SUTD History, Theory & Culture Course

Re:Public Rediscovering Public Space & Public Building Architecture and Sustainable Design (ASD) 20.004 / History Theory & Culture 1 / FALL 2014

HTC Student Conference 9 December 2014

Sketch by Lee Le Xiu Jean

Re:Public

Singapore’s Public Spaces & Public Buildings Architecture and Sustainable Design (ASD) 20.004 / History Theory & Culture 1 / FALL 2014 HTC Student Conference / December 9th, 2014

Teaching Team: Chong Keng Hua, Jia Zheng (Judy)

ABOUT THE COURSE History, Theory & Culture 1 provides an outline of the history of architecture and urbanism from ancient to the present and spanning both western and eastern traditions. Students analyze buildings and the built environment as the products of culture and in relation to the special problems of architectural design and the history of architecture with an urbanist perspective that stresses the cultural and political context from which building arises. The course is designed to develop critical tools used in the analysis and appreciation of architecture for its role in creating the intellectual environment in which we conduct our lives. This course is part of the core curriculum of Architecture and Sustainable Design (ASD) pillar of Singapore University of Technology and Design (SUTD), and is co-developed with Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). ABOUT THE STUDENT CONFERENCE The HTC Student Conference is held to offer an avenue for ASD students to showcase their research works on architectural and urban history. Selected papers and posters will be presented during this conference, and will be published in the conference proceeding. The theme of this year conference is Re:Public - Rediscovering Public Spaces and Public Buildings. Individual papers addressing the conference theme are submitted by students who have conducted historical, formal and spatial analysis of the selected cases in Singapore, and discussed how their design, development or redevelopment had contributed to the “publicness” of the urban fabric. One or more of the following questions are investigated in each paper: • What were the underlying environmental, ritual, socio-economic, political, or technological factors that formed or transformed this place? How did they lead to the development of the “public” nature? • How does the architecture or urban design accommodate its particular context? How is it sited, oriented, integrated with or segregated from surrounding landscape or city? How do these design choices affect the flow of “public”? • What are the principal architectural elements, material, or construction methods that contribute to the design? Are there any regional, historical or cultural influences? • How is the spatial experience? How do the plans and sections of the design contribute to the sense of “publicness”? How does the design affect urban social life? • How is it actually being used? How are public, semi-public and private zones delineated? You can interview people or observe/analyze how they move through the spaces. • How does such architecture and urban design serve the “public” needs? To what extend is its role in the making of the “republic”?

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION PUBLIC CITY Outram Dong Binqiao, Jezamine Chua, Joshua Dieu, Ong Yi Qing, Tan Etinne

Duxton

Cheryl Ng Li Min, Rosanne Chong Si Qi, Yeo Jing Ying Evelyn

Bugis, Bras Basah & Rochor

Audrey Chin, Bai Xueni, Huang Ke, Shireen Yeo

Beach Road

Diana Yeo, Leung Chi Kwan, Aerilynn Tan, Brian Lee, Faizah Jaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;affar

PUBLIC LIFE Joo Chiat

Law Kang Jie River, Maria Grazia Lee Shu En, Liu Hongzhe

Old Airport Road

Seow Wan Ting, Au Cheuk Yee, Lee Zi Qing, Cheryl Chai, Jean Lee, Rachel Tan, Tracy Tan

Bukit Timah

Chloe Tan Mei Xin, Samuel Ng Ee Zhi, Ong Jia Ying, Lau Xue Yi, Joel Yap Kar Jing

PUBLIC HOUSING Bukit Ho Swee Aurelia Chan Hui-En, Benjamin Hoong, Jasmine Angsari, Seah Jia Neng, Aaron Yeo

Toa Payoh Kam Siu Han Lawrence, Daniel Wee, Ong Yong Siang, Rachel Lau Pei Wen, Tan Yen Lin

Ang Mo Kio Tee Yong Kiat, Khor Wan Xuan, Zhang Ke Er

NOTES BIBLIOGRAPHY LIST OF WORK FROM ALL STUDENTS

INTRODUCTION

Recently we witness a rising concern for public nature in the city, both globally as half of the world population is now living in the city, thus demanding more spaces to be accessible by public, as well as locally in Singapore when the increasing urban density and population growth lead to questions of sustainable living. It is with such urgency to imagine and plan for the future that this project requires students of Architecture and Sustainable Design (ASD) pillar in SUTD to look into past development of public spaces and public buildings in Singapore, in order to understand the various underlying forces that shaped the cityscape, and therefore conceive the possibilities of creating new urban futures. As part of the core subject History Theory and Culture 1 (HTC1), a Student Conference was held to offer an avenue for ASD students to showcase their research works on architectural and urban history. The theme of this year conference is Re:Public. The prefix re: holds multiple meanings – reinterpreting, rediscovering, redeveloping, etc. Such flexibility thus allows students to decide how they would want to study the public nature of the city and subsequently, that of the architecture. These studies were conducted in two parts during the academic term – urban history and architectural history; the former was done in groups, the latter by individuals. As a group, students were asked to conduct historical and morphological study of one of the ten selected sites in Singapore, with reference to scholarly literature, maps, old photos, news articles and also based on their fieldworks, in order to discuss the process of formation and transformation of the urban forms. Emphasis was also placed on the drivers of urban change (drawing lessons learnt from the HTC1 lectures) as well as the relationships between urban form and social life to address the conference theme.

Individual papers then focus on specific cases of public space or public building within each studied site. Historical, formal and spatial analyses of the selected cases were conducted with the aim to discuss how their designs, development or redevelopment had contributed to the public-ness of the urban fabric. The ten selected sites are Outram, Duxton, Bras Basah-Bugis, Beach Road, Joo Chiat Road, Old Airport Road, Bukit Timah Road, Bukit Ho Swee, Toa Payoh, and Ang Mo Kio. Each of these sites offers a unique perspective into the different nature of urban development at various stages of nation building. It could be noticed that well known places like Tiong Bahru, Queenstown, Chinatown, Orchard Road, Singapore River, and Central Area are deliberately excluded from this list, as we would like to examine places that receive relatively less attention in the past, yet have gone through or at the brink of going through tremendous transformation. Some of the selected sites are near the city centre, such as Outram, Duxton, Bras Basah-Bugis and Beach Road, stretching from south to north of Singapore River. Despite having been totally redeveloped since Singapore’s independence, each of these sites has either retained or gradually evolved into a particular character of their own – juxtaposing the old and the new, blurring the boundaries between private and public, while mixing the residential, commercial and institutional spaces through some forms of heterogeneous programming. Yet with the introduction of new identities such as the tallest public housing at Duxton, the new art and design institutions at Bras Basah-Bugis that bring along various art festivals, and the new South Beach development along Beach Road, it also poses questions on the relevance of existing buildings and programs and their relationships with the larger urban fabric.

Further away from the city centre are Joo Chiat Road, Old Airport Road, and Bukit Timah Road. With history that traced back to colonial period, each of these major thoroughfares had since expanded and become a dense yet relatively lowrise region, gaining reputations in various ways such as good local food and good schools, while retaining its own unique “old world charm” until the present days. However, uncertainties begin to surface as East Coast Road, which is right next to Joo Chiat Road, is undergoing gentrification; as Dakota Crescent at Old Airport Road – the early public housing developed by Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) under the colonial government – is slated for demolishment and redevelopment; and as the Rail Corridor along Bukit Timah Road was returned to the Singapore government. They present both challenges, especially in public opinions and existing residents’ needs, as well as opportunities in collaborative development. On the other hand, Bukit Ho Swee, Toa Payoh and Ang Mo Kio present three different phases of public housing development by Housing Development Board (HDB) since its establishment in 1960. Bukit Ho Swee is remembered for its infamous 1961 fires, which consumed the squatter settlement but also gave the government the opportunity to redevelop the area into one of the earliest modern high-rise housing estates. Toa Payoh is the first “satellite town” planned by HDB in the early 1960s. It is a self-contained housing estate, complete with its own town centre, light industry, a unique ring road system, neighbourhood schools, town park and sports complex. Ang Mo Kio showcases the next generation of HDB town, planned in 1970s and completed in 1980s. It follows the checkerboard structural model in town planning, with grid-like streets, strict alignment and orientation of housing slab blocks, and centralized town centre. However, after several decades, all three housing estates are currently facing rapidly aging population, with public facilities and spaces that require urgent rethinking

and immediate implementation. This conference is therefore structured into three sections – Public City, Public Life and Public Housing, which correspond to the respective sites as introduced earlier. Site studies and individual papers by students are then categorized accordingly. While both the students and instructors have put in the best effort in this project despite this being the first attempt by ASD students in architectural research and writing, due to time limitation and the relatively new course, we ask for readers’ forgiveness if we have made any mistakes in this proceeding. We hope that this project is only the beginning of a series of investigations in the public nature of the city, and that it encourages more public-oriented spatial experiments in Singapore in the next 50 years.

Chong Keng Hua, Judy Zheng Jia December 9, 2014

Map of Outram (Source: Author)

OUTRAM by Dong Binqiao, Jezamine Chua, Joshua Dieu, Ong Yi Qing

Introduction How did Outram come about? Outram in Hokkien reads Lau-ia-keng khau which translates to ‘Gambling Alley’. In the 1900s, there was an influx of coolies from China into Outram. During their free time, these coolies took up gambling in the alleyways. Outram Road was named after Sir James Outram, for his heroic role in the 1857 Indian mutiny. It is also known as Si Pai Poh in Hokkien which also means “Sepoy” Plains. The Sepoys set up a military camp at Pearl’s Hill. A fort and base for the East India Company troops were also built. Due to the large number of Sepoys, the Chinese at Chinatown then labelled the area as “Sepoy” Plains.1 Our area of study Our area of focus is bounded by 4 main roads, namely Jalan Bukit Merah, Eu Tong Sen Street, Outram Road and Havelock Road. It is just on the west of Chinatown. It envelops a couple of landmarks commonly identified in Outram such as the Singapore General Hospital, Pearl Bank Apartments and People’s Park Complex. Since the 1800s, this area has been a center of transition. Unlike its neighbours Chinatown, Tanjong Pagar and Tiong Bahru, there are no clear distinctions among public services, commercial and residential estates. ‘Place meanings thus draw upon interpretation of the past and the present.’2 Comparing the various old maps as well as asking the current residents what their impression of Outram is, our area of interest seemed to be the intersection between the two.

URBAN ANALYSIS Outram’s present topography is undulating on the north, consisting of York Hill and Pearl’s Hill. It is flat on the south where Chinatown sits. It comprises 2 distinct districts - public service and mixed-use - with multiple landmarks and nodes. In the 1995 Development Guide Plans for Outram, authorities set a vision and identified various objectives for Outram - “An attractive place to work, shop and live, rich in history and with many natural and built features.”3 They also identified certain objectives in order to realise their vision. A few of the objectives included optimising land use around Outram Park MRT Station and improving the open space and pedestrian linkage system. As such, new infrastructure was introduced and old ones were refurbished. PUBLIC SPACES Pearl’s Hill Pearl’s Hill is one of two urban hill parks in the Central Area, and is a valuable natural and recreational resource. Pearl’s Hill is prominent topographically and due to its height, a reservoir was built on top of it in the late 19th century.4 It is the main source of water supply to the neighbouring areas in the past as well as in the modern day Singapore. Spanning an area of 8.48 hectares, this city park is tucked away in the corner of Chinatown and still used by local residents and tourists seeking a venue for some peace and tranquility in the bustling city. PUBLIC BUILDINGS Singapore General Hospital (SGH) The hospital aims to be a renowned organisation at the leading edge of medicine, providing quality healthcare to meet its people’s needs. Currently, Singapore General Hospital has a 10,000 strong workforce, accounting for a quarter of acute hospital beds in the public sector and catering to more than 1 million patients every year. It is both a workplace and a service facility. Apart from providing healthcare services, SGH is also a leading teaching hospital for undergraduate medical training, post-graduate specialisation and research activities, and has its very own SGH Museum. The Bowyer Block witnessed the birth of SGH and part of it remains in the present campus. The distinctive clock tower and building are preserved carefully and provides a glimpse of the past. The building brings a different atmosphere to the hospital campus and increases opportunities for interactions among different groups of people.5

Urban Analysis (Source: Author)

Pearl’s Hill City Park (Source: NParks)

The Academia at SGH (Source: SGH)

MIXED-USED DEVELOPMENTS (Commercial) Eu Tong Sen Street Eu Tong Sen Street is a one-way road located in the central area of Singapore. Named after one of the wealthy Chinese tycoons, Eu Tong Sen, it is one of the major roads in Chinatown flanked by rows of Chinese shophouses and shopping complexes.6 This street has been highly commercialised since 1919 with iconic buildings such as People’s Park Complex and The Majestic lining the street and housing a variety of shops offering different goods and services. Despite the change in shops present, the place never fails to attract people from all walks of life. Celebrations Every year, the Chinese New Year Celebration and Mid-Autumn Festival light show never fails to attract both Singaporeans and foreigners to the place. During these times, temporary stores are set up and goods for the occasion are sold. People from all over Singapore come down just to experience the festive atmosphere or get their products at a lower price. Other than being a major road, Eu Tong Sen Street has managed to create a memorable image as a place of celebration in the younger generation and maintained the overall image and experience for the older people.

RESIDENTIAL ESTATES Pearl Bank Apartments Completed in 1976, the impressive and imposing Pearl Bank Apartments is a 37-storey hollow, 3/4 cylindrical tower had the largest number of apartments contained in a single block.10 Today, it still serves as a private housing facility to many Singaporeans. People’s Park Residential Block Located above the commercialised atrium, the housing block was completed three years after the atrium was built. A 25- storey block of flats, there were various sizes of flats to cater to different needs.11 In recent years, there have been an increase in the number of young couples and foreigners living in the block due to its close proximity to the CBD and Chinatown. The empty roof-top of the atrium consists of shared facilities like daycare and open space nurturing and preserving the social spirit among the residents.

The Majestic The Majestic is one of the iconic buildings along Eu Tong Sen Street that has withstood many major historical events. It was first known as ‘Tin Yin Moh Toi’ or Tin Yin Dance Stage built by Eu Tong Sen for his wife. Over the years, it has been renamed to Queen’s Theatre, Da Hua and finally The Majestic.7 Today, the building has been refurbished and converted into a 3-storey shopping mall. The exterior facade of the building was maintained as part of the conservation effort. People’s Park Complex

Pearl Bank Apartments (Source: Author)

Flat in People’s Park Complex (Source: Author)

A high-rise mixed-use development in Chinatown completed in 1973, in collaboration between the Urban Renewal Authority and DP Architects. It is the first shopping center with an atrium and a 25-storey housing flat above the commercial development. As the first mixed- used building of its kind in Southeast Asia, People’s Park Complex challenged the idea of single-use zoning. The olden day shopping complex used to be an open public park with space for exhibitions and performances.8 9 Presently, the entire atrium is air-conditioned and houses a diversity of retail tenants - jewelry, electronics, travel agencies, shops selling travel amenities and food. Due to its close proximity to Chinatown, there are a lot of Chinese foreign workers and tourists. Most shops offer services that would appeal to this group of people.

2014 Chinese New Year Celebrations decorations (Source: SUTDio)

URBAN TRANSFORMATION 1815-1900

1900-1950

1950-1990

Pulau Saigon (1881) (Source: Singapore National Archives)

One Map Historical Map (1954) (Source: Singapore National Archives)

Singapore Instrumental Plot (1970) (Source: Singapore National Archives)

An Industrial and agricultural past

Long before Raffles arrived, a small immigrant population had been cultivating gambier and pepper here. Due to its proximity to the river, Pearl’s Hill was surrounded by groundnut oil factories, sago factories, sugar factories and oil mills. There were also spice, pepper and sago plantations on the hill developed by Captain James Pearl. 12 A meeting point for Chinese immigrants Clan associations and Chinese movie theatres made New Bridge Road a meeting place and a second home to these Chinese immigrants, which still is today. The long narrow streets with Chinese shophouses in Chinatown were shaped to remind people of their lives back in China. Many immigrants and traders flocked to Singapore after its establishment as a free port, and the area quickly took shape as planned. Ethnic and dialect segregation Immigrant groups were separated into racial quarters by Raffles for easy administration and Chinatown was zoned into sectors for different dialect communities, who occupied different streets. This gave rise to the unique character of each street and its line of shophouses.Temples were built for worship and as centres for dialectgroup activities.13

A land overlooked by public buildings and basic amenities One of the constants has been this area’s occupation by public services and municipal buildings. Tan Tock Seng Hospital and Seaman’s Hospital were both located here before the colonial government took over the buildings and erected army barracks to house the Sepoys. Outram Prison was built here in 1847. Outram Hospital (Singapore General Hospital today) and the Police Operational Headquarters were also built here in 1882.14 Today, Singapore General Hospital, Police Headquarters and the Central Narcotics Bureau are still located in this area. Pearl’s Hill may be empty now, but it still serves as a valuable natural and recreational park in the city area. With a water storage capacity of 6 million gallons, the Pearl’s Hill Reservoir is still the main source of freshwater supply to Chinatown today.

Outram Prison (Source: Brenda Yeoh and Theresa Wong)

Housing the nation: From slums to high-rise flats

Outram has always held a strong residential presence in the Central Area, witnessing a slew of housing typologies over the years. Chinese migrants made their homes in multi-storied and mixed-use shophouses which were continually modified and subdivided. The people tended to congregate in already overcrowded shophouses due to economic and ethnic reasons.15 World War II witnessed the influx of refugee populations, coupled with the destruction of infrastructure, utilities and basic services. Informal settlements spread and Chinatown became a breeding ground for diseases. Gangsters thrived amidst an enormous maze of itinerant sheltered stores and crammed squatters. Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) was founded in 1924 to solve the acute housing shortage, but it was insufficient and was replaced by the Housing Development Board (HDB). The Land Acquisition Act was enacted in 1966, allowing the urban renewal unit in HDB to acquire land more easily. Deemed old and unsuitable, Outram Prison was demolished in 1968 under the Urban Renewal Scheme. It was replaced by Outram Park Housing Estate, a residential cum shopping complex, which ultimately portrayed the stepping up of Singapore’s standard of living.16

Squatters in Chinatown (1957) (Source: Old postcard of Singapore)

Building on Outram’s community spirit with public spaces and pedestrianisation

Outram Estate (Source: HDB)

Aerial view of Outram Estate (Source: Author)

Realising that community spirit is built upon mutual trust and ties, the government decided to keep this spirit alive and built new typologies made up of small, fragmented shops with larger frontage. An example is Outram Estate, with its slanted blocks providing staggered views. Community spaces were also constructed in landscaping projects near the area. Roads surrounded the site, directing cars into the multistorey carparks. This kept traffic away, portraying the government’s desire to protect the public from traffic by paving a continuous pedestrian pathway and public space network throughout the estates which continued within the complex through inward looking courtyards and corridors.17

Urban Renewal The Urban Renewal Department was established under HDB in 1996, with the launch of the Urban Renewal Programme. Housing in the city centre was developed as part of the overall urban renewal plan. The Central Area was divided into 19 precincts (8 south and 11 north).20 Housing in the city

Map of Central Area (CA) Precincts19 (Source: Ole Johan Dale)

Precinct S1 is an example of redevelopment with an integrated public space network, where public spaces were strategically developed within the precinct.21 Skyscraper blocks of offices, banks, hotels and shopping complexes replaced the once very common shophouses.22

Elevation of Eu Tong Sen Street - a skyline of mixed-used developments (Source: Author)

Mixed-used residential cum commercial developments Outram’s proximity to business, shopping districts and transportation nodes made it a prime location for new high-rise, high density residential developments. Residential and commercial boundaries overlapped to form unique typologies that still exist today as icons of Outram. People’s Park Complex knocked down the idea of single-use zoning by stacking offices and residential units above shopping spaces. Other mixed-use developments are People’s Park Centre and Pearl’s Centre. Established businesses bought shop units, moving from crowded roadsides into enclosed, clean and air-conditioned spaces. These also attracted residents, helping to retain Outram’s identity as a focal point for the Chinese community.23 Bringing nightlife in

Elevation and Plan of People’s Park Complex18 (Source: DP Architects)

The government wanted to introduce housing into the city centre to bring nightlife in. The large atriums encouraged intermingling crowds, which reflected the hustle and bustle of Chinatown’s yesteryears. It was built with an intention to maintain its image of a park and recreate that atmosphere that the market had, even at night.24 In the past, it hosted events, cultural celebrations and national education exhibits. Artist Tang Da Wu also performed Tiger’s Whip in protest of killing tigers for their healing properties here, making this area not just a congregation of people, but also a melting pot of ideas, and the witness of the evolution of chinese culture.

DRIVERS OF URBAN CHANGE 1990-2000 Greater accessibility and connectivity

A destination for tourists and immigrants

Along with the 1971 Concept Plan, the Central Expressway brought accessibility to and from other parts of the city. Outram Park MRT station at the bustling intersection of Outram Road and New Bridge Road was also built. This was further fuelled by the recent addition of the North-East Line and Chinatown MRT station to its network. Bus stops also line New Bridge Road. Settlements were strategically placed around the reservoir, along the expressway, and a stone’s throw away from an extensive and integrated bus, rail and road network.25

People’s Park Complex is known for its variety of retail tenants. Recent years have seen an influx of Chinese foreign workers and tourists into Chinatown. Goods and services have since turned from locals towards the needs and tastes of the foreigners. Money-changers, tourists shops and travel agencies now dominate the complex, with their shopfronts often crowded with Chinese immigrants. Over the years, Singapore has been increasingly promoted as a tourist destination and as a culturally and historically rich area. Outram has evolved towards a greater emphasis on tourist attractions.

Singapore also has an extensive pedestrian network that shelters pedestrians from transport nodes to activity places from the tropical climate. Large amounts of circulation are observed along sheltered walkways, which continuously feed into enclosed air-conditioned shopping spaces. Although the roadside of New Bridge Road bustles with life due to the sheltered pathway lined with shops, little public activity occurs at the edges of Outram Road and Pearl’s Hill Park due to their lack of shelter.

Towards a better quality of life With the nation’s basic needs well taken care of, in the Concept Plans of 1981 and 1991, focus shifted from meeting essentials of housing and infrastructure towards meeting more sophisticated material, spiritual and emotional priorities of Singaporeans, such as entertainment, recreation and culture, along with providing amenities for future economic development. The middle-class boom created a demand for spacious and better quality housing away from the traditional shophouse area.27 New settlements such as executive condominiums were introduced for the international professional class that to create an attractive, cosmopolitan city.28 Furthermore, due to the proximity to the Singapore River, where nighttime entertainment thrived, many hotels began to find their home in this area.

Map showing the footfall to closest transport network (Source: Author)

Map highlighting proximity between residences, transportation nodes and road network (Source: Author)

Growth of a commercially thriving shopping belt Tapping on the the efficient and extensive transport network, enhanced connectivity and influx of tourists, state land around Outram Park MRT Station and New Bridge Road was increasingly developed for commercial use, and to establish a vibrant activity hub. Conserved shophouses were allowed to be adaptively reused and inhabited by commercial uses, while preserving the charm and identity of the area. These are in line with the vision to integrate housing and recreation into Outram.26

Artist’s impression of Outram MRT Station (Source: URA Planning Report 1995)

2000-Today ‘Creating a lush green city’ Open spaces and park connectors have been set aside to allow settlements to be well-linked to recreational and activity areas such as the Pearl’s Hill City Park and the waterfront through a comprehensive sidewalk and pedestrian mall system. Public spaces were also created to link surrounding individual housing projects.29 The sheltered roadside walkways from bus stops, MRT stations to buildings also ferry people from home to work and recreation. Life on Garden Bridge (Source: Author)

Garden Bridge The Garden bridge connects People’s Park Complex to the shophouses. It does not just serve as a linkway to improve pedestrian movement across sites of interest, but also a living and community space for local residents, tourists and immigrants. People’s Park plaza

L-shaped People’s Park plaza (Source: Author)

Pearl’s Market used to be an informal outdoor marketplace set in the heart of the residential neighbourhood. The market was destroyed by fire in 1966, making way for People’s Park Complex and enclosed shopping centres. However, licensed road stalls still exist today in the L-shaped open plaza. The outdoor landscaped garden space is also a gathering space, and occasionally hosts buskers, cobblers and flea markets.

Activities surrounding People’s Park market today (Source: Author)

Uninterrupted pedestrian network along the span of Eu Tong Sen Street (Source: Author)

Pearl’s Hill City Park Pearl’s Hill City Park was often frequented by couples in the 1970s. Nowadays, the park has transformed into a tranquil space where people come to trek, jog or picnic. Today, the presence of the park has faded, due to its inaccessibility and the abundant dynamic attractions around. Attempts such as competitions were made by URA to seek ideas for better conectivity and accessibility through the site. Roadside bustle The ground-level shops adjacent to the Eu Tong Sen Street and Upper Cross Street recall the 5-foot way of the shophouse, fostering an intimate relationship between building, pavement, road and pedestrian.

Retaining Singapore’s Charm and Identity Urban renewal drastically changed the physical landscape of the city area. Skyscraper blocks of offices, banks, hotels and shopping complexes replaced the once ubiquitous shophouses.30 However, the Concept Plan 2001 focused on identity,31 and conservation efforts were made to retain Outram’s built heritage. One example is the Police Station Headquarters, which was conserved as it marks the origin of Singapore’s police force, as well as the origin and growth of the Sikh community, where the Sikh Sepoys formed the earliest form of police force in Singapore.32 CONCLUSION

The sheltered roadside walkways (Source: Author)

Outram has looked over and participated actively in the urban transformation and renewal of Singapore. Despite having undergone agendas of change over time, it has still managed to retain physical, social and cultural continuity, while intensifying its land use, responding to evolving people, needs, and maintaining the people’s quality of life. This social and cultural continuity are what shape the bustling streets of New Bridge Road today.

OUTRAM

People’s Park Complex: a Space for the People by Tan Etinne by Tan Etinne

Entrance to People’s Park Complex at the Chinatown MRT exit. (Source: Tan Etinne) Entrance to People’s Park Complex at the Chinatown MRT exit. (Source: Tan Etinne)

Introduction Introduction

A public space is primarily one in which the public is free to move around in and A public space is primarily one in which the public is free to move around in and inhabit. The value of which lies in its ability to draw individuals together to form bonds inhabit. The value of which lies in its ability to draw individuals together to form bonds and relationships at a local level and subsequently at a city level as well. To achieve this, and relationships at a local level and subsequently at a city level as well. To achieve this, the accessibility to the area as well as its relevance in the lives of the public has to be the accessibility 1to the area as well as its relevance in the lives of the public has to be well established1. As its name suggests, People’s Park Complex aims to be such a place. well established . As its name suggests, People’s Park Complex aims to be such a place. An area dedicated to the people’s usage and a building that effectively serves as a public An area dedicated to the people’s usage and a building that effectively serves as a public space. Historically the site has also always functioned as a public space, first as an open space. Historically the site has also always functioned as a public space, first as an open public park designated by the colonial authorities and later as People’s Park Market. This public park designated by the colonial authorities and later as People’s Park Market. This was the result of the appropriation of the space for the setting up of outdoor stalls by was the result of the appropriation of the space for the setting up of outdoor stalls by the residents of the Chinatown area at that time22. The effectiveness of the complex as the residents of the Chinatown area at that time . The effectiveness of the complex as a public space is also largely a result of the direction that the architects, influenced by a public space is also largely a result of the direction that the architects, influenced by the Japanese Metabolism Movement in that era, pursued. Belonging to the Singapore the Japanese Metabolism Movement in that era, pursued. Belonging to the Singapore Planning and Research Group, set up in 1965 to discuss and study the problems relating Planning and Research Group, set up in 1965 to discuss and study the problems relating to the physical development of Singapore after independence, they also held an interest to the physical development of Singapore after independence, they also held an interest in creating a building that relates to the overall urban landscape of Singapore. Hence in creating a building that relates to the overall urban landscape of Singapore. Hence they envisioned a “city where we have dwellings that stretch upwards towards the sky, they envisioned a “city where we have dwellings that stretch upwards towards the sky, and beneath them people humming with activity in the business houses, governmental and beneath them people humming with activity in the business houses, governmental offices, educational centres, theatres, open spaces and recreational centres. Imagine a offices, educational centres, theatres, open spaces and recreational centres. Imagine a city where the various centres of activity are linked up by an efficient rapid transport city where the various centres of activity are linked up by an efficient rapid transport system, where people make their living by day where people live by night .” 33 Opened in system, where people make their living by day where people live by night .” Opened in 1973 as a mixed used complex with residential, commercial, office and parking spaces, 1973 as a mixed used complex with residential, commercial, office and parking spaces, we can see how the People’s Park Complex is an embodiment of such a vision and can we can see how the People’s Park Complex is an embodiment of such a vision and can be thought of as a city within the larger city context. be thought of as a city within the larger city context.

People’s Park Complex an iconic building in the Outram/ Chinatown area People’s Park Complex an iconic building in the Outram/ Chinatown area (Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:People’s_Park_Complex_3.JPG) (Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:People’s_Park_Complex_3.JPG)

Evolution of People’s Park Complex as a Public Space Historical Background of the Site The site on which People’s Park Complex sits on was first designated in Raffles’ Town Plan as a public park at the foot of Pearl’s Hill and just above the Chinese settlement in Chinatown. As the Chinese immigrant population expanded however, the park evolved into People’s Park Market with outdoor bazaars and food stalls. Through the spontaneous introduction of such activities, people now had a reason to visit the area and to incorporate it as part of their daily routines. It is with the development of the People’s Park Market that the site’s identity as a public space was first established. Development of People’s Park Complex on the Site Following a fire in 1966 that destroyed the People’s Park Market, the land was acquisitioned by the government and purposed for redevelopment. Given the strong publicness of the market, the aim of the new development sought to preserve this quality of the space. Thus the goal of the People’s Park Complex was to be the “people’s shopping centre” and consequently, it opened in 1973 as the largest shopping complex in its time. As a shopping complex, People’s Park Complex at its time of development was a modern reinterpretation of the existing market that is traditionally based on the shop house typology and the use of small mobile stalls. By being positioned as a new and improved version of the People’s Park Market, the complex was able to take the place of the People’s Park Market in the consciousness of the public. The retaining of the name “People’s Park” is also for this reason. To further enhance the publicness of the place, the developers also introduced special events such as fashion shows and band performances to help attract crowds to the area. During Chinese New Year, activities such as the lighting of firecrackers to start off the festivities were also held at the People’s Park Complex. These activities allowed the complex to be known as a vibrant social and cultural hub where interesting events are regularly held and where people can gather to participate in them apart from the daily retail function that the building provides.

View of People’s Park Market from Temple Street. (Source: Singapore Press Holdings)

Band performance in People’s Park Complex drawing large crowds.. (Source: National Library Board Singapore)

Integration of People’s Park Complex into the Urban Landscape The Complex is well connected to pedestrian and vehicular circulation paths in the area via linkbridges to adjacent buildings and sites, as well as its location along the main roads of Eu Tong Sen street and New Bridge Road. These serve to draw the public from the entire city to the building. The MRT stations located in close proximity also help to draw pedestrians to the site. Another way it is integrated to the urban landscape is through the multiple entrances to the building on all sides that blend the interior and exterior spaces on the ground level. These integration methods establish the People’s Park Complex as an essential node in the city and hence a highly desirable public space due to the high volumes of people passing through. Diagram of circulation routes aound People’s Park Complex.

Influences behind the Form of the Space

historical map of the neighbourhood

Wide atrium space serves as a social gathering space. (Source: Tan Etinne)

Diagram of land use around the People;s Park Complex.

What was unique about the People’s Park Complex at its point of completion was the fact that it is a dense mega structure that is a public and a commercial space, as well as a public and private space at the same time. This idea of a space that deliberately embraces the public and their lifestyles was a new concept and first of its kind in Singapore. Some of the influences that lay behind this design decision were the ideals of the Metabolist movement, a modern architecture movement that proposed designing buildings and cities that encompass the processes that sustain life and are able to change and adapt to new conditions of life, and the urban planning schemes of the 8th Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM) that arose and gained popularity around the time that the building was constructed. Ideals of the Metabolist Movement and CIAM that are reflected in the building’s form: -The unification of all urban aspects into one structure4 that serves as a social hub and which results in the mixed use nature of the complex with a 5 storey shopping podium and 26 floors of residential units in a single block above the podium. - The establishment of the structure as the ‘Heart of the city’ 5 by the creation of a central atrium space where events can be carried out and where people are drawn into to engage in social activities. - The creation of urban continuity through the connection of the exterior circulation paths to the interior and through the arrangement of certain programmes in relation to the functions of surrounding sites. For instance food stalls are arranged along the exterior of the building adjacent to People’s Park Food Centre creating a sense that the two developments are one. This enhances the publicness of the building as it is not viewed in isolation from truly public forms like the streets.

Arrangement of Programmes within People’s Park Complex. (Base image source: http://www.dpa.com.sg/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/peoples-parksketch1.jpg)

People’s Park Complex Today Not long after the completion of the People’s Park Complex, the success of the planning and the design were evident as People’s Park Complex became a popular spot for locals and tourists alike. The success of the mixed used model also sparked other similar developments in the vicinity and around the city. In the present day, these other newer developments have diluted the novelty and hence attraction that the People’s Park Complex has over the entire city state. As time passes the demographic of the residents in the Chinatown area and hence the users of the People’s Park Complex have also changed. Currently the residents of Chinatown consists of mostly elderly persons and immigrants from mainland China. In response to this change, the apartments in the residential of the People’s Park Complex historical map of theblock neighbourhood have also changed to become mostly low rent housing options. The shops in the complex have also changed to sell cheap electronics and goods that cater to the immigrant population and salons and food stalls that are staffed by these immigrants as well. Though the declining number of users mean that the People’s Park Complex is no longer as vibrant as it was in its heyday, evident by the upper floors of the commercial block being mostly empty, the main atrium space continues to be busy with pedestrians passing through the Outram and Chinatown areas. This is testament to the effectiveness of the design in connecting the urban landscape to and through this building such that it remains an integral part of the experience and hence an effective public space as people move around the area. For the residents in the neighbouring estates the spacious interior of the building as well as the many eateries within it also continues to serve as a social gathering space. On the roof space of the podium block, the Edible Gardens Group, a group which promotes urban farming and engages communities through this activity has also been invited to set up an urban farm there. The introduction of such programmes seek to revitalise the complex and are in line with the ideals of the building being a space that encompasses all functions of urban life. Noboru Kawazoe, the theoretical head of the Metabolist group mentioned in his essay that “Our constructive age . . . will be the age of high metabolism. Order is born from chaos, and chaos from order. Extinction is the same as creation . . . . We hope to create something which, even in destruction will cause subsequent new creation. This something must be found in the form of the cities we were going to make – cities constantly undergoing the process of metabolism.”6 People’s Park Complex from before it was constructed to what it is today reflects just this idea, from the usurpation of the public gardens for the use as a market to the creation of an improved commercial space with added residential space when the market was destroyed and finally to the reinvention of the identity of the complex as the social and cultural context of the city changes. People’s Park Complex success as a public space was derived from the preservation and strengthening of its identity as a social gathering space and an integral part of the life in the city. For it to continue being successful, it must remain as a space which is malleable enough to evolve and provide for the needs of subsequent generations with a public profile that may differ from previous generations.

historical map of the neighbourhood

Though the upper levels have become quite empty, the ground floor remains abuzz with activity. (Source: Tan Etinne)

A community event held by Edible Gardens on the roof of the People’s Park Complex. (Source: http://topofchinatown.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/TOC-WS-02.jpg)

Duxton Hill, Everton Park: A change for the better by Cheryl Ng Li Min, Rosanne Chong Si Qi, Yeo Jing Ying Evelyn

Introduction Duxton used to be part of a nutmeg plantation which later became populated by shophouses occupied as living quarters by most of the residents. It was an area once known for its opium and gambling dens, as well as their cheap brothels. They were frequently patronized by rickshaw pullers, who lived around the area, around the time when the Jinricksha Station was constructed. Due to most of the Chinese immigrants there being deeply rooted in their Chinese traditions, they fostered strong bonds with their clans, which resulted in frequent clan fights that constantly required police intervention, earning Duxton a relatively bad reputation. However, when faced with people that threatened the residents of Duxton, these clans would come together and cooperate against such third parties. They were very unwelcoming and hostile to strangers that do not belong to Duxton. Such prevalent illegal activities were eventually prohibited in 1946. After Singapore separated from Malaysia, great measures were implemented by the Singapore government to reshape the image of Singapore in efforts to create a National identity. Duxton was transformed from a land mostly occupied by housing, to an area filled with commercial arenas. Shophouses were revamped or refurbished for other purposes and notorious businesses lessened, overtaken by trendy and less seedy businesses. Through the Singapore governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s conservation efforts, many shophouses are still in good condition till this day. Most shophouses have been converted to trendy cafes and bars that attract both citizens and tourists who want to explore that area. Similar to its past, Duxton is bustling with activity in the evening, but definitely more peaceful and no longer notorious about its many illegal activities. Main road intersections within Duxton are the main drivers of urban planning with the higher density and high plot ratio areas strategically placed away from the main roads. Duxton Plain Park, Pinnacle@Duxton and the shophouses along Neil Road are paramount in shaping the urban landscape of Duxton as they are the key iconic buildings within that vicinity. Hence, further spatial and use analysis is needed to fully understand the site.

Duxton

Jinricksha Station

Everton Park is one of the earliest HDB neighborhoods to arise in Singapore, and over the past couple of years has managed to retain some of its traditional buildings and environment, while seeing a constant increase in new contemporary cafes and bistros that has attracted a younger crowd to the area. The Everton Park housing estate was constructed in 1965, comprising of seven twelve story blocks. Having been renovated once, the estate remains to this day home to the older generation, with surrounding shops owned by both old and new shopkeepers. The old and new shopkeepers can work together, with the new shop keepers bringing in new patrons and business for the original shop keepers. This livens up the area while still allowing it to maintain its tranquility.

Tanjong Pagar Road

Urban History: Before 1900s to Present Before 1900s

1900-1965

historical map of the neighbourhood

Historical Map from 1954

The Kranji Railway, which was situated next to Duxton Hill, was demolished and converted into a small community park (Duxton Plain Park) in 1912 as the residents around the area complained about the noise. 3 The residents used to mainly work in primary industries such as fishing and plantation. However, this majority in job type slowly began to shift towards secondary fields such as distribution and transportation of goods and even towards the service sector. Shophouses then came into existence and began to populate Duxton Hill. old photo

old photo

Historical Map from 1835-1845

Duxton Road used to be part of a nutmeg plantation owned by Dr William Montgomerie until approximately 1856.1 Social and commercial activities near Duxton hill were located at the South Harbor of Tanjong Pagar during this period. The surrounding areas were mainly swamps and small forested hills, and were named after their European landlords such as Spottiswoode, Duxton, Everton, Guthrie and Raeburn.2 The nutmeg plantation and the houses on it were auctioned off to Ker, Rawson & Co. -rich Chinese developers- in 1856 and later converted into housing and building lots. Duxton Road, Duxton Hill and Craig Road were then constructed and named after the houses that used to be on the hill.

The shophouses were cramped and mainly occupied as living quarters. A shophouse the size of a 2-3 room flat had to house 6-10 families. There were only front and back windows in the shophouses, hence the ventilation was also relatively bad as well. Most of the residents came from China, who were deeply rooted in their old traditions, resulting in a strong sense of clan mentality, leading to the three major clans; the Ho, Teo and Chng. Each of the clans owned a rickshaw business over a certain area. Despite the rivalry to monopolize the rickshaw business, even often breaking out in physical fights, these clans still cooperated against any third party who would cause harm to Duxton Road residents. The Hoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rickshaws were mainly near the railway station while the Chngâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s were stationed around the South Harbor. Opium trading, gambling arenas and brothels littered the whole of Duxton at that time due to the high commercial and community flows from the south harbor and railway station. The prostitutes mostly came from outside of Duxton and these brothels contributed towards the support of the secret society for protection. Crime was rampant as these illegal activities permeated through Duxton. The population grew larger and the community at Duxton grew denser. However, the lack of a proper plumbing system resulted in diseases spreading quickly. The illegal activities also continued to run until stopped in 1946. These were problems faced by the Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) before the Housing Development Board (HDB) took over in 1960.4

Post-Independence

Current

Aerial View-Modern High-rise buildings stand alongside traditional shophouses

Duxton Road shophouses, from Neil Road(1982)

Neil Road towards Kreta Ayer Road(1983)

Singapore became independent from Malaysia in 1965. From then, the government sought out to reshape the image of Singapore to build Singaporeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s national identity. Duxton, which was predominantly a land used for housing, began to transform to a place with commercial arenas. The two/three-story shophouses along the Duxton road then came to house the main commercial activities. The Jinricksha Station, which is located at the junction of Neil Road and Tanjong Pagar road (built in 1903), used to serve as a registration centre for rickshaws, but was converted into a family clinic and child-care centre in 1987. The URA also revamped the Duxton area into an area with more recreational and commercial spaces.5

Current map (2014)

Pinnacle@Duxton

Everton Park Block 1

Pinnacle@Duxton was built in 2009 in commemoration of the first two tenstories HDB buildings in Singapore.6 These two buildings were one of the few oldest buildings in the country and was of historical significance to Singapore. As the demand for housing increased, high rises were rapidly built around Duxton. However, due to conservation efforts made by the Urban Redevelopment Authority, some shophouses and terrace houses were restored in the conservation area of Duxton Hill and Duxton Road (which now lie within the Tanjong Pagar conservation area). This forms a stark contrast between the urban and olden architecture of the area, creating a unique atmosphere of the mixing of old and new. Many shophouses were reinvented into cafes, shops and bars with most of its shop house-like exterior still conserved, yet with a modern interior, which further brings out this interesting contrast. Duxton remains lively in the evening, yet more peaceful and harmonious than before. There are no longer hectic clan fights or high crime rates. It is clear that the government has successfully cleaned up the past images of Duxton Hill, bringing new life to the place, yet conserving the essence of what it used to be.

Urban Analysis: Duxton Spatial Analysis

Fig 2.1: URA Map of Duxton [Source: Author]

A distinctive factor in Duxton is the harmonious coexistence between highdensity residential areas and ample communal spaces. The juxtaposition of the Pinnacle@duxton with the low shophouses creates an interesting effect on the overall cityscape. This harmony could be due to the large tracts of greenery, such as the Duxton Plain Park, which cuts through the Pinnacle@ Duxton to the shophouses along Neil Road, as seen in Fig 2.1, Area A. Duxton Plain Park uses the surprise element of hiding the greenery through the use of huge trees and a staggering of levels.7 As seen in Fig 2.2, the patron is greeted by a flight of stairs and a huge tree, obscuring oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s line of sight from the buildings behind it. By standing at points 1, 2 and 3, one can have a distinctly different view of the park within the cityscape. There are two main categories of public buildings in Duxton - residential and commercial. This clear distinction makes it accessible for residents to reach the basic amenities within convenient distance, whilst distinguishing between the residential and commercial side. Another interesting point in Duxton is the movement analysis of Duxton as seen in the way the main roads spreads out from a main point. As seen in Fig 2.1, the intersections of Neil Road and Cantonment Road, Maxwell Road and Neil Road are the spatial activities area. The areas further away from the main intersections has a higher plot ratio, especially those nearest to the AYE, highlighting the importance of these intersections. Moreover, these areas are less dense as compared to Area A and Area C in Fig 2.1. Area C is located at the southern end of Cantonment Road which forms a cluster of historical buildings that frames the entrance of City Center. This area features a diverse range of building types influenced by styles such as Art Deco style, shaping the cityscape of shophouses there. Fig 3 highlights the shophouse fronts which faces the streets, welcoming people into their shops. Moreover,

Fig 2.2: Section of Duxton Plain (Area A) [Source: Author]

Fig 2.3: Conserved Shophouses (Area B) [Source: Author]

the walkways outside the shophouses distinguishes between the internal private space within the shophouses and that of public spaces along the walkways. A notable and iconic building within that vicinity is the Eng Aun Tong Factory at 89 Neil Road. Built in 1924, the three-story, neoclassical building features a pavilion on the roof top.8 Pinnacle@duxton plays a paramount role in shaping the urban landscape of Duxton whilst attempting to resolve Singaporeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ever-growing population. 9 Catering to the low plot ratio within the shophouses, Pinnacle@duxton solves this with more residential areas in the commercialized area. This harmonious coexistence of high-rise, high-density residential area with the low shophouses adds to the richness of social and public spaces within Duxton.

Land Use

Activities

Fig 2.4: Human Use of Duxton [Source: Author]

Fig 2.5: Duxton Plain Park [Source: URA]

As seen in Fig 2.4, Duxton has a well-integrated mix of uses within its buildings which is joined with a long tract of greenery, the Duxton Plain Park, as seen in Fig 2.6 in black. Distinguishing itself with several markers, identity and form to the space is forged. These markers come in the form of a huge signboard, the trunk of a large tree marking the path towards a court, the shaded pedestrian pathway below Neil Road and the end of the park leading to a major road. It is a public space which caters to the various needs of different generations. Other than the courts and playgrounds for children, the elderly frequent the area in front of the Community Centre in the evenings to watch TV. Moreover, this spot is used for performance practices, such as lion dance and taiji. The Northern end of the Park is a favorite spot for couples whilst residents extend their external walkways with furniture and flower pots. With this dynamic use of public space, Duxton residents are able to contribute to the harmonious and peaceful comunity.10 Shophouses, as seen in light grey, are all commercialized, yet retains the conserved external facade. The sheltered walkways surrounding the building provides a barrier between private and public space and can be seen in the form of arches. 2 Notable buildings that shapes the human use around it is Eng Aun Tong and Jinrikisha Station. The curved pediment in Jinriksha Station provides a good avenue and opening on both sides, attracting many potential tenants there. The Eng Aun Tong is a rectangular foreboding building that houses design and business firms and stands out from its neighboring buildings such as the Pinnacle@duxton.11 Pinnacle@Duxton incorporated the transition of public and private space in

Fig 2.6: Skybridge [Source: Pinnacle@Duxton website]

the form of a park connector in its ground floor. By elevating the ceiling of the park three stories high, a space is created that shields the settlements from the external streets. Features such as exercise nodes and a pavilion makes the public space more welcoming to passer-bys.12 Distinguishing between private and public spaces, a variety of strategic openings are placed to allow a smooth permeability into the park and around the nodes of social places. Also, the many linkages within the Pinnacle@Duxton promotes a well-connected and compact model of sustainable urban space as well as a diverse community within a high-density compound. The Sky Gardens, a notable feature of Pinnacle@Duxton also contributes to the dynamic use of such types of public spaces, as seen in Fig 2.6. Playgrounds as well as shared talk spaces incorporated within the sky gardens direct the movement of people, encouraging closer ties to be fostered within the community. 13

Reflections Drivers of Urban Change:

Areas under conservation

Duxton was once a normal area until sold to wealthy Chinese developers, who built the two to three story shophouses. The abundance of rickshaw pullers led to the growth in gambling dens and brothels, and until recently was littered with shady bars and frequented by prostitutes and those seeking their services. It was a seedy area known for its high rate of criminal incidences. This, coupled with illegal prostitution resulted in numerous police raids.14 Overtime, the area started to experience a change in atmosphere for the better, and develop a better reputation. This was due to the bars being unable to renew their licenses as the area was designated a historic district within Chinatown by the Urban Renewal Authority (URA) and zoned under URAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Master Plan of 2008.15 URA mainly allowed businesses that complemented the heritage and history of the place, and would not create noise pollution or disrupt traffic. This change saw the emerging of businesses including cafes,

Skidrow to Pleasent

Old and new

bookstores, restaurants and even a high-end bicycle shop. The area was also more peaceful when rickshaws were slowly out-competed by better forms of transport and eradicated by legislation.16 The fighting stopped and there was a large reduce in demand for opium and gambling dens, and brothels. The Jinricksha Station also fell out of importance and was used for other purposes. Currently, the rent in the area is also relatively lower than similar places like Tiong Bharu, attracting more new businesses. This then attracts youths, the working crowd and still meets the needs of the original folk. Despite all these major changes to the scene, the place still maintains its historical significance, with the shophouses keeping their traditional facade, but with its interior modernly designed and furnished.

Relationship between Urban Form and Public Life:

Modern and tradition merged in a shophouse

Everton Park

Cafes opened under the HDB

Being a conserved site did not stop the development of the area. As demand for housing grew, modern high rise housing was constructed. This created a stark contrast of the traditional shophouses with the modern high rises.

A possible shortcoming of the Duxton and Everton area is that despite restoring and conserving the shophouses and buildings with historical significance, many people do not know the rich history of the place. They do not know what former glory many of these restored buildings use to hold, like the Jinricksha Station, the Haw Par Tiger Balm building or even the shophouses that used to house the hardworking rickshaw pullers. The charm of the area would be much more amplified were we to be aware of what grandeur the area once was.

The mix of traditional buildings and new businesses like cafes have resulted in an increase in different age groups frequenting the area. Since the area was originally occupied mostly by bars, working adults and the areaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s citizens made the bulk of the occupants. As the number of bars decreased, and more trendy places like cafes, restaurants and galleries popped up in both Duxton and Everton Park, it attracted a larger variety of age groups. Foot traffic has increased, and the place hosts a more appropriate crowd, improving the overall mood and reputation of the area, while maintaining its traditional charm.

BUGIS, BRAS BASAH & ROCHOR

Maghain Aboth Synagogue: Jewish History through Architecture By Shireen Yeo

Introduction

The plain exterior gives little clue to the detailed interior furnishing of the Maghain Aboth Synagogue 1

In the mid-1800s, a small number of Jews settled in Singapore where they found they could practise their religion freely while seeking business opportunities. The Maghain Aboth Synagogue was thus built to serve the religious needs of their growing numbers. Currently, it is one of only two synagogues in Singapore serving the small Jewish community and is the oldest Jewish synagogue in Southeast Asia. It serves as an apt architectural representation of the Jewish community in Singapore as its existence is very much tied to the history of Jews in Singapore. Its existence could also be seen as a reflection of the religious diversity, tolerance and freedom in Singapore as it stands within close proximity of other religious sites. It has been recognized by local authorities that this synagogue holds a certain value to the history of Singapore and should be preserved. However, there have been little in-depth study about the social and political impact represented by the synagogue on top of the cultural and architectural value of the building. This paper thus seeks to discuss the origins of the synagogue and how it might be significant for historians and architects through textual discussion, photographic references and architectural analysis of the space. The Maghain Aboth Synagogue in 2009 2

The Jews of Singapore To study the history of the synagogue is to study the history of the Jewish community in Singapore. By understanding this deep relationship, one can appreciate how the synagogue played a significant role for the Jewish community in Singapore. The history of Jews in Singapore begins when a small number of Jewish traders started settling in Singapore after the colonization of Singapore and its establishment as a trading port. Not only did they see their businesses prosper in the budding economy, but they also found that Singapore was relatively free of anti-Semitic beliefs and they were allowed to practice their religion freely. 3 Thus began the friendship between the Jewish settlers and Singapore. Despite the fact that there was only a small group of Jewish settlers at that time, they were given fair treatment. The British governing authorities at the time displayed a respect for the Jewish religious practices by leasing them the land on which the first Jewish synagogue was built in 1841. This was established on a street aptly named synagogue street which was a simple row of shop houses. The first synagogue comprised one of these shop houses and was sufficient to accommodate the religious observances of about 40 people. According to historical records, this was probably prompted by the arrival of prominent Jewish businessmen of the Sassoon family. As they established business interests in Singapore, they became the catalyst for more Jews (relatives and employees to settle in Singapore. The location of this synagogue was appropriately chosen as it was within walking distance from the Jewish community which had mostly settled and were living near Raffles Place. 4

An old map of the area where Maghain Aboth Synagogue was built at the street previously known as Church Street 9

As the Jewish population continued to grow and the new Jewish settlers began to settle further north, the original synagogue on Synagogue Street became inadequate. Thus, the Jewish leaders saw the need to acquire a new piece of land on which to build a newer and larger synagogue capable of holding more people and was also better located for the Jewish people in Singapore. In 1870, negotiations were underway for land to be bought over from Raffles Institution for $4000. However, the conditions of the agreement could not be met and it was voided. 5 In 1873, a wealthy and influential Jew returned to Singapore and played a pivotal role in finally acquiring a new piece of land for the synagogue to be built. He made a request to the government to sell the old synagogue and build a new one. In a second show of cordiality, the British approved this and a new piece of land was granted to them. The new synagogue was to stand on a site at Church Street (now known as Waterloo Street), just a stone’s throw away from where the main bulk of the Jewish community now lived near the South Canal Road. In 1878, the new synagogue was consecrated as the Maghain Aboth Synagogue, which means “Shield of our Fathers”. By 1879, the synagogue was serving well its 172 Jewish members in Singapore. 6

The upper balcony for women was a later addition to the building 10

That Maghain Aboth Synagogue underwent many phases of change since its beginning. Photos taken in 1978 show blue window frames against a white painted walls compared to the current yellow-gold colour scheme it has assumed. Compared to the original architect’s design, an upper balcony has also been added to allow women to attend the services as it is customary for men and women to be separated. Once the only Orthodox Jewish synagogue in Singapore, it is now accompanied by the Chesed El Synagogue built be Sir Menasseh Meyer following a dispute between him and a fellow member in 1904. 7 Today, the two synagogues are active and conduct regular services for it devotees. It has both Sephardim and Ashkenazim members as well as Jews from various geographical origins. It also holds weekly Sunday School classes for the young as is required of its role as beit midrash (house of study). One can also find the only kosher restaurant in Singapore on its grounds and an impressive collection of historic religious artefacts. In recognition of its value to Singapore in both historic and cultural preservation, it was gazetted as a national monument in 1998 by the Preservation of Monuments Board. 8

The much more lavish Chesed El Synagogue contrasts strongly with the simply adorned Maghain Aboth Synagogue 11

The Architecture of the Maghain Aboth Synagogue

Historical map of the neighborhood

A diagram featuring the basic elements of a synagogue 12

The doors leading to the main hall. Women enter through a separate door. 13

Jewish Architecture has never been very rigid about its outward appearance and is allowed to take many different faces on the outside depending on its context. In fact, it is encouraged that each synagogue takes on a unique appearance that suits its geography and context. The architecture of this building fulfils one of its key functions as a mivneh simli, a symbolic structure which reflects the spirit of its community. This forms one of the reasons for why the Maghain Aboth Synagogue must be preserved. As a symbolic structure, it is meant to reflect the spirit of the first Jewish settlers in Singapore, also the first members of the synagogue. 14 Of course, there are certain key characteristics traditionally required for a synagogue. Firstly, it is encouraged that the synagogue be within walking distance of one’s homes and this was probably the first and foremost consideration when choosing the site of the synagogue. As mentioned, the synagogue was moved partially due to the movement of the Jewish homes away from the original synagogue, making it inconvenient for some to travel to the old synagogue. This is in line with a key function known as beit knesset (house of assembly). Secondly, the synagogue also holds all the traditional key elements necessary for its services and religious practices to run. Refer to diagram above showing them in their relative locations. The prayer hall also faces west toward Jerusalem as is traditionally required as a symbol of the Jews’ desire to return to their original homeland. 15

The elaborate Ark where the Torah is kept 16

The windows at the porch 17

The Bimah where the Torah is read from 18

The Maghain Aboth Synagogue was built in a combination of neoclassic and colonial style. It has few adornments except for some religious symbols such as the Star of David over the door. 19 From the unique facade and interior design of the synagogue, one can clearly see the influences to the early Jewish community and the context they lived in. The design was probably chosen due to the influences of the British authorities in allowing the synagogue to exist. Also, many buildings erected for public use at that time chose to be designed in a similar style due to Coleman’s influence in Singapore. 20 Some examples include the Former Saint Joseph’s Institute and CHIJMES, both built in the 1950s. One interesting fact already mentioned about the synagogue was that it originally did not accommodate women. There were no separate seating for women to attend services and prayer in the original design. The main hall was but a simple single storey triple volume space. This was possibly due to the small congregation expected when the synagogue was first erected. As it is not mandatory for Jewish women to attend the services, this particular feature was neglected in the original building given the small number of women attendees to be provided for. However, as the number of Jews increased, it soon became evident that this omission could not go on and the current balcony was installed at the expense of the founder himself.

The Importance of the Jews in Singapore Israel Relations with Singapore

Historical map of the neighborhood

Israeli officers can be spotted in this photo taken during the “Armed Forces Day” parade in 1969 21

Jewish People in Singapore

Historical map of the neighborhood

Mordy Sassoon and Natalia Sassoon at Cherie Sassoon’s Wedding in 2014 23

Some of the Jews who settled in Singapore were prominent businessmen at the time. Despite being a minority community, they too played a part in building the economy of Singapore with our forefathers. Just as the large number of Chinese Settlers here paved the way for diplomatic relations between Singapore and China, the fair treatment and discrimination-free environment afforded to the Jewish settlers aided diplomatic relations between Singapore and Israel. Singapore’s economy has always been founded on the grounds of diplomacy and this same attitude of diplomacy was extended to Israel. It is actually surprising that Singapore has been capable of maintaining these diplomatic ties despite being surrounded by countries which are not so keen on being diplomatic with Israel. A little known fact is that when Singapore first gained independence, former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew immediately set about building the country’s military strength and it was the Israeli military that helped start building the armed forces that are now the strongest in Southeast Asia. In response the Prime Ministers request, a delegation of 6 officers was deployed from Israel to Singapore. They aided in setting up the defence and internal security institutions and helped train the first officers of the Singaporean military. The original guidelines for the Singapore Armed forces was even personally drafted by the late cabinet minister of Israel, Rehavam Ze’evi. 22 Israel’s military was the perfect model to follow as it was also a relatively small state geographically located between many larger neighbors. No doubt, Israel would not have responded so kindly had the Jewish settlers not been kindly treated in our small countries. It is no strange thought then that Singapore would not have flourished if not for Israel’s help. Without its military, Singapore would have been defenceless against potential attacks from the neighboring countries. This would have greatly affected the progress of Singapore in those days. Hence, the relationship between Singapore and Israel is an important one. The existence of the Maghain Aboth Synagogue is a symbol of a community that was accepting and sensitive to the Jewish religious practices and as we respect our diplomatic ties with Israel, we should also respect the synagogue which helped make it happen. Today, Singapore is one of the biggest customers for Israeli arms and important trade agreements have been made between the two countries as a sign of friendship.

Sir Menasseh Meyer seen in this group photo beside Albert Einstein (front row, 4th from the left) 24

Today, the Jewish people in Singapore have fully integrated with the society and continue to make key contributions to the society and economy. In more recent years there have been a large influx of Ashkenazi Jews. Now, the synagogue has members from Sephardic, Ashkenazic and Eurasian origin. Probably the most recognizable Jewish man is the late David Marshall, former Chief Minister of Singapore who played an important role in helping the country gain independence. His family continues to stay in Singapore and making contributions to the country. Descendants of the Sassoon family also continue to live in Singapore. 25

Beach Road

by Diana Yeo, Leung Chi Kwan and Aerilynn Tan

Introduction Beach Road, situated between North Bridge Road and Nicoll Highway, used to mark the boundary of Singapore’s shoreline. Originally given the name of “Beach Street” and 1“Sio Po Hai Ki (Small Singapore’s Seaside)”, Beach road has outlived its initial purpose as a street that once gave scenic view of Singapore’s coast to the residence. Beach Road has evolved from a prime area of luxurious residence, to a region of entertainment for the bourgeois and eventually a bustling area of commerce. Over the years, Beach road has housed generations of emotions and memories that both Singaporeans and foreign immigrants have shared. Throughout the span of Beach Road, junctures between North Bridge Road, Tan Quee Lan Street, Jalan Sultan and Seah Street have allowed a dynamic exchange of ethnic culture, radically transforming the “European Town” image of Beach Road into a place of diverse activities. Along Beach Road, the architectural design of the buildings differ quite significantly from region to region. The architectural design has also differed over the years due to different land use. Starting from a row of 20 European luxurious colonial houses, Beach Road has grown and strayed from homogeneous designs, embracing architectural diversity. Now, Beach Road is almost an epitome of melding the urban and the traditional, innovating the new yet keeping the vintage. Beach Road shows how contrasting architectural designs can reconcile and coexist within a densely populated Singapore. Today, we can find some of Singapore’s avant-garde looking buildings and preservation projects along Beach Road. Such buildings are the Raffles Hotel, DUO, Kampong Glam shophouses, Shaw tower, The Concourse and The Golden Mile. Stood proudly almost at the beginning of Beach Road, the polished and elegant Raffles Hotel reminds us of the road’s former glory and the infiltration of rich colonization taste in architectural design. The fusion of architectural taste is also evident in Haji Lane and Sultan Gate that lead up to Beach Road. The shophouses displayed how European façade has harmoniously complemented the Islamic engravings. Rows of tropical palm trees also graced the culturally charged shophouses, giving birth to a local presence that reflects our colonial past and our identity as a country near the Malaya Straits. Now, Beach Road’s former glory has drastically eroded and the road has gradually lost its popularity in utility among Singaporeans. Iconic buildings such as The Concourse and The Golden Mile are no longer frequent by locals and have seemed to stand in isolation along the streets. Beach road has undergone ample changes, both geographically and architecturally. However, have Singaporeans coped well with such changes? Did our memories of Beach Road get lost in the midst of the ever changing landscape? Regardless, Beach Road is no longer merely an entity of the present. It is a record of Nation’s growth in a small scale.

Picture/photo/sketch that captures the spirit of the place

Eary Days Beach Road. Source: Property-In-Singapore

Picture/photo/sketch that captures the spirit of the place

Present Day Beach Road facing ParkRoyal Hotel. (Photograph taken by Diana Yeo)

Picture/photo/sketch that captures the spirit of the place

Present Day Beach Road modernised shophouses. (Photograph taken by Diana Yeo)

Urban History: Development of Beach Road over the years 1820s-1840s

1870s

historical map of the neighbourhood

VIew of the sea along Beach Road from 1872-1890, with part of the Clyde Terrace Market visible. The spire of the Hajjah Fatimah Mosque can be spotted in the distance(right). Source: National Archives of Singapore(NAS)

historical map of the neighbourhood

Raffles Hotel in 1906, when the sea could still be viewed across Beach Road. Source: NAS

Clyde Terrace Market in the 1920s. Source: Singapore - 500 early postcards Istana Kampong Glam in 1968. Source: NAS

Beach Road, as we know it now, went through several periods of change over the past couple of centuries. Its first recorded history began in 1822, when it was reserved for the European community under Sir Stamford Raffles’ ‘City Plan’, and hence a stretch of 20 European dwelling houses then existed on the site. The exclusive Singapore Club, consisting of highly-ranked merchants and aristocrats, set up its first premises in one of these European residences. Under the ‘City Plan’, Sir Stamford Raffles had also allocated the area of Kampong Glam to the Bugis, Malays, Javanese and Arab. On 14 March 1823, Sir Stamford Raffles commissioned a 56-hectare area of land to the Sultan Hussein, his family, as well as his followers, on which the Istana Kampong Glam(now known as the Malay Heritage Centre) was built. The exact location was to the East of the European town, between Rochor RIver and the sea. 2 A period of change came in 1843, when the first land reclamation of the area began. Previously, the shoreline came right up to Beach Road, but further land reclamation in the 1880s later took place, causing Beach Road to lose its sea-frontage completely. The Hajjah Fatimah Mosque, designed by an unknown Bristish architect, was built between 1845-1846 in the Kampong Glam area. It was declared a National Monument in 1973.

The Gateway twin office towers today, where the Clyde Terrace Market used to be

In the 1870s, due to increasing demand for accomodation, many of the European residences were converted into hostels. A grand, 10-room ‘beach house’ built in the 1830s by Robert Scotts was leased to Dr. Charles Emmerson, who opened it as the Emmerson’s Hotel in 1878. It was later converted to a boarding house for the Raffles Institution in 1883 when Dr. Emmerson passed away. The first house in the stretch of European dwellings was bought over by the Armenian Sarkies Brothers in 1887, who were experienced hoteliers, and developed into the Raffles Hotel which is world-renowned today. It was also declared a National Monument by the Singapore government in 1987, the second National Monument to be designated for preservation in the Bead Road area. 3 On the land that was previously reclaimed in 1843, the Clyde Terrace Market was built in 1873 and completed in 1874. However, it was later demolished in 1983 and replaced by the modern-looking ‘The Gateway’ twin office towers in 1990, which was designed by the famous architect I. M. Pei. 4

Early 1900s

1970s-1980s Golden Mile Complex between 19801999. Source: NAS

The Concourse today

Alhambra Theatre in 1947. Source: NAS

Marlborough Theatre in the 1930s. Source: The New Paper

old photo Shaw Towers today

In the early 1900s, Beach Road developed into a hotspot for leisure and entertainment due to increasing demand for such services. The New Alhambra Cinema was opened in 1907, next to the Clyde Terrace Market, also on reclaimed land. The New Alhamba Cinema was later bought over by Cathay Organisation and renamed Gala Theatre. The Marlborough Cinema was built next to it, and alongside was the original Satay Club on Hoi How Road, which moved to the old Esplanade in 1972. These cinemas were subsequently demolished to make way for the Shaw Towers built in 1976, which still stands onthe site today. 5 From the 1970s to the 1980s, a stretch of Beach Road was developed, called The Golden Mile. During this period of time, Singapore was going through a phase of urban renewal and building boom, and this coincided with a shift in the style of Singapore architecture, which inclined towards International style modern architecture and Brutalist style architecture. As a result, buildings that sprung up along this stretch of road mostly fall into these categories of post-war architecture styles. 6

(Clockwise, from bottom left): Map of Beach Road area, in the 1950s, 1960s and 1980s respectively. Buildings and street highlighted in red no longer exist today. Source: Singapore Street Directory, re-illustrated by author

Notable buildings along this stretch included Golden Mile Complex(1973), Plaza Hotel(1972), The Concourse(1994), as well as Shaw Towers and The Gateway, which were both previously mentioned. Golden Mile Complex was the first building in Singapore that combined multiple functions into a single mixed-use development. It was designed by Gan Eng Oon, William Lim and Tay Kheng Soon of the Singapore architectural firm, Design and Partnership. The site of The Concourse was originally slated for development as Hong Fok Centre in 1981, but its construction halted when the recession hit Singapore in the mid-1980s. In 1987, Architects 61 and architect Paul Rudolph took over the project and re-designed the half-constructed building, eventually producing The Concourse, which was a post-modern high-rise commercial and residential building. It was officially completed on 14 January 1994. 7

Urban Analysis: Beach Road Typology Spatial Analysis: Impression of Spaces at the Street Level District Zoning based on Building Typology (Arranged by Leung Chi Kwan)

North Bridge Road and Bridge Road Comparison (Source: Google Maps)

The boundary of the study area chosen is formed by the fringes of shop houses at North Bridge Road in the North, Nicoll Highway in the South, Bras Basah Road in the West and Crawford Road in the East. The area of study is approximately 65 hectares. The stretch studied intersects Kallang, Rochor and Downtown planning area in the Urban Redevelopment Authority Master Plan for Singapore. The sector is noticeably split into four different districts due to the nature of the urban planning for the area. It becomes evident that the segregation of spaces is due to the organization of building clusters along the road boundaries of North Bridge Road as well as Beach Road. Notably, most buildings face inwards towards the main downtown core leading to the central business district away from Nicoll Highway.

Source: URA Building Height MasterPlan

Building Height and Width Relationship

The four main districts seen here are the Lavender district, the Kampong Glam district, the Central Business district, as well as the Bugis District. The district division is based on human activity which in turn depends on architectural massing. The architectural form and building typology is critical in influencing its use, and consequently affects the building clusters and finally the district distinctions. Commerce tend to associate with the post modernist architectural form notably in The Concourse whilst vernacular form tend to come hand in hand with residential and retail purposes notably in Kampong Glam.

close knitted community in the Kampong Glam region “Just over 4 meters wide in parts, Haji Lane is reputedly Singapore’s narrowest street.“ 8 evidently illustrates this point.v

Beach Road spans approximately 1.65 km from Bras Basah Road to Crawford Road. Beach Road is a 6-lane road of approximately 20 metres across. As a huge emphasis is placed on vehicular transport efficiency to the downtown core, there are very little crossing junctions. As a result, there is a division of people in the near and far side of the road. This arrangement likens to that of the poor physical quality of the environment, where people are divided by a road obstacles. Consequently, there is little diversity in activities.

Footway width 2-7m

In contrast North Bridge road is a 4-lane one way road of approximately 15 metres across. With North Bridge road and Beach road interlinked with shop front lanes, arterial lanes of Haji Lane, Arab Street, Bussorah Street and Sultan Gate, there is an increased chance of human interaction. This forms a

Beach Road*

North Bridge Road*

Total length 1.65km

Total length 2.7km

Street width 18-27m

Street width 10-18m

*Figures provided are rough estimates provided from map data.9 Contrast in building height along the Beach road stretch is more pronounced as compared to North Bridge road. Referencing the URA Master Plan for building height in Singapore, regions not inside the Downtown Core Planning area have practically no building height restriction. Furthermore with a gazetted reserve site Kampong Glam situated within the study area, the resulting cityscape formed from the amalgamation of the post modernistic typology as well as the shop house typology on both sides of Beach road becomes a jarring and unsightly centrepiece in the Beach road stretch.

Land Use

Activities Types of Land Use Along Beach Road Stretch. (Arranged by Leung Chi Kwan)

Commercial Listing in relation to the land use. (Arranged by Leung Chi Kwan)

Population proportion in Crawford* Land Use by percentage of total area* ------

13.4%

Residential

------

21.5%

20-40 ------

28.5%

Commercial

------

49.2%

40-65 ------

37.8%

Mixed Uses

------

6.2%

65<

20.3%

Circulation

------

23.1%

<20

------

*Figures provided are rough estimates provided from map data. While there is a large middle age group inhabiting the Crawford region, at the northe-eastern end of Beach Road, land use of the Beach Road area remains generally focused primarily on commerce, disconnected from the residential areas. The activities in the regi on do not correlate well with the age proportion of the region. The commercial district cater to the younger workforce and does not accomodate the older residents in Crawford. In the conservation belts of Beach Road conservation area as well as Kampong Glam conservation area, large emphasis is placed on Cuisine as well as Textile. According to Jan Gehl model’s for good physical environments in streets, a good balance of necessary and optional activities will give rise to positive social activities and thus result in a better urban environment. It becomes apparent then that both pedestrian as well as vehicular traffic is crucial to the urban performance of the place. Also, too much vehicular emphasis results in increased risk of accidents increased noise and exhaust which result in poorer social activity.10 The kind of land use in the area emulates that of Jan Gehl’s category of poor physical environment of streets with too much focus on primary uses and very little on complimentary ones. With recent projects such as the Duo and South Beach, the Land Use in the Area become more diverse and also more intensive as the line between residential and commercial uses are blurred. It

Analysis of quality of social activities. (Source: Towards a fine City for People, Jan Gehl, 2004)

Shophouse cafes encourage social activities at Bussorah Road.(Source: Google Maps)

becomes more difficult to distinctly separate uses by plot area. With class stratification due to the Master planning of the area and activities divided to the two sides of Beach Road, opportunity for social activities diminishes along the Beach Road stretch. It is relieving to know that social activities are still organized around the gazetted conservation areas which are now increasing diversified within their own regions. Whilst the facade has not changed due to the conservation plans, their uses have changed much over the years and now newer cafes and shops breed a new kind of activity coined by the term “cafe-hopping” drawing a younger and more diverse crowd to revitalise the area. Some primary uses remain integrated to the residential areas such as the Beach Road Army Market. Open eateries also provide people with temporary sitting places, a keystone in good cities identified by Jan Gehl, providing opportunities for rest and for social interactions. Despite Beach Road becoming increasingly diverse, it is a case of localised diversity. Beach Road region remains divided into the northern and southern regions ironically because of the road itself. The diversity is sectorised, leaving the urban fabric disjointed.

Reflections: Beach Road Impressions

New Alhambra Cinema &MarlboroughCinema, 1940. Source: http://remembersingapore.files. wordpress.comjpg?w=640&h=341

Drivers of Urban Change

Raffles Hotel,1950s. Source: National Archives of Singapore

Beach Road, on Raffles Town Map. Source: Antiques of The Orient

Hainanese Settlement, Keng Chiu Building (Photograph taken by Diana Yeo)

SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL DRIVERS Beach Road first acquired recognition when it was known as “the road along the seaside”. This is also one of the main reason why the road had flourished. Apart from the other parts of Singapore, Beach Road encouraged settlement due to its scenic background. Taking into consideration the potential of Beach Road, Sir Stamford Raffles drew up the Raffles Town Plan, which set aside Beach Road as the European Town11. This marks the beginning of Beach Road as a residential area. A row of 20 luxurious European houses were erected along the road12, immediately transforming the place into a friendly neighborhood. This, hence, pushes forth transformation and development for facilities to accommodate comfortable and convenient living, rendering Beach Road one of the earliest roads that was developed. Houses erected during that period of time exude strong colonial taste and European design. Such settlement has brought about the first step of urbanization within Singapore and the eventual move from residential area to an area of entertainment. With the amalgamation of rich Europeans and merchants living along the Beach Road, a taste of high end living was developed to signify their status. As a result, most of their houses included large gardens and additional buildings that housed billiard tables13. Those large gardens within Beach Road render the street neat and orderly, exuding a sense of dignity that is so important in high end European living. An emphasis for greenery throughout the island is then observed as Raffles’ studied how Calcutta had made use of greenery to boast its affluence as a colonial state14. As a result, Beach Road became a small scale imitation of the European settlement and living culture. The billiard room echoed European’s penchant for club communities and exclusive memberships. This eventually prompted clubs like The Singapore Club to be set up15. As such, Beach Road slowly transforms from a fashionable living space into a place for high end and exclusive entertainment. After the World War II, tourism was encouraged to maintain the Singapore’s economy. This resulted in more of the bungalows on Beach Road being converted into hotels. Some hotels are the Raffles Hotel and the Beach Hotel. The

New Alhambra Cinema, Marlborough Cinema and The Satay Club were also set up to increase tourism. As such, we witnessed how the exclusivity and high end living on Beach Road has been slowly neutralized by the entertainment and taste of the commoners. Hotels built in the period of time had also taken into consideration the water tide along the shore, explaining the steps needed to reach the hotel lobby . With influx of tourists and sailors, spats and conflicts had often occurred, eventually prompting the opening of churches16. This guided Beach Road’s growth into a community, and schools like the Raffles Institution and some mission schools were set up17. Beach Road was hence slowly urbanizing, growing from a small residential area to a town. In the late 1880s, Hainanese community started to settle along Beach Road18. This renders Beach Road to take on a different identity and culture. In addition to the pre-existing European architecture, buildings that are characterized by Chinese architecture style such as the seven-storey Keng Chiu building , started to surface along Beach Road. This breaks down Raffles’ initial idea of ethnic geographical segregation19, resulting in a fusion of culture along Beach Road landscape. As such, the urban landuse would also undergo changes to meet the Chinese’s needs. GEOGRAPHICAL DRIVER Land reclamation in the 1843 had also impacted the way Beach Road had urbanized. With the road being pushed further in coast by the reclaimed land20, Beach Road lost its unique characteristic as a road along the coastal shore. Over the years, more things are built on the reclaimed land as the shoreline is expanded further out. The Beach Road Market was built in the late 1880s, followed by more shopping centres such as the Suntec City Convention Hall and The Marina Promenade in the later years. Such rapid growth that was brought about by the reclaimed land made the low rise buildings and shop houses along Beach Road to lose its former glory and popularity among Singaporeans. Beach Road has hence become the “town” of the yester-decade and now considered an off-town area where all the vintage and traditional reside. Beach Road had urbanized over the past century. However, it has ceased to catch up with the new modern era buildings of the late 1990s and beyond.

Relationship between Urban Form and Public Life: Beach Road

Diagram: Evaluation of the spatial quality and condusiveness for diversity/activities

Megastructure Builings including The Golden Mile Complex, The Concourse, DUO and The Shaw Tower now contain multi-facilities, rendering the buildings isolated as human flow from places to places has reduced. (Photographs taken by Diana Yeo)

THE EARLY DAYS In the earliest beginning of Beach Road’s growth, the settlement of the Europeans and their 20 large bungalows had brought about a sense of reverence and admiration for the European wealth among the locals. Their settlement has become a form of pedestal for them to flaunt their power and status as the colonial masters. Such congregation at Beach Road may be intimidating to the commoners and hence brought about ethnic segregation. Most activities along Beach Road in that period was more European focused, reflecting their way of life. GROWTH AS A TOWN The Raffles Hotel, New Alhambra Cinema, mission schools, Central Police Divisional Headquarters and Chinese Association Clans are some examples of Beach Road’s expanding growth into a town where there was increasing human interaction, trade and services. There is a more strategic planning emphasized on the landuse. With more reclaimed land, market competition arise and tourism increased. As such, more services are set up to meet the basic needs of the people and facilities are developed to project a better image to tourists. At that point of time, Beach Road had moved beyond its initial purpose as an exclusive residential area, limited for the Europeans only. Human influx was encouraged and communities are celebrated. PRESENT DAYS Present day Beach Road has a greater architectural diversity than before. However, the different regions and diversity have brought about a sense of isolation, each building independent of the other. Many multi facilities buildings have sprung up and conserved shophouses are now used as vintage shops, bars or cafes. This has rendered the street “shorter”, where people can accomplish multiple activities without having to travel to multiple places. Such stark contrast in human circulation between now and the past has

Section Plan of The Golden Mile Complex showing the diversity of facilities that one can utilise within the building. Source: DP Architects

made the street lonelier. Even though the establishment of the mega structure such as The Concourse, DUO, The Golden Mile Complex, and residential HDBs have brought about a greater human population along Beach Road, the diversity has, however, killed the architectural beauty of the buildings. Singapore Nominated Member of Parliament Ivan Png once mentioned that The Golden Mile Complex has become a “vertical slum” and “national disgrace” when “each individual owner acts selfishly, adding extensions, zinc sheets, patched floors, glass, all without any regard for other owners and without any regard for the national welfare.” 21 22 As such, when more urban forms are created for human use, we need to strike a balance between homogeneity and diversity. Diversity may sometimes breed incoherence and causes the lack of interaction. The more does not necessary mean the merrier. Diversity must only exist within the boundary of interaction where buildings connect and not demarcate.

BEACH ROAD

Sultan Mosque Sultan Mosque by Faizah Ja’affar Sultan Mosque

by Faizah Ja’affar

Sultan Mosque, Sultan Mosque, 18251825 (Source: Sultan Mosque) (Source: Sultan Mosque)

Introduction Introduction

Sultan Mosque, Sultan Mosque, 1938 1938 (Source: Harry Berrow) (Source: Harry Berrow)

From left to right: Sultan Mosque in 1825, 1938, and 2014

The first Masjid Sultan was built in 1824 forin Sultan Hussein Shah to Husbefit his The first Masjid Sultan was built 1824 for Sultan Architectural History status. The East India Company promised him a sum of money as a gift to sein Shah to befit his status. The East India Company The first Masjid Sultan was built in By 1824 forSultan’s the sultan of Singapore and Johor,with Sultan contribute to the building cost. the order and help, along Hussein Shah, tothe befit his status. Sir Stamford Raffles promised himclose a gift to of $3000 cooperation of Muslim devotees, the as mosque was built histo palpromised him a sum of money a gift to contribute 1 (Spanish Dollars) from East India Company to contribute the funds of the buildace . The mosque wasthe a singlestorey brick-like structuretowith a tiered roof 2 along with cost. Byofthe Sultan’s and help, cooperation of the Muslim devothe building cost.order Bypyramid the Sultan’s order and help, along ining a shape a truncated . This architecture was reflective of the tees, the mosque was builtculture close tothen his palace. Southeast Asian Muslim as it was modelledthe frommosque the typical with cooperation of the Muslim devotees, mosques in Java, Indonesia3. 1 structure with a tiered roof in a shape of a The mosque was a single-storey brick-like was builtpyramid. close to his palace .reflective The mosque was a single-in the truncated This architecture wasby the culture of the Muslims The mosque had been administered royaltyofuntil 1879, during the reign storey brick-like structure with a mosques tieredwas roof in a shape 4 as it wasAlam modelled the typical in Java, Indonesia. , when a committee appointed to adofregion Sultanthen Alauddin Shahfrom minister the mosque. By 1924,2the 100-year-old mosquewas required many re. This architecture reflective of a truncated pyramid Sincetothe completion the to mosque, was always generally the pairs sustain itself.of Also meet itthe new needs of theadministered communitybythen, royal family. It was only Asian 55 years later on 16 1879, during of the Southeast Muslim culture then asthe itreign wasof Sultan they proposed to rebuild the mosque onOctober the same site. The old mosque Alauddin Alam Shah (alsoby known asin Tengku Alam, whose tomb is located at theof3front was demolished phase phase conjunction with the construction modelled from the typical mosques in Java, Indonesia . of new the mosque), special was appointed by him bemosque responsible the mosquewhen froma 1925 tocommittee 1928 so that the functions oftothe 5 for not the general administration of the mosque. In 1914, its land lease was extended for was disrupted .

another and a new Board of Trustees was appointed. The mosque had been administered by royalty until This new mosque was designed by Swan and McLaren Architects. “It is a By 1924, mosque was a hundred years oldTurkish and it required many repairs to , 1879, during thePersian, reign of Sultan Alauddin Alam Shah mixture ofthe Classical, Moorish and themes combined to4sustain 6 then, they proposed to rebuild itself. Also to meet the new needs of the community form the recognisable Islamic Saracenic style” . Throughout its interior and when aparts, committee was appointed to nadminister the mosque onitthe same site. The buildingarabesque cost of the ew mosque wasthe estimated exterior had intricate complex patterns, tessellations to be S$100, 000.along The old mosque wasdoors, demolished phase byand phase in conjunction and calligraphy its windows, balustrades even chandemosque. By 1924, the 100-year-old mosque required 7 the construction of the new mosque between 1925 and 1928 to ensure that the with . liers mosquerepairs was couldto function at all times. many sustain itself. Also to meet the new It could have possibly been the influence of theproposed Arab and Indian traders needs ofmosque the community then, they toArchitects. rebuild was designed by Denis Santry of Swan andisMcLaren atThis thatnew time, however, this Indo-Saracenic architecture arguably ‘out of “It is a mosque mixture Classical, Persian, Moorish and Turkish themes combined to form the the oncontext, the same site. The old mosque was place’ in the of Asian unlike the original mosque architecture of the recognisable Islamic Saracenic style” of (URA, p. 6).inThroughout itsWith interior mosque which revealed a culture the1991, natives the region. its and twoexdemolished phase phase in with the terior parts, it had intricateby complex arabesque patterns, tessellations and calligraphy massive golden onion-shaped domes andconjunction four minarets, the mosque looks along This its windows, doors, balustrades and even chandeliers. could have possiblyas grand. element isthe a royalty influence rather than anIt Islamic influence construction of new mosque from 1925 to 1928 so been the influence of the Arab and Indian traders at that time, however, this IndoIslam discourages the flaunting of wealth. 5 Unlike Saracenic is arguably of place’ inwas the Southeast Asian context. . that the architecture functions of the‘out mosque not disrupted

Sultan Mosque, Sultan Mosque, 2014 2014 (Source: Author) (Source: Author)

This new mosque was designed by Swan and McLaren Architects. “It is a mixture of Classical, Persian, Moorish The hasthemes undergonecombined many repairsto over time,the including expansion andmosque Turkish form recognisable works when an annexe building was constructed adjacently in 1993. Up till 6 the original mosque which revealed a. culture of the Malay natives inworks the region, this today, Masjid Sultan is consistently undergoing restoration to ensure Islamic Saracenic style” Throughout its interior and exnew was vastly different.isWith massive thatbuilding its 90-year-old building safeits fortwo public use.golden onion-shaped domes terior parts, the it had intricate complex arabesque patterns, and four minarets, mosque looks grand. This element is an influence of the Royal ideology rather than an Islamic ideology. tessellations and calligraphy along its windows, doors, balustrades and even chandeliers7. It could have possibly been the influence of the Arab and Indian traders at that time, however, this IndoSaracenic architecture is arguably ‘out of place’ in the Asian context, unlike the original mosque architecture of the mosque which revealed a culture of the natives in the region. With its two massive golden onion-shaped domes and four minarets, the mosque looks grand. This element is a royalty influence rather than an Islamic influence as Islam discourages the flaunting of wealth. Variation of the domes, and the arabesque patterns integrated into the doors

of thehas domes, and the arabesque patterns integrated into the doors The Variation mosque undergone many repairs over time, National Library Board) over the years. This inThe building has undergone(Source: many repairs and renovations including expansion when annexe cludes expansion works with theworks construction of anan annexe buildingbuilding located adjacently to the existing building in 1993. Today, the mosque still stands majestically with was constructed adjacently in 1993. Up till today, Masjid its massive golden domes and its intricate architecture. To sustain this, Masjid Sultan is consistently undergoing restoration works to is isSultan consistently undergoing restoration works to ensure that its 86-year-old building safe for its users.

ensure that its 90-year-old building is safe for public use.

of the British. The Sultan was defiant when Crawfurd ordered to build roads whose paths cut across his citaChanges del.Urban Despite this, Crawfurd compellingly breached the Sultan’s wall to make way for the road construction9. Urban Changes This was humiliating to the Sultan’s kingship as the loss Before the first Masjid Sultan was built, there was a distinct boundary of the Before the mosque was built, wasof a authority distinct Before the first Masjid Sultan wasmarked built, therethere was distinct boundary Royal of Citadel. control over land theaRiver loss toRoyal Citadel. Thishis boundary measured from the Rochor Riverofallthe the way This boundary measured from the Rochor all the way to Beach Road, boundary of the Royal Citadel as shown on the right. to Beach Road, with the main entrance along the Beach then. However, with the main entranceTrue along the Beach then.the However, the Beach Road boundarythe wards the island. enough, British were successBeach Road boundary inboundary March 1823 to the present day Pahang However, the Beach retreated in March retreated in March 1823 toretreated theRoad present day Pahang Street. There was then wall breach fulinStreet. as the 2 roads still today while the 1824 for the construction offunctions Victoria followed by another wallSultan’s breach in 1825 There was then wall breachStreet in 1824 for the construction of Victoria 1823 to the present day Pahang Street. There were then for the extension of Bridge Road. Street followed byNorth another wall breach in 1825 for the extension of North Citadel has been much compromised. 8 wall breaches in 1824 and1825 for the construction of Bridge Road . The Sultan Mosque was built around the time of the wall breaches and these8series of . The Street and North Bridge respectively incidents a sign of the authority strugglesRoad during that period between Sultan AsVictoria part ofshowed Singapore’s urbanisation, the Rochor district The Sultan Mosque was built around time of the wall breaches and Hussein and John Crawfurd, who acted on the behalf of the British. The Sultan was defiant Sultan Mosque was built around the time of the wall theseCrawfurd series ofordered incidents showed awhose sign of the cut authority struggles dur-inthis, changed a lot. Kampong Rochor became Bugis Town when to build roads paths across his citadel. Despite Crawfurd compellingly breached theHussein Sultan’s wall toJohn makeCrawfurd, way for thewho road construcbreaches and these series of incidents showed a sign ing that period between Sultan and acted 1822, but was demolished inkingship 1965 and to the make way for the tion. This was humiliating toThe the Sultan Sultan’swas lossCrawfurd of controlordered over his land on behalf of the British. defiant when of the authority struggles during that period, between 10 marked the loss of authority towards the island. Although the construction of the . The areasthis, surroundpresent to buildday roadscommercial whose paths cutbuildings across his citadel. Despite Crawfurd roads did Hussein not please the Sultan, it wasCrawfurd, an advantage as it allowed better public access Sultan and John who acted on behalf compellingly breached Sultan’s wall to make for thearoad ingto the mosque alsothe has changed fromway being partconstrucof the newly built mosque. 9 . This was humiliating to thewas Sultan’s kingship and the loss of control tion of the British. The Sultan defiant when Crawfurd royal grounds, to having an influx ofand shop houses that the Tengku Alam continued his grandfather’s royal line maintained theAlthough Istana andthe over his land marked the loss of authority towards the island. ordered to build roads whose paths cut across his cita11 mosque untilfrom heofpassed away in 1891 was the thenSultan, buried at the front of the mosque. were built 1840s .please The roads too have been construction thethe roads did notand it was an advantage as del. Despite Crawfurd compellingly breached the it allowed betterthis, public access the newly built mosque. morphed significantly. Fortotheinstance, Masjid Sultan itself As part of Singapore’s urbanisation, Rochor district changed a lot. Kampong 9 Sultan’s wall to Town make way road construction Rochor became Bugis in 1822, butfor wasthe demolished in 1965 during to make way .for has caused North Bridge Road to be altered Tengku Alam continued his grandfather’s royal line and maintained the present day commercial buildings. TheSultan’s areas surrounding the mosque alsothe has This was humiliating to the kingship as the loss Istana and the mosque until he passed away in 1891 and was then changed from being a part of royal grounds, to having an influx of shop houses that mosque reconstruction in 1924, where it was forcedburied were built from the roads too have been over tothe of control hisThe land marked themorphed loss ofsignificantly authority at the front ofover the1840s. mosque. to years. bend along of North the Bridge mosque asbethe mosque Masjid Sultanthe itself front has caused Road to altered during mosque wards the island. True enough, the British were successreconstruction in 1924, where it was forced to bend a little along the front theKamAs part of Singapore’s urbanisation, the Rochor district changed aoflot. reorientate itself to be in the direction of Mecca. mosque as the2mosque reorientate itself to be in the direction of Mecca. The road was ful as the roads still functions today while the Sultan’s pong Rochor became Bugis Town in 1822, but was demolished in 1965 to also extended beyond Arab Street. make wayhas for the present day commercial buildings10. The areas surroundCitadel been much compromised. Other roads can be seen to have changed to meet to to ing the mosque also has changed from being a part of royal Other roads can be seen to have widened or narrowed to meet to thegrounds, traffic demands 11 theas traffic tothat the rapid As roads the number of vehicles indue Singapore increased dueurbanisation. to the rapid urbanisation. For having an demands influx of shop houses were built from the 1840s . The As part of Singapore’s urbanisation, Rochor district example, Jalan Pinang has narrowed from the 1970s tothe 2014 as theSultan buildings sur-has too have been morphed significantly. For instance, Masjid itself shown on the right, Jalan Pinang has narrowed fromwidened the rounding it changed. Victoria Street onRochor the other hand, can be seen to have changed a lot. Kampong became Town in causedtoNorth Bridge Roadato be altered during mosqueBugis reconstruction in to cater the needs ofthe beingbuildings main road. surrounding it changed. 1970s to 2014 as 1924, where it wasdemolished forced to bend along the front of the mosque as the the 1822, but was in 1965 to make way for Victoria Street on the other hand, can be seen to have present day commercial buildings10. The areas surroundwidened to cater to the greater needs. ing the mosque also has changed from being a part of royal grounds, to having an influx of shop houses that were built from the 1840s11. The roads too have been morphed significantly. For instance, Masjid Sultan itself has caused North Bridge Road to be altered during mosque reconstruction in 1924, where it was forced to bend along the front of the mosque as the mosque reorientate itself to be in the direction of Mecca.

Urban Changes

Other roads can be seen to have changed to meet to the traffic demands due to the rapid urbanisation. As shown on the right, Jalan Pinang has narrowed from the 1970s to 2014 as the buildings surrounding it changed. BoundaryofofGazetted Gazetted Conservation of Kampong Boundary Conservation AreaArea of Kampong Glam Glam (Source: URA) Victoria Street on the other hand, can be seen to have widened to cater to the greater needs.

Compromisation of the Royal Citadel at Kampong Glam (Source: Author adapted from Dr Imran bin Tajudeen)

Also, using Masjid Sultan as a reference point, one can realise how much land reclamation was done along the southern boundary of Singapore. Beach Road was once along the beach (Map above), hence Masjid Sultan was of a closer proximity to the bay waters. Today, however, land has been reclaimed beyond Beach Road hence the mosque’s proximity to the waters today has doubled, with the existence of roads like the Nicoll Highway. Due to the many urban changes occured, the Kampong Glam district has been then gazetted as a historical conservation area since 1989. Hence the urban changes made to the district since then is being controlled in Compromisation of the its Royal Citadel at Kampong Glam (Source: Author adapted from Dr order to retain heritage values. Compromisation of the Royal Citadel at Kampong Glam Imran bin Tajudeen) (Source: Author adapted from Dr Imran bin Tajudeen)

Also, using Masjid Sultan as a reference point, one can realise how much land reclamation was done along the southern boundary of Singapore. Beach Road was once Morphological Changes of Kampong Glam above), hence Masjid Sultan was along the beach (Map of a closer proximity to the bay waters. Today, however, land has been reclaimed beyond Beach Road hence the mosque’s proximity to the waters today has doubled, with the existence of roads like the Nicoll Highway. Due to the many urban changes occured, the Kampong View of Jalan Pinang from Street in 1970s and 2014 (Source: SingapuraStories and Glam district hasVictoria been then gazetted as a historical author) View of Jalan Pinang from Victoria Street inof1970s and 2014 conservation area since Hence the urban changes mosque reorientate itself to be in1989. the direction Mecca. (Source: SingapuraStories) (Source: Author) made to the district since then is being controlled in Other roads can be seen to have changed to meet to the traffic demands order torapid retain its heritage values. due to the urbanisation. As shown on the right, Jalan Pinang has narrowed from the 1970s to 2014 as the buildings surrounding it changed. Victoria Street on the other hand, can be seen to have widened to cater to the greater needs.

View of Jalan Pinang from Victoria Street in 1970s and 2014

Also, using Sultan a reference oneascan realise how much Since 1989, the Masjid Kampong Glamas district has beenpoint, gazetted a conservation area due land reclamation was done along the southern boundary of Singapore. to its great historical value, this area spans from Victoria Street up to Beach Road.

Beach Road was once along the beach (Map above), hence Masjid Sultan

Using Sultanproximity as a reference point, one can realise howhowever, much landland reclamation wasMasjid of a closer to the bay waters. Today, has been was done along the southern boundary of Singapore. This is evident in Figure 5 where reclaimed beyond Beach Road hence the mosque’s proximity to the waters Beach Road was literally along the beach, hence Masjid Sultan was of a closer proximhas waters. doubled, with the existence roads like the NicollBeach Highway. itytoday to the bay Today, however, land has of been reclaimed beyond Road hence the mosque’s proximity to the waters today has doubled, as shown above, with to theofmany urban changes occured, theand Kampong Glam district has theDue existence areas and roads like Republic Avenue the Nicoll Highway.

been then gazetted as a historical conservation area since 1989. Hence the urban changes made to the district since then is being controlled in order to retain its heritage values.

View of Jalan Pinang from Victoria Street in 1970s and 2014 (Source: SingapuraStories) (Source: Author)

Spatial Analysis

Although Although the the primary primary activity activity is is located located in in the the menmentioned main building, the Annex Building built tioned main building, the Annex Building built in in 1993 1993 holds other important functions of the mosque. This holds other important functions of the mosque. This in in includes includes an an auditorium, auditorium, aa conference conference room, room, 22 multimultipurpose halls, classrooms and administrative offices. purpose halls, classrooms and administrative offices. main entrance of the mosque is at the back, the exits on the left and right leads to the ablution area for convenience. Although the primary activity is located in the mentioned main building, the Annex Building built in 1993 holds other important functions of the mosque. This in includes an auditorium, a conference room, 2 multipurpose halls, classrooms and administrative offices.

Floor Floor plan plan of of Level Level 11 of of Main Main Bulding, Bulding, 1991 1991 (Source: (Source: Author Author adapted adapted from from URA) URA)

As one enters the main entrance at the back of the mosque, a mini gallery greets him on the sides while seeing the Mihrab directly ahead across the prayer hall. The large prayer halls are the most dominant space in the mosque, and holds important elements of the 12 and the Mimbar13 mosque - the Mihrab12 and the Mimbar13.. This This prayer prayer hall hall takes takes up up 22 storeys storeys of of the the building. building. The The first first floor floor is for the men while the second floor is for the plan ofofLevel Main Bulding, 1991 Author isFloor forFloor the men while the second floor is strictly strictly plan Level 11ofof Main Bulding, 1991 (Source: adaptedfor fromthe URA) (Source: Author adapted fromare URA) women. As such, tourists generally prohibited women. As such, tourists are generally prohibited to to As enters the main entrance atallowed the back at ofon the mosque, afloor. mini enter the second but the first Asone one enters thefloor main entrance the back thegallery enter the second floor but allowed on the firstof floor. greets him on the sides while seeing the Mihrab directly ahead across the mosque, a mini gallery greets him on the sides while prayer hall. While the prayer halls are public While the prayer halls are considered considered public spaces, seeing the Mihrab directly ahead across thespaces, prayer hall. the mausoleum located at the front of the mosque The large prayer hallslocated are the are most dominant in the mosque, and the at the frontspace of the mosque is Themausoleum large prayer halls most dominant spaceis 12 and the Mimbar13. holds important elements of the mosque the Mihrab however a private space. Roofed by one of the golden however aan private space. Roofed by onetheofdirection the golden in the mosque, and holds ofofthe The Mihrab, elaborated concaveimportant wall, indicateselements Mecca 12 13 domes, it holds the tombs of the late Tengku Alam and domes, it holds the tombs of the late Tengku Alam and and the Mimbar . This prayer mosque - the isMihrab while the Mimbar the pulpit positioned near the Mihrab where the Imam other royalty. As this space is sacred, there is no enwill broadcast his sermons. other royalty. As this space is sacred, there is no enhall takes up 2 storeys of the building. The first floor trance located of the mosque at the front. While the trance located of the mosque atbuilding. the front. While the is for the men while the second floor is the This prayer hall takes up 2 storeys of the Thestrictly first floorfor is for the males to pray while the second floor is strictly only for the women. women. As such, tourists are generally prohibited Like to all mosques, the prayer hall for the ladies usually have a high privacy. As such, enter the second floor but allowed on the first floor. only the first floor is open to tourists and visitors as they are prohibited to enter the second floor.

While the prayer halls are considered public spaces,

While the prayer halls are considered public spaces, the mausoleum lothe mausoleum located at the front of the mosque is cated at the front of the mosque is however a private space. Roofed by one however private space. Roofed bylate one of the golden of the goldenadomes, it holds the tombs of the Tengku Alam and other royalty. As this space is sacred, there is no entrance located of the mosque domes, it holds the tombs of the late Tengku Alam and

other royalty. As this space is sacred, there is no entrance located of the mosque at the front. While the

Site Original Building and Building, Site Map Showing Original Building andAnnex Annex Building, 20142014 Site Map Map Showing Showing Original Building and Annex Building, 2014 (Source: Author adapted from Google Maps) (Source: Author adapted from Google Maps) (Source: Author adapted from Google Maps)

Site Map Showing Original Building and Annex Building, 2014 (Source: Author adapted from Google Maps) View Hall (Source: Author) View from from Level Level 22 Prayer Prayer Hall (Source: Author) View from Level 2 Prayer Hall (Source: Author)

at the front. While the main entrance of the mosque is at the back, the exits on the left and right leads to the ablution area for convenience. Although the primary activity is located in the mentioned main building, the Annex Building built in 1993 holds other important functions of the mosque. This in includes an auditorium, a conference room, 2 multi-purpose halls, classrooms and administrative offices.

View from Level 2 Prayer Hall (Source: Author)

Socio-Cultural Roles Socio-Cultural Rules The roles of the Sultan Mosque has evolved very much Socio-Cultural Roles Socio-Cultural Roles over the years. In 1823, the primary function of the The roles of the Sultan Mosque has evolved very much

The roles was of theonly Sultanas Mosque has evolved very much over the years. In mosque a praying area for the Kampong The roles of the Sultan Mosque has evolved very much over the 1823,ofthe primary of the 1823, theyears. primaryIn function the mosque wasfunction only as a praying area for Glam community and the royal family. However, as over thewas years. In 1823, the function of the the Kampong Glam community andprimary the royalfor family. mosque only as a praying area the Kampong Singapore continued flourisharea as afor trading hub over mosque was only as ato praying the Kampong Glam community the royal family. However, as the next However, as Singaporeand continued to flourish as a trading hub over the next century, the population rapidly increased from Glam community and the royal family. However, as century, the population rapidly increased from 11, 000 inhabitants in 1824 Singapore continued to flourish as a trading hub over 11, inhabitants to14. 30, 000 in topopulation 81, 000 Thisas rise intrading the1836 general to000 30, 000 in 1836 to 81, in 0001824 in 1860 Singapore continued to flourish a hub over the next century, the population rapidly increased from 14 includes the rise rise in thein Muslim populationpopulation as well, particularly the traders inthe 1860 . This the general includes next century, the population rapidly increased from 11,from 000 inhabitants inRiau 1824 to 30, 000 1836 to 81, 000at Bugis, Java, Sumatra, Islands, as well asin India and Arab traders the rise in the Muslim population as well, particularly 11, 000 inhabitants in 1824 to 30, 000 in 1836 to 81, 000 14 that time. in 1860 14. This rise in the general population includes the traders. This fromrise Bugis, Java, Sumatra, Riau Islands, as in 1860 in the general population includes the in the Muslim particularly By rise the 1870s, Singapore waspopulation the economic as andwell, cultural centre of the well as India and Arab traders at that time. By the 1870s, the rise in the Muslim population as well, particularly 15 . As such, Riau being Islands, centrally located Malay-Muslim worldBugis, in Southeast the traders from Java,Asia Sumatra, as in Singapore was the economic and cultural offor the the traders fromplays Bugis, Java,role Sumatra, Riau Islands, as town, Masjid Sultan a primary in meeting thecentre demands this well as India and Arab traders at that time. By the 1870s, 15 growing population ofArab Singapore then.at that Malayo-Muslim world intraders Southeast Asia . AsBysuch, being well as India and time. the 1870s, Singapore was the economic and cultural centre of the centrally located in town, plays a primary Singapore wasinthe economic andSultan centre of the The new building 1928, could Masjid now host upcultural to 5000 15 worshippers. Many Malayo-Muslim world in Southeast Asia being 15. As such, significant events and activities took place in the mosque, such as Quran role in meeting the demands for thisAsia growing populaMalayo-Muslim world in Southeast . As such, being centrally located in town, Masjid Sultan recital competitions and Ramadhan bazaars. It also plays becameaa primary gathering centrally located in town, Masjid Sultan plays a primary tion of Singapore then. The new building in 1928, could space religious teachings and learnings as religious classes were held role ininfor meeting the for growing popularole meeting thedemands demands forthis this growing populanow host up to 5000 worshippers. Many significant there. tion then. The new building in could tionofofSingapore Singapore then. newin building in 1928, 1928, could events and activities tookThe place the mosque, such as Authorities sawto the5000 need to expand the mosque by building the Annex now host up worshippers. Many significant now host upcompetitions to 5000 worshippers. Many significant Quran recital and Ramadhan bazaars. It culBuilding in 1993, which further provided a centre for education, social, events and activities took place in the mosque, such as events and activities took place in the mosque, such tural and family needs of the Singaporean Muslim population. In addition, also became a gathering space for religious teachingsas Quran recital and Ramadhan bazaars. the mosque hascompetitions become a prominent tourist spot for foreigners whoIt Quran recital competitions and Ramadhan bazaars. Itvisit and learnings as religious classes were held 16 there. . With the gallery at Singapore. Hundreds of tourists visit the mosque daily also became aagathering space for teachings also became gathering space forreligious religious teachings the entrance giving a comprehensive understanding of Islam and Muslims, and asas religious classes were there. Authorities saw needrole to expand theheld mosque and learnings religious classes were held there.by comthelearnings mosque plays athe significant in introducing the Malay-Muslim munity of Singapore towards the rest of the world. building the Annex Building in 1993, which further Authorities saw the need to expand the mosque by Authorities saw the need toroles expand thecultural mosque by a small provided a centre forMosque’s education, social, and In conclusion, the Sultan have evolved from serving building the Annex Building in 1993, which further building the Annex Building inaudience 1993, which further community to having international today. These roles noIn lonfamily needs of theanSingaporean Muslim population. ger just areajust religious but has become social, more than socio-cultural, impactprovided centre for education, cultural and provided a centre for education, social, cultural and addition, thefabric mosque has become a prominent tourist ing theneeds urban of Kampong Glam. Muslim family ofofthe Singaporean population. In family needs the Singaporean Muslim population. spot for foreigners who visit Singapore. Hundreds of In addition, the mosque has become a prominent tourist addition, the mosque has become a prominent 16 . With the gallerytourist at the tourists visit the mosque daily spot for foreigners who visit Singapore. Hundreds of spot for foreigners who visit Singapore. Hundreds entrance giving a comprehensive understanding ofofIs16 16 . . With the at tourists visit daily With thegallery galleryrole at the tourists visitthe themosque mosque dailyplays lam and Muslims, the mosque a significant in entrance aacomprehensive understanding of entrancegiving giving comprehensive understanding of Isintroducing the Malay-Muslim community of Singapore lam Muslims, the mosque plays a significant role in lamand andthe Muslims, towards rest of the the mosque world. plays a significant role introducing introducingthe theMalay-Muslim Malay-Muslimcommunity communityof of Singapore Singapore therest rest theworld. world. towards the the Intowards conclusion, theofof Sultan Mosque’s roles have evolved from serving a small community to having an internaconclusion,the theSultan SultanMosque’s Mosque’sroles roleshave have evolved evolved InInconclusion, tional audience today. These roles no longer just are fromserving servingaasmall smallcommunity communityto tohaving havingan an internainternafrom just religious but has become more than socio-cultural, tional audience today. These roles no longer just are tional audience today. These roles no longer just are impacting the urban fabric of Kampong Glam. justreligious religiousbut buthas hasbecome becomemore morethan thansocio-cultural, socio-cultural, just impactingthe theurban urbanfabric fabricof ofKampong KampongGlam. Glam. impacting

Timeline of Masjid Sultan’s roles towards the community (Source: Author) Timeline of Masjid Sultan’s roles towards the community Timeline of Masjid Sultan’s roles towards community Author) Timeline of Masjid Sultan’s rolesthe towards the(Source: community (Source: Author) (Source: Author)

President Yusof Ishak Attending a Quran Recital Competition at the Mosque on 21Ishak August 1965a (Source: National Archives) President Yusof Attending Quran Recital Competition at the Mosque on 21 August

1965 (Source:Yusof National Archives) President Ishak AttendingaaQuran QuranRecital RecitalCompetition Competitionatatthe the President Yusof Ishak Attending

Mosque on 21 21 August August1965 1965(Source: (Source:National NationalArchives) Archives) Mosque on

Prime Minister Goh Chok officiates opening ofthe Masjid Sultan Annexe Building, Prime Minister GohTong Chok Tongthe officiates opening of Masjid 1993 (Source: National Archives) 1993 (Source: National Archives) Sultan Annexe Building, Prime Minister Minister Goh Goh Chok ChokTong Tongofficiates officiatesthe theopening openingofofMasjid Masjid Sultan Annexe Annexe Building, Building,1993 1993(Source: (Source:National NationalArchives) Archives)

Collage of different types of shophouses found in Jooo Chiat (Source: Author)

JOO CHIAT: 200 Years of Heritage by Law Kang Jie River, Maria Grazia Lee Shu En, Liu Hongzhe

Introduction

Joo Chiat, located in the east of Singapore, is famous for its row of beautiful shophouses. The focus of this study is bounded by Geylang Road and Changi Road to the North, Still Road to the East, East Coast Road to the South, Tanjong Katong Road to the West. With the main axis of Joo Chiat Road lying between Geylang Serai and Marine Parade Road, Joo Chiat has a rich multicultural and multi-religious heritage. Declared as Singapore’s first Heritage Town in 2011 by the National Heritage Board of Singapore, Joo Chiat was awarded funding to develop its heritage activities and showcase its multicultural background, emphasizing on its Eurasian and Peranakan history.

AC IAT TERR

JOO CH

JOO CHIAT

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KWAN IM TING TEMPLE

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DUNMAN

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ON KAT

Joo Chiat features a complex past going as far back as 1820. In its close to 2 centuries of history, it has undergone a radical development from plantation estates to become a booming commercial center outside of the urban core, and has transformed into one of Singapore’s most socially diverse spots combining residential, commercial and leisure activities in a small space. Through the same period, Joo Chiat has also been known to be among the first multiracial and multi-religious settlements, evidenced by the presence of historical places of worship including that of Islamic mosques, Hindu temples, Chinese temples and Christian churches in close quarters with each other.

JOO CHIAT COMPLEX

AD NG RO

GEYLA

JO TAN

Named after Chew Joo Chiat, the area was previously known as the Confederate Estate Road before 1917. Chew, also affectionately known as ‘King of Katong’, was a migrant from China who made his fortune in Singapore as a plantation owner. Chew owned large tracts of land, including the current Joo Chiat Road, which he bequeathed to the Municipality without compensation, when they wanted to build a road for motor vehicles. The road was named after him in return for his generosity.

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SRI SENPAGA VINAYAGAR TEMPLE

T AS CO

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Map of study area in Joo Chiat (Data Source: StreetDirectory.com)

In its architecture, Joo Chiat boasts of a collection of heritage buildings, largely influenced by the Peranakan culture. It primarily features shophouses, a typology prevalent in Singapore in the early 20th century that features commercial spaces on the ground floor, and residential space on upper floor(s). One interesting infusion of Peranakan culture in these shophouses are the details of flora and fauna on the facades and elaborate glazed tiles used. The importance of such historical landmarks has been recognized by government agencies, including the National Heritage Board and the Urban Redevelopment Authority, who gazetted Joo Chiat as a conservation district in 1993, regulated the conservation of over 700 buildings and facades by 2003, and selected it as Singapore’s first Heritage Town in 2011. These efforts helped to stem the rate of visual modernization in Joo Chiat in the face of rapid gentrification and development, creating a delicate balance of the nostalgia derived from its long history, and the modernization brought on by the changing times and needs of its residents. In all, the rise of Joo Chiat from a sleepy plantation estate to the suburban core that it is today has been radical and filled with many interesting developments, which have pioneered the way and served as a model for other developments in Singapore today.

Typical Peranakan terrace house front, typical of Joo Chiat (Source: Author)

CHURCH OF THE HOLY FAMILY

Urban History: Two Centuries of Joo Chiat Plantation Estates (1820 - 1900)

Suburban Boom and WWII (1900 - 1945)

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TERRA

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VEGETABLE & FRUIT GARDENS historical map of the neighbourhood

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historical map of the neighbourhood O

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Illustration of land use around Tanjong Katong in 1885 (Data Source1)

1939 illustrated map of the Geylang and Siglap Mukim (Data Source2)

The history of Joo Chiat dates back almost 2 centuries. Prior to the mid-19th century, the area presently known as Joo Chiat was referred to as Tanjong Katong, Malay for ‘turtle point’. It was first mentioned in the 1819 treaty by Sir Stamford Raffles installing the local Sultan and Temenggong as a reference point for the boundary of the British settlement1.

prominence as he rapidly expanded the size of his estate by aquiring large plantations from European settlers. In the Confederate Estate that he bought from the Little family, Chew made public the Confederate Estate Road to link the neighboring Geylang Road to East Coast Road. In 1917, this road was renamed Joo Chiat Road by the municipal government in recognition of his generosity in the free giving of his land1.

The first records of settlement in this area are of plantations owned by various prominent Western members of society and merchants, including Francis Bernard (brother-in-law of William Farquhar), Thomas Dunman (the first Police Comissioner of Singapore), and a few Chinese merchants such as Whampoa Hoo Ah Kay. These plantations were typically planted with coconuts, as well as cotton for a short period, which failed to be cultivated. Gathering from the importance of these settlers, the suburban and seafront locale away from the overcrowding urban core of Singapore then, as well as the plantation estates, Tanjong Katong developed as an affluent suburban district or retreat. This was further evidenced by the luxurious houses and bungalows located in the estates and along the seaside along Tanjong Katong. Some estate owners like Thomas Dunman even established holiday resorts on his plantations in 1840s, catering to wealthy residents and visitors to Singapore. At the beginning of the 20th century, the urban core of Singapore began expanding eastward due to rapid urbanization and an influx of immigrants, and major infrastructure such as roads and street lighting were installed to open up this area for residential and commercial purposes. At the same time, wealthy Chinese merchant Chew Joo Chiat also gained

From then, Joo Chiat Road became the economic center of development in the area. Selling off plots of land along and around Joo Chiat Road, Chew Joo Chiat effectively enabled the development of population settlements by facilitating the creation of commerical shops and residential properties in the East of Singapore. By 1939, many peripheral roads around Joo Chiat Road, such as Onan Road, Koon Seng Road, had grown to house a growing population of diverse ethnicities. Around this period, places of worship of multiple faiths were established in Joo Chiat, including a mosque, Hindu temple, and multiple churches and Chinese temples. However, during WWII and the Japanese Occupation, development ground to a halt as many residents abandoned the East Coast area in anticipation of a sea invasion, and Joo Chiat also did not escape the ravages of war as one of the sites of the “killing fields” was located at present-day Temasek Junior College1. Despite the difficult times in the Occupation, Joo Chiat’s architecture was largely left unscathed, and life went on. From autobiographical accounts of William Gwee3, a Peranakan boy during the Occupation, a thriving black market of food and goods grew “along a narrow, unnamed, and unpaved lane between Joo Chiat market and Joo Chiat Terrace.”

GI ROAD

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T ROAD LANGSA E TERRAC

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Post-War Development (1945 - 1990) JOO CHIAT

Conservation and the 21st Century (1990 - present)

PLACE

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JOO CHIAT

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AN ON

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196

AR EP

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LAND RECLAIMED BY HOUSING DEVELOPMENT BOARD

LINE

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198

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Illustration of new housing projects on reclaimed land contrasting the old center (Data Source4)

The oldest remaining building on Joo Chiat Road, built in 1916. (Source: Author)

The next major phases of development in and around the Joo Chiat neighborhood took place after WWII in two sub-periods; the first in the 1950s and the other in the 1970s to 1980s.

commerical activities in the 1980s in anad around this region.

In the 1950s, transport infrastructure had developed where taxis and trolley buses were introduced, which helped make Joo Chiat more accessible, hence opening up more opportunities for its growth. Beginning from the 1960s to the end of the 1970s, the greatest physical change to the area came with the land reclamation works by the Housing Development Board, which dramatically transformed the coastline that Joo Chiat Road used to lead to. On the reclaimed plots of land, tower residential blocks were constructed to house Singaporeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rapidly expanding population. These buildings stand in stark contrast to the low-lying 2- to 3-storey shophouses in Joo Chiat, where the boundary between the two zone is demarcated by Marine Parade Road. In addition, public recreation spaces were also created along the coastline, in the form of the East Coast Park. In the 1970s, the East Coast Parkway Expressway and the Pan Island Expressway was built to the South and North of Joo Chiat respectively, linking the neighborhood directly to the the commercial and port centers to its West, and to the Singapore Changi Airport to its East later in the 1980s. These further bolstered the economic development of Joo Chiat and allowed for its peripheral areas to develop much more rapidly, such as Paya Lebar. These developments drove the increased urbanization in Joo Chiat, due to increased population in the area from the large amount of affordable housing made available by HDB, as well as the development of industries and

Such rapid development has come at social costs. Many of the physical architecture that featured as a part of the rustic charm of Joo Chiat area were removed, including the colonial seaside holiday bungalows in favour of the new East Coast Park public boulevards. In addition, due to the abundance of high-rise residential tower blocks nearby, and the high rental yields of central Joo Chiat spaces, many businesses and old-time residents of Joo Chiat have relocated outwards of its historical center, catalyzing the gradual transformation of the physical landscape, users and uses of Joo Chiat. To prevent the uncontrolled loss of the rich cultural and architectural heritage of Joo Chiat, various government agencies, including the Urban Redevelopment Authority and the National Heritage Board, have introduced measures to prevent severe changes to heritage architecture, as well as to declare Joo Chiat as the first Heritage Town of Singapore in 20115. Community-initiated groups have also banded together to support the conservation of local sites and the culture of Joo Chiat. These measures, in combination, have helped prevent the complete redevelopment of Joo Chiat without regard for the loss in historical values, and in fact has helped raise awareness on the past importance of Joo Chiat in the development of the nation. Today, the physical landscape of Joo Chiat has morphed significantly, boasting an eclectic mix of businesses and users. Many traditional businesses have given way to modern cafĂŠs, bars and galleries, creating an interesting tension of new and old uses. Comparing its beginnings to its present, Joo Chiat has indeed undergone both a deep physical and emotional transformation in its nearly 2 centuries of existence.

Urban Analysis: Spatial Analysis:

Section view of a typical Joo Chiat shophouses (Source: Author, adapted from Data6)

Preserved shophouses along East Coast Road (Source: Author)

The term ‘shophouse’ is a direct translation from the Chinese (‘tiam chu’ in Hokkien; ‘dian wu’ in Mandarin), attributing to the common businesses operations, such as trade of goods and services, that were carried out on the ground level, leaving the upper level for residential living. The concept was initiated by the founder of modern Singapore, Sir Stamford Raffles, who wanted to build uniform houses that had its own verandah, acting as a continuous walkway on each side of the street. As shown in the axonometric section, the shophouse had unique construction details that adapted its spaces enclosed to the humid, tropical climates in Singapore, such as the lightweight materials and the intermediate airwell to promote circulation. The continuous, sheltered walkway outside became commonly known as the five-foot way because of its dimensions.6 Joo Chiat is best known for its colourful rows of traditional Peranakan shophouses, dating back to the 1920s and 1930s, that line its narrow streets. The most common shophouses along Joo Chiat Road are, typically, two-storey pre-war architecture with ornate facades and vibrant colors, typical of the Peranakan culture that is deeply ingrained in Joo Chiat’s heritage. Depending on the era of its construction and the then-contemporary building styles, shophouses in Joo Chiat, and in Singapore come in a variety of detail in expression. These include the use of highly-detailed patterns and decorative elements on the building facade and periphery, such as the fences, party walls and gates. The five-foot way is also a familiar figure to most Singaporeans, and it is a feature commonly found in most shophouses across different heritage areas in Singapore. This feature even manifests itself in modern HDB town centers,

Five Foot Way in 1950s 1

Five Foot Way today (Source: Author)

serving the same purposes as the past. It is a space where crowds can spill out from the shops to the road. This effect allow the crowd to connect the shops across the road. Initially designed for utilitarian purposes, as a mean of sheltered passage, the five-foot way has evolved into a social ground with commercial activities spilling out of shops onto these spaces and can be perceived as an intermediary space between the private domain of the interior of the shops and the public domain that are the open streets framed by these passages. In all, the shophouse served as the primary vernacular style of architecture in the modern history of Singapore and has had a profound effect on shaping the interaction of public and private spaces in a community.

Shophouses in Joo Chiat

PERIOD

Early

Transitional

Late

Art Decor

1840s - 1900s

1900s - 1940s

1930s - 1960s

DIAGRAM

DESCRIPTION

The first shophouses

Built around the early 1900s

Most lavish and florid style

Most recent style

Buildings are low, usually two storeys high

Additional storeys to maximize space

Decorated facades and heavy use of ornamentation

Inspired by European classical motifs developed in the 1920s

Squat upper levels

Windows are more vertically expressed

Decorative shophouses

Least common of styles

Increased use of patterns and materials

Added private forecourt, gate and balcony on upper levels

Doric columns

More vibrant colours observed

Simple lines and colours

Technological and construction advances replaces pitched roof with flat roofs

Clean, utilitarian facade Little decoration

CULTURE & SOCIAL INFLUENCE

MATERIAL

Usually 3 to 4 storeys

Basic style due to the greater necessity for function over form

Heavy western influenced decoration due to increasing affluence amongst merchants

Mixture of Peranakan, Malay and Chinese styles

Wood, red tiles, lime, granite & terracotta

Style influenced by global culture

Granolithic, red tiles, lime, granite & glass

Reflections Drivers of Urban Change

Children playing along Joo Chiat Road in the past (Source7)

Traditional furniture shop along Joo Chiat Road (Source: Author)

LAND EXPANSION Joo Chiat, from the 1820s, was a coconut plantation, with attap-roofed kampungs house. As the area was situated along the sea, seaside bungalows and country houses lined the coast. From 1900, Joo Chiat experienced a surge in population as people started to leave the overcrowded city centre. Plantations gradually became fragmented, as land were sold to private owners for developing residential and commercial spaces to accomodate the growing population. Also, Eurasian and Peranakan families began to take up residence in the area. Many beautifully coloured rows of Peranakan-style shophouses with names such as Noel Villa, Sandy Point Villa and Mafeking House, were built and remain in preservation status today8. Among the most famous shophouses preserved are the intricately designed Peranakan shophouses along Koon Seng Road, close to the junction of Joo Chiat Road.

The government had minimal influence on the economic development of Joo Chiat as it was mainly driven by local businesses and entrepreneurs. Chew Joo Chiat, likely the most influential businessman in Joo Chiat’s history, helped drive the development of roads and made available spaces for building for commercial activities and residential activities in the 1920s.

ECONOMIC DRIVERS OF URBANIZATION Through all time in history, the ownership of property in Joo Chiat fell largely into the hands of private owners. Developing from private agrarian plantations to commercial shophouses, Joo Chiat Road was also a market place every morning. As written by Philip Chew9, the junction of Joo Chiat Road and Joo Chiat Lane was cluttered with makeshift stalls set up by unlicensed hawkers to sell fish, pork and vegetables. Housewives took the opportunity to meet and gossip while marketing. By midday, all the hawker stalls simple disappeared into thin air. Such was the unwritten rule understood by the unlicensed hawkers. Business was mostly governed and decided by the community. Shops were owned by the locals and the type of business were decided by the locals themselves, adapting their business to the needs of the neighbourhood. Shops including those specializing in traditional Chinese medicine, bird shops, grinding mills and charcoal shops dotted the street.

During to the conflicts of World War II and the Japanese Occupation of Singapore, several buildings and rail lines were destroyed in Joo Chiat, which temporarily suspended growth of the area. The government influence on the economic development of the community slowly increased. Development restarted in the 1950s, with the dawn of shopping centres and departmental stores. Old shophouses also started to become less relevant and profitable, as they were unable to outcompete the large chains of stores. A few traditional shops remained, while others were slowly bought out by financially stronger businesses that were in greater demand due to the changing needs of residents. Many other shopowners rented their shops out to other businesses, choosing to make a profit off rent collection. As the economic needs of the community changed and modernized, expensive restaurants, cafés, art galleries and even entertainment spots such as bars and pubs gradually appeared along Joo Chiat Road, shaping a more modernized and urbanized neighbourhood. Some traditional businesses that started decades ago still remain, working side by side with new businesses and this contrast can be distinctly observed. Joo Chiat also gained a reputation for sleaze in the early 2000s as an increasing number of bars, hourly-rate hotels and massage parlours sprung up along the road, resulting in the proliferation of vice activities and fights. Tighter law enforcements and new licensing controls had to be introduced to ‘clean up’ the area.10

Relationship between Urban Form and Public Life place so that they can earn more. Even foreigners who have rented space to set up their businesses, agree that Joo Chiat has been gentrified. This is evident from the type of businesses found in the shops along Joo Chiat Road, where hawker centres and expensive cafes are competing side by side, while household provision shops are competing with supermarket outlets. Such observations seem to suggest that there appears to be gentrification by the financially advantaged society who did not come from Joo Chiat.

The Sri Senpaga Vinayagar temple (left) and St Hilda’s Anglican Church (right) (Source: Author)

RELIGION Joo Chiat is also a melting pot for religions. Built in 1917, the Khalid Mosque is situated along Joo Chiat Road and has retained its original structure with minimal alterations to accommodate its growing congregation.11 Located at the corner of Tembeling Road and Joo Chiat Lane, the Kuan Im Ting Temple is dedicated to Guan Yin, the Buddhist goddess of mercy.12 Many Catholic Eurasian families were also attracted to the area after the completion of the Holy Family Church along Chapel Road in 1932.13 The St Hilda’s Anglican Church, founded in 1934, also serves as a place of worship for the Anglican community in Joo Chiat.14 Finally, the impressive Sri Senpaga Vinayagar temple along Ceylon Road is the second-oldest Hindu temple in Singapore.15 Built in the mid-19th century, it is a beauty known for its intricate designs and carvings.

Gentrification by the creative class has also been observed in Joo Chiat. With new businesses such as design studios, upmarket retail outlets, art galleries and eateries, the shop houses have been very much modernized, albeit with its exterior décor conserved. The old Peranakan culture now can only be observed in nicely transformed and packaged products like embroidery, beadwork, jewellery and furniture showcased in museums and traditional shops. Yet the conservation of Joo Chiat is somewhat restricted to the physical aspect of the area as compared to the communal aspect of Joo Chiat. As the area shifts towards a more urban lifestyle, as wealthier residents replace local residents, as the younger generation replaces their older parents, it is almost impossible to retain the old ‘kampong’ familiarity that Joo Chiat embraced in the past. Locals who have lived in Joo Chiat for decades, share that everyone in the community used to know each other very well. When someone needed something, he knew exactly whom to purchase it from. Locals who have resided in Joo Chiat for decades, lament that the idea of conserving Joo Chiat has somewhat been romanticized, turning the neighbourhood into a conservation museum, while the true essence and real human aspect of the old Joo Chiat culture is already lost. The community itself has lost its sense of nostalgia and marks of the old days beyond the physical architecture left conserved. As the community develops alongside conservation, simply preserving the architecture is somewhat meaningless conservation. The intention of conserving Joo Chiat has to be better translated to tie in with the history of the neighbourhood itself.

GENTRIFICATION A shift in the community toward wealthier residents and business set-ups, with the increase in property value was also observed. As pointed out by a lady working in a provision shop along Joo Chiat Terrace, whose father-inlaw has owned the shop for over 60 years, ‘Shops have changed hands, from old to young, from Chinese to foreigners. Now it is mainly owned by foreigners.’ She adds that business was not very good and they have to rely more on wholesale businesses to earn their income. Another local, who has been working in his family bicycle sale and repair business for over 50 years, shares the same sentiment, stating that business is not stable and many of his old neighbours have chosen to rent out the

A provision shop in Joo Chiat that opened more than 60 years ago (Source: Author)

JOO CHIAT

Joo Chiat Road : Five Foot Way by Maria Grazia Lee Shu En

Five foot way along Joo Chiat Road (Source: Author)

Joo Chiat is famous for its row of beautiful Peranakan shophouses lining its narrow streets. These shophouses, colourful and vibrantly decorated, also feature a five-foot way. These covered shophouse sidewalks, initially designed as a means of sheltered passage, evolved to become a social space for activities and circulation. Connecting the private residences and shops to the public streets, the five foot way is a prominent architectural feature in Joo Chiat. Joo Chiat Road features a rich and complex past going as far back as 1820. It has undergone a radical development from plantation estates to a flourishing commercial center. Transformed into one of Singapore’s most socially diverse spots, Joo Chiat Road is a combination of residential, commercial and leisure activities. The five-foot way dates back to the Colonial Government era, where this feature was integral in many settlements British colonies such as Singapore, Malaysia and Brunei1. The term ‘five foot way’ has its origins in Singapore’s founder’s planning scheme2, where Sir Stamford Raffles mandated that ‘each house should have a verandah of a certain depth, open at all times as a continued and covered passage on each side of the street’3 in the famous Ordinances on town planning on 4 November 1822. Apart from Joo Chiat Road, the five foot way can also be seen along shophouses in Chinatown and Little India. I will first explore how the design of this public space contributes to the ‘publicness’ of the neighbourhood, by analysing how the space was used in the past and how it is being used now in the present. From there, I seek to understand the spatial experience of the five-foot walkways, how the design connects the neighbourhood and affects the way people lived in the past as compared to the present urban social lifestyle. Finally, I will study in detail the architectural elements in the five foot way.

Textilie sold under five foot way in the past

Formation and Transformation

historical map of the neighbourhood

Variation of ceilings of five-foot ways (Source: Author)

Diagram of shophouse to illustrate five foot way (Source: Urban Redevlopment Authority)

Design Constructed between the 1840s and the 1960s, shophouses formed the majority of the pre-World War II urban fabric4. Sir Stamford Raffles stipulated that all buildings were to have a sheltered walkway or a covered corridor above five feet wide indented into the ground floor in front of the building. This was done so that the usage of space in the newly established town had a degree of uniformity, regularity and efficiency5. The passage served as protection from the heat and rain, with the overhanging upper floors acting as a shield for pedestrians6.

Illegal Extension beyond the five foot way in Joo Chiat Road (Source: http://mychewjoochiat. blogspot.sg/search/label/Reminescence)

Development Implied by the name, the intention of these five-foot ways assumes a consistent width of five feet from the wall and entrance that defines the front of the inner space. However, most five foot ways are six to seven feet in width7, varying in depth depending on the age, size and function of the building. Redevelopment Joo Chiat was gazetted as a conservation district in July 1993 and much of its shophouses have been preserved, including its five foot ways. As renovation of these shophouses is inevitable, the Urban Redevelopment Authority set out guidelines to limit the extent of modification. According to URAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Conservation Guidelines in December 2011 on the five-foot ways of shophouses, it states that the five-foot way is an important element that contributes to the experience of walking through a conservation area8. The guidelines dictate that the original height, design and size of the columns must be retained.

Pedestrians on the street due to roadside stalls utilizing the five foot way (Source: National Archives of Singapore)

Development of Public Nature The Five Foot Way as a Public Space The five foot way plays an integral role in the forming and shaping of the public space. The term ‘public space’ usually reminds one of an open space, a space without walls and is expansive9. The notion of a boundary between the ‘private’ house and the ‘public’ street was always acknowledged but became less distinct as wealth decreased10. The five foot way is both semi-private and semi-public, blurring the lines of a distinct private or public space. A place of passage, the municipal authorities initially intended to limit the five foot way to simply a means of circulation. However, due to the ambiguity of the five foot way, it soon became a contested space, creating conflict between owners and authorities. The authorities were ultimately forced to adopt a more flexible control of the five foot way as a private and public space11. Public Nature in the Past The five foot way never just served the pedestrian alone but were frequently used as additional storage space or retail space. As housing was a pressing issue especially for those of lower social statuses, people who were unable to find or afford accommodations would sleep on the five foot way12. A street culture also grew as the five foot way became a place to do trade, where hawkers, peddlers and sidewalk services tried to sell their services to pedestrians13.

Children playing hopscotch under five foot way (Source: Joo Chiat – A Living Legacy by Lily Kong and T. C. Chang)

The five foot way trades were pioneered by immigrants who came to Singapore in the hopes of attaining a more promising future. Five foot way trades provided a cheaper source of goods and services as they required little capital investment and shifted to wherever available space was available14. They contributed to the ‘publicness’ of the urban fabric as businesses were not simply defined and confined to the interior of the shophouses, but expanded onto the boundaries of the public space. The famous Katong laksa also started out as a five foot way trade, with his family members sustaining his legacy until today15. The hustle and bustle of businesses that spilled out onto the streets contributed to a certain charm in the past. Children also used to play outside the shophouses, alongside these five-foot-way traders, creating a lively spirit and communal bond among the neighbourhood. There was a general sense of community and familiarity amongst the neighbours in the past.

Old hawkers and new cafes alike extending dining onto five foot way (Source: Author)

Public Nature in the Present By the mid-1970s, most of the five-foot way trades had disappeared along Joo Chiat Road. Gentrification of the area by the financially advantaged members of broader society brought a wave of new eateries and upmarket retail outlets, replacing old traditional businesses. Yet, the five foot ways are still utilized in the same way, with businesses extending out onto the passageway. However, walking along the five foot ways in the present day, the sense of ‘publicness’ seems non-existent as compared to the social activities in the past. The spatial experience under these five foot ways now is one that is filled with an objective, getting from a place to another, buying a certain product or eating at a specific location. The space under these five foot ways have been transformed into one that mainly serves the purpose of circulation or storage.

Present day bicycle shop spilling business onto five-fot way (Source: Author)

Architecture Elements, Materials & Construction 1

Traditional five-foot way finishes by architectural style and period (Source: Urban Redevelopment Authority)

The five-foot ways are itself an architectural element to shophouses. On a minute level, traditional floor finishes are the architectural element to these five foot ways. Contributing to the overall character of the building and streets of Joo Chiat, the retention and reintroduction of the floor finishes by shop owners and residents have been highly en-couraged by the Urban Redevelopment Authority16. The infusion of the Peranakan culture is distinct in the decorative details of the facades and tiles on the floors. The traditional five foot way finishes have been classified into the six different styles and periods in the above diagram. 1. Early (1840s - 1900) - Plain Cement Screed with Rope Indentations 2. First Transitional - Terracotta Tiled Flooring with Granite Edge Slabs 3. Late (1900 - 1940s) - Cement Tiled Flooring with Border 4. Second Transitional - Encaustic Clay Tiled Flooring with Border & Granite Edge Slabs 5. Art Deco (1930s - 1960s) - Terrazzo Flooring with Border 6. Modern (1950s - 1960s) - Mosaic Tiled Flooring The selection of the floor finishes usually coincides with the architectural style of the shophouse. Tile patterns used on the floor finishes are usually observed to be repeated on the front wall of the shophouse, forming a decorative wall pattern. Five foot ways cannot be finished in ceramic tiles or slate as it is deemed untraditional. Traditional materials must be considered during renovation of floor finishes17. Floor finishes in Joo Chiat (Source: Author)

Old Airport Road: History and Nostalgia by Seow Wan Ting, Au Cheuk Yee, Lee Zi Qing

Introduction Old Airport Road, situated at Kallang, lies in between Stadium Boulevard and Dunman road. Along this road there are residential areas, Dakota MRT station, educational institutions like Broadrick Secondary School, as well as the more well-known 51 Old Airport Road Food Centre. The Old Airport Road was created during World War II by the Japanese as an extension of the Old Kallang airport. It extended beyond Mountbatten road 1955, Kallang airportâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s operations stopped and the runway was converted to a road, which we now know as the Old Airport Road. To many people today, the mention of Old Airport Road is equivalent to talking about the hawker centre there. The hawker centre is one of the oldest one in Singapore, and was opened for public use in 1973. It is also one of the biggest hawker centre and is famous for its large variety of delicious food sold at reasonable prices. This explains why there are always long queues and large crowds there, because other than residents living for the food. This food centre has become a great attraction to tourists as well over the years.

Dakota Residences

Generally, the food centre is the only place that many people will come to and gather together. Above this food centre, there are shops selling household necessities, tailored shirts, textiles, antiques and many more. There are also a few enterprises there, a kindergarten, as well as a big space for their activities. However, it remains as a relatively quiet place as compared to what is below this level. The neighbourhood along the Old Airport Road is also a very quiet area, populated by mainly the older generation. Some of the residential housing estates were made up of Singapore Improvement Trustâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (SIT) housing buildings built back in 1958, when Singapore was still under British ruling. wider pathways and spaces in between separate buildings. These residential buildings because of the unique designs on their facades, which gave the neighbourhood a better ventilation. Some of the more memorable places for the residents or those who grew up there were the provision shops that has been transformed into a cafe and the Dove, which is one of those endangered sandy playgrounds in Singapore.

View of Old Airport Road from 51 Old Airport Road Food Centre

On July 2014, Dakota Crescent, which were part of the residential areas near Old Airport Road were announced by HDB to be redeveloped into a prime real estate after 2016, by which the residents living there have to evacuate Crescent, many have set up blogs to share their interesting encounters and pasts of this area before it is removed for good.

Picture/photo/sketch that captures the spirit of the place

At Old Airport Road, we witnessed various interactions amongst the people, between people and the spaces as well as how this historical piece of land have been able to co-exist with the new elements introduced. Some of the architectures there were left almost untouched ever since it was built especially displays the warm interactions of average Singaporeans, hence has been one of the more nostalgic places for people who grew up in

Old Airport Road Food Center

Urban History: Evolution of Old Airport Road 1930s-

Present

historical map of the neighbourhood

Historical Map showing the boundaries of the Former Airport in 1945

historical map of the neighbourhood

Map of the boundaries of the Old Airport in 2014

aviation miracle of the East” in 1937. People’s Association Headquarters replaced the old buildings at the former kallang airport. The place was also injected with vibrancy when Happy World Amusement and Entertainment Park Amusement Parks was opened in 1936. When Paya Lebar airport was opened, Kallang Airport ceased its operations.

Kallang Airport Aerodrome, 1950

Kallang Airport Runway in 1945

determined the landform of the Old Airport Road District. Entrenched between Geylang River and the Kallang River, the two water bodies surround and embodied the bustling district of Old Airport Road. Rich in history of as the streets, nodes, districts and landmarks. Till today, the little details resonate in the hearts of the citizens as the once prestigious Kallang Airport. The transformation of the land in Kallang took place in the early 1930s, when kallang basin was reclaimed to make way for the Kallang Airport. The airport, opened in June 1937 in 5 years and with 8 million dollars, was designed by PWD’s chief architect, Fank Dorrington Ward . It was designed ornaments. The terminal building, which had a control tower and attached hangers at the two side blocks were in a modernist style, with striking horizontal lines and streamlined curves. Iconic and visually spectacular, the terminal building became one of the landmarks at Kallang. Due to the exin its early years. Famous aviator Amelia Earhart once called the airport “an

Old Kallang Airport was later gazette for conservation by Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA) on 5 December 2008. It saw its future when it is slowly being recognized as an ideal venue for design events due to the nostalgic nature of the former airport. During 2011, it was chosen to be the main venue of the Singapore Biennale, exhibiting contemporary artworks. In 2012, it was being featured in Shadow Spaces: Photographs of the Old Supreme Court at the Asian Civilisation Museum. In 2014, the runway is once again glamorized by luxury fashion house, Hermes, as it unveils its lastest men collection. The airplane landing area would be the next area for discussion. The airplane landing area was changed to the National Stadium of Singapore after the closure of the airport. The 55,000-capacity stadium has hosted three Southeast Asian Games (1973, 1983, 1993) and 18 National Day Parades. The former stadium is also demolished in 2010 to make way for the new Sports Hub. The old runway was converted into a road for vehicles, and was even extended, now known as Old Airport Road. Residential areas sprung up in the areas surrounding Old Airport Road, such as Dakota Crescent housing estate. These residential areas were built by SIT (Singapore Improvement Trust), the predecessor of HDB (Housing Development Board) in the 1950s. Along this road, also lies Old Kallang Airport hawker centre, a place best that are tightly packed together to minimize space. Dakota Residences, a luxury condominium is built, taking advantage of waterfront views and the convenience of living near a small community. From a former desolate runway to a lively neighborhood, it has come a long way with the evolution of the landmark, the Old Airport Road Food Centre.

Remnants of the Past

Old Kallang Airport Hawker Centre in the 1970s

Dove playground at Dakota Crescent Residential areas

The last provision shop at Dakota Crescent

Ever since the Old Kallang Airport ceased operations in 1958, the Kallang area became increasingly lively as the runway and the empty land around it are gradually transformed into wet market, food centre, residenKallang Airport hawker centre took over the previous wet market in 1971. This food centre became one of the oldest and most popular food centre in Singapore because of its large variety of food and their reasonable prices. After several rounds of renovation and maintenance, this food centre has become the famous Old Airport Road Food Centre that we all know today. Instead of just being a food centre, this place holds spirit of the Old Airport Road. Another artifact of this area is the iconic Dove playground at the Dakota Crescent Residential areas. Situated within the buildings that were built and left almost untouched since the past, this playground provides not just a place for children to indulge in their own joy but also for residents to seek their own leisure time. This playground was designed by Khor Gan Hee, an interior designer working at HDB in 1979, who have created other unique mosaic series playgrounds like the Dragon Playground at Toa Payoh. Such playgrounds were highly encouraged by the residents to be conserved because not only did it held the memories of those who grew up with the playground, it also represents one of the more unique structures that exists in Singapore. What has been lost with the history towards redevelopment is the last provision shop that used to exist around the neighborhood of Old Airport Road, Tian Kee & Co. Having provided a large range of items like rice, dried food, basic necessities, toys and even stationeries at a low price, this shop has been fondly remembered by the neighborhood. At its 54th year of operation, Tian Kee & Co. was subjected to redevelopment in hope for higher revenues. Following the transformation of old places in Tiong Bahru into modern, retro cafes, this shop have been transformed into one too. What was left behind of this change was the old and rusty signboard as well as the facade that portrayed the feeling of nostalgia. On the bottom right of this page is the facade of the housing buildings done by SIT in around 1958. This buildings in the past. The fact that it has been left unchanged provides the area an existence of both the old and new elements, something that is very rare in this rapidly developing country. The history of Old Airport Road is a rich one. Ever since British colonization till the present independent Singapore, there were many rounds of transformation of this place according to the needs of the country. elements from the existing architectures and space that were rich in historical as well as sentimental values. Hence, there are many initiatives taken by the members of the public to raise awareness of such values in bering Singapore and Ghetto Singapore.

Unique patterns on the facade of residential buildings

Urban Analysis: Form, Perception and Space Spatial Analysis: Old Airport Road District

Analysis of landmarks, paths and edges.

Large Communal Spaces in Dakota Crescent

The analysis focuses on the perception of people travelling into Old Airport Road and also, focuses on the residential area in Dakota Crescent. Separated by paths and scattered with landmarks, the Old Airport Road District as they are aligned successively along Old Airport Road. The roads leading into Old Airport Road (as seen on the right) are usually curved and aligned to the sides of the pavement. This allows minimal visibility of Old Airport seen on the right) ; giving the feeling of a new town being evolved with a larger width to height ratio compared to the surrounding HDB buildings. The landmarks of Old Airport Road area are diverse. Some landmarks are prominent and permanent like the Food Center while others are subtler such as Dakota Mrt Station and the Dakota Residence. The Food Center located alongside the old airport road, is one that is prominent in its spatial location and also visible from many locations. It is often used as an external reference for people directed to old airport road. The market area is a landmark internally and externally as the tangible emotion of the market life is propagated outwards from the centre. It also gave a strong identity to the road as it epitomizes the emergence of a new life in the whole area. The Dakota Mrt Station, lined closely to the pavement after the food cen-

trast with the nearby elements due to the recent development of the circle

Road leading into Old Airport Road

the community to bond. The building types were distinctive in their way as is now home to lower-income families and elderly people under the HDB public rental scheme and only 60% are occupied now. While the faĂ§ade designs varied widely from one building to the next, the design of Dakota Crescent is homogeneous. The degree of maintenance of the buildings is also relatively low due to its reclamation in 2016. This give people a perceived feeling of a quiet and abandoned community. Some landmarks are prominent and permanent while others are subtler.

Another landmark would be Dakota Residence. In 1985, Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the predecessor of Housing Development Board

visual memories of the former airport and provide a perceptible connective association to the past. Ultimately, the spatial form and character of the

Dakota Crescent is unlike the other residential areas along Old Airport

planners in that era, but also emphasizes on the aspirations of the district to prosper as a community.

and has huge courtyard spaces for community activities in the middle to

Land Use

Activities

Overall Use along Old Airport Road

Activity Analysis

Along Old Airport Road, there is a variety of land use. At the food centre itself, the land is used for not just eating and leisure purposes, but also for enterprises, education, manufacturing and retailing purposes. New companies are being set up there, where businesses can occur. A kindergarten is also located there, with a wide area for the classes to have their outdoor activites. There are also tailoring shops where textiles are being dealt with and shirts are customized in a traditional, manual way. At the same time, there are also retail shops that sells apparels like shoes, bags, toys, shirts, dried food, household appliances and antiques.

Analysis of activities

People who visit the Old Airport Road, especially at the food centre, can food that can be stored at home and many more. At the more open spaces, they may also spend some leisure time and interact with one another. Parents who are fetching their children from the kindergarten there can also wait at the open spaces while they have conversations with one another. The teachers at the kindergarten can also use this wide area to assemble the children while carrying out educational activities. Further down Old Airport Road, there are the residential areas and facilicorner, spend leisure time or have gatherings at the RC. For the adults, they can also look after their children from a comfortable shelter while they play, at the same time mingling with other residents. There are also other land uses along this road, including medical services and provision of groceries within the residential areas. Wet market is also available, thus residents can choose to purchase their food ingredients from either the wet market or the supermarket. The Dakota MRT station is also built there, as an addition to the bus stops, for transport and accessibility. Educational institutions are also built there where students can have their educational activities.

Food Centre Activity Analysis

Fitness Corner Activity Analysis

With a mixture of primary and secondary activities, the streets of Old Airport Road does not just remain quiet after mealtimes because the area does not serve only just a single function, but many. This helps the area for whatever reason they may be there”. The distance between blocks and facilities are not too far, hence promoting human interaction. According to Jane Jacobs, such conditions can “generate exuberant diversity on a city’s streets and districts”. Even though the neighbourhood is populated by mainly the older generation, these variation in activities and their types helps to bring people together in a suitably densed crowd. This prevents any parts of the area from being over or under-utilised, balancing out the number of people and activities performed at any point of time.

Change of City Form and what drives this change of city form

1950 Source: Loh, Joy. Picture of 1950 Kallang Airport

1973 Source: Loh, Joy. Picture of 1973 Kallang Aiport

2010 Source: Google Maps, Old Airport Road

Change of City Form

Drivers Of Urban Change

Kallang Airport was once named the ‘Finest Airport in the British Empire’ in the 1950s, but as time passes, the change of city form in that area and program spaces is inevitably seen. This was due to a pressing need for a bigger airport due to congestion, and the redevelopment of Kallang Airport was not an option due to residential areas hindering the airspace.

With technology advancement over time, cities tend to undergo social development, with the temptation of a higher quality of life, economic wellbeing, change of culture in the community and the drive to achieve Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that the Singapore government is promoting.

It started a gradual yet drastic change from a bustling airport to two areas

A higher quality of life can be one important factor behind urban change, as people move away from labour intensive work and instead choose new innovations that greatly improved their life. Recreational centres, such as Kallang Tennis Centre are set up. Much of the change in city form is as a result of this.

The runway for the travel of airplanes was abandoned and used as a long road for vehicles to run through. Residential areas have sprung up in the areas along Old Airport Road for easy access to the road. These low-rise residential areas are considered to be one of Singapore’s oldest HDB estates, namely Dakota Crescent. Schools being constructed, playgrounds designed for the children, and food centres are one of the many local facilities that make up this community town. Old Airport Road Food Centre along Old Airport Road is renowned for serving local cuisine, and it provides a space for community interaction. The second storey of the Food Centre houses ‘mama shops’ which are traditional convenience shops, and on which areas are for residential, food, and recreational. gers from planes is transformed to a building acting as the headquarters to People’s Association. The slipway that used to accommodate seaplanes is now the Oasis Building. A recreational building, the National Stadium, was known as Kallang Riverside in present times, with URA identifying it to be an area of key growth, in terms of entertainment and shopping opportunities . The terminal building is designated by the Singapore government to be conserved for commercial purposes. It is considered to be a major transformation, with property companies vying for this much sought after waterfront land.

With greater knowledge of the world, Singaporeans would want to increase their quality of life by increasing their purchasing power. They would most likely aim to redevelop older districts to further their economic wellbeing from the increase in businesses in the redeveloped area. Businesses opportunities are seen in the newly designated Kallang Riverside, and this leads to the grand transformation of the previously desolated area into a commercial hub. Intervention of state is also key, as the government is the one making the decision on which areas to urbanise and redevelop. Culture plays a huge part to urban change. It creates a sense of identity and belonging to the place through planned activities. Humans, in their need for social activities, design wide spaces for this very purpose. Old Airport Road Food Centre has indoor and outdoor spaces, and this area is always the most crowded throughout the day. Other areas tend to be quieter. MDGs are a set of goals that reduce poverty, hunger, disease and promote literacy and innovation in a society. To achieve this, society must also ernment is pushing the importance of achieving MDG. Urban context and innovations are adapted into structures and buildings. The area around Old Airport Road has shown signs of newer buildings, following improved regulations of the Built Environment Authority (BCA). Dakota Crescent has been designated by HDB to be an area for development.The transformation of Kallang Riverside is also such an example, with the design of facades for Singapore Sports Hub and Singapore Indoor Stadium to show that

Relationship between Urban Form and Public Life Humans and the Order of Spaces enced by the lives of humans who frequent it, or live near it. Human behaviour is the key factor behind the organization of spaces and landscape. dential area along Old Airport Road. Residential areas include Dakota

munity town, with wide spaces for the gathering of people. The number of a slower pace of life. This relates to Ashiharaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s formula , D/H, where D is the distance between buildings, and H is the height of surrounding buildings. D/H>1, where there is the implementation of open spaces, depicting a more suburban life.

Evaluation of Spatial Quality

The lighter area in the diagram shows the area covered by our analysis, bounded by landmarks such as the old Kalland Airport and the terminal bulding to the lower left, to the residential areas to the upper right. The long pathway down the middle would be Old Airport Road and Stadium Boulevard Road. The darker bounded areas shows a heavier density of people frequenting the area, compared to areas with a lighter shade. The darkest area to the left, is Kallang Waterfro=nt. Due to entertainment that area is more rapid. Buildings in this area tend to be taller, in relation to the number of people in the area. The second darkest area to the right refers to the Old Airport Road community. Residential areas and food centres populate this area. Human density is supposed to be heavy, though not as heavy as Kallang Waterfront, as Old Airport Road is a small but bonded community.

Secondly, the streets in a country play a major part in showing the lives of the people who live near it. Western societies use strveets outside their homes as a medium for interaction, and for social bonding. As a result, their streets are close together, and more narrow. In Old Airport Road, the roads are wide, and residents literally take streets for travelling purposes. Hence, this result in open areas around these streets constructed for interaction purposes. Thirdly, with the introduction of buses and trains to the area, Old Airport Road is now greatly accessible. Modernization is seen in the form of schools, food courts, churches and other amenities. It is because of this organization spaces such as the allocation of a space for recreation, education and commercial purposes. Finally, modernization brings about a need for an entertainment hub, where people from all over the country gather to share interests, to relax and for the exchange of ideas. This is the Kallang Waterfront area, which

dium. The need for human use is the prime factor behind the transforma-

OLD AIRPORT ROAD

Old Airport Road: Kallang Airport

by Seow Wan Ting

Collage of the Evolution of Kallang Airport1+

Introduction

The boundaries of the Singapore’s first international Airport - Kallang Airport, determined the landform of the Old Airport Road District. Entrenched between Geylang River and the Kallang River, the two water bodies surround and embodied the bustling district of Old Airport Road. Rich in history of the former Kallang Airport, it influenced the physical forms of the area such as the streets, nodes, districts and landmarks. Till today, the little details define the memories of the past and still resonate in the hearts of the citizens as the once prestigious Kallang Airport.

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The political, economical, cultural and social changes of the past have impacted the transformation of the terminal building from its peak in the early 1930s to today. The terminal building embodies the spirit of the humble origins of the development in Kallang. It plays an important role in allowing Singapore to be recognized as an “aviation miracle” from the past to the present. The evolution is seen in how people use the space and how the area is closely linked to the socio-political and economics situation of Singapore then. The different human activities and the perception of space among the different group of people utilizing the space creates this complex interaction of the different elements.1 This interaction, with respect to human activity, built form, and nature, forms an urban identity for the citizens living along the old Airport Road near the old Terminal Building. The various events that molds the space is also explored which shows how change is controlled and moderated. Factors such as the different human activities, different perception of the space among different groups of people, resulted in the evolution of the Kallang Airport. Along with the conservation efforts, evaluation of whether the space is well utilized is explored. This exploration shows how space, through the years of change and evolution, can still be used even if they were once abandoned, and the efforts to preserve spaces will be prominent, leaving a mark behind.

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Map of the Former Kallang Airport (Source: URA Conservation Portal - Former Kallang Airport)

+ Collage Sources: Flickr (https://www.flickr.com/photos/89154377@N02/9928673575/, https://www.flickr.com/photos/speed-timer/5538975977/, https://www.flickr.com/photos/39657093@N00/5771573082/), The Straits Times – Making sense of the present and the past (http://www.straitstimes.com/the-big-story/national-day-2014/story/making-sense-the-present-the-past-20140807) Visual Archive (http://visualarchive.sg/?p=1459) Fashionide – Hermes “Man on the Move” http://fashionide.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/hermes-man-on-the-move-singapore-old-kallang-airport.jpg)

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History of the Old Terminal Building The history of Singapore’s iconic landmark, the old Terminal Building of the former Kallang Airport contained many memories of the past. In the early 1930s, the kampongs (villages) were vacated for the construction of the new Airport and the terminal building. The airport was first opened in June 1937 after 5 years and with 8 million dollars, was designed by PWD’s chief architect, Frank Dorrington Ward. Designed with an early modernist British Architecture, it was fitted with many art decorative ornaments which some of those ornaments can be seen today. The terminal building had a control tower and attached hangars at two of the side blocks. Iconic and visually spectacular as it is with striking horizontal lines and streamlined curves, the Terminal building became one of the many landmarks of Kallang and a symbol of Singapore’s aviation excellence in the past. With its exceptional facilities, it was deemed as one of the “finest airport in the British Empire”.2 Amelia Earhart, a famous aviator, once labeled the airport as “an aviation miracle of the East” in 1937. In 21st November 1935, the first planes landed on Kallang Airport and this was followed by the completion of the terminal building in 1936. The airport was officially opened in 1937.3

Photograph of the old Terminal Building (1945) (Source: National Archives of Singapore)

In February 1942, Singapore’s air defense ended and the Kallang airport was surrendered to the Japanese. It became operational again when it was returned to the British and restored as Civil Airport shortly after in 1945. As the airport became inadequate due to the increased airflow, a new airport in Paya Lebar was proposed in 1955. In March 1956, a mass rally at Kallang was organized and it turned into a riot. In 1959, the People’s Action Party came into power. After Singapore’s independence and separation from Malaysia, the airport became the first central manpower base. Thereafter in 1960, the People’s Association took over till 2008 when it was gazette for conservation by Urban Redevelopment Authority. The conservation works started in 1994 and it costs about $4.16 million.4 During 2011, it was chosen to be the main venue of the Singapore Biennale, exhibiting contemporary artworks. In 2012, it was being featured in Shadow Spaces: Photographs of the Old Supreme Court at the Asian Civilization Museum.5 In 2014, the runway is once again glamorized by luxury fashion house, Hermes, as it unveils its latest men collection. The theme revolved around the notion of travel, which made the “Man on the Move” event ideal to be held at a different kind of runway.6

Photograph of the old Terminal Building (2014) (Source: http://sgurbex.blogspot. sg/2011/04/take-flight-and-explore.html)

The evolution is not simply based on the historical significance of the building but it is defined by the evolution of the area in the urban context, with respect to the social activities and nature. It has made an impact on human’s life and affected people both socially and spatially. The four main roads that surround the Terminal Building define the circulation of the airport. The roads are the Kallang Airport Way, Kallang Airport Drive, Geylang Road and Old Terminal Lane Road. This allows for easy accessibility to the site as it is connected to the surroundings both visually and physically. The public space, the terminal building area, can easily be spotted and walked to the area. The space allows for easy accessibility for pedestrians, bicycles and cars. Public transport options are also available with Kallang MRT Station and bus stops within the vicinity of the site.

Map of the Terminal Building (showing circulation) (Source: URA Masterplan 2014; Edited by: Seow Wan Ting)

Spatial Analysis Architectural Details

historical map of the neighbourhood

Art Deco Ornamentation (Source: http://remembersingapore.org/old-kallang-airport/)

The architecture of the Terminal Building was a masterpiece built in an early British modernist style with Art Deco ornamentation in its interior. The language of the building could be interpreted as being a contemporary airplane. Progress, speed and machinery were the concepts of the terminal building. The cylindrical glass control tower is seen as the central cockpit and it is being elevated. The concrete is being exposed, with glazed transparent glass and streamlined curves to show the buildings.7

historical map of the neighbourhood

Old Building showing Hangars (Source: http://remembersingapore.org/old-kallang-airport/)

The style of the building is easily identified as having a International Style1 because of the simplicity of the form, the usage of materials such as steel, glass and concrete with a clear distinction of the different spaces inside. Both east and west blocks was build in reinforced concrete to emphasize on the simplicity of the airline offices. Highly elevated and column free, the structure has hangars that are alongside the West block. The Old Kallang Airportâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s gate depicts an emblem of British Malaya with a tiger in front of a tower whereas at the entrance of the building, the emblem is of a lion against a coconut tree, a reference perhaps to self-governing Singapore. The unique bridge was the most special with an extra wide pathway for the people to walk. This is rare as not many overhead bridges in Singapore are with extra wide paths. The short lampposts around the bridge spanning over Nicoll Highway are not seen around Singapore. The height restrictions for the airplanes at the former Kallang airport resulted in shorter lampposts around the area and they have since then, became a characteristic of Kallang. 1 An architectural style developed in Europe and the United States in the 1920s and â&#x20AC;&#x2122;30s and became the dominant tendency in Western architecture during the middle decades of the 20th century. The most common characteristics of International Style buildings are rectilinear forms; light, taut plane surfaces that have been completely stripped of applied ornamentation and decoration; open interior spaces; and a visually weightless quality engendered by the use of cantilever construction. Glass and steel, in combination with usually less visible reinforced concrete, are the characteristic materials of construction. (From: Encyclopedia Britannica - International Style (architecture)

Bridge spanning over Nicoll HIghway (Source: http://remembersingapore.org/old-kallang-airport/)

Evolution of the Perception of Space Perception of Space

historical map of the neighbourhood

Utilization of Space

historical map of the neighbourhood

Perception of a Prestigious Airport in the Past (Source: Wikipedia Commons - Kallang Airport)

Future Programs (Source: URA Masterplan 2014; Edited by Seow Wan Ting)

From the beginning, people started to perceive the space as a precious and prestigious area due to its rich history in allowing Singapore to rise up in fame in the aviation sector. In the past, important political issues shows how significant the place is as an important venue as a platform for people to voice out their opinions. In March 1956, six of the members of parliament in Britain visited Singapore to access Singapore’s ability to deal with internal security. A mass rally organized on 18 March 1956 drawn a crowd of 25,000, gathered with various banners and slogans, trying to overpower the government. Political leaders stood on the stage including Mr. David Marshall, the Chief Minister of Singapore. Things turned ugly and the members of parliament made a dash to the terminal building to look for refuge. 50 people were injured in the process including 20 policemen. The space is also perceived as a space belonging to Singapore. It is designated as the first Central manpower base after Singapore’s separation from Malaysia.

The future of the Kallang Airport in the Urban Redevelopment’s Authority 2014 Master plan, remains as a conservation area. However, the area around it will all be developed. In the Northern side of the Airport, there will be more residential and commercial areas. In the Eastern side of the airport, many commercial buildings will be built and the area near the site will be left for development such as residential, hotels, commercials and mixed-used development. The left side of the airport are reserved for hotels. The hotels would be interesting as they are lined along the Kallang River and with a historical backdrop behind the hotels. Thus, the area around the airport will be revamped in the future, with bounteous different programs and amenities emerging. This allows for more activities enlivening the place, making the airport better known. This might in turn allow people to view the airport with admiration and greater esteem and view heritage sites with a higher value and purpose.

From 1940 to 2008, where the space was used as the Headquarters of People’s Association. It seemed abandoned and forgotten by the people. However, from 2011 onwards, the place was recognized as a valued place with a unique history and backdrop. The artistic community has found this new heritage building as suitable platforms for contemporary art events, such as Singapore Biennale 2011 and Hermes fashion show 2014. This synergy between heritage building and contemporary arts is useful in bringing to attention the awareness of the conservation buildings to the public. This helps to captivate and engage the heritage buildings that are conserved in Singapore. From an icon of aviation excellence, a significant platform for democracy, abandoned land, to a avant garde venue, the Airport has came a long way to reach today’s Old Kallang Airport. These activities defines the perception of the space from being respected, honored, remembered, abandoned, forgotten to valued, cherished and appreciated.

Based on the analysis above, the evaluation of space can be judged based on 4 key attributes by the Project of Public Spaces8; sociability, uses and activities, access and linkages and the comfort and image of the place. Under sociability, the airport is considered to be diverse but however, it has currently no evening use and little volunteerism and street life. In uses and activities, people still use the space for prestigious art events and it stays active being a part of the community. Due to the 4 main roads surrounding the building, accessibility is good as it allows usage of transits and pedestrian activity, being accessible and convenient. In the comfort and image, the airport is safe, attractive and historic, which makes the space generally comfortable. Thus, based on these attributes, the airport is indeed well utilized for it has been a part of the community since the start, with it being easily accessible to the public, it makes it a suitable venue for events to occur and therefore, it will continue to serve the community as a heritage site and as a platform for other uses in the efforts of the conservation.

Bukit Timah by Chloe Tan Mei Xin, Samuel Ng Ee Zhi, Ong Jia Ying, Lau Xue Yi

Introduction by Upper Bukit Timah Road to the north, Pan Island Expressway to the south and a large forested area to the west, this sub-zone of Bukit Timah called Anak Bukit contains an interesting mix of landed estates, condominiums, HDB flats, shophouses and commercial buildings which sets it apart from the other sub-zones mostly occupied by landed estates and condominiums. Major historical landmarks such as Beauty World Centre and Bukit Timah Shopping Plaza flank the eastern end of this area. Underneath the facade of this modern day prime residential estate lie plots of plantations and kampong houses dating back to the 1800s when tigers used to roam the area and attack people2. Development of Bukit Timah began in 1845 in a bid to get rid of tigers and facilitate works in the existing plantations and quarries. Also due to the plantations and quarries, Bukit Timah Village started to form. In the beginning of 20th century, factories such Cold Storage began to appear until the end of the century when the government decided to develop the area into a prime residential estate and relocate the factories3. The village was also demolished and residents relocated to todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s HDB flats.

Signage located at former Bukit Timah Railway Station. (Source: Lau Xue Yi)

The present day Bukit Timah is filled with a healthy mixture of residential, education, entertainment and commercial areas. These are all the result of the 1985 Bukit Timah Master Plan. The different areas of activities, such as study and resting are strategically divided and placed into distinct areas. Within the residential areas, there are HDBs, condominiums and landed properties. There are several shopping malls such as Beauty World Centre, Beauty World Plaza, Bukit Timah Shopping Centre and Coronation Plaza, with the first three situated right beside each other and along Bukit Timah Road. Across the three adjacent shopping mall lies a row of shophouses and also a place where a huge fire started in the 1980s which destroyed a once bustling market place. The 1985 Bukit Timah Master plan has resulted in roads such as the Upper Bukit Timah Road, Bukit Timah Road and Clementi Road to be upgraded into semi-expressways and this has greatly facilitated the flow of traffic into and out of the area. Furthermore, there is a current construction of the MRT Downtown Extension right in front of Beauty World Centre, which will increase the convenience of travel for residences.

Aerial view of Bukit Timah.1 (Source: kpochew, clubsnap.com)

Overall, present day Bukit Timah is a peaceful area with bustling activities happening ate different areas simultaneously. All the improvements to the creation of the present day Bukit Timah is the result of the 1985 Master Plan for Bukit Timah. The 1985 Bukit Timah Master Plan is the turning point of Bukit Timah where priority is given to creating to neater areas (commercal, residential, education), more public spaces and construction of mini-expressways.

Painting of Bukit Timah Railway Station. (Source: Samuel Ng Ee Zhi)

Urban History Pre-War (1900s-1930s)

Post-war (1940s-1960s)

historical map of the neighbourhood

Bukit Timah Village (1910).4 (Source: National Heritage Board)

The Bukit Timah Mukim consists of commercial and residential plots of land lined along the Bukit Timah Road. Commercial land use consists of plantations, farms, quarries and the reputable Singapore Turf Club. The Anak Bukit Area then was within close proximity to pineapple and rubber plantations and held a few kampongs6. During the early 1920s, there had already existed a market along Jalan Jurong Kechil. SituBukit Timah Railway Station (1915).5 ated strategically at a node where (Source: worldontrains.blogspot.com) the roads from Chua Chu Kang and Woodlands converge, this market became a place to serve the plantation and quarry workers in the area7. Farmers in the area would also sell their surplus in this market. More residential lots sprung up near the market and community developments like a school, a burial ground and a temple were built to serve the growing number of residents in the area. This formed the Bukit Timah Village, one of the early forms of a community in the Anak Bukit area.

historical map of the neighbourhood

Map of Anak Bukit Area in 1954.8 (Source: onemap)

During the early 1940s, an amusement park called Tai Tong Ah Amusement Park was set up and it offered entertainment in the area in the form of shows and gambling dens. The amusement park lost its popularity after the war and was converted to the Beauty World Market by the British authorities.. This open air market rose quickly in popularity, drawing crowds to its 166 stalls. The surge in popularity resulted in the building of A Number 5 bus from the Green Bus Co. new shop houses to accommodate leaving the King Albert Park Bus Depot for more shops selling food, provi(1955)9 (Source: ijamestann.blogspot.sg) sions and textile. With the expansion and development to accommodate for a great variety of stalls, Anak Bukit became a lively place for gathering and entertainment10. This quality of Anak Bukit also attracted transportation companies to cater to the demand for transport that led to the Beauty World Market such as the Green Bus Company.vThis allowed for greater access to Anak Bukit from other districts and added value to its potential for development.

Transition (1970s - 1980s)

Today (1990s-now)

1958 Masterplan for Anak Bukit (Source: URA)11 (By Chloe Tan Mei Xin)

Residential density plan (Source: 1993 Planning Report)18

The first few developments included the relocation of food vendors at Bukit Timah VIllage Market and Beauty World Market to the Bukit Timah Market and Food Centre built in 197414 and the opening of Bukit Timah Shopping Centre and Bukit Timah Plaza in 197815. Shortly after, the government began relocating kampong residents to HDB flats to improve land use planning and in 1987, the Toh Yi Gardens HDB estate was built in place of the former Bukit Timah Village16. In 1983, Beauty World Centre was constructed to relocate vendors at the former Beauty World Market due to the safety hazards such as electrical and fire that it posed17.

Residential Sprawl In Anak Bukit. 1988.12 (Source: onemap)

Chun Tin Rd from Upp Bukit Timah Road. 1982.13 (Source: National Library Board)

The turning point in the urban fabric of Anak Bukit happened when the first master plan to redevelop Singapore was approved by the government in 1958. With this guide and push for development, more roads leading into the previously inaccessible land had been paved over the years to form paths and divisions for housing, changing the sparsely populated land to one that is dense with residents. In the early 1970s, besides landed estates, this area housed the Bukit Timah Village along with its village market and a number of factories such as the Yeo Hiap Seng Sauce Factory, Significant changes in the 1970s and 1980s in the Anak Bukit area occured mainly in the west area where the villages and kampongs were located in a bid to improve the hygiene and aesthetics of the area to facilitate Singaporeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s shift towards a developing state.

In the 1990s, the government recognised the prime location of Bukit Timah and decided to further develop it as a high-end residential estate comprising mostly of low and medium-density estates due to its proximity to the central area, Bukit Timah Nature Reserve and Pan Island Expressway. This means greater convenience for the residents commuting to and fro between home and workplace, and lush greenery offering both views and a nature getaway which is lacking in most of Singapore as a result of rapid development in a rising state. As stated in the Bukit Timah Planning Report 1993, URA aimed to develop Bukit Timah into: â&#x20AC;&#x153;A premier residential area of Singapore with good quality mix of low and medium rise housing to enhance the prime residential character of the area, excellent transportation links throughout the area and other parts of Singapore and relocation of incompatible uses in favour of residential use.â&#x20AC;?19 A map of Bukit Timah today shows an area occupied largely by residential estates as a result of the master plan.

Urban Analysis Spatial Analysis

Central location of Bukit Timah Community Club. (Source: Lau Xue Yi)

Shophouses as noise filter for landed estates. (Source: Lau Xue Yi)

The Anak Bukit area spans a total of 267 Ha , and consists of a unique residential mix of HDB buildings, condominiums, landed estates and shophouses with small pockets of public spaces inserted within a specific radius of residential homes. The area also houses several schools such as Bukit Timah Primary School and Pei Hwa Presbyterian Primary School. One feature of this area is the strategic placement of Bukit Timah Community Club right in the centre where all the different types of estates meet so as to facilitate participation in community activities by residents of all social strata. Also, it can be observed how significant nodes of social activities are located further from landed estates such as the Beeh Low See Temple and Bukit Timah Market and Food Centre which are in close proximity to Toh Yi Gardens and Beauty World Centre and Bukit Timah Shopping Centre which are segregated from the landed estates by a row of shophouses. These nodes are often bustling with social activities which can cause mild noise pollution at times which would disrupt the peace and serenity of the landed districts if placed near these areas. Hence, the high-rise HDB buildings and shophouses serve as a barrier between these nodes and the landed districts to preserve the serenity of the area, one of the key features of a premier estate. Besides activity nodes, there exists an interesting contrast between the existing high-rise HDB buildings and the surrounding low and medium-rise condominiums and landed estates besides the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s effort to blend in the high rise HDB flats with the low-rise landed estates. This clearly demarcates the area between high-density and low-density residential estate. This also further enhances the aesthetics and emphasizes on the spaciousness of the wealthier estates due to the great difference between D/H22 (distance between 2 buildings/height of buildings) ratios of the two different types of estates, where it is about 0.3 in HDB estates and 1 in landed estates.

Beeh Low See Temple surrounded by HDB flats. (Source: Lau Xue Yi)

Height comparison between HDBs, condominiums and landed estates. (Source: Lau Xue Yi)

Land Use

Activities

Arrangement of private and public landuse in relation to the roads. (Source: Chloe Tan)

One of the playgrounds in Anak Bukit area. (Source: Chloe Tan Mei Xin.)

Anak Bukit is a residential district with a large portion of the area taken up by private landed houses. HDBs and Condominium occupy the smaller part of the residential landuse. Small community spaces like playgrounds and exercise areas are found scattered among the private landed houses. The size and location of these spaces indicate that they are built use of the small groups of families living nearby. Bukit Timah Primary School is also located within the cluster of private houses bounded by Toh Tuck Road and the expressway, catering almost exclusively to the children of the residents staying in the private landed estate. The condominiums too, have private spaces within their fenced boundaries for the use of the condominium residents. The HDBs on the other hand are located close to the larger shared community spaces close the main road. The commercial areas in Anak Bukit comprise mainly of private businesses that serve the needs of the residents. The most frequented commercial spaces are the Bukit Timah Market and Food Center and the L-shaped row of shop houses along Cheong Chin Nam Road and Chun Tin Road. The market and food centre provides fresh and cooked food for the residents of Anak Bukit and the shophouses hold eateries, clinics and provision shops that residents visit for basic services. Bukit Timah Shopping Centre and Beauty World Plaza stand opposite the row of shophouses at Cheong Chin Nam Road. Their tenants consist mainly of education centers, maid agencies and interior design studios. These two shopping centres do not quite fulfill their purpose of drawing crowds and facilitating commerce as they pale in comparison with the newer and larger shopping malls at Jurong and Chua Chu Kang.

Flea market at Bukit Timah Community Club. (Source: Lau Xue Yi)

Cyclist at Bukit Timah Railway Station. (Source: Lau Xue Yi)

Several nodes of activities exist in a cluster within this area, including the Bukit Timah Community Club, Bukit Timah Market and Food Centre, pockets of public playgrounds and the former Bukit Timah Railway Station. These nodes serve as a congregation area for the residents where they get to interact with one another. These nodes also serve multifunctional uses. One example is the Bukit Timah Railway Station which is both a heritage site and a green space where fitness enthusiasts jog or cycle past in their leisure time. The Bukit Timah Community Club houses an indoor sports hall and an outdoor atrium where community events such as flea markets and community dinners are held. The atrium hence serves as an important point of contact for residents in the area.

Reflections Drivers of Urban Change

Clockwise from top left: Bukit Timah Turf Club, Bukit Timah Railway Station, Bukit Timah Market and Food Centre, Condominium along Jalan Jurong Kechil, HDB Flats at Toh Yi Drive, Beauty World Plaza, Old Dairy Farm, Old Ford Motor Factory

Economic In the 1800s, Bukit Timah was mainly covered with dense vegetation. The British then decided to establish gambier and pepper plantations and thus cleared the elevated lands there. They primed Bukit Timah into becoming an industrial hub to build the economy. They set up many economic establishments in Bukit Timah and they include the Old Ford Motor Factory, Castrol Oil Company and Cycle & Carriage Daimler-Benz car assembly plant24. The British wanted to ensure efficient transport systems to deliver gambier and pepper produce to the town itself25 and thus created the KTM Malayan Railway whose purpose was to ferry passengers and cargo through Hillview area, from Malaysia to Tanjong Pagar station in the south. The Bukit Timah station was built in 1932 to expedite the railway efficiency and accessibility. By the 1960s and 1970s, Bukit Timah blossomed into a major industrial centre as a result of British active efforts to boost the economy. Cultural The Swiss arrived as early as the late 19th century as merchants, watchmakers and later joined the hotel industry. The Swiss club was established as the Swiss Rifle Shooting club of Singapore in 1871 at valley near Balestier road. British officials lived in the vicinity of Bukit Timah Hill, therefore resulting in construction of landed estates of English architectural style around that area such as Hillview Avenueâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Elizabeth Drive, showing the influence of wealthy foreigners in Singaporeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s infrastructure during the colonial days. Bukit Timah also had indigenous architecture from its early days. Mosques, Chinese villages and Malay kampongs were present then and continued until the 1990s when the government applied its land use zoning redevelopment policies.Hoon San Temple is an example of a Chinese vernacular

building. Bukit Timah also saw many private cemeteries built there because Chinese geomancy considered the area prime. However, the cemetery was exhumed in the 1990s due to government redevelopment plans. The Masjid Al-Huda is a mosque that was erected in 1925 to cater to the Malay residents living around Sixth Avenue. Near to the this mosque are two traditionally build Malay kampongs that embody the Bumbung Lima Style, which was influenced by colonial Dutch and British architecture. Political In the 1958 Master Plan, the government wanted to develop Bukit Timah as a premier living estate and hence wanted to create more low leveled, sparse, private housing. They realized that there were too many HDB estates in the area and as a result the bulk of Hillview estate was relocated to Bukit Gombak. The Plan also sought to relocate the industrial areas still existent in Bukit Timah to Jurong. Currently, there is a myriad of buildings and spaces â&#x20AC;&#x201C; HDB flats, condominiums, community centers, natures reserve and shopping malls. The excellent urban planning in Bukit Timah with itsmix of social spaces can be accredited to the government. The Bukit Timah zone is self-sufficient because it contains the whole range of facilities. Bukit Timah was like a microcosm of Singapore representing the changes and that Singapore went through. It went through hands of colonial masters, the Japanese generals and final the Singapore government. The land saw plantations and farms, industrial estates, and exciting modern condominiums and private housing being built on it during the course of time. It was like a mirror reflecting the current state of Singapore was in.

Relationship between Urban Form and Public Life

Map marking out different zones of Bukit Timah (Source: Ong Jia Ying)

Wide roads for vehicular traffic and narrow ones for pedestrian traffic. (Source: Ong Jia Ying)

At present day, there is a healthy mix of different residential estates such as HDB, condominiums and landed propertires. Behind this residential facade, Bukit Timah is pocketed with several shopping malls (Bukit Timah Shopping Centre and Beauty Wrld Centre) and prestigious schools (National Junior College). Other than residential, educational and entertainment areas, there is also the eixstence of food stores, wet markets (Bukit Timah Hawker Centre) and a row of shophouses right before Beauty World Centre. The wholesome land use distribution has definitely met most of the residents needs. People living at Bukit Timah leads a life of order and everything that Bukit Timah offers them has benefited them in one way or another.

activities occuring at specific times of the day. People living at Bukit Timah only head to specific areas only when they need to. In comparison to the past where entertainment, recreation, food and education are combined with no separation, people carry out their activities spontaneously.

However, on closer examination, these different zones are segregated into separate distinct areas. This clear and separate organisation of different zones is the result of the 1958 Bukit Timah Master Plan, where more focus is being placed on residential areas, entertainment areas and roads for traffic flow. These actions ultimately separate work from leisure time. For instance, customers only start pouring into Bukit Timah Hawker Centre between 7:30 p.m. and 8:30 p.m. and the supper crowds starts coming in after 8:00 p.m. It can be interpreted that there is not much morning to afternoon activities happening at Bukit Timah Hawker Centre because students are attending schools and adults are working. This is also one of the main reason for the steadily declining level of human activites at Beauty World Centre. As mentioned by Jane Jacobs that some places “are declining mysteriously, not because their users have been drained away by automobiles. They are witlessly murdered, in good part by deliberate policies of sorting out leisure time uses from work uses, under the misapprehension that this is orderly city planning.” 1958 Master Plan has entirely removed the disorder from Bukit Timah, resulting in a decrease in street activities and hence the dynamism of the streets of Bukit Timah. The placement and arrangement of different activites have a direct relationship with the public life. The present urban form of Bukit Timah is separated into different areas of activity and this has resulted in specific public

Furthermore, construction and upgrading of roads such as Upper Bukit Timah Road, Bukit Timah Road and Clementi Road into semi-expressways has overpowered and taken over the once bustling street life of Bukit Timah. The wider the width of traffic roads, the narrower the human pavement becomes and the lesser the human activities happen. As stated by Ghel in one of his books, “ it is obvious that human activities, being able to see other people in action constituted the areras main attraction. For example, street painters collects large crowds as long as their work was in progress, but when they left the area, pedestrians walked over the paintings without hesitation.”28 The present streets are not wide enought for bustling human activities. Instead, human activities are concentrated within walls of community centres and in open spaces such as parks and in this case, the confinement of shopping malls and community centres. Overall, on a large scale, it is clear that Bukit Timah is diverse with many commercial, housing, entertainment and education areas. Such large varitey of different zones provide Bukit Timah residents with a holistic environment where almost all their needs are catered to. However, as Bukit Timah is closely examined, it can be noticed that the streets of Bukit Timah lacks human activities. To conclude, Bukit Timah is diverse with many different activities and the needs of residents are mostly catered to. The strategic placement of these activities has resulted in a more organised life experienced by the residents but at the expense of the street life. This has resulted in people being more individualistic and hence decline of street life activities. It can be generally concluded that the neater and more organised the urban life form, the neater and more organised the public life. However, this comes at the expense of street life.

BUKIT TIMAH

d: Bukit Timah Railway Road: Bukit Corridor Timah Railway Corridor by Yap Kar Jing, Joel

Bukit Timah black cast iron bridge. Source: Yap Kar Jing, Joel

Introduction

h Railway This Station paperfrom explores the evolution of the Bukit Timah Railway Station from Corridorafrom public a private to a private space; and Bukit Timah Railway Corridor from a private n and railway to public corridor one. I will discuss how the railway station and railway corridor

ay Corridor also has be discussion driven as to how the Bukit Timah Railway Corridor has driven

paper has been separated into three main categories: 1) Historical analysis.

way Co2rr)idBourk’sitcTuim rreanht Railway Station and Bukit Timah Railway Corridor ’s current status.

way Corridor’s 3) Bukitfuture TimahinRailway Station and Bukit Timah Railway Corridor’s future in Singapore.

railway In corridor each ofwill thebecategories, the railway station and the railway corridor will be g systemanalysed of the railway in many domains, for example, the working system of the railway ace, andand development the social activities that took place/are taking place, and development plans relating to the railway. Bukit Timah Railway Station, Singapore in 1905.1 Source: National Archives Bukit Timah Railway Station, Singapore in 1905.1 Source: National Archives

History of Bukit Timah Railway Corridor

Sign board conversed in Bukit Timah Railway Station Source: Yap Kar Jing, Joel

“Key Token” exchange by station master at Bukit Timah Railway Station5 Source: supermerlion’s blog

Bukit Timah Railway Station, located in King Albert Park is one of the oldest existing railway station in Singapore. It was built in 1903 and started operation in 1915 under KTM.2 The railway station was initially an unstable wooden structure until July 17, 1960 when it was renovated into a more stable brick structure. The station housed a total of three train tracks because the entire railway was designed as single-track lines. The closest track to the station platform is the main track for trains traveling between Woodlands train checkpoint and Tanjong Pagar Terminal Station and is used for passengers to board or alight the train. The middle track is called the loop track and is designed to allow a train to hold its position when two trains arrive at the station at the same time. The last track is used to unload cargo as well as for any emergency purposes.

In the past, Bukit Timah Railway Station served as an important transportation as well as gathering node. Bukit Timah has progressed rapidly after World War II due to the convenience of transportation that Bukit Timah Railway Station

On July 1, 2011, the station was closed after the Malaysian Immigration decided to move to Tanjong Pagar Terminal Station in 1993. Passengers will no longer to able to board or align the train in Bukit Timah Railway Station. station’s sign board did not change and the railway station still serves as an interchange to allow trains traveling in the opposite direction to pass each

KTM train in Bukit Timah Railway Station.6 Source: supermerlion’s blog

Railway Station on maps as early as 1954. Many plantations were removed to make space for factories, housing estate and amenities. Many factories were set up around the Bukit Timah Railway Station, such as Lam Choon Rubber Factory and Yeo Hiap Seng, Sauce Factory due to the convenience of The population in Bukit Timah then was sparse and started to boom after the railway was open in areas such as Bukit Timah Village, Kilburn Estate and King Albert Park due to the jobs opportunity provided by the factories Timah Dispensary and Green Bus Depot, were able to provide the residents in the area with basic services. Bukit Timah Railway Station is undoubtedly an important landmark driving the development of the Bukit Timah region and economy growth in Singapore.

management system to prevent collisions on single-track lines. On November 27, 1990, the then Prime Minister of Singapore, Mr Lee Kuan signed the Malaysia-Singapore 1990 Points of Agreement (POA),3 which agreed that KTM would vacate the land occupied by the railway tracks. The railway operated for 96 years before ceasing operation in June 30, 2011 when the last train pulled out of Tanjong Pagar Terminal Station. The train, captained by Johor Sultan Ibrahim Ismail Iskandar passed by Bukit Timah Railway Station on its way towards Woodland Checkpoint Station. On the over to Singapore Land Authority (SLA) marking an important chapter in Singapore’s land transport history.4

Bukit Timah Railway Station at 1957.7 Source: National Archives

Currect Activities in Bukit Timah Railway Corridor Bukit Timah Heritage Trails

Sport and Recreation Spot

historical map of the neighbourhood 10

There were some social activities conducted in Bukit Timah Railway Corridor Map of Bukit Timah Heritage Trail.8 Source: Singapore’s National Heritage Board

Bukit Timah Heritage Trail, marking its recognition by the Singapore’s National Heritage Board of as a location of heritage importance.9 Bukit Timah Railway Station is one of the most important transportation connection between Malaysia and Singapore in the 20th century. One of the few remaining tracks left after the railway was dismantled is the black cast iron bridge above Bukit Timah Road conserved from the old railway track, and is a popular photo taking site for Singaporeans. What is most prominent is how this piece of history has been conserved, treasured and continuously admired by Singaporeans, acting as a small but invaluable reminder of our past.

Former Bukit Timah Railway Station. Source: Yap Kar Jing, Joel

(SLA). The Bukit Timah Railway Corridor transformed from an important transportation node into recreational space. The greenery that surrounds the Bukit Timah Railway Corridor, provides a pleasant amount of shade, and is one of the reasons sport lovers and natural lovers are attracted to this space. One of the activities organised along the corridor was the Green Corridor Run. The 10.5km course, starting at the historic Tanjong Pagar Terminal at the former Bukit Timah Railway Station.11 This race not only attracted the serious runners but also nature lovers. This race allowed participants to live a healthy lifestyle and at the same time enjoy the view of nature spread along the green railway corridor. The purpose of this race is to enable participants

Banner of Green Corridor Run 2013.12

The interior building of Bukit Timah Railway Station is not available to the public for visiting. But the station’s main building, sign board and tokens system that were all preserved can be viewed from outside. The station used to be a public space that has now been privatised, whereas the Bukit Timah Railway Corridor has been converted from a privatised space into a public one. In the past, the public was not allowed into the Railway Corridor for safety reasons. But, following the pulling out of the last train, the railway tracks have been converted into a space for public use, be it as a jogging Former Bukit Timah Railway Station. Source: Yap Kar Jing, Joel

Token System. Source: Yap Kar Jing, Joel

for exploration of biodiversity.

Future Plan in Bukit Timah Railway Corridor Railway Corridor Project8

The Green Corridor A Proposal to Keep the Railway Lands as a Continuous Green Corridor18

Singapore’s Nature Society have made public the paper “The Green Corridor A Proposal to Keep the Railway Lands as a Continuous Green Corridor”,19 directed by Mr Leong Kwok Peng, the Vice President of Singapore’s Nature Society, which voiced its supported for the use of the land as a continuous Green Corridor. According to the paper, this Green Corridor has the potential to serve to 1.2 million people living in the nearby estates. Areas of the track close to residential quarters can be transformed into parks, recreational areas, community gardening and farming spaces. They also suggested that cycling path and pedestrian paths be built along the railway tracks to contribute to its accessibility and value as a recreational space 20

Map for Singapore Railway Corridor.13 Source: City Form Lab

The Singapore Railway Corridor is a 26KM long railway track connecting the north and south of Singapore. The Railway Corridor is used almost a century for trains to travel from Malaysian Peninsula to Singapore. The railway areas. So the Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA)14 have announced on May, 2 2012 the formation of a Railway Corridor Partnership to look into the program and promotion of suitable community activities and events along the Railway Corridor. One of the ideas exhibited at the URA Centre is City Form Lab’s study on 50 possible new access points that could be added to the Railway Corridor.15 The City Form Lab is a collaboration between researchers in the Singapore University of Technology and Design (SUTD) and the School of Architecture & Planning at Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Their study investigates how the accessibility of the corridor to the public can be improved by increasing the number of amenties like pathways and bridges. public is the highest. The study also investigated the distribution of activities along the railway corridor and analysed then in the context of the railway corridor’s redevelopment plans.16

Railway track infront former Bukit Timah Railway Station. Source: Yap Kar Jing, Joel

New major water line21 Other than URA, Singapore’s Public Utilities Board (PUB) and the National Water Agency have announced that they are laying a new trunk water pipeline under the railway tracks from the Murnane Service Reservoir, in central Singapore, in order to meet future demands for water from the city area. About half of the 22km pipeline form Murnane Reservoir that will connect from Bukit Timah Road to Maxwell Road, will be built beneath the former KTM railway line. The construction work for Murnane pipeline is expected to begin in 2015 and to be completed by 2019.22 This project is indicative of the Government’s commitment to secure water for the city’s future. On the whole, the project also contributes to ensuring a high quality living environment for Singaporeans by maximising use of alternative spaces.23

Conclusion

Bukit Timah Railway station has been transformed from a previously private space owned by KTM into a public space accessible to the general populace and potentially as a heritage site. The railway station and spaces once occupied by the tracks are slated for further development to better preserve the existing green spaces and improve the connectivity of the site to the surrounding populated areas. With greater accessibility, more Singaporeans can be introduced to the rich history within Bukit Timah conservation area as well as conduct public activities for leisure and recreation.

Amenities around the corridor.17 Source: City Form Lab

redeveloped as a point of gathering where the elderly can reminisce the past while the younger generation can enjoy a leisurely space of relatively untouched land amidst Singapore’s hectic city development and lifestyle.

Beauty World Centre: Role within Bukit Timah Beauty World by Ong Jia Ying (1000599) Centre: Role within Bukit Timah Beauty World Centre: Role within Bukit Timah by Ong Jia Ying (1000599) BUKIT TIMAH

by Ong Ong Jia Jia Ying Ying (1000599) (1000599) by

Caption Caption captioncaption captioncaption Caption caption caption Caption caption caption

Introduction Introduction Bukit Timah Timah is is an an area area in in Singapore Singapore that that is is known known as as the the‘rich ‘rich man’s man’s estate’ estate’.. The The present present day day Bukit Bukit Timah is known as a ‘rich man’s estate’ in Singapore. The Bukit Timah today is home to

Bukit Timah is known as a ‘rich man’sestates, estate’ incondominiums, Singapore. The Bukit Timah today is homemalls. to Bukit Timah isestates, home to several several landed schools and shopping several landedlanded condominiums, HDBsestates, and prestegious schools such as Hwa Chong Bukit Timah is home to landed condominiums, schools and shopping malls. several estates, condominiums, HDBs and prestegious schools such as Hwa Chong Amongst the wealthy residence areas, there are places places with richresidences, heritages and and historical historical Institution. Evenwealthy though Bukit Timah isTimah largely by the wealthy there are there are Amongst the residence there are with Institution. Even though Bukitareas, is populated largely populated byrich the heritages wealthy residences, still pockets ofof with rich heritage and history values such as the Timah Railway values. One ofplaces the highlight ofrich Bukit Timah is this this particular 45Bukit million dollar shopping mall still pockets ofhighlight places with heritage and history values such as the Bukit Timah Railway values. One the of Bukit Timah is particular 45 million dollar shopping mall Station and several commercial shopping areas such as Beauty World Centre and Bukit Timah named Beauty World Centre and it was one of the pioneering shopping malls. Beauty World Station andWorld several commercial areas such as Beautyshopping World Centre and Bukit Timah named Beauty Centre and it shopping was one of the pioneering malls. World Plaza. It was was one of the pioneering shopping malls Singapore during 1980s and wasBeauty Centre successfully erected in 1983, 1983, afterinthe the 1970 fire thatthe detroyed famous Bukit Plaza. was one of the pioneering shopping malls in Singapore during theaa1980s and was Centre wasItsuccessfully erected in after 1970 fire that detroyed famous Bukit highly popular. popular. Timahhighly marketplace.Shortly after the the erection erection of of Beauty Beauty World World Centre, Centre, the the 1985 1985 Bukit Bukit Timah Timah Timah marketplace.Shortly after Master Plan was executed, which signifies highlyBeauty significant turning point for Bukit Bukit Timah. Timah. This paper willwas be mainly basedwhich on Beauty WorldaaCentre. Worldturning Centre ispoint a 45 milMaster Plan executed, signifies highly significant for This paper will be mainly based on Beauty World Centre. Beauty World Centre is a 45 million dollar shopping mall that was successfully erected in 1983, living after the 1970 fire that has The 1985 Bukit Timah Master Plan aims to create better conditions for people living in The 1985 Bukit shopping Timah Master Planwas aims to create erected better living conditions for people lion dollar mall that successfully inerection 1983, after the 1970 fire thatliving has in destroyed a famous marketplace ofroad Bukitconstruction, Timah. Shortly increase after the of Beauty World Bukit Timah and that includes in residential areas, open spaces Bukit Timah andaTimah that 1985 includes road in residential areas, openWorld spaces destroyed famous marketplace ofwas Bukit Timah.increase Shortly thePlan erection of Beauty Centre, the Bukit Master Planconstruction, executed. The 1985after Master is the turning and commercial places. With such careful and detailled organization andPlan planning by the the Centre, Bukit Timah 1985 Master Plan wasdetailled executed. The 1985 Master is the turning and places. With such careful and organization and planning by pointcommercial of Bukit the Timah. government, Beauty World Centre Centre should should have have been been aa shopping shopping mall mall that that will will continue continue to to point of Bukit Timah. government, Beauty World be popular even today. The fact that it Beauty World Centre is now a quiet and forgotten However, many years after the execution of the 1985 Master Plan, the level of human activbe popular even today. The fact that it Beauty World Centre is now a quiet and forgotten However, many years after theultimately execution of thehas 1985 Master Plan,of the level of human activity happening within and outside Beauty World Centre gradually decreased. Thisand then shopping mall is confusing. confusing. This leads to the question “Why how did did Beaushopping mall is This ultimately leads to the question of “Why and how Beauultimately leads tothat the question “Why andBeauty howthe did Beauty World Centre evolved from a once ity happening within and outside World Centre has gradually decreased. This then ty World Centre was erected during turning point of Bukit Timah evolve form a once once ty World Centre that was erected during the turning point of Bukit Timah evolve form a bustling place toleads a quiet and what“Why is theand use how of such quiet and unknown ultimately toplace the question didaBeauty World Centreshopping evolved from a once bustling place to an almost forgotten shopping mall?” This paper tackles and tries to answe bustling to antoalmost forgotten shopping mall?” This paper and tries to answe mall?”bustling Thisplace paper tackles tries to answer the two questions by focusing on both external place aand quiet place and what is the use of such a quiettackles and unknown shopping the question bypaper focusing onBeauty both external andand internal spatial analysis of Beauty Beauty World Cenandquestion internal spatial analysis of World Centre the relationship between the by focusing on both external and internal spatial analysis of Cenmall?” This tackles and tries to answer the twocrucial questions by focusing on bothWorld external tre and the crucial relationship between both external external and internal spaces. The Thebetween external and and external and internal spaces. and internal spatial analysis between of Beauty World Centre and theinternal crucial relationship tre and the crucial relationship both and spaces. external internal spaces ofinternal Beautyspaces. World are are highly highly dependent dependent on on each each other other and and understanding understanding the the external and internal spaces of Beauty World The front view of present day Beauty World Centre The external and internalthem spacesisofthe Beauty World are highly dependent on each other andsteadily relationship between key to better understand the reasons for the derelationship between them isbetween the keythem to better understand the reasons for the steadily de- The front view viewof ofpresent presentday dayBeauty Beauty World Centre understanding the relationship is the key to better understand theon reasons The front front World Centre view of present day Beauty World Centre The external and internal spaces Beauty World are each other andob- The clining human activities and how how it of has influenced thehighly urbandependent lifeurban form.life The information for theunderstanding steadily declining human activities and how it has influenced the form. clining human activities and it has influenced the urban life form. The information obthe relationship between them isanalysis, the key to better understand the reasons tained for the the paper paper was based on siteanalysis, interviews with people at Beauty Beauty The information obtained was basedon onhands-on hands-on site interviews withwith people at tained was based site analysis, people forfor the steadily declining humanhands-on activities and how it hasinterviews influenced the urban life at form. Beauty World Centre, books from the Singapore National Library and reliable online websites. World Centre, books from Singapore National Library and reliable online websites. They are WorldThe Centre, books obtained from Singapore National Librarysite and reliable online websites. They information was based on hands-on analysis, interviews with people at are Information obtained was also carefully examined and that analysed to ensure that the paper isaccurate. also carefully examined and analysed to ensure the paper is unbiased and Beauty World Centre,and books from the National Library and reliable online websites. also carefully examined analysed toSingapore ensure that the paper is unbiased and accurate. unbiased and as accurate as possible.

Information obtained was also carefully examined and analysed to ensure that the paper is unbiased and as accurate as possible.

External Spatial Analysis of Beauty World Centre

Beauty World Centre is situated between two mini expressways, with the back facing Jln Anak Bukit Road and the front facing Upper Bukit Timah Road. From the map, the commercial areas are effectively zoned within the triangled area created by the three roads. When looking at the overall position of Beauty World Centre, it appears to be situated at a favourable position. One can be fooled into thinking that the neat segregation of the different residential, commercial and educational zones will ensure the necessary order needed in the people’s life. On the contrary, human activity surrounding Beauty World Centre has been steadily declining ever since 2003. One of the reason for the declination is the distinct zoning of the different areas. Beauty World is “witlessly murdered, in good part by deliberate policies of sorting out leisure time uses from work uses, under the misapprehension that this is orderly city planning”, as mentioned by Jane Jacobs (pg 171). The placement and arrangement of different activities has caused different public activities to occur only at specific times of the day. For example students will only be able to visit Beauty World Centre after their school hours (usually 2:00 p.m.). However, given a choice, people generally choose more popular options such as Orchard ION or the recently opened JEM at Jurong East. This clear separation of different zones coupled with existence of newer and more popular shopping mall options has resulted The back of Beauty World Centre facing Jln Anak Bukit Road in the decline of public activities around Beauty World Centre. On closer examination, the Downtown Extension construction occurring right infront of Beauty World Centre is another factor affecting the public activities around Beauty World Centre. Noise and air pollution resulting from the ongoing construction deters any potential people from visiting Beauty World Centre. Large green walls that were erected has unintentionally blocked almost a quarter of the view of Beauty World Centre. The green walls acts as a barrier that covers Beauty World Centre from the other parts of the world. People driving along Upper Bukit Timah Road fail to notice the existence of Beauty World Centre, their attention solely focused on the unsightly construction activities. Apart from the ongoing construction, another major problem that has surfaced is the ratio of the width of roads to width of streets. As stated by Ghel (pg 29), “it is obvious that human activities, being able to see other people in action constituted the areas main attraction. For example, street painters collects large crowds as long as their work was in progress, but when they left the area, pedestrians walked over the paintings without hesitation.” For a place to have bustling human activities, there must already be some form of human activity ocuring. In order for that to happen, there must be enough street space. It is clear that the width of the roads for traffic flow is much larger than that of streets for people Picture portraying how much public space was given to roads to walk on. The 1985 Bukit Timah Master Plan has placed more emphasis on the miniexpressway construction and resulted in the eventual neglect of the streets for people to walk on. Referring to the picture drawn by Claes Tingvall, one can vividly imagine just how much public space urban planners have unknowingly surrendered to roads. To further highlight the gravity of the situation, “much of the space dedicated to cars doesn’t actually get used by them” (Joseph Stromberg) other than during the peak hours. It is frustrating to walk on the narrow streets and observe the large amount of space dedicated to roads, which could potentially be used to house human activities. The rather narrow walk space infront of Beauty World Centre coupled with the jarring noise pollution from the Downtown Line construction and the unsightly green walls has regretfully reduced the existing and potential human activities around Beauty World Centre. It is clear that the present day Beauty World Centre is a result of the 1985 Bukit Timah Master Plan. The 1985 Master Plan which hoped to improve the living conditions of Singaporeans living at Bukit Timah has resulted in several changes in Beauty World Centre. It has made Beauty World Centre one of the pioneering and most bustling shopping malls in Singapore. However, the glorious days did not last as the human activities surrounding Beauty World Centre began to decline around 2003 as a result of the long term after ef- Street between Beauty World Centre and Upper Bukit Timah Road fects of the 1985 Master Plan and the Downtown Line Construction.

Internal Spatial Analysis of Beauty World Centre

historical map of the neighbourhood

Internal strcuture and view of Beaty World Centre.

historical map of the neighbourhood

Old Tailor shop that is still present in Beauty World Centre.

Another important point to note is that in comparison to the external human activities of Beauty World Centre, the internal human activities are significantly higher. Shops in the olden days (10 years ago) are still present. The shops are much more varied as compared to modern shopping malls such as Orchard ION and JEM. Language centres, maid agencies, printing services, tailor shops, barber etc. are a few of the highly varied shops in Beauty World Centre. This is very much different from the modern shopping malls that consist of popular brands such as Cotton On, Uniqlo and other famous international branches. It is generally known that modern day shopping malls cater mainly to the leisure and entertainment needs of people. It is the same for Beauty World Centre in the past, where people from Clementi, Woodlands and Jurong make a trip to visit this pioneering shopping mall of Singapore. However, the present day Beauty World Centre has evolved from catering to the leisure and entertainment needs of people to catering to the necessity and personal needs of people. This evolution occurs because of the desire to change that is always present within humans. It is in human nature to want change. This particular desire to change is the main driving force behind the erection of newer shopping malls around Singapore. New shopping malls have shops that are more popular and attractive and they cater to the luxury needs of people. Naturally, in order to ensure the continuity and “survival” of Beauty World Centre, it has to provide something different from the new shopping malls. That “something different” is the personal and needs of the people. This results in Beauty World Centre becoming a quiets and less busy shopping mall as compared to its past.

List of a variety of shops within Beauty World Centre.

How External and Internal Relationship Influences Urban Life Relationship between Internal and External

historical map of the neighbourhood

Relationship between Beauty World Centre and the Future

historical map of the neighbourhood

Picture depicting how roads have eaten into the streets.

Picture of how the surroundings have hidden Beauty World Centre.

The ideal bustling street life that Singapore possess in the past has gradually disappeared. Based on the external spatial analysis, mini-expressways (Upper Bukit Timah Road and Jln Bukit Anak) have taken over the streets where human activities usually happen. It is evident that this is a result of the 1985 Bukit Timah Master Plan where more priority was given to the construction of traffic roads. When examining both external and internal spaces of Beauty World Centre, one must take into consideration that Singapore is a small country with limited land space. When more focus is being placed on widening roads, the streets will naturally be narrower. The question of “where do all the human activity that once lived on the streets go?” then arises. The answer to that is “Beauty World Centre”. In the introduction it is mentioned that the 1970s fire that has destroyed a large marketplace and this has resulted in the construction of a 45 million shopping mall to house all the previous store owners at the marketplace. With limited land space, the widening of roads to give way to more traffic has reduced the width of streets and hence forcing human activities into the confinement of walls. In the case of Bukit Timah, human activities have been forcefully pushed into the community centres, parks and commercial areas like Beauty World Centre. Beauty World Centre used to be a place to house the previous shop owners whose shops are destroyed by the 1970 fire and is seen as modern by people in the 1980s. However, ever since it was built, it was the indication of the start of the decline of human activities on the streets. The hidden purpose of Beauty World Centre is to house all the human activities that could not happen on the narrow streets. This is the reason why there are seemingly higher levels of human activity happening within the walls of Beauty World Centre than on the streets right outside. It is strongly believed that the orderly city planning (1985 Master Plan) has created a neater and more peaceful Bukit Timah. Bukit Timah has undergone so much change, from a messy plantation to a neatly zoned area, but this was done at the expense of the street life. Human activity generally stem from haphazard arrangement of shops, just like in the past marketplace. In other words, there is order in disorder. The misapprehension of orderly city planning has removed the disorder arrangement of spaces and pushed whatever human activities that can potentially happen on streets into the uncomfortable confinement of walls, in the process, unknowingly removing the vibrant street life.

From across the streets, the building is not eye catching and seems out of the place. However, underneath that slightly dull facade, it is home to a wide variety of shops that could not be found in today’s shopping malls. One will inexplicably wonder why Beauty World Centre is still proudly standing in its old position ever since 1983 if so little people visit it. Why not destroy it and build a new shopping mall? Even though the Beauty World Centre today is not as bustling as its past, it is still here today to provide services that caters to the personal needs of Bukit Timah residents. It has changed into a place where it houses the memories of a once bustling shopping mall. It possess sentimental value and has an intimate relationship with middle aged to elderly citizens. To destroy the place would mean destroying the relationship that Beauty World Centre has with the people and that is highly unfavourable.Most importantly, the existence of Beauty World Centre is a reminder of the problems that Singapore would face in the future. Street life is not vibrant as all the potential street activities are crammed into a box, where the environment is not conducive for vibrant human activities to take place. This relationship can be applied generally to the shopping malls. They now act as a place to house all activities which previously happens on streets. It is highly impossible to destroy shopping malls because of the high loss of revenue and there would come the problem of placing all the stores. It is not possible to put them on streets because present streets lacks the required space. It can be predicted that there will be more shopping malls to be built in the future in the misapprehension that categorising all entertainment and leisure activities will result in a neater and more conducive environment. owever, sadly to say, this is the only option for singapore due to the limited land space. With a constantly growing population and growing living standards of the population, the demand for residential spaces and better transport will naturally increase. It is impossible to expand horizontally to meet all these growing demands. Singapore can only look towards a future where the buildings will expand vertically, meaning future buildings will be higher instead of wider. They might also be narrower, forming new problems of where to house the human activities that are already packed into a box.

Hand-drawn map of Bukit Ho Swee by Jia Neng

*Cover Page [source: Google Maps with edits by Benjamin]

1:5000

Bukit Ho Swee

by Aurelia Chan Hui-En, Benjamin Hoong, Jasmine Angsari and Seah Jia Neng

Introduction Bukit Ho Swee was named after an influential figure, Tay Ho Swee, who made tremendous contributions to the Chinese community in the 1870s. The district is bounded by Havelock Road to the north and Tiong Bahru Road to the south; along with Zion Road on the east and Lower Delta Road on the west. Just like many other areas in Singapore, the Bukit Ho Swee started off as a slum tenement. One key event that people remember revolving around Bukit Ho Swee would be the inferno in 1961. This disaster, however, could be viewed as a blessing in disguise, as it played a very vital part in transforming and shaping the olden Bukit Ho Swee, from a unplanned and unsightly slum, to the well developed estate it is today. Now, the area is filled with a variety of buildings both new and old, bustling and peaceful. In addition to the large number of blocks of HDB flats which were erected, a number of public facilities are available as well, therefore providing adequate comfort and convenience to the residents and visitors of Bukit Ho Swee. An interesting aspect is of how the area has a rather noticeable boundary between the old buildings and new buildings like how one side of the road has Bukit Ho Swee secondary school replaced by PBS academy, condos, construction of more flats and HDB flats which seem more recent compared to the other HDB flats lining the other side of the road. Also, the number of resting spots and greenery which contribute to shade from the glaring heat prove to be satisfactory to its residents who are mostly elderly people due to the amount of history the place possesses.

Tay Ho Swee [source: The Emergence of Bukit Ho Swee Estate: from Desolation to Progress]

Walking around the Bukit Ho Swee estate, you can feel a more vibrant atmosphere towards the west side. Many residents gather together at that area where the marketplace and food center is near. You can also see many elderly people and bird lovers gathered there together for their common interests. A resident living in Bukit Ho Swee for more than 40 years said, “ I am an alumni of Bukit Ho Swee Secondary School. Even though the school is no longer around, the group of about 300 of us (the alumnis) would gather every 2 years to catch up on the old times when we were still in school.” Another elderly man who is a former resident said, “ I still come back here (Bukit Ho Swee) once in a while even though I had shifted away. I really love this place and all the kampong memories. This will always be my home.” Talking to the residents there, you can feel a deep sense of sentiment they have for Bukit Ho Swee, especially the older people. Even though there is a huge change to the estate over the years, the memories still remains.

Bukit Ho Swee panorama [source: Wikipedia. http://upload.wikimedia.org. Accessed 27 October 2014.]

Urban History

historical map of the neighbourhood

An aerial view of Bukit Ho Swee are before the fire [source: The Emergence of Bukit Ho Swee Estate: from Desolation to Progress]

historical map of the neighbourhood

Aerial view of the area after the fire [source: The Emergence of Bukit Ho Swee Estate: from Desolation to Progress]

INTERVENTION OF THE HOUSING AND DEVELOPMENT BOARD (HDB) In 1927, the Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) was established to improve the conditions of Singapore’s slum areas. SIT, however, failed to make any major improvements to the situation and was not able to cope with the rapidly growing post-war population. The major turning point came after the Housing and Development Board (HDB) was formed by the People’s Action Party government in 1960. In addition to the major works being carried out in Queenstown, construction of 448 two and three-room flats also began in Bukit Ho Swee under HDB’s 5-Year Building Programme. 1

Attap houses [source: The Emergence of Bukit Ho Swee Estate: from Desolation to Progress]

AFTER THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION The Japanese occupation brought along many social impacts on Singapore – one of which was the population boom. Singapore’s population increased tremendously after the occupation due to the influx of slaves and foreign workers. Altogether, this caused housing to be a crucial problem, resulting in an expansion of squatter settlements. Bukit Ho Swee is one of such examples. Without any formal checks performed by the authorities, people built their huts wherever they pleased, without any order. This resulted in a messy, unplanned and unorderly selfbuilt township.

Comparing HDB to SIT, HDB managed to build more housing units within a much shorter time. In the 32 years of SIT’s service, it only managed to construct 23,000 units, housing only about 8.8% of Singapore population of 1959. On the other hand, HDB managed to come out with 54,000 housing units within 5 years (from 1960 to 1965). Today over 85% of Singapore’s population lives in HDB apartments, compared to only 9% in 1960.2 THE 1961 FIRE 25 May 1961, 3:30pm – a fire breaks out on the south side of Tiong Bahru Road.3 With the majority of houses built mostly with wood and easily combustible materials, the fire spread very rapidly across the road to the Bukit Ho Swee district. The raging fire destroyed 2,200 wooden houses, leaving 16,000 people homeless.4 In 1934, there was a fire that broke out in the same area that destroyed three kampongs. This fire rendered 5,000 people homeless.5 However when comparing the two major fires, the more recent disaster in 1961 brought about a greater impact to Bukit Ho Swee. Instead of having squatter huts springing up again after the fire like the first time, the presence of authorities brought about a great transformation to Bukit Ho Swee – transforming it from a slum, to a proper estate.

The fire [source: The Emergence of Bukit Ho Swee Estate: from Desolation to Progress]

The Building Phases & Housing Blocks of Bukit Ho Swee Estate [source: The 1961 Kampong Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore]

A DEVELOPING ESTATE After the fire broke out, the victims were rehoused immediately at existing flats in areas such as Queenstown, Tiong Bahru, Kallang and Clarence Lane. This “Big Shift” operation managed to relocate nearly 6,000 people a week after the fire. At the same time, instructions were given to build 12,000 low-cost flats at the fire site. 7 Lee Kuan Yew, the prime minister back at the time, promised the people that permanent homes would be constructed on the fire site within nine months. This promise was fulfilled and executed under a project which consisted of four phases. Phase I started before the fire at the previous Tiong Bahru cemetery site, Phase II would involved the main fire site, Phase III consist of 3,322 flats on the northern part of Beo Lane and an additional 1,715 flats would be constructed in Phase IV. All the victims were rehoused by February 1962 while the project was still ongoing. 8 After the completion of the project, amenities were built and social services were available to serve the residents better. By 1967, there were two primary schools, two secondary schools, a Maternity and Child Health Clinic, a Creche, 88 Hawkers’ Pitches and specially constructed Children’s Playgrounds. 9

Operation Big Shift Completion of Phase 1 & 2 [source: The 1961 Kampong Bukit Ho Swee Fire [source: Bukit Ho Swee Estate] and the Making of Modern Singapore]

In 1970, Bukit Ho Swee was the third most populated area in Singapore. It has a density of 334 people per acre, which was about double the density of that in 1957(During the “kampong era”). However, by 1980, there were only 20,773 people in the estate and by 1985, the blocks of emergency flats which were use to rehouse the 1961 fire victims were demolished to create more space for new flats and social amenities, this include units in the Jalan

Bukit Ho Swee, Tiong Bahru Road and Havelock Road. Until now, there remain only two blocks of self-contained 1-room flats in the estate. 10 In the 1990s, an area of nearly 25,000 square feet was released for the construction of private condominiums. A multi-storey shopping plaza and an underground train station have also occupied the areas which the emergency flats were formerly at. 11

Urban Analysis

CK ELO

HAV

8 6

5 JALAN

BUKIT

HO SW

ZION RD

LOWER DEL TA RD

4 1

Existing HDB blocks [credits: Benjamin]

New 40 storey HDB blocks [credits: Jia Neng]

TIONG BAHRU RD

OLDER RESIDENTIAL AREA OFFICE AREA

NEWER RESIDENTIAL AREA

COMMERCIAL AREA

UNUSED LAND

Zoning Map Diagram [credits: Benjamin Hoong]

The Bukit Ho Swee district can be categorised into five different zones: 1. The Older Residential Area 2. The Newer Residential Area 3. The Office Area 4. The Commericial Area

HDB Blocks - Level 1 Shops [credits: Jia Neng]

Sparse public spaces [credits: Jia Neng]

OLDER RESIDENTIAL AREA

NEWER RESIDENTIAL AREA

In the Bukit Ho Swee district, there are two pockets of older residential areas that have been existing for decades. The inhabitants at these areas are usually either the older generation or their direct offspring.

On the southern side of Bukit Ho Swee is the newer residential area. This area consists of newer HDBs with cleaner and more modern facades, along with the addition of larger void decks (something missing from the older residential area). This area also packs in a higher occupancy rate as compared to the older zones (40 storey HDBs vs 10 storeys HDBs). Although these areas do try to promote public interaction by adding facilities such as playgrounds and exercise corners, there is a lack of this community aspect. This area is catered to attracting the younger generation with the newer HDB flats and facilities, but in this technological age, public interaction does not seem to be an important factor in the lives of people anymore. During an interview with one of the residents, she confirmed that apart from being at home, the only other place she travelled to in the neighbourhood was the hawker center for meals and the wet-market for groceries. No time is being spent at other public spaces and even neighbour interaction is at a minimum.

The west zone tends to be livelier due nodes such as the hawker center, wet-market, coffee shops, as well as convenience shops on the ground floors of the HDB blocks. These areas help to attract people, allowing them to gather, resulting in them creating their own public spaces. There are elderly who set up chairs next to the coffee shop to relax and chat with one another. Just on the brim of the hawker center, you can find tensioned ropes for people to hang their caged birds, as they sit in the shade, watching, and listening. In the east residential area, it is the total opposite. All HDB flats have units builts at the ground floor, leaving no space behind for any shops or food stalls. This results in a very peaceful and tranquil environment that does not promote much public interaction. You can see one or two elderly people quietly sitting under one of the few pavilions available, or see the single person walking back from the market area; but apart from this, you will not find the active lifestyle and interaction as compared to the west zone.

OFFICE AREA

UNUSED LAND

The offices in the district are placed right in the heart of Bukit Ho Swee. Due to the exclusivity and low-lying land, the office area is a lowly built area consisting of the Singapore Examinations and Assessment Board (SEAB) and a piece of land with rentable office spaces for small companies. Apart from the connectivity it provides the residents, it is a relatively secluded area with no supplement for any social interaction.

In the north-eastern region of the Bukit Ho Swee district, lies a patch of unclaimed land. It is currently a vast grass patch with a single path running through it, connecting the east residential area to Havelock Road. This area holds a lot of potential as it is elevated higher than its surrounding areas, providing great views of across the Singapore River. If only more paths were added and the vegetation were maintained, it would be a stunning public park. This would result in the creation of the first public node in the eastern region of Bukit Ho Swee, possibly attracting people to this quieter side as well.

7 5

Low-lying land of the Equation office compound [credits: Jia Neng]

Unused land with the view across Singapore River [credits: Jia Neng]

8 6

Lowly-built SEAB office [credits: Jia Neng]

Land height difference between residential and unused land [credits: Jia Neng]

COMMERCIAL AREA The commercial area sits in the south-western portion of Bukit Ho Swee. This, together with the western residential area, is probably the most bustling built-up area in the district. Here, you can find Tiong Bahru Plaza (with Tiong Bahru MRT station), an office tower, as well as a condominium that was completed in 2006.

Reflections

Bukit Ho Swee map [source: URA with modifications by Aurelia]

Bukit Ho Swee’s current residential districts are varied in economic and social activity, which might signal rising tensions that have been suppressed with recent stages of residential upgrading. These modern-day residential areas might be delineated by the following profiles: Neighbourhood

No. of Rooms

Topography

Average Profile of Residents

Block Structure

Bukit Ho Swee View

1–2

Peak of hill

-Lower income

-Average 10 storeys

-More children and elderly on wheelchairs seen around this area

-Blk 12A designated as public use facility (e.g. for -Flats begin on ground floor weddings, funerals) Occupies a centrally visible location. -No void decks

2–3

Downhill of Bukit Ho Swee View, Uphill of Tiong Bahru View

Economic Activities

Social Activities

None

An open space near the edge of the hillside without shade appears to be a common space for children to play

-Two sets of lifts: 1)The older begins on the second floor and ser-Quiet except for sounds vices every three floors from a funeral in Block 2)The newer begins on 12A street level and services all floors

-Few accessible ramps. Path to and from Beo Crescent is unshaded, hilly and along the main road (Jln Bt Ho Swee).

-Middle income middle aged working population

-Multiple fitness corners -Stalls in market, -Multiple and childrens’ playgrounds, hawker centre and cof- groups of elbut largely unused fee shops derly gathering in connected spaces -Walking paths meandering -Shops on ground among these, surrounded floor of some blocks: by ample vegetation provision shops, -Bird cages wholesale suppliers, hung just outside Beo -Covered walkways link all cheap salons and blocks, market and hawker beauty parlours, clinics Crescent Market (including TCM and mark a gathercentre vets), some education ing point centres

-Doors are mostly shut on ground level

The Beo Crescent

Infrastructure in Vicinity

-Elderly resting on benches in the shade, under void decks or on plastic chairs, chatting in groups around Beo Crescent market or the hawker centre.

-Flats begin on second storey -Some void decks -Blocks without are occupied by shops that commonly spill over into the sidewalk -Lifts service all floors

-Various dialects spoken. -People seen to use staircases -Maids seen accompanying elderly women. -Very lively.

Neighbourhood

No. of Rooms

Topography

Average Profile of Residents

Block Structure

Infrastructure in Vicinity

Economic Activities

Boon Tiong Arcadia

Valley

Middle-Upper income

-Void decks are mainly fac- -Abundance of wellNone ing opposite Jln Bt Ho Swee trimmed vegetation linking -Lifts service all floors multiple fitness corners, playgrounds and pavillions with barbeque pits through shaded paths

Social Activities

Some families seen resting at pavillions

-Education centres and Resident Committee Centres are present Tiong Bahru View 4–5 (Under Construction)

Downhill of Beo Crescent, Uphill of Boon Tiong Arcadia

-Middle-Upper income, -Presumably young families

40 floors of four blocks of Built-To-Order (BTO) flats, opened for application in 2011

Almost all of Bukit Ho Swee’s original flats have been demolished. The estate’s building infrastructure is non-uniform in age, reflected in a graduation in economic and social activity from the oldest blocks of Bukit Ho Swee View to the newer and more lively blocks of Beo Crescent, and the even more upper class neighbourhood along Boon Tiong Road, where a curtain of greenery and the natural hillside screen the 1- and 2-room flats from the more affluent residents of the 4-room flats. Needless to say, there will be a stark contrast between this currently quiet and lower income residential neighbourhood and the upcoming Tiong Bahru view, which will likely house the most affluent residents of the estate upon completion. Social and economic activities are mainly centred around The Beo Crescent, with spacious pavillions and shelters equipped with benches to cater to the elderly population that daily gathers in separate groups. It appears that the ‘kampong spirit’ of the original Bukit Ho Swee settlement would be most closely modelled in this neighbourhood. Majority of shop owners have remained for over a decade, and most shopkeepers were seen chatting with friends (comprising both residents and previous residents of the estate). Some hawkers lamented, however, that business has declined since Tiong Bahru Plaza opened, which has drawn the ‘younger generation’ to cafes instead of coffee shops and hawker centres. Both hawkers and shopkeepers acknowledged the different tastes between the younger crowd and their more regular elderly clientele, but appeared satisfied with current infrastructure and business. A young couple who was interviewed remarked that they lived in the vicinity but would rarely visit the market and hawker centre. They also noted that they hardly saw their neighbours. It is apparent that Bukit Ho Swee’s indigenous ‘kampong spirit’ lingers only among the elderly residents of Beo Crescent who enjoy their current environment, even though it has changed dramatically from its previous messy squatters. The dominant reason for their satisfaction, agreed upon by all interviewees, is the presence of old friends and cherished memories of their childhood environment.

-Two multistorey carparks each accommodating 350 cars

Likely none

-Easy accessibility to Beo Crescent and Tiong Bahru Plaza

Contrast between the original slums of Bukit Ho Swee and Block 48, Beo Crescent, year unknown. Note the surge in urban density with possible overcrowding, signified by the volume of laundry poles. Greened pathways link blocks to the hawker stalls in the open spaces in the foreground.

[source: The 1961 Kampong Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore]

[source: The Emergence of Bukit Ho Swee Estate: from Desolation to Progress]

While current residents appear satisfied with conditions in Bukit Ho Swee, it might be wise to pre-empt the social and economic changes that the incoming crowd to Tiong Bahru View would engender. Unless measures are taken to increase mutual understanding and interaction between the current elderly and incoming younger residents, the influx of the new crowd could potentially heighten social segregation and impinge upon the prevailing ‘kampong spirit’ of the elderly.

BUKIT HO SWEE

The Transformation of Singapore through Food The Transformation of Singapore through Food An analysis of Bukit Ho Swee’s food places as a parallel to Singapore’s transformation by Aaron Yeo An analysis of Bukit Ho Swee’s food places as a parallel to Singapore’s transformation by Aaron Yeo

1 1

Introduction Introduction as a squatter settlement in the 1950s. One thing normally overas a squatter settlement the of 1950s. One thing looked by everyone in thein study Singapore’s past normally is its food,overhow looked by everyone in the study of Singapore’s past is its food, howgapore is at that point in time. gapore is at that point in time. to Singapore’s change toward modernity and the inception to Singapore’s change toward and Its therich inception many things that we see todaymodernity in Singapore. history many things that we see today in Singapore. Its rich history

of of of of

Singapore. Food, as a constituent to life, can be used as a metaSingapore. as a itconstituent to Ho life,Swee. can be used as a metaphor for theFood, liveliness gave to Bukit phor for the liveliness it gave to Bukit Ho Swee. Many people have seen its transformation through time, from Many people have seen its transformation through time, from now. The way people view food has altered from the 1950s to the now. Theand waythis people view food hasto altered from the to the present, paper will strive understand it 1950s through the present, and this paper will strive to understand it through deep backgrounds of Bukit Ho Swee and with special mentionthe to deep backgrounds of Bukit Ho Swee and with special mention to heartlands of Bukit Ho Swee. heartlands of Bukit Ho Swee.

Current Bukit Ho Swee (Source: Self-taken) Current Bukit Ho Swee (Source: Self-taken)

Before the fire: The street hawkers

Aerial view of the old Bukit Ho Swee (Source: Royal Air Force of the United Kingdom) 2

Photo of old peddler in Bukit Ho Swee (Source: Squatters into Citizens)4

Just a few decades ago, Singapore was totally different from what it is now, but started from what we people now know as Kampungs3; Bukit Ho Swee was not an exception. A better phrase to characterise Bukit Ho Swee in the 1950s would be a squatter settlement. There were no clear roads or streets in the whole area and that is why there is no clear map of the Bukit Ho Swee back before the fire, only general demarcations of how people divide the whole area. There were mainly only three ways people got their food, from either push cart hawkers, small setup stalls or home delivery.5 Push cart hawkers have disappeared off the face in Singapore. These hawkers would push their carts through the small roads of the squatter settlement, find their own corner, and start selling whatever their speciality was.6 There were also small stalls that were set up. These hawkers would crowd together at the market areas due to higher traffic. These areas would be where people gathered together to discuss whatever affairs were going on. Home delivery is the other way people got their meals settled. There would be people going around the area, holding two bamboo sticks and banging them together, creating a â&#x20AC;&#x153;kok kokâ&#x20AC;? sound, which is how the colloquial term kok kok mee came about. Although there were no roads defined, people knew where to go to find whoever they wanted to as it was a very close knitted community. This created a sense of community or what we know as the Kampung Spirit.

Photo of old peddler in Bukit Ho Swee (Source: blogtoexpress.blogspot.sg)7

Food area

Cluster of families

Kampung B Kampung A

Kampung C

2.4 Diagram showing movement towards centralised food areas.

Bamboo used to garner attention (Source: blogtoexpress.blogspot.sg)8

After the fire: Coffee Shops In addition, with the introduction of proper roads, more and more people started to be able to access Bukit Ho Swee. When the government introduced the public transport system in Singapore, this further improved the access into Bukit Ho Swee. By the 1990s, the old face of Bukit Ho Swee was almost non existent anymore.

Hawkers balloting for slots in the new hawker centre (Source: National Archives of Singapore)10

Picture of the fire in Bukit Ho Swee (Source: Squatters into Citizens)9

On the 21 May 1961, the largest fire in Singapore, had to happened in Bukit Ho Swee. The fire wiped out most of Bukit Ho Swee and rendered most of the kampong dwellers homeless. The Prime Minister then, Lee Kuan Yew went down to the site and promised the victims of the fire a home within the next year. This was the promise that transformed the squatter settlement of Bukit Ho Swee into the modern Bukit Ho Swee.

The recently closed down Sin Lee Hup Kee Mdm Wee in her younger years (Source: timeoutsingapore.com)12 (Source: yelowshoess.blogsot.sg)11

One such coffee shop is Sin Lee Hup Kee. Owned by a Mr Thian Boon Hin, this shop was owned by his father and then passed down to him. However, it was a Mdm Wee that was the face of this small stall. This place was known for its Lor Mee13 and Prawn Mee. When interviewed, Mr Thian mentioned that the normal crowd that visited the shop were working adults from Tiong Bahru and they never stayed long in the shop.14 Food area

This drastically modified the way that people moved around in Bukit Ho Swee. Instead of the way they used to do it where it was mostly random and messy, the new plans for Bukit Ho Swee made it such that there were clear paths for people to use. What then happened to the food scene of Bukit Ho Swee was that the government took this chance to implement a new Hawkers Code in 1966 to license and control the hawkers.3 Hawker centres and markets were build to house the people that wanted to use cooking as a means to earn for a living. Street hawkers were relocated into these hawker centres and markets where there was a stable supply of water, electricity and proper waste management systems.

Food area Food area Estate B Estate A

Estate C

Diagram showing movement towards area of highest convenience. People normally did not bother to travel out of the way to get food as there were other priorities like earning a living.

Now: Cafes

Mdm Wee before she retired in Jan 2014 (Source: blogtoexpress.blogspot.sg) 15

However, in the january of 2014, Mdm Wee retired and this shop was rented out to the current owner (Mr Sean Lim) of Sin Lee Foods. After half a century of Sin Lee Foods selling Lor Mee, a new owner, Sean Lim came over and set up a new cafe where it used to be. One thing nice to know is that the original black and gold signboard has been kept intact at the request of Mr Thian and is the only requirement to fulfill if he were to rent it out. Technology has made it extremely easy to get information around, and is the most prevalent way of doing so. With this, marketing of Sin Lee Foods became a whole lot easier and in turn attracts people to come into this lesser known area of Singapore, and with a even lesser known history of the place. With the ease and comfort of the public transport in Singapore, going to and fro Sin Lee Foods is never a problem.16 Comparing the past and present, it is definitely a lot more organised now due to the stepping in of the government to make everything easier for everyone. Getting around now is as easy as looking it up online as compared to the past where directions were given through word of mouth.

Interior of Sin Lee Foods, retaining the walls and clock of Sin Lee Hup Kee (Source: jiaksimipng.wordpress.com)17

Using the past Sin Lee Hup Kee and present Sin Lee Foods as a comparison, the mindset of people visiting Sin Lee is varsely different. It used to be much more utilitarian18 ; and in addition, visited mostly by the neighbouring residents due to its vicinity and how close it is to where everyone lived. In contrast, people visit Sin Lee Foods now because it is new and novel. Circulation used to be just around the small kampong area; the furthest being the neighbouring kampong. People gather in small clusters and relationships within the kampong is extremely valued. Put the old and new Singapore together, you can easily see how the clusters differ. It used to just happen around the same kampong, but now circles overlap around the whole singapore.

4.4 Diagram showing movement across towns and estates due to improved connectivity and information technology.

Shop front of the new Sin Lee Foods (Source: self-taken)

Everything used to be so much more random and spontaneous, unlike now where it is so organised. Kampong attap houses turned into high rise condominums and flats, dirt paths into crossway junctions, push carts into cafes and restaurants, it is easy to see why people would want the latter for every case, but we cannot deny that the spirit is different from before. Coffee used to be just coffee, but coffee now brings back more memories than people would dare to admit.

BUKIT HO SWEE

Bukit Ho Swee View by Aurelia Chan Hui-En

Map of Bukit Ho Swee with demarcated land use. Most of Bukit Ho Swee is dominated by residential land uses. (Source: URA)

by the grey circle. (Source: The Emergence of the Bukit Ho Swee Estate, HDB)

The Origins of Bukit Ho Swee Bukit Ho Swee estate is situated on a hill circumscribed by a rough rectangle of important transport routes. Its central location has made it a prime district for residential and commercial development, served by good transport infrastructure and providing quality public and private housing. Its accessibility permits high mobility to and from the estate, since approximately 80% of its land use is dominated by residential buildings.

Beo Crescent

Tiong Bahru View Boon Tiong Arc

Bt Ho Swee View

squalor: It was an abandoned Chinese cemetery that eventually became illegally occupied by ‘slums’ and ‘squatters’, termed by the British colonial authorities and the People’s Action Party (PAP)1 commissioned housing authority, the Housing & Development Board (HDB). Historical Continuity and Juxtaposition of Bukit Ho Swee View Swee, there remains a memoir of the social underclass that characterized the original estate: located at Taman Ho Swee, the oldest residential district of Bukit demographic is older than the rest of the estate with visibly fewer economic activities. Through a series of planned housing schemes set against the backdrop of rapid and intentional modernisation, the population of Bukit Ho Swee View has been successively disenfranchised from socioeconomic involvement apace (Beo Crescent, Boon Tiong Arcadia, Tiong Bahru View and Bukit Ho Swee View) in the estate, BHSV retains the strongest undertones of social problems from its kampong2

(Source: URA)

The continuity of Bukit Ho Swee View with its social history starkly juxtaposes it with the rest of the socioeconomically advanced estate.

Developmental History Relationship Between Urban Form and Public Life Over Time Before the 1960s, Bukit Ho Swee was an epicenter of sprawling slums that emerged to meet housing demands in the post-war population boom of the mid 1940s to 1960s. They mainly housed the Chinese ‘underclass’ of Singapore: labourers, hawkers, secret society gangsters and the unemployed in a kampong. Although the estate was infamous for its ‘blacklisted’ social makeup, social activities were an integral part of its cohesion. Peddling hawkers stationed along most labourers were involved in transport or factory operations in the vicinity.3 Single-storey buildings with an open plan promoted neighbourly interaction as private interiors extended into the public exterior spaces visually, audibly and physically. The sprawling huts also fuelled close family bonds in a traditional large extended family structure. Informal activities tied up in casual employment formed a distinctive identity of residents to their environment, which provided the social anchoring that their transient tenements physically could not. Initiated by the Singapore Improvement Trust in response to the 1959 Tiong Bahru Fire, a set of emergency housing blocks was still under construction at the current site of Bukit Ho Swee View when the devastating Bukit Ho Swee Fire construction included 904 1-room, 240 2-room and 200 3-room units.4

Floor plans, elevations and sections of a traditional attap hut. Open spaces allowed free movement and interaction with neighbours, but conditions were often squalid. (Source: The Emergence of the BHSE, HDB)

Being the Board’s pioneer housing units, the blocks at Taman Ho Swee were still experimental. Consequently, Bukit Ho Swee View was conceived out of a comparative disadvantage to the rest of the estate since it was constructed to ideals were unsuitable for local tastes and their particularly poorer residents. storey facing each other across a narrow and often dimly lit corridor with the kampong architecture: Previously, the open-air pockets between houses 5 . Compared to informal employment and mobile hawker stalls, having only 8 shop spaces without a yet established hawker centre greatly restricted residents’ economic access.6 Visually, the towering brutalist slab blocks devoid of architectural trimmings were an unfamiliar and unwelcoming sight to residents7.

contained 2-room units in 19708. In the intermediate years of repeated appeals to upgrade the blocks or to transfer to self-contained units elsewhere, the poorest residents were disenfranchised from basic facilities like lifts and recreational amenities. Block 33 in Taman Ho Swee was not upgraded until its demolition in the late 2000s, housing the most marginalized of elderly residents yet lacking the social amenities they sorely needed to form support networks9. By contrast, other blocks in the estate were upgraded in the 1970s and 1980s to 3- and

Left: Block 33, Taman Ho Swee, 2006. The narrow, claustrophobic corridor typical of emergency housing units. The block has since been demolished. (Source: Loh Kah Seng, The Making of Modern Singapore) 2 ) 2 ) (Source: HDB InfoWeb)

more social amenities for elderly residents. While measures have been taken to rejuvenate this marginalized neighbourhood, the comparative advantage of the newer neighbourhoods reduces its appeal to the working class who ultimately have higher spending power and social voice.

Finding no identity nor want thereof in this environment, residents were unwilling to accept responsibility in maintaining their communal spaces.

facade of the block is an indicator of the Lift Upgrading Programme (LUP). The old lifts remain in the core of the block but are inaccessible for the less mobile elderly. (Source: Aurelia Chan)

Discussion Developmental Impacts of the Built Environment on Socioeconomic Conditions

historical map of the neighbourhood

Block 10, Taman Ho Swee. Like the kampong spillover of personal items into communal spaces, emergency housing no longer exists, but the long, the ‘personalisation’ of the walkway continues till linear passageway still continues to act as the only communal space between units. today.

historical map of the neighbourhood

Parallel bocks along Jalan Bukit Ho Swee. Two young children walk alone in the foreground, a common sight since economic sustenance necessitated a dual-income household. Laundry adorns the façade much more inaccessible. (Source: Loh Kah Seng, The Making of Modern Singapore)

Since its origins as an emergency housing site, Bukit Ho Swee View has housed the estate’s demanded the economic involvement of both parents. In 1969, 44% of households in the estate were earning $200 or less per month, 12% above the national average. Almost half continued to be involved in their original low-paying vocations as labourers and transport and production workers.10 Children of deprived families were often left to fend for themselves, leaving little time or incentive to attend school. The construction of two English-medium primary schools and two secondary schools in Bukit Ho Swee in the 1970s catalysed the emerging divide between the English-educated and dialect-speaking or illiterate populations. Through highly structured public housing, the government clearly enforced the nucleated family as anti-natal policies and a focus on industrialisation, public housing played a key spatial role in more economically mobile working population from Bukit Ho Swee. However, unlike these Englisheducated youth, the original residents of Bukit Ho Swee, the poorest of whom were retained in Bukit Ho Swee View, were ill-equipped in an industrialising nation that demanded knowledge and literacy.11 While the national household income doubled between 1980 and 1990, the estate’s value trailed at $2749, 15% lower than the average Chinese household income.12 With the “stress of irregular incomes, rent arrears and an inaccessibility to social support networks”13, the residents in Bukit Ho Swee View in particular have largely remained socioeconomically marginalised. It is important to note, however, livelier neighbourhoods could be improved.14

“There is no spontaneity at all in any social life” Interview on the emergency public housing policies in the 1960s by Loh Kah Seng, 2006

An upgraded Block 8 in Bukit Ho Swee View. The protruding lift shaft is an evident sign of the lift upgrading. Laundry continues to hang in front of households, giving a personal touch to the harsh modern façade, much like the estate’s kampong roots and its earlier days of emergency housing. (Source: Aurelia Chan)

Towards a More Integrated Future Conclusion & Suggestions for the Built Environment of Bukit Ho Swee View

historical map of the neighbourhood

Playground beside Block 12, Taman Ho Swee. The facility was deserted on a Saturday morning. By contrast, several groups of children were observed at playgrounds around Beo Crescent and Boon Tiong Arcadia. (Source: Aurelia Chan)

in behaviour that would come to characterise today’s expected etiquette of high-rise, high density living; second, in convincing citizens of its ability to However, the physical and social impacts of these often-brusque housing policies were sorely felt by the poorer residents, particularly at Bukit Ho Swee View. For the mobile kampong dwellers, the resettlement schemes were “dictating the terms on which they could now obtain their housing,”15 which eventually extended to their access to socioeconomic opportunities. It is both a combination of misfortune and errant housing policies that have resulted in the continuing discrimination of the neighbourhood: Given that the kampong fate. However, public housing policies also played a key role in propagating of rigid, dense emergency housing in squalid conditions that were highly unfamiliar for its displaced residents; second in the concentration of the most deprived residents in the same environment without providing rehabilitative and economic networks to re-engage them usefully into the community. Attempts to assimilate this population group through subsequent upgrading established an unfavourable atmosphere for change. It is regrettable that the social innovation of the original Bukit Ho Swee Kampong residents had To better integrate the neighbourhood with the rest of the estate, deeplyrooted perceptions about high-rise living must be overturned among the younger generation. Given that most of Bukit Ho Swee View’s residents are

Top right: Fitness equipment for the elderly placed under a shelter and linked via ramps between Blocks 4 and 6. Some elderly men and women in separate groups were seen to gather here. mains is a single pathway linking the lower-lying blocks to the carpark at the peak of the hill. The space could potentially be very useful for community activities or commercial development.

can only be improved on smaller scales, such as by greening the neighbourhood, of which it might already be seeing some positive results, and the provision of more social amenities that cater to both the elderly and the young. A viable option would be to have a park where Block 33 once stood, or organised community activities. has long been regarded as a poor and ageing estate rather than a prime neighbourhood. While the poor will always exist in any society, adequate attention must be given to integrate them with their surrounding socioeconomic milieu.

Toa Payoh: From Swamp to Satellite Town by Kam Siu Han Lawrence, Daniel Wee, Ong Yong Siang

Introduction It may be difficult to imagine what Toa Payoh was a mere century ago. Now home to over 100,000 residents1, the town was originally nothing but a huge swampland. This explains the name “Toa Payoh”. The word “toa” means big in the Hokkien or Teochew dialect, while “payoh” comes from the Malay word “paya” meaning swamp. Located in the central region of Singapore, Toa Payoh once covered the areas now known as Bishan, Caldecott, Potong Pasir and Novena. By the 19th century, land in Toa Payoh was cultivated for gambier and pepper plantations, and also used as burial grounds2. In the early 20th century, with most of the primary forest and swamp cleared, farmers started to move on to more fertile soil elsewhere. Toa Payoh began to take shape in the form of villages or kampongs. Attap houses dotted the area, with pigs and chickens roaming the fields3. However as the population of Singapore continued to grow, the country was faced with a nation-wide housing shortage. But in 1961, Toa Payoh’s incredible journey of transformation from swamp to satellite town began.

Kampong Village in Toa Payoh

Toa Payoh New Town was the first satellite town to be planned and developed by the newly-formed Housing and Development Board (HDB). A selfcontained housing estate, it was conceived in its entirety: (1) a town center providing a wide range of facilities for shopping and entertainment, and smaller shopping areas in each neighbourhood within walking distances of the residences, (2) areas for light industrial development located at various parts of Toa Payoh, with employees living inside the neighbourhoods, (3) a road system connecting the existing major arterial roads and collector roads forming a ring road, (4) schools located within each neighbourhood, and (5) places for social recreation and sporting activities, with a town park and sports complex.4 The map of Toa Payoh has not deviated largely from its original conception although the needs, demands and strategies have changed over the last fifty years. Furthermore, the same model of urban town planning has been brought to other parts of Singapore including Woodlands and Pasir Ris. However, did this model of a self-contained town, that required such large-scaled urban planning and a complete overhaul of the existing area, truly solve the issues of residential housing of the past? Also, has the government’s improvements to Toa Payoh New Town been successful in solving the problems of the present and future? On hindsight, were there any tradeoffs due to the HDB’s involvement? By and large, we found that the developments in Toa Payoh were indeed quite successful in solving the practical issues over the past fifty years. However, such a large-scale change in a short period has led to the loss of ‘kampong lifestyle’. Also, the government’s total control over the entire area has reduced the local individuals’ power and influence over spaces, and totally transformed public life both for better and worse.

Lion dance commerating the completion of the first HDB Block

Toa Payoh Central presently (2014)

Urban History: Toa Payoh 1950-1970: Kampong to Pigeon Holes

historical map of the neighbourhood

Map of Toa Payoh (1950): Vast, empty space

1970-1995: The Shape of Singapore

historical map of the neighbourhood

Map of Toa Payoh (1970): Distribution of roads and division of neighbourhoods

Faced with the influx of new residents, the demand for basic amenities, jobs and other facilities was high. As the area was planned to be a selfcontaining town, the full scale of urban planning of Toa Payoh was beginning to take shape in the 1970s. Apart from the speedy construction of standardized slab HDB blocks, spaces reserved for other land uses started to develop.

HDB Tractor clearing the kampongs

Construction of first HDB Block

By 1950, Toa Payoh had developed from a big swamp, to plantations and then to villages. Settlers lived in attap and wood houses and worked in cottage industries or farms5. Soon, Toa Payoh developed a notorious reputation of being the “Chicago of Singapore”, with frequent gang fights.6 On a larger scale, Singapore was facing a huge housing shortage, with overcrowded and unsanitary villages.7 The government decided to clear the kampongs of Toa Payoh and build a new town in 1961, despite fierce resistance from the local residents regarding their financial ability to pay for an apartment, the loss of livelihood and freedom of the kampong lifestyle. With the challenge of solving the long-standing housing crisis of Singapore, the town was to represent “the shape of Singapore to come”. With development twice the rate of Queenstown8, the landscape of Toa Payoh changed dramatically from kampongs to pigeon holes.

Multinational companies such as Societa General Semiconduttori (now part of STMicroelectronics), Fairchild Semiconductor and Philips began setting up their factories in the industrial zones allocated within Toa Payoh. This also marked the shift from the cottage industry to electronics.9 Places for religion also started developing around Toa Payoh. Such examples are United Temple, Church of Risen Christ, Toa Payoh Methodist Church and Masjid Muhajirin. NTUC Welcome, the first supermarket and now known as NTUC FairPrice, opened its doors to provide residents with basic and essential necessities. Chung Hwa Medical Institution opened and supported existing hospitals such as Mount Alvernia Hospital in providing healthcare.10 In the area of education, two primary schools were constructed - CHIJ Toa Payoh11 and First Toa Payoh Primary12. Also, Toa Payoh Library was built as the second full-time library, the first being the National Library.13 In 1972, with the opening of Kong Chian Cinema and Toa Payoh Theatre, Toa Payoh Central became focus of shopping and entertainment for local residents14. In 1973, Toa Payoh played host to Singapore’s first major international sporting competition - the 1973 SEAP Games. The Games Village was situated in Toa Payoh Central, while the Sports Complex and Town Park were developed further south.15 Moving on to the 1980s, Toa Payoh Central also became home to a bus interchange and the first ever MRT station.16

1995-Present: Redevelopment and Rejuvenation

Newly-built Toa Payoh Estate (1970)

Toa Payoh (2014): HDB Hub and 40-storey HDB Blocks now shape the new skyline

By 1995, Toa Payoh New Town was considered an old town with the deterioration of HDB blocks. There was still a housing shortage, although not as severe, and the needs had changed. Furthermore, Singapore faced an ageing population. This led to the launch of Estate Renewal Strategy (ERS), again the first in Singapore. The ERS comprised mainly on the rebuilding of old HDB blocks, house and lift upgrading for selected blocks as well as social services for the elderly.21 Also, Toa Payoh Centre was redeveloped and more neighbourhood parks were created.22 The map of Toa Payoh did not change significantly. On a more micro scale however, ramps, shelters and other small improvements were made across the town, providing better facilities and accessibility to the elderly.23

Toa Payoh had become the international face for Singapore, with notable visits from foreign dignitaries including the Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth17. Locally, the residential towns of present-day Singapore have all followed the model of Toa Payoh. Residential high-rise apartments, town parks, a central location for shopping, entertainment, banks, offices and transport, with smaller-scale markets, parks and facilities in individual neighbourhoods, are all hallmarks of the first fully planned town of Toa Payoh.18

40-storey HDB blocks and the HDB Hub24 redefined the skyline of Toa Payoh. The eventual success of the ERS in Toa Payoh paved the way for other old town such as Queenstown to follow suit. Yet a key feature of the redevelopment of Toa Payoh was to preserve the heritage of what it once was. Several temples were gazetted for presevation, and a heritage trail was launch to educate the new generation. The trail, released in 2014, contains information from Toa Payohâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s history to selected landmarks such as the dragon playground, one of the last two remaining in Singapore.25

However, with such rapid pace of development, not all from the past had been lost. Shuang Lin Monastery has stood since 190219, and the tree shrine above Toa Payoh Town Mall stood tall since the kampong days, until it was struck by lightning in 201320. Still, gone were the attap houses of the past, as residents readjusted their lifestyle from the kampong fields to the corridors of the HDB blocks.

Moving forward, a residential area along Toa Payoh Rise is now undergoing development.26 The URA Master Plan 2014 contains plans to redevelop the existing town park and possibly incorporate the Sports Complex.27 Also, the ageing population still remains an issue, with 14.8% of Toa Payohâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population considered elderly, much higher than the national percentage of 8.8%.28

NTUC Welcome (1973)

Tree Shrine (1971)

Urban Analysis: Toa Payoh Spatial Analysis: The Planned Town

Image of Toa Payoh: Districts

Image of Toa Payoh: Paths, Edges, Nodes, Landmarks

First, it is important to note that the current area of Toa Payoh had been carefully planned and determined by the Housing and Development Board rather than the actual users of the space. Therefore, we compared our observations with the intentions of the town planners.

PAYOH

Districts: A few easily identifiable districts are the residential-cum-commercial district of Toa Payoh Central and the surrounding industrial zones. For the residential districts, they were divided based on where residents in different parts of Toa Payoh tended to congregate. It can be seen that the divisions may not follow entirely by road boundaries or government divisions, but mostly by convenience and accessibility to basic amenities and food places.

G 4 TOA LORON

Edges: The edges identified are the Pan-Island Expressway (PIE), Central Expressway (CTE), Braddell Road, Thomson Road and Marymount Road. These major motorways primarily function to connect the various parts of Singapore and does not directly link to any residential neighbourhood. Thus, they distinctly separate Toa Payoh from Bishan in the north, Potong Pasir in the east and Novena in the south.

600@TOA PAYOH

Paths: There are two main paths that we’ve identified. First, a vertical path connects two major arterial roads surrounding Toa Payoh. From Braddell Road, the path includes Lorong 6, Lorong 4 and Kim Keat Link which then joins the Pan Island Expressway (or through Lorong 2 instead). This was part of HDB’s intentions. Second, a ring road formed by Lorong 2 and Lorong 6 connects the different parts of Toa Payoh. However, because of the standardized slab blocks, the ring road possibly served more to confuse than circulate.

NTRA H CE PAYO TOA

HDB POINT BLOCK

TOA PAYOH LIBRARY

Node: Open area in front of Toa Payoh Library

Landmark: HDB Hub

Nodes: There are two major nodes within Toa Payoh Central, given their locations at the along the two main paths and the district’s function as a central place for transportation. Physically, these nodes are large open spaces. In particular, the government decided the replace the gigantic fountain of the space in front of Toa Payoh Library with an amphitheater, which we observed to be under-utilised. Outside central, smaller nodes such as markets and hawker centers within the residential districts where people converge. Landmarks: The most prominent landmark is HDB Hub, with its height and glass facade a visual contrast to the concrete double-storey shophouses surrounding it. Other landmarks scatter throughout the town, such as the 40-storey HDB Blocks, religious places and various parks. These landmarks serve as markers to drivers and pedestrians amidst the commonly-styled HDB blocks and the standardized road names of Lorong “X” Toa Payoh.

Land Use

High levels of human activity along Blk 183

Circulation in the library’s exterior public space

example, are not only popular with fitness-enthusiasts but also engaged couples who often took wedding photographs there during the 1970s. This was such a common sight for residents that some even coined it the “Lovers’ Paradise”33. Evidently, the Town Park, with its physical characteristics of beauty and tranquility, take on a social significance to Toa Payoh residents as well. Land Use Map of Toa Payoh

Land Use As one of the intended solutions to Singapore’s public housing problem back in the 1960s, the main bulk of land was allocated to residential use. In fact, as of 2013, residential space takes up 45.4% of the total 463 ha29 in Toa Payoh. The most prominent residential buildings have been marked out in blocks numbered “1” above. An example is the 40 Storey HDB block - centrally located along Lorong 2 Toa Payoh - which was built under the Selective En Bloc Redevelopment Scheme to optimise land use and offer high-level living with good views for residents30. To meet the diverse religious needs of Toa Payoh’s multi-racial community, many different places of worship have also been built. They have been marked out in blocks numbered “2” in the diagram. These institutions were not exclusive to their respective worshippers, but also served all in Toa Payoh with programmes related to education and healthcare31. Such efforts brought different residents together. In that sense, these places played a special role in rebuilding old kampong bonds in a modernised town. One example familiar to residents is Toa Payoh Methodist Church, which lies along 480 Toa Payoh Lorong 2. Started as an evangelical outreach project in 1968, the church now continues to run a free medical clinic for the residents of Toa Payoh32. In addition, spaces for recreation are also significant to the residents of Toa Payoh. These have been represented by blocks numbered “4” above. Recreation was recognised by early urban planners as important for the holistic well-being of the people. Sites such as the Toa Payoh Town Park, for

Lastly, land set apart for industrial use is noteworthy as well. Represented by blocks numbered “5”, the most long-standing industrial presence in Toa Payoh has been that of Philips. Over the decades, the Philips facilities in Lorong 1 have evolved from manufacturing to higher economic value design and technical hubs34. Activities (Toa Payoh Central) Toa Payoh Central slowly awakens at 9am. Breakfast establishments fill up with people, fast-food joints are visited by families, and other non-F&B establishments prepare for the day’s business. Others enter the big open square, which is ventilated by a huge overhanging fan, to interact with fellow residents. Businesses in Toa Payoh Central no doubt thrive upon this increase in human activity in the morning. It acts as a hub for people to go to, and provides sufficient open spaces for human interaction. One easily recognises the diversity of primary uses in this district. It serves not only as a locality for enterprises to exist, but also as a residential estate, with the presence of shophouses and public housing apartments enclosed within. Office spaces in the HDB hub create additional movement into the district. Moreover, the presence of a public library further aids this movement during non-office hours. This creates a dense population of people within Toa Payoh Central, resulting in a lively atmosphere. Exhibitions, targeted at social causes, are regularly held in the open spaces too. They would only be there due to the pre-existence of primary enterprises. In a way, they function as secondary diversity (as Jane Jacobs describes in The Death and Life of Great American Cities, 1961), unique to the time span for which these exhibits exist.35

Reflections: A truly successful satellite town? Drivers of Urban Change in Toa Payoh

Diagram: Drivers of change

Changes In Toa Payoh’s Landscape Over The Years

Serious shortage of Public Housing During the early 1950s, the unregulated inflow of immigrants coupled with the post-war baby boom, led to rapid population growth36. This piled dangerous levels of pressure on the already insufficient public facilities and housing. The population in the “urban kampong” fringe around the city, of which Toa Payoh is a part, increased from 127,000 in 1947 to 246,000 in the mid-1950s37. Living quarters became exceedingly cramp and unsanitary. Thus, a new standard of public housing had to be introduced all over the nation. Toa Payoh was an area designated by the government for this solution. The Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) acquired land in Toa Payoh in the early 1950s. However, due to obligations to other functions (such as road construction), and the lack of funds and official backing for its housing schemes, the SIT could not focus all its resources to see through an effective public housing programme38. Solutions introduced by the Government In the wake of SIT’s failure, the Housing and Development Board (HDB) took over in 1961, and announced its plans for a new Toa Payoh town – 50,000 housing units, intended to house up to 300,000 people, were to rise over 600 acres in Toa Payoh39. By late 1964, construction of the first blocks of flats started, and by August 1966, the area around Lorong 5 became the first part of the new Toa Payoh to be built. Block 52 was the first to be constructed, while Block 68 housed the first market to be completed in the new town40. Urban planners made efforts to ensure that Toa Payoh New Town would be a model archetype for future town developments. They took the opportunity to set apart different districts and spaces according to residential, religious, recreational and even industrial uses. In summary, the government was driven to deliver on their promise of a better and more effective standard of public housing that countered the problems of overcrowding and unsanitary living conditions. Together with their desire to modernise Singapore, and make her a positive example to other nations in the region, Toa Payoh underwent a major change - attap and zinc-roofed huts made way for concrete apartment blocks. Communal spaces were also modernised and made clean.

Increase in demand for jobs As the number of residents in the new town grew, there was a need to address the rising demand for jobs as well. This led government planners to erect industrial estates and factory sites in Toa Payoh in the 1960s. From the cottage-scale manufacturing of noodles, clogs, rattan and soya sauce during Toa Payoh’s kampong days to transistors, toys and consumer electronics from the late 1960s, the evolution of industry in Toa Payoh mirrored that of the wider national story41. Repercussion of Urban Change On the other hand, because focus was placed mainly on addressing the housing shortage, urban planners of the 1960s did not regard the conservation of culture and the environment as a priority. As a result, the opened and shared spaces typical of kampong villages slowly diminished, leading to the gradual loss of the kampong spirit amongst Toa Payoh’s residents. Communal spaces were now restricted to the corridors and void decks of the HDB blocks, while interaction between neighbours was also no longer as convenient. Moreover, as the number of housing units increased, the presence of greenery naturally reduced. A “top-down” approach was taken when the process of urban change took place, where control of the land was steadily taken from the hands of the people by the government. As such, the places of congregation among Toa Payoh’s residents lost its spontaneity as the old spaces were replaced with the built environment. Once the initiative of residents, it was now decided upon by the urban planners. Perhaps it is important to question the nature of these repercussions of urban change, if they could have been avoided, and thereby reflect on the true effectiveness of past government policies. Modern Living and Beyond As affluence and standards of living grows in present day Singapore, we now see another shift in the demand for public housing. Buildings with green spaces and better quality designs are now increasingly sought after. In the years to come, such a demand will once again change the landscape of Singapore, as standardized and easy-to-build flats make way for aesthetically diverse ones.

Relationship between Urban Form and Public Life

Timeline and Summary of Relationship between Urban Form and Public Life

1950s - “Chicago Town” Kampongs In the early 1950s, the main occupation of the residents of the Kampong’s were mainly farmers.42 The demographic of the area was predominantly Chinese, with pockets of Malays living near the area of Boon Teck and Jalan Ampas. The Malays living there were mainly employed by the Shaw Brothers film company. Their housing was provided by the company so as to create convenience for their workers to work at odd hours.43 For the Chinese communities, their kampongs were divided via their dialect groups. In each kampong, there was a temple, which acted as the central pillar of the village. These temples were a major activity hub for the kampongs, and built schools for the residents in the area.44 In fact, we see the relation between a temple - a place of worship, and schools - an educational institute. In the later 1950s, the residents formed an early form of Residents’ Corner (RC)45. These RCs had little facilities, but acted as a centre of congregation for those living in the district. Due to the lack of infrastructure, the residents had to rely on a single public standpipe to draw water from. Often the standpipes would become sources where arguments and conflicts occur, as people “had to fight for water”.46 Furthermore, there were squatters living in Toa Payoh, and crime was rampant, earning it the name of “Chicago Town” of Singapore47. The presence of gangsters were invariably due to the lack of governance and the presence of the squatter community. Extortions were a major gang activities, given that the region was considerably far from any authority, and that there were hawkers present for the gangs to extort “protection money” from. However, despite these rough conditions, there was a bond between the residents in Toa Payoh then. Despite the presence of people from various dialect groups, there was little conflict48. It was a community where trust and cooperation pervaded. 1960 onwards - Development of New Town Things started to change as the HDB developments increased and displaced the kampongs and the squatters in the mid-1960s. Furthermore, with the new HDB blocks came an influx of residents, as the town was meant to cater for a population much greater than the existing number living in Toa Payoh then. This influx of people shifted the wealth level of Toa Payoh from poor squatters to middle-income educated families. Official

community centres provided a place for the residents to congregate. More importantly, they provided a location for the youth to spend their time where they would not be influenced by the gangsters present. This led to a huge reduction in crime. During that time, the government had planned to set aside an area of 43 acres in Toa Payoh for industrial use49. The development of industries in Toa Payoh further propagated the influx of people to Toa Payoh, as it meant more jobs and easier access to them. Also, with the developed infrastructure, people had a water supply in their homes. Furthermore, with a greater concentration of households, vendors started to take the opportunity to attract more customers. The front doors of the apartments were “kept open in those days”50, and the vendors would walk door to door selling their goods. Other urban developments in Toa Payoh included the development of local markets, hawker centers and provision shops. The street markets of the past were removed and replaced by the new HDB markets, which were undoubtedly the central part of a homemaker’s life in Toa Payoh. On a whole, public life seem to have thoroughly benefitted from the changes in urban form - a reduction in crime rate, increase in affluence and wealth, and improvements in infrastructure leading to new forms of living. However, on hindsight, it can be argued that public life has lost its original ‘kampong’ identity through the developments. A recent survey conducted by HDB, National University of Singapore and Centre for Sustainable Asian Cities on various housing estates across Singapore including Toa Payoh reached a conclusion that there is minimal contact and low trust between residents.51 This could be pinpointed to the fact that the government was so focused on solving the practical needs such as the housing shortage that the ‘kampong lifestyle’ was totally disregarded and replaced. This in itself was probably not the major issue considering the circumstances, however, the ubiquity of this identity it created for all HDB estates seem to have diluted the sense of belonging of the residents of Toa Payoh. Residents are now more concerned about practical factors such as accessibility, variety of facilities, convenience and noise, rather than the spirit and communal bonding of the neighbourhood.52 Perhaps they cannot be faulted, for Toa Payoh is now one of the older towns in Singapore, fully saturated, and the dynamism of this place may be hard to rekindle.

TOA PAYOH

Block 79, Toa Payoh & Change with Context Block 79, Toa Payoh & Change with Context by TAN YEN LIN by TAN YEN LIN

Block 79, New Blocks, 2007 (Photo Credit: tanyenlin) Block 79, New Blocks, 2007 (Photo Credit: tanyenlin)

Introduction Introduction In recent years, the abolishment and redevelopment of public

housing satellite towns drew attention to the often In recentwithin years,older the abolishment and redevelopment of public overlooked public residences of the past. This research seeks to housing within older satellite towns drew attention to the often explore the evolving concept of housing in Singapore a overlooked public residences ofpublic the past. This research seeksasto refl ection of evolving its era, and how such a change enhances vibrancy as anda explore the concept of public housing in Singapore cohesiveness theand communities inhabit it. Specifi cally, and Toa reflection of itsinera, how such athat change enhances vibrancy Payoh Block 79, Central Horizon, a new block recently built in 2007 cohesiveness in the communities that inhabit it. Specifically, Toa 1 over itsBlock demolished predecessor 1971block along Toa Payoh Payoh 79, Central Horizon, aofnew recently builtCentral, in 2007 will as casepredecessor study. Bothofthe new and Toa old Payoh buildings hold1 overbe its taken demolished 1971 along Central, signifi of Both the Toa neighbourhood, will becance takenasaslandmarks case study. thePayoh new and old buildingsbeing hold the only blocks in the areaof built an arc-shaped plot, andbeing repsignifi cance as landmarks thealong Toa Payoh neighbourhood, resents the evolving nature of the modernist approach in public the only blocks in the area built along an arc-shaped plot, and rephousing. resents the evolving nature of the modernist approach in public housing. The analysis shall reveal how Block 79 has transformed from before, and to what shall extent has the space brought The analysis reveal howplanning Block 79 of hasthe transformed from activity before, and change their It will alsoofbring light brought to the developand to what into extent haslives. the planning the space activity ment of public connect to the way the and change intoresidences, their lives. and It will also bring light to in thewhich developplanning of architectural spaces have accommodated the needs ment of public residences, and connect to the way in which the of the people. Through architectural such as the spatial arplanning of architectural spaces haveelements accommodated needs rangement, connection, facilities, andelements activities,such it shall raise eleof the people. Through architectural as spatial arments and details of Block 79 thatand introduces theit nature of pubrangement, connection, facilities, activities, shall raise elelic residential livingofand its inter-relation to thethe experience the ments and details Block 79 that introduces nature ofofpubcommunity that lives within it. lic residential living and its inter-relation to the experience of the community that lives within it.

Aerial Street Layout. Block 79, 2007 (Source: Street Directory Singapore, 2014) Aerial Street Layout. Block 79, 2007 (Source: Street Directory Singapore, 2014)

Block 79, Old Block, 1971 (Photo Credit: Teo Huai Wei Edmund) Block 79, Old Block, 1971 (Photo Credit: Teo Huai Wei Edmund)

Aerial Street Layout. Block 79 , 1971 (Source: Street Directory Singapore, 2000) Aerial Street Layout. Block 79 , 1971 (Source: Street Directory Singapore, 2000)

History The nature of the housing units of the old and new block 79 was in line with the social needs and capacity of Singaporeans in its time. While the old contained simply one room flats which were mostly for rent2, the new contained four and five room flats3, a luxury simply incomprehensible for public housing back in 1971 when the old Block 79 was built. The one room flats back in the 1970s were created as a quick solution to rehouse the population in a more efficient manner. Many lived in kampongs or poor living conditions, and did not have the capacity to purchase the two or three room flats at that point of time. With such a situation, one-room flats for rental such as the old Block 79 was built to accommodate for the demand of affordable public housing at the time4. Therefore, as a representation of its time, HDB in its early years reflected the status of Singapore as a young state establishing the early stages of its own identity. Hence, the primary area of concern was to provide for a mass number of basic housing for low income households, shifting from the characteristic unsanitary immigrant squatter housing to clean and uniform residential units. The response to shift in growing quality and diversity can also be observed in its block configuration. Prior to the point blocks, which is where each floor was kept to a maximum of four to six units like that of the new Block 79, HDB favoured a more efficient and basic configuration of building slab blocks.6 Such a configuration allowed for the placement of multiple units alongside one another in a single row, punctuated by stairway cores and the lift. The level of standardisation is further emphasised by the repetition of one room units, which allowed for a maximum number of accommodates per level. This ensured that the structure could be low rise but still accommodate many, as technology then could not have accounted for the skyscraper like public and private structures that proliferate Singapore today. As such, the long nature of the old Block 79, spanning 300 meters along a curved parcel of 44 units per floor,7 is a representation the efficiency in build required for its context. Such a system allowed for a high degree of structural efficiency and allowed for ease of construction under a short and urgent period of time.

Toa Payoh, 1964. (Photo Credit: Housing Development Board)

Block 79, 2007 (Credit: tanyenlin)

The current Block 79 of today has now adopted the well know point block structure, a more contemporary structure that allowed for lesser and bigger units per floor.9 Hence, rather than maximising the number of units per floor, it now maximises the number of units through the increase of the number of floors per block, resulting in a significant increase in height. The five blocks rise to 40 stories tall, creating paranoiac views to the vibrant neighbourhood around it. As compared to its predecessor, the reduction of units per floor allow for it to have larger units, consisting of 269 fourroom flats and 39 five-room flats per block,10 which is three times the residential capacity as its predecessor on the same parcel of land. The development of public housing construes the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s socioeconomic identity and is a reflection of the circumstances at which it was created.

Block 79, 1971 (Credit: tanyenlin)

Style and Spaces SPACES

historical map of the neighbourhood

Five Room Flat Layout, Block 79, 2007. (Credit: Fong Chen Renovation Contractors)

Stylistically, both the old and new Block 79 reflect a modern movement style.11 The modern style prioritised simplicity and functionalism over the ornamental and vernacular house of the old Singapore, creating clean and rational designs that consist of a simple faรงade that can be distilled into horizontal and vertical lines. Aerially, the old Block 79 is shaped in a curved manner of an arch, while the new Block 79 are 5 blocks arranged in the along a curved plot but primarily remains linear for an each individual block. Comparatively, the smooth continuous nature of a curved block creates a structural homogeneity and regularity very typical of the modernist style, while the new does depart from such homogeneity through the punctuation of low rise blocks that connect the five blocks together, creating an alternation that departed from monotonous standardisation. This creates a sense of vibrancy in the style of HDBs in the recent period. Internally, the flats were the representation of their faรงade as well, but the new grew to accommodate the growing need for customised and flexible spaces. They maintained the regularity and homogeneity of the outside through the standardisation of the internal units. Apartments were of the same capacity and floor arrangement, an incorporation of utilising modular construction for efficient and productive rehousing. Block 79 consisted of one room flats which has limited space and privacy, and the use of concrete walls prevented one from changing the layout with ease. Comparatively, the new set of Block 79 has a more flexible and diverse arrangement. The living room is a spacious rectangular space that spans the front to back of the house, and there are multiple bedrooms offering different private areas of rest for different members of the household. The spaces are divided by partition walls, and the new materials for the wall partitions are easier to be demolished and rearranged.12 This offered the flexibility for home owners to redesign their living space should they want to enlarge, tweak or combine certain rooms. It reflects the growing need for Singaporeans to customise and create their own living spaces.

One-Room Flat Layout, typical flat layout, 1970s Credit: Alida Teo, www.teoalida.com

STYLE

Front Elevation of Block 79, 2007. (Credit: tanyenlin)

Front Elevation of Block 79, 1971. (Credit: tanyenlin)

Community Areas CORRIDOR SPACES

PUBLIC SPACES

FOSTERING BONDING & RELATIONS

historical map of the neighbourhood

historical historiccaall map a of of the th he neighbourhood neighbou urrh hood

Unit arrangement on floors without sky or roof garden, Block 79 (2007). (Source: HDB)

Addition of more green spaces and the void deck. (Credit: tanyenlin)

Unit arrangement in old Slab Blocks. (Source: HDB, Housing a nation: 25 years of public housing in Singapore

However, the fostering of community bonding goes beyond the creation of placing residences within the same precinct. About a decade after the old Block 79 was built, a study by NUS sociologists revealed that fourty percent of youths under twenty had few friends within their HDB estate.13 This revealed the apparent need to create public spaces by which people can gather and play, a versatile and flexible space which can function as different types of venues based on different events. Therefore, the concept of the void deck was introduced, where the first floor of the HDB is left empty for use like sports, study, chess, or even weddings.14 As for common spaces along each of the upper levels for each flat, the point block design of the new block 79 posed an advantage over the old Block 79 in its slab block structure.15 For the old slab bock, it had a single narrow corridor linking each of the one room units, but the claustrophobic nature of its minimal space discouraged congregation. Lingering only meant the disruption of the passageway by which other neighbours require to access to and fro their housing units. In comparison, the new Block 79 is arranged in a manner by which housing units surround a common space in the centre where the lift core runs through. Hence, rather than a single narrow space, the common space encourage greater frequency of congregation among neighbours of the level, creating opportunities for small conversations. Beyond common spaces, there grew the need to introduce green spaces into the urban typology. With the increasing urban density of public housing, the goal in achieving the â&#x20AC;&#x153;City in a Gardenâ&#x20AC;? concept seeks to incorporate nature and greenery to soften and beautify the concrete landscape that dominates Singapore today.16 The shift was now to create eco towns, and this has encouraged HDB to explore new methods to create sustainable and

The sky garden, Block 79, 2007. (Photo Credit: tanyenlin)

green living spaces for Singaporeans. Therefore, unlike the bare and simplistic environment of the old Block 79 with its repetitive monotony of linked yet isolated units, the new Block 79 has incorporated sky gardens and roof gardens as potential areas of community gathering.13 Such greenery amidst the high rise living helps relieve stress and fatigue as well as encouraging leisure participation of the community to socialise and gather. This creates a healthier living environment. 17 In conclusion, the redevelopment of Block 79 has successfully integrated communal needs and redefined the manner in which public housing is perceived through subtle changes of its layout to create a holistic and vibrant residential living. The focus of the HDB from quantity to quality, singularity to diversity, homogeneity to variety, and minimal to lush greenery creates a community oriented and vibrant high rise housing. Each both encapsulated the qualities of the two distinct housing eras of past and present, holding living and breathing memories of the Toa Payoh in its early and late stages.

Recreational area Yio

Religious site

Chu Kang

Private housing Education AMK Town Garden West

Kebun Baru K

Town Center

Cheng San

AMK hub

Teck Gee

K-Bi s

han

Park

Chong Boon

Ang Mo Kio: A Well-Planned Town by Zhang Keer, Khor Wan Xuan, Tee Yong KIat

Introduction Ang Mo Kio, is a town located at north – eastern region of Singapore. It was planned and developed from 1970s and was completed in 1980s. The present 29 ha of self – sufficient town centre was built over an elongated valley which was occupied by squatters in the past. Ang Mo Kio contains notable features such as aligned HDB flats, good hawker food, diversified small business and shops. There are several explanations about the origin of the name Ang Mo Kio. The first explanation is that the name is derived from the tomato in Hokkien term. However, former villagers in this area reclaimed that tomatoes were not planted in Ang Mo Kio. Instead, there were various villages of different name such as Cheng Sua Lai (Hokkien: Interior of Green Hills), Jio Sua (Hokkien: Stone Hill) and Kow tiow Kio (Hokkien: nine bridges). The second explanation is that the name is referred to a bridge which was purportedly built by the John Turnbull Thomson (1821 – 1884) at the junction of Upper Thomson Road and Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1. This is because the word “ang mo” is meant Caucasian from Hokkien dialect while the word “kio” is meant bridge from this dialect as well.

Ang Mo Kio Town Centre in 1980s.

The third explanation is that there were actually two key tracks crossing old swampy Ang Mo Kio. The bridges carried the tracks had become an important element in local area. One was a wooden bridge and another one was made by concrete. The locals called the bridges as “pang kio” (wooden bridge in Hokkien) and “ang mo kio” (“ang mo” here is meant concrete, which is commonly called as “ang mo he” or “Western ash” in Hokkien). However, the swamps, bridges, farmland and villages are vanished in the development of Ang Mo Kio New Town. Todays, Ang Mo Kio is one of the most sought-after housing estates in Singapore by home-buyers. There is a story behind every place and corner in the Ang Mo Kio.

Aerial view of Ang Mo Kio in 1980s.

Bird’s eye view of Ang Mo Kio in 1980s.

Urban History: The evolution of Ang Mo Kio History Period A: Before 1970s

historical map of the neighbourhood

Period B: 1970 - 1980

Development of Ang Mo Kio in 1970s.

Newly opened road along Ang Mo Kio, Avenue 1 in 1971

The map shows the Ang Mo Kio before 1970, it was clearly divided as plantation site and housing estate.

Period: before 1970s Before the town housed in Ang Mo Kio, this area was largely covered with secondary forests, swamps and farmlands. It was remained largely uninhabited throughout the 19th century until the rubber boom which was largely occured around the start of the 20th century. It had brought the settlers from other countries to this area and started rubber planting sector. Therefore, we can see the major part of Ang Mo Kio forest was reserved as the plantation estate from the old map of Singapore. During the period from 1922 to 1932, the price of rubber decreased sharply and it had caused the tappers and labourers there encountered a severe economic crisis. Hence they started to turn their focus on the poultry farming or market gardening. Ang Mo Kio Town East Garden, a site of formerly rubber plantation estate, has kept the rubber trees in this area. Sculptures of rubber seed and nutmeg also can be seen there as they show the endeavor of Singapore government to reserve the historical site and makes it as an educational site for the young generations.

The shifting of bus terminal in Ang Mo Kio around 1980 to 1990.

Period : 1970 - 1980 Ang Mo Kio new town was built by House and Development Board (HDB) under the Ministry of National Development. The development began in 1973 and completed in 1980. The building clusters were allocated in grid pattern, where the buildings were lined up perpendicularly along the streets. Ang Mo Kio also pioneer to several design. It was the first HDB town to be designed in metric dimensions and the first to have five-room flats in slab block form. HDB also implemented new design scheme and overall upgrading of the previous designs when Ang Mo Kio was developed . This new designed model helped Ang Mo Kio won the Outstanding Building Award from the Singapore Institute of Architects (SIA).

Period C: 1980 - 1990

Period D: 1990 - Current

ITE College Central in Ang Mo Kio. Oriental Emporium in Ang Mo Kio in 1980s.

Ang Mo Kio Bus Interchange 1980s.

Four Leaf Clover Flat

Period: 1980 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 1990

Nanyang Polytechnic.

Ang Mo Kio Town Centre is one of the largest town centres in Singapore. In the eighties and early nineties, Ang Mo Kio had become a more developed towncentre and plenty of cinemas also constructed at there. Therefore, residents from the neighbouring Bishan, Yishun and Sembawang would flock to Ang Mo Kio to shop, dine and watch movies, because the shopping facilities in their respective housing estates were not fully developed yet.

Ang Mo Kio also consisted of several places of worship. Compared to other religious place, Ang Mo Kio had more Chinese temples were established from 1980 to 1990. In the contrary, Masjid Al â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Muttaqin is the only mosque can be found in Ang Mo Kio and is the fifth mosque to be completed in Singapore.

Meanwhile, the transportation system had been improved during this period. The bus interchange had been expanded to cater to growing population. The first section of MRT station also fully constructed in November 1987. It consisted of only five stations (from Toa Payoh to Yio Chu Kang) over six kilometers.

After the massive development from 1980 to 1990, Ang Mo Kio had gone through a series of transformation. Today, most of the old buildings in Ang Mo Kio still can be seen and protected although a lot of modern buildings are brought in subsequently. Ang Mo Kio is a unique and livable place which has witnessed the development of Singapore economic.

Period: 1990 - Current

Urban Analysis Spatial Analysis Ang Mo Kio town uses a grid-like planning to organize the town, hence itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s major roads form sharp edges bounding different areas of the town. The area we studied has Avenues 6 , Avenue 8 and Avenue 3 running perpendicular to both of them. It is noticable that the Avenues are wider than the streets they branch off into. The branched off streets lead inside neighbourhoods, and is a way to slow down traffic heading towards neighbourhoods. The neighbourhoods are arranged such that they are aligned with, but setback from the roads. It is noticable that many mixed use residential units are located at the town centre. This may be because the town centre is also the commercial centre of Ang Mo Kio New Town, and hence more shops are located there due the good economic activity there. As such, there is a strong sense of a town centre. It is also noticable that majority of the HDB blocks at Ang Mo Kio are slab blocks. There are other buildings located throughout, such as libraries, clinics, and schools which provide amenities and services to the residents of Ang Mo Kio. These are useful in way-finding amongst the housing units which do not differ largely in design, and are also located within walking distance for residents in the vincinity. The Masjid Al-Muttaqin mosque at Avenue particularly stands out, and is an attempt during Town Planning to create a sense of identity for the town. 1 There are several green spaces in Ang Mo Kio. Two green spaces in our area of study were Ang Mo Kio Town Garden West and Ang Mo Kio Town Garden East, which are the two most prominent gardens in Ang Mo Kio. At Ang Mo Kio Town Garden East, there are large sculptures of rubber seeds, a reminder that the area used to be a rubber tree plantation.

Spatial Analysis of Ang Mo Kio

Land Use

Activities Commercial activities

Analysis of land use

Commercial activities that used be active in the past

In the 1980s, the land at Ang Mo Kio is mostly used for residential, commercial area, educational institution and industry. Throughout the years, residential development still remains as the main land use in Ang Mo Kio and most of the facilities still retained. The most obvious difference compared to the past is the rise of private housing. A lot of private housing can be found at northwest of Ang Mo Kio. This can be part of the plan from URA to rejuvenate Ang Mo Kio town and create a mixed-use development near to the new Tagore MRT, which located at northwest of Ang Mo Kio.8

An interview with the hardware shopâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s owner at block 529 has helped us to understand more about the changes in Ang Mo Kio in the past couple of years. Having to run hardware business for more than 30 years, they have withnessed the transformation of commercial activities in Ang Mo Kio from business at shophouses to a larger commercial industry. Shophouses like block 529 is not commonly found in Ang Mo Kio nowadays. Big retail industries like Giant that offer a wider range of product and lower price have slowly replaced these shops.

Ang Mo Kio is divided into 6 neighbourhoods. It is a well-organised new town such that each neighbourhood is self-contained in terms of shop, school, recreational area and religious site. This goes along the lines of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;neighbourhood conceptâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; that HDB is trying to achieved, in which to minimize the travel outside the neighbourhood. Besides, each neighbourhood will have its own community center. Such development is aimed to build a close kinship and socialization with neighbours.

In terms of recreational activities, the space and facilities at Ang mo Kio have allowed the residents to lead an active lifestyle. Community center provides spaces for like-minded people to gather. One of them is the community center at Cheng San that consist of meeting rooms and multi purpose hall.

There are a few buildings that has been retained for the past 40 years, mostly is place of worship which includes temple,mosque and church. Among them, temple is the most frequently found. One of the reason can be statistics has showed that buddhism is the most popular religion in Ang Mo Kio. This can show that urban development is largely affected by demographic need.7

Recreational activities

Reflections Drivers of Urban Change

Maps and Scenes of changes through Ang Mo Kio’s history

Ang Mo Kio used to be covered with secondary forests, swamps and farmland.1 The area was very sparsely populated through the nineteenth century9. Settlers, mainly immigrant Hokkien Chinese, were attracted to the area only around the beginning of the 20th Century as a result of the rubber boom. There used to be several villages located around Ang Mo Kio, one of which was known as Cheng San village. After the HDB’s initial goal of housing the lower income groups, which comprised a third of the population was met, HDB had to reinvent its role in public housing. At the start of the 1970s, HDB started to target the middle income group. Throughout this period, HDB built bigger fourand five-room flats which served a better quality of life and also include better amenities near the neighborhood. 5 30% of the total housing units in Ang Mo Kio are four-and five-room apartments compared to 9% in Toa Payoh, a new town developed in 1965. 4 Development of Ang Mo Kio new town began in 1973 and was completed in 1980, and is the Housing Development Board’s seventh New Town to be developed. With this development, villages such as Cheng San were amalgamated within high-rise buildings. Villagers from other nearby villages such as Soon Hock village were eventually resettled into the developed Ang Mo Kio. With this development in public housing, the private sector has also been quick to follow up, creating a increasing differentiation in housing types. It was proposed that low-density housing units would comprise 13% of the total housing units by 2010.

With more focus being placed on providing green spaces on residents, Ang Mo Kio enjoys having the Ang Mo KIo-Bishan Park on its South, which coincidentally serves as a threshold between the two towns. Future park developments include the extension of the Serangoon North Linear Park on Ang Mo Kio Avenue. 2 Other than housing policies, Ang Mo Kio also sees new introductions to political policies. Ang Mo Kio was the first town to have a Town Council, in an attempt to foster stronger community spirit and identity. 4

Relationship between Urban Form and Public Life

Diagram showing one neighbourhood centre in Ang Mo Kio

Shophouses with life full on their five foot ways

The design of the HDB block itself is designed to encourage interaction between residents by having them share common spaces such as the corridor, thus increasing the chances of interaction. Public housing policy also ensures having a good mixture of different races in a block, by requiring a certain quota of each race in a single HDB block. However, it can also be argued that doing so disrupts already formed relationships between those who used to live in an area allocated to them by their race during colonial times. Hence the reallocation of people to new towns from their villages has already disrupted much of the existing social relationships people shared.

A study of relocated residents has found that villagers have difiiculty coping with the new living conditions and machinery involved with their new homes. Relocated residents take time to become familiar enough with the new environment to form new social focal points.

The design of HDB blocks also does not encourage public life as much as the olden shophouses with their five foot ways. It was a frequent sight for businesses to use these walkways as storgae or retail display space, and for pedestrians to spill over to the streets, defying the original purposes laid out by the planners. The lively street life in the past thus resulted from the publicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s appropriation of space and the lack of planning by local authorities. 6 In contrast, new towns such as Ang Mo Kio are highly planned, sometimes with the intentions of convenience over building community. The policies and strict enforcement of laws have also made such spontaneous development difficult.

However, effort has been made to relocate families to places near their original places of residence. Effort has also been made to relocate villages en bloc. 4 The planning of the estate has also ensured that pockets of public space are situated in the middle of clusters of housing estates, as evident in the diagram above. The public space in the diagram in this case is a small courtyard with benches and exercise sites surrounded by HDB blocks. It acts as a community space where residents can gather. We feel that as a new town, much had been done to foster a sense of belonging and community spirit amongst its residents, whether it be in urban planning of the physical environment, government policies, or governmental efforts. However, there seems to be less of a groundup effort in creating that sense of identity for Ang Mo Kio, which could be due to the relocation, and hence is a situation which shows promise as long as enough time is given for residents to get familiar with their surroundings and citizens.

NOTES PUBLIC CITY OUTRAM

1. Charles Burton, Buckley. An Anecdotal History of Old times in Singapore: From the Foundation of the Settlement under the Honourable the East India Company on February 6th, 1819 to the Transfer to the Colonial Office as Part of the Colonial Possessions of the Crown on April 1st, 1867. (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1984). P 507,573. 2. Brenda S. A. Yeoh Portraits of Places: History, Community, and Identity in Singapore. (Singapore: Times Editions, 1995). P 13-25. 3. Outram planning area: Planning report. (Singapore: Urban Redevelopment Authority,1995) 4. Singapore Urban Design Studio: Housing for Pearl’s and York’s Hill: Five Urban Design Proposals (Singapore Urban Redevelopment Authority, 1999) 5. “Hospital Overview.” – Singapore General Hospital. Accessed October 19, 2014. http://www.sgh.com.sg/about-us/more-about-sgh/pages/aboutus. aspx. 6. Buckley 7. Buckley 8. “People’s Park Complex.” DP Architects Pte Ltd. Accessed October 13, 2014. http://www.dpa.com.sg/projects/peoples-park-complex/ 9. Jane Beamish and Jane Ferguson. ‘ A History of Singapore Architecture: The Making of a City’ , (Graham Bush, 1989) 10. Tan Cheng Siong, City Life Talk: “The Origins of High-Rise Residential Living in Singapore”, (University of Buffalo, 2010), Accessed October 19, 2014 11. “People’s Park Complex.” DP Architects Pte Ltd. Accessed October 13, 2014. http://www.dpa.com.sg/projects/peoples-park-complex/ 12. Jones, John, and Christopher Hooi. An Early Surveyor in Singapore: John Turnbull Thomson in Singapore, 1841-1853. (Singapore: National Museum, 1979.) P 43, 56, 62, 63, 81, 87 13. Ong Siang Song, One hundred years’ history of the Chinese in Singapore, (Singapore: Oxford University Press,1984) P 8, 11, 12, 21-23, 25, 28, 552 14. Ole Johan Dale, Urban Planning in Singapore: The Transformation of a City (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), P16-20 15. S.E. Teo and V. R. Savage, Singapore Landscape: A Historical Overview of Housing Image’ in Chew and Lee, History of Singapore, (Oxford University Press, 1985) P 312-338 16. Lim, A. Making way for the new in Outram Park. The Straits Times, February 9, 2000. p. 34. Accessed October 13, 2014 17. Heng Chye Kiang & Chong Keng Hua, ‘Urban Revitalisation through Housing Induced Public Spaces’, (National University of Singapore,2006) 18. “People’s Park Complex.” DP Architects Pte Ltd. Accessed October 13, 2014. http://www.dpa.com.sg/projects/peoples-park-complex/ 19. Dale 20. Eunice Seng, “The Podium, the Tower and the ‘People’” : The Private Development of a Public Complex, c1956-1970, (Griffith, 2013) P 219-232 21. Heng Chye Kiang & Chong Keng Hua 22. Teo and Savage 23. “People’s Park Complex.” DP Architects Pte Ltd. Accessed October 13, 2014. http://www.dpa.com.sg/projects/peoples-park-complex/

24. Seng 25. Chor Chin Hoong, “Urban Transport Planning in Singapore” In Planning Singapore: From Plan to Implementation, ed. Belinda Yuen (Singapore, Singapore Institute of Planners, 1980) P81-132 26. Outram planning area: Planning report. (Singapore: Urban Redevelopment Authority,1995) 27. Teo and Savage 28. Dale 29. Heng & Chong 30. Teo and Savage 31. Concept Plan 2001, (URA,2001), Accessed October 13, 2014. http://online.www.ura.gov.sg/conceptplan2001 32. Conservation areas and maps: Chinatown. (URA,n.d), Accessed October 13, 2014 www.ura.gov.sg/conservation/telok.htm

Outram: Bowyer Block at SGH

1. Edwards, Norman, and Peter Keys. Singapore: A Guide to Buildings, Streets, Places. Singapore: (Times Books International, 1988.) P 340-341 2. I, Nadarajah. ” A Brief Early History of the Hospital Services”. (Singapore, 1968) 3. Singapore General Hospital. Singapore General Hospital: 50th anniversary publication 1926-1976. (Singapore: SGH , 1976). P 9, 12-19, 22-23, 48-72, 115-118 4. “Memorial Service to Doctor Bowyer.” The Straits Times, April 11, 1947. Accessed October 30 2014. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19470411-1.2.33.aspx 5. Wan, Meng Hao, and Jacqueline Lau. Heritage Places of Singapore. (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Editions, 2009.) P 166-167 6. Lee, Yong Kiat. The General Hospital in Early Singapore .Vol. 34. Number 6 (Ann Acad Med Singapore, 2005) 7. “The SGH Museum .” The SGH Museum – Singapore General Hospital. Accessed October 30, 2014. http://www.sgh.com.sg/about-us/sgh-museum/ Pages/SGH-Museum.aspx.

Outram: People’s Park Complex

1. Philip Lawton, “Commodity or Community? The role of urban public space in the early 21st Century.” Building Material, No. 16 (2007): 36-41. Accessed October 25, 2014. http://www.jstor.org.libproxy.nlb.gov.sg/stable/29792307. 2. Michael H.H. Lee, “People’s Park Complex Infopedia.” National Library Board Singapore. Last modified 2009. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_1597_2009-10-31.html. 3. Singapore Planning and Urban Research Group. “Singapore Variations of a Theme Park.” No. 65-67 (1967), 5. 4. Schalk, Meike. “The Architecture of Metabolism. Inventing a Culture of Resilience.” Arts 2014 3 (2014): 284. doi:10.3390/arts3020279. 5. Zuccaro, Marchi L. “The Heart of the City: Continuity and Complexity of an urban design concept.” PhD diss., Delft University of Technology, 2013.

DUXTON

1. Charles Burton, Buckley. 1984. An Anecdotal History Of Old Times In Singapore(1819-1867). 1st ed. Singapore: Oxford University Pres. 2. Tanjong Pagar : A Pictorial Journey (1819-1989). 1989. 1st ed. Singapore: Singapore : Tanjong Pagar Citizens’ Consultative Committee. 3. Tanjong Pagar : Singapore’s Cradle Of Development.. 1989. 1st ed. SIngapore: Singapore : Tanjong Pagar Citizens’ Consultative Committee. 4. http://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/oral_history_interviews/record-

details/9a54abfd-115f-11e3-83d5-0050568939ad. 5. Former rickshaw station at Tanjong Pagar up for sale. (1988, November 18). The Straits Times 6. Ctbuh.org,. 2014. ‘The Pinnacle @ Duxton, Singapore’. http://www.ctbuh. org/TallBuildings/FeaturedTallBuildings/Archive2010/ThePinnacleDuxtonSingapore/tabid/2283/language/en-GB/Default.aspx. 7. Landscapeinthebox.blogspot.sg,. 2014. ‘Landscape IN THE BOX: Duxton -- Dissolution Of Scale, Memory And Landscape’. http://landscapeinthebox. blogspot.sg/2013/04/duxton-dissolution-of-scale-memory-and.html. 8. Ura.gov.sg,. 2014. http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/conservation/conservationxml.aspx?id=CNTWN. 9. Ctbuh.org,. 2014. ‘The Pinnacle @ Duxton, Singapore’. 10. Hadi, Yuri. 2014. http://etheses.nottingham.ac.uk/4592/1/605994.pdf. 11. Ura.gov.sg,. 2014. http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/conservation/conservation-xml.aspx?id=CNTWN 12. Division, Challenge. 2014. ‘Corners Of History’. Challenge.Gov.Sg. http:// www.challenge.gov.sg/print/life-style/corners-of-history. 13. Skyline : jul - aug ‘13,. 2014. ‘Skyline : Jul - Aug ‘13 : Singapore, The World’S Urban Laboratory’. http://www.ura.gov.sg/skyline/skyline13/skyline13-04/article-01-pg2.html. 14. “Duxton Road” Last modified 2005 http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_357_2005-01-22.html 15. Ura.gov.sg,. 2014. http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/conservation/conservation-xml.aspx?id=CNTWN 16. “Duxton Hill’s dirty side gets cleaned up” Last modified 16 Feb 2011http://travel.cnn.com/singapore/visit/duxton-hills-dirty-side-getscleaned-115104

BUGIS, BRAS BASAH & ROCHOR

1. National Heritage Board,. Kampong Glam: A Heritage Trail. Singapore: National Heritage Board. 2. Postcardman.net,. 2014. ‘SINGAPORE - Vintage Old Antique Postcard Postcards’. http://www.postcardman.net/singapore_topo.html. 3. Chen, Johnny. 2013. ‘Story Of The Old Bras Basah Jail’. Ghetto Singapore. http://www.ghettosingapore.com/story-of-the-old-bras-basah-jail/. 4. Savage, Victor R, and Brenda S. A Yeoh. 2003. Toponymics. 1st ed. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press. 5. Savage, Yeoh. 2003. Toponymics. 6. 2ndshot.blogspot.sg,. 2014. ‘Second Shot: Where Exactly Was The Infamous Toilet In Bugis Street?’. http://2ndshot.blogspot.sg/2010/07/whereexactly-was-infamous-toilet-in.html. 7. Wwwyeohongeng.blogspot.sg,. 2014. ‘Yeo Hong Eng: Singapore’s Bugis Street Of Old’. http://wwwyeohongeng.blogspot.sg/2012/05/singaporesbugis-street-of-old.html. 8. Remember Singapore,. 2011. ‘Sungei Road Thieves Market’. http://remembersingapore.wordpress.com/sungei-thieves-market/. 9. National Library Board, Singapore. 2014. ‘Bugis Street | Infopedia’. Eresources.Nlb.Gov.Sg. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/ SIP_184_2005-01-25.html. 10. Remember Singapore,. 2011. ‘Sungei Road Thieves Market’. http://remembersingapore.wordpress.com/sungei-thieves-market/ 11. Urban Redevelopment Authority,. 2014. Bras Basah. Bugis Celebrating The City. Singapore: Urban Redevelopment Authority. 12. Dpa.com.sg,. 2014. ‘Bugis Junction - DP Architects’. http://www.dpa.com. sg/projects/bugis-junction/.

13. S-cadservice.com,. 2014. http://www.s-cadservice.com/uploads/2/8/6/6/2866636/424912_orig.jpg 14. National Library Board, Singapore. 2014. ‘Bugis Street | Infopedia’. Eresources.Nlb.Gov.Sg. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/ SIP_184_2005-01-25.html. 15. Remember Singapore,. 2011. ‘Sungei Road Thieves Market’. http://remembersingapore.wordpress.com/sungei-thieves-market/. 16. Straitstimes.com,. 2014. ‘Religious Melting Pot In Waterloo St’. http:// www.straitstimes.com/news/singapore/more-singapore-stories/story/ religious-melting-pot-waterloo-st-20140815. 17. Straitstimes.com,. 2014. ‘Dr Susie Lingham Is The Singapore Art Museum’s New Director’. http://www.straitstimes.com/breaking-news/ lifestyle/story/dr-susie-lingham-the-singapore-art-museums-new-director-20130702. 18. Singapore’s 100 historic places. Archipelago Press in assoication with National Heritage Board, 2002. 19. Urban Redevelopment Authority,. 2014. Bras Basah. Bugis Celebrating The City. Singapore: Urban Redevelopment Authority. 20. Remember Singapore,. 2011. ‘Rochor Centre Coloured Flats’. http://remembersingapore.wordpress.com/rochor-centre-coloured-flats/. 21. Lynch, Kevin. 1960. The Image Of The City. 1st ed. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 22. Anderson, Stanford. 1975. Studies Toward An Ecological Model Of The Urban Environment. 1st ed. Cambridge: Urban Ecology Program/Grunsfeld Seminar, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Laboratory of Architecture and Planning. 23. Sevtsuk, Andres. 2014. ‘Mapping The Elastic Realm’. Idc.Sutd.Edu.Sg. http://idc.sutd.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/2014-Mapping-theElastic-Public-Realm-ACSA.pdf. 24. Sevtsuk, ‘Mapping The Elastic Realm’ 25. Sevtsuk, ‘Mapping The Elastic Realm’ 26. Sevtsuk, ‘Mapping The Elastic Realm’ 27. Ura.gov.sg,. 2014. ‘Skyline : Reflections Of A City’. http://www.ura.gov.sg/ skyline/skyline09/skyline09-02/text/04_2.htm. 28. Nowhere.per.sg,. 2008. ‘Old Singapore | The Lycan Times 狼人时报. http://www.nowhere.per.sg/?tag=old-singapore. 29. Streetdirectory.com,. 2014. ‘Singapore Bugis Map & Bugis Singapore’. http://www.streetdirectory.com/asia_travel/travel/travel_main. php?zonename=Bugis. 30. The Story Of Our Library Remains A Colony.’. Citi-Sketcha.Blogspot.Sg. http://citi-sketcha.blogspot.sg/2014/10/from-stamford-to-victoria-story-ofour.html.

Bugis, Bras Basah & Rochor: Maghain Aboth Synagogue

1. Lim, Jerome. 2012. ‘A Synagogue On Church Street’. Blog. The Long And Winding Road. https://thelongnwindingroad.wordpress.com/2012/11/21/asynagogue-on-church-street/. 2. Lee, John. 2011. ‘Panoramio - Photo Of Maghain Aboth Synagogue, Singapore’. Panoramio.Com. http://www.panoramio.com/photo/50887676. 3. Jewishtimesasia.org. 2010. ‘Singapore Jewish Community’. http://www. jewishtimesasia.org/singapore/271-singapore-communities/771-singaporejewish-community. 4. Jewishvirtuallibrary.org,. 2004. ‘Singapore Virtual Jewish History Tour | Jewish Virtual Library’. http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/vjw/singapore.html. 5. National Library Board, Singapore. 2014. ‘Maghain Aboth Synagogue |

Infopedia’. Eresources.Nlb.Gov.Sg. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/ articles/SIP_792_2005-01-23.html. 6. Edwards, Norman, and Peter Keys. 1988. Singapore: A Guide To Buildings, Streets, Places. Singapore: Times Books International. 7. Jewishvirtuallibrary.org. 2004. 8. Lee, Geok Boi. 2002. The Religious Monuments Of Singapore. Singapore: Preservation of Monuments Board. 9. Lim. 2012. 10. Wasserman, Tony. 2014. ‘Inside Maghain Aboth Synagogue - Singapore’. Flickr. https://www.flickr.com/photos/tony_wasserman/13510461645/. 11. Tey, Marc. 2014. ‘Historical Heritage’. Marc Tey Photography. http://www. marctey.com/. 12. Yeo, Shireen. 2014. Maghain Aboth Synagogue: Jewish History Through Architecture 13. Commons.wikimedia.org,. 2011. ‘File:Main Entrance Of Maghain Aboth Synagogue, Singapore - 20110909.Jpg - Wikimedia Commons’. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Main_entrance_of_Maghain_Aboth_Synagogue,_Singapore_-_20110909.jpg. 14. Weissbach, Lee Shai. 2010. ‘Buildings Fraught With Meaning: An Introduction To A Special Issue On Synagogue Architecture In Context’. Jew History 25 (1): 1-11. doi:10.1007/s10835-010-9125-8. 15. Myjewishlearning.com. 2014. ‘Synagogue Architecture And Interior Design - My Jewish Learning’. http://www.myjewishlearning.com/practices/ Ritual/Prayer/Synagogue_and_Religious_Leaders/Architecture_and_Design.shtml. 16. Lim. 2012. 17. Lim. 2012. 18. Lim. 2012. 19. Comesingapore.com. 2012. ‘Maghain Aboth Synagogue’. Accessed December 2. http://comesingapore.com/travel-guide/article/300/maghainaboth-synagogue. 20. A. Wingfield, Valerie. 2012. ‘Personal Identity Through Architecture In Singapore At The Turn Of The Nineteenth Century’. Graduate, Department of Art History and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon. 21. The Real Singapore,. 2012. ‘How Israel Shaped The Singapore Armed Forces’. http://therealsingapore.com/content/how-israel-shaped-singaporearmed-forces. 22. Barzilai, Amnon. 2004. ‘A Deep, Dark, Secret Love Affair’. Haaretz.Com. http://www.haaretz.com/a-deep-dark-secret-love-affair-1.128671. 23. Sg.asiatatler.com. 2014. ‘The Engagement Of Cherie Sassoon And Philippe Bera’. http://sg.asiatatler.com/events/the-engagement-of-cheriesassoon-and-philippe-bera. 24. Smm.edu.sg. 2014. ‘History — Sir Mannaseh Meyer International School Singapore’. Accessed December 5. http://www.smm.edu.sg/history/. 25. Maree, Vernee. 2013. ‘Touring Singapore’s Jewish Cultural And Historical Contribution’. http://www.expatliving.sg/things_todo/museums_galleries/ Touring-Singapores-Jewish-cultural-and-historical-contribution-35167.ece.

BEACH ROAD

1, 7, 11, 12, 15, 17, 18, 20. Vernon Cornelius-Takahama, “Beach Road”, Singapore Infopedia, Last modified 2000, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/ articles/SIP_889_2004-12-23.html 2. Vernon Cornelius, “Istana Kampong Glam”, Singapore Infopedia, last modified 1997, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_101_2004-1224.html

3. Joanna HS Tan, “Raffles Hotel”, Singapore Infopedia, last modified 2010, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_37_2005-01-05.html 4. Marsita Omar & Nor-Afidah Abd Rahman, “Clyde Terrace Market”, Singapore Infopedia, last modified 2005, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/ articles/SIP_889_2004-12-23.html 5. Victor Khoo, March 19, 2008, “Beach Road Pt.2 - Shaw Tower Revisit”, Times of My Life, http://timesofmylife.wordpress.com/2008/03/19/beach-roadpt2-shaw-tower-revisit/ 6. DP Architects, “Golden Mile Complex”, accessed November 15 2014, http://www.dpa.com.sg/projects/golden-mile-complex/ 8. Urban Redevelopment Authority, “Kampong Glam”, accessed October 13 2014, http://www.ura.gov.sg/Conservation-Portal/Explore/History. aspx?bldgid=KPGL 9. Singapore Land Authority, “Singapore Map”, Accessed October 10 2014, www.onemap.sg/index.html 10. Jan Gehl Architects, “Towards a fine City for People Public Spaces and Public Life London-2014” accessed October 13 2014, http://issuu.com/ gehlarchitects/docs/issuu_270_london_pspl_2004 14, 19. Bonny Tan, “Raffles Town Plan”, Singapore Infopedia. Last Modified 2002. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_658_2005-01-07. html 16. Victor R Savage, Brenda S A Yeoh (2004), Toponymics - A Study of Singapore Street Names, Eastern University Press, ISBN 981-210-364-3 21. “Singapore Parliamentary Debates: 6 March 2006” (pdf ). Parliament of Singapore. Retrieved 2007-08-12. 22. Tay Suan Chiang, “Goodbye Famous 5?: “Slum” becomes landmark”, The Sunday Times., August 5, 2007.

Beach Road: The Concourse

1. Architects61, “The Concourse,” Architects61, 2014, 28 November 2014, http://www.a61.com.sg/retail/project-concourse.html. 2. Tony Monk, The Art and Architecture of Paul Rudolph (Chichester: Wiley Academy, 1999), 104 3. Tony Monk, The Art and Architecture of Paul Rudolph (Chichester: Wiley Academy, 1999), 103 4. Yunn Chii, Wong, Singapore 1:1 - City (Singapore: Urban Redevelopment Authority, 2005), 268 5. Photo source: Tony Monk, The Art and Architecture of Paul Rudolph (Chichester: Wiley Academy, 1999), 105 6. Tony Monk, The Art and Architecture of Paul Rudolph (Chichester: Wiley Academy, 1999), 104 7. Tony Monk, The Art and Architecture of Paul Rudolph (Chichester: Wiley Academy, 1999), 103 8. Timothy M, Rohan, The Architecture of Paul Rudolph (Hew Haven, London: Yale University Press, 2014), 231 9. Yunn Chii, Wong, Singapore 1:1 - City (Singapore: Urban Redevelopment Authority, 2005), 268 10. Five-foot ways are typical pedestrian walkways found in traditional shophouse neighbourhoods in Singapore, and are indented into ground floor of the shophouses such that the overhanding upper floor provides shade and shelter for pedestrians beneath. 11. Timothy M, Rohan, The Architecture of Paul Rudolph (Hew Haven, London: Yale University Press, 2014), 231 12. “Properties,” Hong Fok Corporation Limited, 2013, 28 November 2014, http://www.hongfok.com.sg/properties.html

Beach Road: Sultan Mosque

1. A Brief History of Masjid Sultan, Singapore. Singapore: Printed by Malaysia Press, 1968. 2. Metcalf, Thomas R. “Constructing Identities.” In Imperial Connections India in the Indian Ocean Arena, 1860-1920, 63. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007. 3. Also known as Java-Malay Architecture, where many mosques in Indonesia and Malaysia takes this form of multi-tiered roof up till today. 4. Also known as Tengku Alam, grandson to Sultan Hussein Shah. The tomb found in the mausoleum of Masjid Sultan is his. 5. A Brief History of Masjid Sultan, Singapore. Singapore: Printed by Malaysia Press, 1968. 6. Sultan Mosque Preservation Guidelines (Prepared by Urban Redevelopment Authority for Preservation of Monuments Board). Vol. 1. Singapore: Board, 1991. pp.6 7. Based on personal observations during site visits. 8. Dr Bin Tajudeen, Imran. “Morphological Developments of Kampung Gelam 1819-1990s.” Singapura Stories. January 1, 2012. Accessed October 28, 2014. http://singapurastories.com/kampung-gelam-rochor-kallang/ morphological-developments-of-kampung-gelam-1819-1840s/. 9. “Sultan Hussein Shah.” Singapore Infopedia. Accessed October 30, 2014. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_3_2004-12-14.html. 10. Dr Bin Tajudeen, Imran. “ Kampung Gelam & Kampung Rochor – morphological changes.” Singapura Stories. 2005. Accessed October 28, 2014. http://singapurastories.com/kampung-gelam-rochor-kallang/kampunggelam-kampung-rochor/Tajudeen 11. Ho, Joyce. “Shophouses: Our Heritage in Architectural Form.” Unofficial Singapore! April 19, 2012. Accessed October 30, 2014. http://comesingapore.com/travel-guide/article/332/shophouses-our-heritage-in-architectural-form. 12. Mihrab A concave wall indicating the direction of Mecca 13. Mimbar Pulpit positioned near the Mihrab where the Imam (leader) will broadcast his sermons 14. Sultan Mosque Preservation Guidelines (Prepared by Urban Redevelopment Authority for Preservation of Monuments Board). Vol. 1. Singapore: Board, 1991. 15. Sultan Mosque Preservation Guidelines (Prepared by Urban Redevelopment Authority for Preservation of Monuments Board). Vol. 1. Singapore: Board, 1991. 16. Based on an interview with a tour guide during a site visit.

PUBLIC LIFE JOO CHIAT

1. Lily Kong, T.C. Chang, Joo Chiat: a living legacy, (Singapore: Archipelago Press, 2001), 28 – 65 2. Survey Department, Singapore. “Singapore. Gelang Mukim (Geylang Mukim), and Siglap Mukim” Map, National Archives of Singapore, http://www. nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/maps_building_plans/record-details/fad3ddc9115c-11e3-83d5-0050568939ad 3. Gwee Thian Hock, A Baba Boyhood: Growing Up During World War 2 (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish 2, 2013), 177 – 183 4. Urban Redevelopment Authority, Marine Parade Planning Area: Planning Report 1994, (Singapore, 1994) 5. Melissa Lin, “Joo Chiat: Joo Chiat is first Heritage Town,” The Straits

Times, February 20, 2011, http://www.straitstimes.com/the-bigstory/my-own-private-places/story/joo-chiat-joo-chiat-first-heritagetown%C2%A0-20140227 6. “Conservation: The Shophouse”, Urban Redevelopment Authority of Singapore, accessed October 31, 2014, http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/conservation/vision-and-principles/The-Shophouse.aspx 7. Wong, K F. “Children looking at fruits sold at roadside stalls outside Joo Chiat Market” Photo, National Archives of Singapore, http://www.nas.gov. sg/archivesonline/photographs/record-details/87ee74a3-1162-11e3-83d50050568939ad 8. Phillip Chew, “Joo Chiat Road in 1920s”, My Chew Joo Chiat Story, December 21, 2011, http://mychewjoochiat.blogspot.sg/2011/12/joo-chiat-roadin-1920s.html 9. Phillip Chew, “Then & Now Joo Chiat (2)”, My Chew Joo Chiat Story, January 18, 2011, http://mychewjoochiat.blogspot.sg/2011/01/then-now-joochiat-2.html 10. Chua, K. H, “No more new pubs, massage joints in Joo Chiat,” The Straits Times, February 13, 2005, 8. 11. “Khalid Mosque,” Guide Gecko, http://www.guidegecko.com/singapore/ joo-chiat-and-katong-monuments-buildings/khalid-mosque/p,608167907 12. “About Us”, Kuan Im Tng Temple (Joo Chiat), http://www.kuanimtng.org. sg/default.aspx?uc=aboutus 13. “Church of the Holy Family,” Guide Gecko, http://www.guidegecko.com/ singapore/joo-chiat-and-katong-monuments-buildings/church-of-the-holyfamily/p,608167766 14. “The Story of St Hilda’s Church”, St. Hilda’s Church, http://sthildas.org.sg/ about-us/history/ 15. “Sri Senpaga Vinayagar,” Guide Gecko, http://www.guidegecko.com/ singapore/joo-chiat-and-katong-monuments-buildings/sri-senpagavinayagar/p,608167770

Joo Chiat: Five Foot Way

1. Lee Kip Lin and National Library Board. 2009. ‘Joo Chiat Place, five-foot way : general view’ Last modified in 2009. 2. Singapore. Archives & Oral History Dept. 1985. Five Foot Way Traders. Singapore: Singapore News & Publications Ltd. 3. Davison, Julian. 2010. Singapore Shophouse. Singapore: Talisman Publishing Pte Ltd. 4. Urban Redevelopment Authority. 2014. ‘Conservation – The Shophouse’. Last modified 27 November 2014. http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/conservation/vision-and-principles/The-Shophouse.aspx 5. Bracken, Gregory. 2013. The Shanghai Alleyway House: A Vanishing Urban Vernacular. Britain: Routledge. 6. Davison 2010, 22 7. Davison 2010, 22 8. Urban Redevelopment Authority. 2013. ‘Your Shophouse – Do It Right’. Last modified December 2013. 9. Chua, Beng Huat and Edwards, Norman. 1992. Public Space: Design, Use and Management. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press. 10. Yeoh, Brenda S. A. 2003. Contesting Space in Colonial Sisngapore: Power Relations and the Urban Built Environment. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press. 11. Buckley, Charles Burton. 1965. An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press. 12. Koh, Ernest. 2010. Singapore Stories: Language, Class, and the Chinese

of Singapore, 1945 – 2000. New York: Cambria Press. 13. Chua and Edwards 1992, 18 14. Archives & Oral History Department 1985, 9 15. Chew, Philip. 2008. ‘As I remember’ My Chew Joo Chiat Story, 12 June 2008. http://mychewjoochiat.blogspot.sg/2008_06_01_archive.html 16. URA 2013 17. URA 2011, 10

OLD AIRPORT ROAD

1. Vernon C. and Jan Y., Former Kallang Airport building (2013, June 11), Retrieved from Singapore Infopedia 2. Shi Yun T., 5 things to remember about Dakota Crescent (2014, July 25), Retrieved from The Straits Times 3. IPS Commons Singapore. “Information on Dakota Crescent”, http://www. ipscommons.sg/dakota-crescent-why-we-should-keep-this-piece-of-livinghistory-alive/ 4. Jeremy Koh, June 27, 2014, “Dakota Crescent – Down the Memory lane,” Alvinology, June 27, 2014. 5. Cornelius, Vernon and Yap, Jan. “Former Kallang Airport Building”. Singapore Infopedia, 11 June 2013. 6. Remember Singapore. Retrieved from http://remembersingapore.wordpress.com/kallang-national-stadium/ 7. Vernon, Cornelius. “Kallang”. Singapore Infopedia, 1999. 8. Johnny C.,The Waning Crescent of Dakota (2014, August 19), Retrieved from http://www.ghettosingapore.com/the-waning-crescent-of-dakota/ 9. Dr Tony Tan Tours Katong/Mountbatten Constituencies Negative No.:19980001472 – 0052 National Archives Singapore 10. Remember Singapore, September 8, 2011, “Dakota Crescent Provision Shop,” Remember Singapore, September 8, 2011, http://www.remembersingapore.wordpress.com 11. Jerome Lim, September 29, 2013 “Critically Endangered” The Long and Winding Road, September 29, 2013, https://thelongnwindingroad.wordpress.com/tag/dakota-crescent/ 12. Stacey Chia. “Hermes’ elaborate fashion show at old Kallang Airport mimics travel experience”. Straits Times, Apr 29, 2014. 13. Sean Dungan. “Shadow Spaces: Photographs of the Old Supreme Court.” Asian Civilizations Museum, 16 Sept 2012. 14. Jane Jacobs. “The Death and Life of American Cities” The generators of diversity 15. Joy Loh Picture of 1950 Kallang Airport http://joyloh.com/blog/?p=4184 16. Joy Loh Picture of 1973 Kallang Airport http://joyloh.com/blog/?p=4184 17. Google Maps, Old Airport Road 18. Urban Redevelopment Authority – Conservation – “Former Kallang Airport” Retrieved from http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/conservation/conservation-xml.aspx?id=FKA 19. Kallang Riverside. Retrieved from http://kallangriverside-developer.com/ location-map/ 20. Ministry of Foreign Affairs Retrieved from http://www.mfa.gov.sg/content/mfa/international_issues/un_millennium_development_goals.html 21. Yoshinobu Ashihara. The Aesthetic Townscape: Composition of the Townscape, 41 22. Ibid., 46

Old Airport Road: Dakota

1. “Singapore Improvement Trust flats”, The Straits Times, 7 June 2008 2. “Dakota Station: Origin of the word ‘Dakota’,” The Straits Times, 21 July 2005 3. Paveena Seah, “Dakota Crescent: Why We Should Keep This Piece of Living History Alive” (Institute of Policy Studies, 2014) 4. Dakota Crescent, Singapore [map]. 1969 <http://hm.onemap.sg/> (11 Oct 2014). 5. “Electrical blueprint reading,” The Straits Times, 10 November 1971 6. “History: Closed and Merged Schools in Singapore,” Retrieved 13 Oct 2014, http://fionaseah.com/2014/07/15/history-closed-and-mergedschools-in-singapore 7. “Assumption Pathway School: Milestones”, Retrieved 13 Oct 2014, http:// www.aps.edu.sg/about-aps/milestones 8. “The Story of Northlight”, Retrieved 13 Oct 2014, https://www.cscollege. gov.sg/Knowledge/Pages/The-Story-of-Northlight-A-School-of-Opportunities-and-Possibilities.aspx 9. “What the ENV is doing to minimise flooding”, Ministry of Environment and Water Resources Singapore (23 Nov 2000) 10. Choo Chwee Hua, “Floods! Floods!” The New Paper, 23 December 1999 11. “Their own version of Clarke Quay,” The Straits Times, 27 May 1995 12. Steven Lee, “Safe fun,” The Straits Times, 27 April 1992 Images: Dakota Crescent, Singapore [map]. 1969 <http://hm.onemap.sg/> (11 Oct 2014). Dakota Crescent, Singapore [map]. 1972 <http://hm.onemap.sg/> (11 Oct 2014). Dakota Crescent, Singapore [map]. 1991 <http://hm.onemap.sg/> (11 Oct 2014). Dakota Crescent, Singapore [map]. 2007<http://hm.onemap.sg/> (11 Oct 2014). Dakota Crescent, Singapore [map]. 2007<http://hm.onemap.sg/> (11 Oct 2014) with added annotations Broadrick Secondary School, 1969, National Archives of Singapore A Dakota : general view, 2009, PicturesSG

Old Airport Road: Kallang Airport

1. Derya, Oktay. “How can urban context maintain urban identity and sustainability?: Evaluations of Taormina (Sicily) and Kyrenia (North Cyprus).” Centro Telematico di Ateneo, accessed 2006. ISSN: 1827-8868. 2. Vernon, Cornelius. “Kallang”. Singapore Infopedia, 1999. 3. Vernon C. and Jan Y., Former Kallang Airport Building (2013, June 11), Retrieved from Singapore Infopedia 4.”People’s Association History,” http://www.streetdirectory.com/travel_ guide/singapore/historical_sites/174/people8217s_association.php 5. Sean Dungan. “Shadow Spaces: Photographs of the Old Supreme Court.” Asian Civilizations Museum, 16 Sept 2012. 6. Stacey Chia. “Hermes’ elaborate fashion show at old Kallang Airport mimics travel experience”. The Straits Times, Apr 29, 2014. 7. Urban Redevelopment Authority. Conservation - Former Kallang Airport http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/conservation/conservation-xml.aspx?id=FKA 8. What makes a successful place?” http://www.pps.org/reference/grplacefeat/

BUKIT TIMAH

1. Bird’s-Eye View Of Bukit Timah. Image, 2011. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://www.clubsnap.com/forums/showthread.php?t=955506&page=2. 2. National Library Board, Singapore. ‘Bukit Timah | Infopedia’. Singapore Infopedia, 2001. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/ infopedia/articles/SIP_730_2005-01-25.html 3. Bukit Timah Planning Area Planning Report 1993. (Singapore: Urban Redevelopment Authority, 1993), 13. 4. Bukit Timah Village In 1910. Image. Accessed 13 October 2014. http:// remembersingapore.wordpress.com/2012/04/04/from-villages-to-flatspart-1/ 5. Stesen Bukit Timah. (Bukit Timah Railway Station In Early 1900s). Image, 1915. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://worldontrains.blogspot.sg/2011/06/ bukit-timah-railway-station-singapore.html 6. November Peng-Ting Tan. Bukit Timah: A Heritage Trail.Singapore: National Heritage Board. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/publications/lifestyle-reads/walking-maps-trails/ west/bukit-timah.aspx 7. Rediscover Singapore. Ebook. 1st ed. Singapore: Urban Redevelopment Authority, 2003. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/ publications/lifestyle-reads/walking-maps-trails/island-wide/rediscoversingapore-I.aspx 8. Singapore Map, Bukit Timah, 1954.. Image, 1954. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://hm.onemap.sg/1954/1954%20(31).jpg 9. FW York. No. 5 Bus After Refuelling At The King Albert Park Depot.. Image, 1955. http://ijamestann.blogspot.sg/2012/11/green-bus-no5-at-princesselizabeth.html. 10. Tan, Bukit Timah. 11. Master Plan 1958. Image, 1958. Accessed 4 November 2014. http://www. ura.gov.sg/dc/mp58/mp58map_index.htm 12. Singapore Map, Bukit Timah, 1988. Image, 1988. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://hm.onemap.sg/1988/1988%20(202).jpg 13. Kip Lin Lee. Chun Tin Road, From Upper Bukit Timah Road : General View [2]. Image, 1982. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/ pictures/Details/e135b7d4-631a-46b8-9eef-6ee70bd45a47?download=yes 14. Tan, Bukit Timah. 15. Tan, Bukit Timah. 16. Jeffrey Tsang. ‘Public Flats To Be Built In Bukit Timah’. The Business Times, Deember 14,1985, 2. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://eresources.nlb. gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article.aspx?articleid=biztimes198512141.2.11.1&sessionid=0a9af43ee6854de7920de5368ae50fac&keyword=bukit +timah+market&search=advanced&fromdate=&todate=&articles=1&adver tisements=0&illustrations=0&letters=1&obituaries=0&miscellaneous=0&ne wspaperTitles=beritaharian%2cdailyadvertiser%2ceasterndaily%2cmalayan satpost%2cmiddayherald%2csingchronicle%2csingdailynews%2csingmoni tor%2csingweekherald%2cstraitsadvocate%2cstraitschinherald%2cstraitse urasian%2cstraitsmail%2cstraitsobserver%2cstraitstelegraph%2cstoverland %2cstweekly%2cbiztimes%2cnewpaper%2cfreepress%2csingfreepressa%2 csingfreepressb%2cstraitstimes%2ctoday%2cweeklysun%2cnysp%2cscjp% 2clhzb&fuzzysearch=Off&token=market%2ctimah%2cbukit 17. Mo Lian Lam. ‘Bargains As Stalls Prepare For Exodus’. Singapore Monitor, January 6, 1983, 6. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://eresources.nlb.gov. sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article.aspx?articleid=singmonitor198301061.2.10.11&sessionid=ef3ea40cc9fa4f8196359d32b0f990c8&keyword=%22b eauty+world+market%22&search=advanced&fromdate=&todate=&articles

=1&advertisements=1&illustrations=1&letters=1&obituaries=1&miscellane ous=1&newspaperTitles=&fuzzysearch=Off&fcontentType=ILLUSTRATION& token=market%2cworld%2cbeauty. 18. Bukit Timah Planning, 17. 19. Bukit Timah Planning, 13. 20. Tan, Bukit Timah. 21. Bukit Timah Planning, 6. 22. Yashinobu Ashihara and Lynne E. Riggs. The Aesthetic Townscape. (Cambridge: The MIT press, 1983), 46-48. 23. A Guide To Wallace Trail At Dairy Farm Nature Park. (Singapore: National Parks Board, 2014.) Accessed 13 October 2014. http://www.nparks.gov.sg/ cms/docs/eguide_Wallace%20Trail.pdf 24. Wikipedia,. ‘Hillview, Singapore’. Accessed 13 October 2014. http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hillview,_Singapore#Industrial_Past. 25 St Joseph Church Bukit Timah,. ‘St Joseph Church Bukit Timah | About’. Accessed 13 October 2014. http://stjoseph-bt.org.sg/index.php/about/ 26. 50 Best Kept Secrets In Bukit Timah: An Insider’s Guide. (Singapore: Epigram for Bukit Timah Constituency, 2005,) 47. 27. Jane Jacobs. The Death And Life Of Great American Cities. (Vintage Books Edition, 1992), 171. 28. Jan Gehl. Life Between Buildings. (Washington, DC: Island Press, 2011),29

Bukit Timah: Bukit Timah Railway Corridor

1. National Archives photographs, http://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/ photographs 2. National Heritage Board, Bukit Timah Heritage Trail PDF, http://www.nhb. gov.sg/NHBPortal/content/conn/ucmnhb/path/Contribution%20Folders/ NHBPortal/Contents/About%20Us/Our%20Family/Education%20&%20Outreach/Trails/PDF/Bukit%20Timah.pdf 3. Rail land dispute settled by tribunal; PM Lee welcomes ‘impartial, amicable’ resolution, The StraitsTimes, October 31, 2014, http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/rail-land-dispute-settled/1444952.html 4. Tanjong Pagar Handover,Wong Kim Hoh, The Straits Time, July 1, 2011, http://www.straitstimes.com/news/singapore/more-singapore-stories/ story/the-straits-times-archives-tanjong-pagar-handover-201408 5. Yan, Bukit Timah Railway Station, Janurary 02, 2011. http://supermerlion. com/bukit-timah-railway-station/ 6. Ibid. 7. National Archives photographs, http://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/ photographs 8. National Heritage Board, Bukit Timah Heritage Trail PDF, http://www.nhb. gov.sg/NHBPortal/content/conn/ucmnhb/path/Contribution%20Folders/ NHBPortal/Contents/About%20Us/Our%20Family/Education%20&%20Outreach/Trails/PDF/Bukit%20Timah.pdf 9. Ibid. 10. Green Corridor Run 2014, http://www.greencorridorrun.com.sg/ 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid. 13. City Form Lab, “50 ways to the Singapore Rail Corridor”, http://cityform. mit.edu/projects/50 14. URA, Rail Corridor, http://www.ura.gov.sg/railcorridor/ 15. “50 ways for cyclists to start ride along 24km Rail Corridor”, The Straits Times, September 13, 2014, http://www.straitstimes.com/news/singapore/ environment/story/50-ways-cyclists-start-ride-along-24km-rail-corridor-20140913 16. City Form Lab, “50 ways to the Singapore Rail Corridor”, http://cityform.

mit.edu/projects/50 17. Ibid. 18. The Green Corridor: A Proposal to Keep the Railway Lands as a Continuous Green Corridor, http://nss.org.sg/documents/TheGreenCorridor101103.pdf 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. “New major water line to run below Rail Corridor”, Grace Chua, The Straits Time, June 30, 2014, http://www.straitstimes.com/news/singapore/more-singapore-stories/ story/new-major-water-line-run-below-rail-corridor-20140630 22. The Green Corridor, July 2, 2014, http://www.thegreencorridor.org/category/news/ 23. “New major water line to run below Rail Corridor”, Grace Chua, The Straits Time, June 30, 2014, http://www.straitstimes.com/news/singapore/more-singapore-stories/ story/new-major-water-line-run-below-rail-corridor-20140630

Bukit Timah: Beauty World Centre

1. 50 Best Kept Secrets in Bukit Timah: An Insider’s Guide, Singapore: Epigram for Bukit Timah Constituency, 2005, 2 2. Bukit Timah Planning Area Planning Report 1993, Urban Redevelopment Authority,5,9,12,13 3. Jane Jacobs, The Life and Death of American Cities, Vintage Books Edition December 1992, United States of America, 171 4. Jan Gehl, Life Between Buildings: Using Public Space, Island Press 2011, United States of America, 29 5. Joseph Stromberg, “This brilliant illustration shows how much public space we’ve surrendered to cars”, Vox, Friday November 18 2014 8:31 a.m. ET, 1

PUBLIC HOUSING BUKIT HO SWEE

1. Housing and Development Board, Bukit Ho Swee Estate (Singapore: New Art Printing, 1966), 6. 2. Ibid., 7. 3. Kah Seng Loh, The 1961 Kampong Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore (Singapore: Murdoch University, 2008), 2. 4. Archives & Oral History Department and Kim Seng Citizen’s Consultative Committee, The Emergence of Bukit Ho Swee Estate: from Desolation to Progress (Singapore: Singapore News and Publications Ltd, 1983), 32. 5. Loh, 1961 Kampong Bukit Ho Swee Fire, 358. 6. Housing and Development, Bukit Ho Swee Estate, 13. 7. Loh, 1961 Kampong Bukit Ho Swee Fire, 363 8. Housing and Development, Bukit Ho Swee Estate, 21. 9. A Walking Tour: Singapore Housing, National University of Singapore (NUS), accessed October 27, 2014, http://www.nus.edu.sg/aas/_doc/Program_Walking%20Tour_Singapore%20Housing.pdf. 10. Loh, 1961 Kampong Bukit Ho Swee Fire, 402-408. 11. Loh, 1961 Kampong Bukit Ho Swee Fire, 412-413.

Bukit Ho Swee: The Transformation of Singapore through Food 1. National Archives of Singapore 2. Royal Air Force (RAF) of the United Kingdom, Ref No. 81/8816 1958 3. Olden day village 4. Loh Kah Seng. ‘Squatters into Citizens” The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and

the Making of Modern Singapore. P.3. NUS Press, 2013 5. James Seah, 2012. “Ways Done in the Past – Home Delivery” Blog to express, Feb 1. http://www.blogtoexpress.blogspot.sg/2012/02/ways-donein-past-home-delivery.html 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid. 8. James Seah, 2012. “Jalan Bukit Ho Swee – Then and Now” Blog to express, May 9. http://blogtoexpress.blogspot.sg/2013/05/jalan-bukit-ho-sweethen-and-now.html 9. Loh Kah Seng. ‘Squatters into Citizens” The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore. P.3, NUS Press, 2013 10. National Archives of Singapore 11. Valentina Chua, 2014. “Jan 22/23rd” YellowShoess, Jan 26. http://yellowshoess.blogspot.sg/2014/01/jan-22nd-23rd.html 12. Daven Wu and Sylvia Tan, 2009. “100 Things to do in 2010” Timeout Singapore, 21 Dec. “http://www.timeoutsingapore.com/aroundtown/ feature/100-things-to-do-in-2010-part-3 13. Local noodle dish with thick gravy and vinegar 14. Interview with Mr. Thian, by Aaron Yeo. 29 Nov 2014 15. James Seah, 2012. “Ways Done in the Past – Home Delivery” Blog to express, Feb 1. http://www.blogtoexpress.blogspot.sg/2012/02/ways-donein-past-home-delivery.html 16. Interview with Sean Lim by Aaron Yeo. 29 Nov 2014 17. Chua Xin Wei, 2014. “Sin Lee Foods – Block 4 Jalan Bukit Ho Swee” Jiaksimipng, July 2. http://jiaksimipng.wordpress.com/2014/07/02/sin-lee-foodsjalan-bukit-ho-swee/ 18. Interview with Sean Lim by Aaron Yeo. 29 Nov 2014

Bukit Ho Swee: Bukit Ho Swee View

1. Loh, The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore, p.350 2. In Singapore, the kampong is a small village or cluster of low-rise houses built mainly from wood and cheap materials, housing large extended families. 3. Loh, The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore, p.401-409 4. HDB, Annual Report 1961, p. 22. Loh, The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore, p.428 5. Chua, Political Legitimacy and Housing, pp. 76-85. 6. Loh, The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore, p.369 7. Loh, The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore, p.358 8. SPD, 4 Nov 1970, pp. 284-85; HDB, Annual Report 1970, p. 83 9. BHSSSC, Annual Report 1998, p. 15. 10. Arumainathan, Report on the Census of Population 1970, Singapore, pp. 462, 464. 11. Janet W. Salaff, State and Family in Singapore: Restructuring a Developing Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988), pp. 262-6 12. Lau, Singapore Census of Population 1990: Households & Housing, p. 7; Lau, Singapore Census of Population1990: Transport & Geographic Distribution, pp. 142, 145. 13. Loh, The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore, p.430 14. Author’s interview with mainly elderly residents, 2014. 15. Loh, The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making of Modern Singapore,

p.343.

TOA PAYOH

1. Housing and Development Board, HDB annual report 2012/2013: Key statistics (Singapore: Housing and Development Board, 2013), 7. 2. Alvin Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail (Singapore: National Heritage Board, 2014), 1. 3. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 2-3. 4. Housing and Development Board, First Decade in Public Housing 19601969 (Singapore: Housing and Development Board, 1970), 26. 5. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 8. 6. Cephan Tan. “Squatter Colony That Grew Into A Town”, The Straits Times, 1984. 7. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 19. 8. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 21. 9. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 26. 10. “History of the Singapore Chung Hwa Medical Institution,” last modified May 12, 2011, http://www.chunghwamedicalinstitution.com/a/yiyuan/2011/0512/history.html 11. “History”, Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus Primary, accessed October 13, 2014, http://www.chijpritoapayoh.moe.edu.sg/index.php/about-us/history 12. “School History,” First Toa Payoh Primary School, accessed October 13, 2014, http://www.firsttoapayohpri.moe.edu.sg/cos/o.x?c=/wbn/ pagetree&func=view&rid=1162420 13. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 31. 14. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 32. 15. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 38. 16. “A Journey into Singapore MRT’s Past”, Remember Singapore, accessed October 13, 2014, http://remembersingapore.wordpress.com/2013/07/23/ singapore-mrt-history/ 17. Nur Asyiqin Mohamad Salleh. “Naval architect recalls Queen Elizabeth II’s visit 4 decades ago”, The New Paper, 2012. 18. Koh Buck Song, A Brief History of Toa Payoh and Other Poems (Singapore: Imperial Publishing House, 1992). 19. “Shuang Lin Monastery”, Lian Shan Shuang Lin Monastery, accessed October 13, 2014, http://www.shuanglin.sg/aboutus.html 20. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 29. 21. Fernandez,W, Our homes: 50 years of housing a nation (Singapore: Straits Time Press, 2011), 176-179. 22. Urban and Redevelopment Authority, Toa Payoh Planning Area Planning Report 1995 (Singapore: Urban and Redevelopment Authority, 1995), 16. 23. Bishan-Toa Payoh Town Council, Special Issue January – April 2011 (Singapore: Bishan-Toa Payoh Town Council Newsletter, 2011), 16-21. 24. “HDB Hub Tower I (Singapore, 2002) | Structurae,” Structurae, accessed October 13, 2014, http://structurae.net/structures/hdb-hub-tower-i 25. Janice Tai, “Heritage trail for historic Toa Payoh”, The Straits Times, August 20, 2014. 26. “Estimate Completion and Waiting Time”, Housing and Development Board. Accessed October 28, 2014, http://esales.hdb.gov.sg/hdbvsf/eampu11p.nsf/0/12NOVBTOTPM_page_8931/$file/estimate.htm#estimate 27. Hoe Pei Shan, “Integrated town park plan for Toa Payoh”, The Sunday Times, February 6, 2014. 28. Ministry of Social and Family Development, State of Elderly in Singapore 2008/2009 (Singapore: Ministry of Social and Family Development), 27. 29. Housing and Development Board, HDB annual report 2012/2013: Key

statistics,6. 30. “Building & Construction Authority”, Building and Construction Authority, accessed October 13, 2014, http://www.bca.gov.sg/Awards/BestBuildableDesign/bda0603.html 31. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 44. 32. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 54. 33. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 35. 34. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 26. 35. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961), 143-177. 36. Eng, Teo Siew, and Victor R Savage, Singapore Landscape: A Historical Overview of Housing Change (Singapore: Singapore Journal Of Tropical Geography 6 (1), 1985), 48 – 63. 37. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 17. 38. Eng, Teo, and Savage, Singapore Landscape: A Historical Overview of Housing Change, 48 – 63. 39. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 18. 40. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 23. 41. Chua, Toa Payoh Heritage Trail, 26. 42. Lek, Soon Ping, Shou Jui Wong, and Seek Chien Soh, Special Project 特别计划, Jesley Chua Chee Huan, Interview in person (1987). 43. Chua, Special Project 特别计划 44. Chua, Special Project 特别计划 45. Chua, Special Project 特别计划 46. Tan, “Squatter Colony That Grew Into A Town”. 47. Tan, “Squatter Colony That Grew Into A Town”. 48. Chua, Special Project 特别计划 49. “Jobs, Homes For Thousands In Toa Payoh”, The Straits Times, 1962. 50. “Through the front door,” The Long and Winding Road, accessed October 13, 2014, https://thelongnwindingroad.wordpress.com/2009/05/21/ through-the-front-door/ 51. Cho Im Sik and Ho Kong Chong, Impact of Built Environment on Community Bonding (Singapore: Housing Development Board, 2014), 14. 52. Cho and Chong, Impact of Built Environment on Community Bonding, p. 11. PHOTO CREDITS: • HOUSES IN TOA PAYOH VILLAGE, SINGAPORE, 1963, Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore • TRACTORS MOVING INTO TOA PAYOH, SINGAPORE, 1963, Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore • WASHING CLOTHES AT A KAMPONG (VILLAGE) STANDPIPE IN TOA PAYOH, 01/04/1962, Courtesy of Ministry of Information and the Arts • CROWDS AT THE BALLOTING OF HOUSING UNITS IN TOA PAYOH WHICH WAS OFFICIATED BY THE MINISTER FOR LAW AND ENVIRONMENT E W BARKER. THE FLATS BALLOTED ARE ON AN ‘IMPROVED’ TYPE - APPROXIMATELY 120 SQUARE FEET LARGER THAN SIMILAR UNITS SOLD IN QUEENSTOWN AND MACPHERSON ESTATES, 01/10/1966, Courtesy of SINGAPORE PRESS HOLDINGS (SPH) • CONSTRUCTION SITE OF HOUSING BOARD FLATS AT TOA PAYOH, 17/08/1965, Courtesy of SINGAPORE PRESS HOLDINGS (SPH) • A WORSHIPPER PRAYING AT A MAKE-SHIFT SHRINE AT THE FOOT OF TOA PAYOH’S ‘SACRED’ BANYAN TREE IN TOA PAYOH HOUSING ESTATE,18/06/1971, Courtesy of SINGAPORE PRESS HOLDINGS (SPH) • NATIONAL TRADE UNION CONGRESS SUPERMARKET AT TOA PAYOH, 19/07/1973, Courtesy of MINISTRY OF INFORMATION AND THE ARTS (MITA)

• TOA PAYOH ESTATE, 1970, Courtesy of Ministry of Culture • Toa Payoh was once a squatter district, Courtesy of Ministry of National Development • HOUSING BOARD FLATS UNDER CONSTRUCTION AT TOA PAYOH, 17/08/1965, Courtesy of SINGAPORE PRESS HOLDINGS (SPH) • HOUSING AND DEVELOPMENT BOARD (HDB) FLATS AT TOA PAYOH NEW TOWN,26/03/1968, Courtesy of SINGAPORE PRESS HOLDINGS (SPH) • FAMILIES MOVING OUT OF THEIR HUTS TO THE MULTI-MILLION DOLLAR TOA PAYOH DEVELOPMENT SITE [GROUP DESCRIPTION BY EVENT FROM TRANSFERRING AGENCY],27/02/1963, Courtesy of SINGAPORE PRESS HOLDINGS (SPH) • “183 Toa Payoh Central, 183 Toa Payoh Central, 310183 Singapore, Shop / Shophouse For Rent | Commercialguru Singapore”, Commercialguru.com. sg, 2014. http://www.commercialguru.com.sg/listing/15837583/for-rent183-toa-payoh-central • Seriouslysarah.com, 2014. http://www.seriouslysarah.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2012/12/library.jpg • Map Of Singapore Town,1950, Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore • Parliamentary Electoral Map (12),1976, Courtesy of Singapore Land Authority

Toa Payoh: Block 53

1. Ooi Jin-Bee and Chiang Hai Ding, Modern Singapore (Singapore: University of Singapore, 1969). 2. Teo Siew Eng and Victor R. Savage, “Singapore Landscape: A Historical Overview of Housing Change,” Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 6 (1) (1985): 56. 3. Teo and Savage, “A Historical Overview of Housing Change,” 57. 4. “Toa Payoh Heritage Trail,” National Heritage Board (NHB), accessed November 2, 2014, http://www.nhb.gov.sg/NHBPortal/content/conn/ucmnhb/ uuid/dDocName:NHBSVRAPP61620000044915. 5. “Toa Payoh Heritage Trail.” 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid. 9. Alida Teo, “HDB history, photos and floor plan evolution 1930s 2010s,” Housing in Singapore studied by Teoalida, December 25 2013, http://www. teoalida.com/singapore/hdbfloorplans/. 10. Jerome Lim, “Psst Guess who Dropped in Today,” The Long and Winding Road, January 1, 2010, https://thelongnwindingroad.wordpress. com/2010/01/28/psst-guess-who-dropped-in-today/. 11. Jerome Lim, “A Journey through Time: A Heritage Trail through Toa Payoh,” The Long and Winding Road, October 7, 2010, https://thelongnwindingroad.wordpress.com/2010/10/07/a-journey-through-time-a-heritagetrail-through-toa-payoh/. 12. “Toa Payoh Heritage Trail.” 13. Jerome Lim, “My Swinging Sixties,” The Long and Winding Road, June 7, 2010, https://thelongnwindingroad.wordpress.com/2010/06/07/myswinging-sixties/. 14. Jerome Lim, “Viewing Gallery on the Roof of Block 53 Toa Payoh,” The Long and Winding Road, October 7, 2010, https://thelongnwindingroad. wordpress.com/tag/viewing-gallery-on-the-roof-of-block-53-toa-payoh/. 15. Lim, “Viewing Gallery on the Roof of Block 53 Toa Payoh.” 16. Jerome Lim, “Life in Toa Payoh,” The Long and Winding Road, May 27, 2009, https://thelongnwindingroad.wordpress.com/2009/05/27/life-in-toapayoh/.

17. Lim, “Life in Toa Payoh.” 18. Yoshinobu Ashihara, The Aesthetic Townscape (Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1983). 19. Lim, “Life in Toa Payoh.” 20. Jerome Lim, “Psst Guess who Dropped in Today,” The Long and Winding Road, January 1, 2010, https://thelongnwindingroad.wordpress. com/2010/01/28/psst-guess-who-dropped-in-today/. 21. Fu, Jen, interview by Rachel Lau. Ms. (October 30, 2014). 22. Personal observation.

Toa Payoh: Block 79

1. Cheam, Jessica. “Surbana’s design footprints - red-dotting the world.” EcoBusiness. Publication date December 9, 2013. http://www.eco-business. com/news/surbanas-design-footprints-red-dotting-world 2. Ole, Johan Dale. Urban Planning in Singapore: The Transformation of a City. United States: Oxford University Press, New York, 1999 3. Cheam, Jessica. “Surbana’s design footprints - red-dotting the world.” EcoBusiness. Publication date December 9, 2013. http://www.eco-business. com/news/surbanas-design-footprints-red-dotting-world 4. Ole, Johan Dale. Urban Planning in Singapore: The Transformation of a City. United States: Oxford University Press, New York, 1999 5. Housing Development Board (HDB), Fulfilling Aspirations, HDB Annual Report 2007/2008, Singapore: Housing Development Board 2007 6. Wong, Aline K. & Yeh, Stephen H. K., Housing a nation: 25 years of public housing in Singapore, Singapore: Maruzen Asia for Housing & Development Board, 1985 7. Emporis Building Directory. “Toa Payoh Block 79” Accessed November 2, 2014. http://www.emporis.com/building/toapayohblock79-singaporesingapore 8. Ole, Johan Dale. Urban Planning in Singapore: The Transformation of a City. United States: Oxford University Press, New York, 1999 9. Wong, Aline K. & Yeh, Stephen H. K., Housing a nation: 25 years of public housing in Singapore, Singapore: Maruzen Asia for Housing & Development Board, 1985 10. Cheam, Jessica. “Surbana’s design footprints - red-dotting the world.” Eco-Business. Publication date December 9, 2013. http://www.eco-business.com/news/surbanas-design-footprints-red-dotting-world 11. Johannes Widodo, “Modernism in Singapore”, Docomomo Journal 29 (2003): 54-60 12. Building and Construction Authority (BCA), “Good Industry Practices – Drywall Internal Partition” Accessed December 1, 2014. / http://apex.sia.org. sg/xshare/BCA_Booklet_content_Drywall_Internal_Partition_Sept_2013. pdf 13. “More Friends Soon” The Straits Times, August 7, 2010, 16, Accessed November 2, 2014. http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article. aspx?articleid=straitstimes19810807-1.2.70.2&sessionid=262d39565bea451 8be122d9a920a4585&keyword=HDB+community+space&search=advance d&fromdate=&todate=&articles=1&advertisements=0&illustrations=0&lette rs=0&obituaries=0&miscellaneous=0&newspaperTitles=straitstimes&fuzzys earch=Off&token=space%2ccommunity%2chdb 14. Ole, Johan Dale. Urban Planning in Singapore: The Transformation of a City. United States: Oxford University Press, New York, 1999 15. Wong, Aline K. & Yeh, Stephen H. K., Housing a nation: 25 years of public housing in Singapore, Singapore: Maruzen Asia for Housing & Development Board, 1985 16. Housing Development Board (HDB), Green Housing Book: HDB’s Ap-

proach to Sustainable Development, Singapore: Housing Development Board, 2007 17. Larry Yeung, “Elevated Green Space Design & its Impact on Community Bonding in Singapore Public Housing Estates”, (M.Arch diss, National University of Singapore, 2013)

ANG MO KIO

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LIST OF WORK FROM ALL STUDENTS OUTRAM Bowyer Block at SGH Ong Yi Qing Pearl’s Hill Park : A Place develops with Singapore Dong Bin Qiao People’s Park Complex: A Place by People Jezamine Chua Zihui People’s Park Complex: A Space for the People Tan Etinne The Majestic: Chinatown, Singapore Liaw Bei An The Majestic: Of Curtain Calls and Swan Songs Joshua Dieu Jing Hui Yue Hwa Building: Repurpose and Conserve Tan Sheau Shiun DUXTON Duxton Plain Park: A Respiratory Line in a Dense History Yehezkiel Wiliardy Manik Duxton Shophouse Terence Tay Jinricksha Station : The Last Reminder Yeo Jing Ying Evelyn Pinnacle @ Duxton: Experiential Spaces Rosanne Chong Si Qi Pinnacle @ Duxton: Symbol of Transition Sia Chin Kiat Tanjong Pagar Railway Station: Introduction Cheryl Ng Li Min BUGIS, BRAS BASAH & ROCHOR Bugis Junction: The Old Made Relevant Audrey Chin Bugis Street – Above the Unforgotten Old Time Huang Ke Maghain Aboth Synagogue: Jewish History through Architecture Shireen Yeo National Design Centre: History and Development Yeo Soon Kiat Matthew

The National Library Building Grace Hong Hui Xia LASALLE College of the Arts: How a Private Instituition Is a Public Space Bai Xueni BEACH ROAD The Concourse: A Private or Public Building? Brian Lee Golden Mile Complex: Singapore’s Little Thailand Koh Chong En Kendall Golden Mile Complex: The Rise and Fall Tan Tze Cheng Aerilynn Masjid Hajjah Fatimah: A Constant Amidst the Winds of Change Priscilla Teh Xue Ting The Raffles Hotel Diana Yeo Shaw Tower: Community to Commercial Leung Chi Kwan Sultan Mosque Faizah Ja’affar JOO CHIAT Joo Chiat Liu Hongzhe Joo Chiat Community Club Imran Ismail Joo Chiat Complex Abigail Tan Joo Chiat Complex: A Transformation of Public Spaces Law Kang Jie River Joo Chiat Road: Five Foot Way Maria Grazia Lee Shu En Joo Chiat: Peranakan Shophouse Ling Ban Liang OLD AIRPORT ROAD Dakota Crescent: An Integral Piece of History Au Cheuk Yee Dakota Crescent: Rediscovering Playgrounds Lee Le Xiu Jean

Dakota Crescent: Shaping Spaces Tracy Tan Shu Wei Dakota: Subtle Spaces Rachel Tan Dakota: The Forgotten Cheryl Chai Xin Yu Kallang Airport Seow Wan Ting Old Airport Road: Food Centre Lee Zi Qing BUKIT TIMAH A Study on the Rise and Fall of the Popularity of Beauty World Koh Xian Zhe Beauty World Centre: Role within Bukit Timah Ong Jia Ying Bukit Timah Market and Food Center Samuel Ng Ee Zhi Bukit Timah Railway Corridor Joel Yap Kar Jing Bukit Timah Shopping Centre: Rise and Decline Lau Xue Yi The Gotong Royong in Bukit Timah Chloe Tan Turf City/ The Grandstand Ee Hui Jie BUKIT HO SWEE The Beo Cresent: A Highly Public HDB Estate Zhang YiFei Beo Crescent Market Seah Jia Neng Block 44A Multi-Storey Carpark Hoong Yong Wen, Benjamin Bukit Ho Swee View Aurelia Chan Hui-En Bukit Ho Swee: Boon Tiong Arcadia Lydia Fok Jia Ling Bukit Ho Swee: Food and its Places Aaron Yeo Bukit Ho Swee: Its People and Public Spaces Melissa Lee Wen Hui

TOA PAYOH Block 53 Toa Payoh Rachel Lau Pei Wen Block 53 Toa Payoh: More than an HDB Block Kam Siu Han, Lawrence Block 79, Toa Payoh & Change with Context Tan Yen Lin HDB Hub : Toa Payoh Lim Aunn Ning Siong Lim Monastery Ong Yong Siang Street Spaces of Toa Payoh Town Wee Yao Hui Daniel Toa Payoh Town Centre: The Evolution Stephanie Chua ANG MO KIO Ang Mo Kio Block 259: HDBâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Only Circular Block Zhang Ke Er Ang Mo Kio Town Garden East: Memory of the Town Khor Wanxuan Ang Mo Kio Joint Temple Chan Wei Jie Ang Mo Kio Joint Temple: An Important Cultural Heritage Tee Yong Kiat Ang Mo Kio Swimming Complex Chua Li Kiat Joel Garden East: For Leisure Ang Mo Kio Qi Yue