosita D. Albert, Handbook of Ethnic Conflict: International Perspectives, Springer, February 2012. Christina J. Motiel, Rudy B. Rodil, and Judith M. de Guzman, The Moro Struggle and the Challenge to Peace Building in Mindanao, Southern Philippines, Springer 2012 Anthony J. Marsella, Culture and Conflict: Understanding, Negotiating, and Reconciling Conflicting Constructions of Reality, International Journal of Intercultural Relations, Elsevier, 2005 Jan Pieter van Oudenhoven, Frictions Between Muslims and Non-Muslims in the Netherlands, Springer, 2012 M. Bozinovich, Kosovo Population and the Evolution of the Serbian Minority, table data, January 2003, <http://www.serbianna.com/columns/mb/004.shtml>.
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Call for Papers for Upcoming Issues Special Issue
Spring 2015 Issue
“New Militant Movements in Africa and the Middle East”
“The Anatomy and Remedy of Trans-generational Conflict”
The Journal of Living Together is currently accepting papers for a special issue highlighting the rise of new militant movements and their impact on the societies of Africa and the Middle East.
The International Center for Ethno-Religious Mediation, New York is seeking scholarly papers/articles for the Spring 2015 edition of its journal, Living Together. The beliefs & attitudes resulting from the trauma inflicted by violent ethno-religious conflict are often passed down through generations. For this edition, we are particularly interested in articles that address any of the following questions:
In this special issue, we are particularly interested in articles and case studies that address any of the following questions: • What are the ideological roots of these movements? • How do these movements deviate from their religious roots? • What devastating impacts do these movements have on the corresponding society? • What new tools are available to governments and peace organizations to prevent the expansion of these groups and to stem terrorism? • What models or means used in the past have helped to curb the activities of similar groups? • Also to be considered are in-depth scholarly biogra phies of leaders of these movements.
Submission Deadline: February 28, 2015. Download the full Call for Papers in “PDF Format” or “Word Format” at www.icermediation.org.
• What are the social and psycho logical processes at work in trans-generational conflict? • What role does governance/policy play in the exacerbation or amelioration of this form of conflict? • How can this legacy of violence be stopped/inter rupted long enough for effective intervention? • Are there programs or practices in place that have demonstrated some promising results? • What can we learn, and perhaps incorporate, from emerging conflict mediation and mitigation practices designed to address trans-generational conflict?
Submission Deadline: February 28, 2015. Download the full Call for Papers in “PDF Format” or “Word Format” at www.icermediation.org.
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