Afro-descendant_Youth (Ingl+®s) by Juventudes MasCairo

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: Diverse Realities an (un)Fulfilled Rights

This document has been prepared by Marta Rangel and Fabiana Del Popolo, Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE)-Population Division of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). Technical supervision was provided by Fabiana Del Popolo and Jean Paul Guevara, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) under the coordination of Dirk Jaspers-Faijer, CELADE-ECLAC Director. The data processing was entrusted to Gabriela Galassi, CELADE consultant. Cecilia Maurente, Doretta Di Marco and Jovana Rios, UNFPA-LACRO, and Magda Ruiz, CELADE/ECLAC collaborated with valuable comments and substantive contributions. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Organization.

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Contents Contents

Introduction

AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH IN LATIN AMERICA: UNRESOLVED PROBLEMS IN TERMS OF RIGHTS A. Problem and Current Demands B. International human rights standards for afrodescendant youth

6 6 7

II.

DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIOECONOMIC PROFILES: BETWEEN DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY A. Who are Afro-descendant youth? Conceptual and methodological considerations B. How large is the Afrodescendant youth population? C. Territorial Distribution Issues D. Sexual and Reproductive Health of Afro-descendant Youth: a regional priority 1. Early motherhood: a deep concern E. Educational Attainment and Persistent Inequities F. Labour-market Participation G. Multiple Deprivations: An approach to the poverty situation

17 19 24 28 34

III.

THE IMPORTANCE OF INCLUDING AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH A. Afro-Descendant youth organizations: Participation and political influence B. Visibility of Afro-Descendant youth in Public Institutions C. The Crosscutting role of youth in Afro-Descendant Policies

40 40 44 50

IV.

INVESTING IN AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH: URGENT NEED FOR RESEARCH AND POLICIES

BIBLIOGRAPHY ANNEXES Annex 1 Annex 2 Annex 3 Annex 4

10 10 13 14

57 61 62 64 65 66

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Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Introduction Latin American youth forms a highly heterogeneous group in demographic, economic, social, cultural and other terms; and within this population group Afro-descendants are among the most disadvantaged and excluded, and subject to the greatest discrimination. Upholding the rights of Afro-descendant youth and putting them on an equal footing with other young people first requires systematic, timely and quality data; and these have been called for by governments, Afro-descendant social organizations and international agencies alike. Nonetheless, despite the urgent need for ethnic-identification tools, few countries in the region have this type of information in their data sources. According to censuses of the 2000s, only nine countries included questions about self-identification of Afro-descendants. Censuses are a primary data source because they yield indicators even on minority population groups and provide a framework for performing the geographic and socioeconomic breakdowns needed to gain a better understanding of the living conditions of specific peoples. This document offers a regional overview of the population dynamics of Afro-descendant youth, both in demographic terms and in relation to their geographical distribution, while also describing their situation in key domains for social integration, such as reproductive health, education and employment. Throughout this document, emphasis is placed on ethnic and gender inequalities, as an expression of disparities in the extent to which the rights of Afro-descendant youth are upheld. Participation by these young people, as rights holders, is a sine qua non for the design and implementation of actions affecting them; and this can be achieved by strengthening their organizations and putting an institutional framework in place that responds to their needs. Accordingly, the document also contains an exploratory systematization of the regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Afro-descendant youth organizations, government organizations responsible for Afro-descendant issues, and policies and programmes targeting their young people. We would like to extend our special thanks to Afrodescendant young people, particularly Urenna Best and Thais Zimbwe, members of the Circle of Afro-Descendant Youth of the Americas (CAYA) and the Ibero-American Network of Indigenous and Afro-Descendant Youth (REJINA), who helped with reading and comments on this document as well as other young people of African descent who helped to enrich this document with their testimony.

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AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH IN LATIN AMERICA: UNRESOLVED PROBLEMS IN TERMS OF RIGHTS

A. PROBLEM AND CURRENT DEMANDS Young people in Latin America display certain common denominators that put them at a disadvantage compared to the rest of the population, such as greater exposure to urban violence and risk of dying from external causes than at other stages of their lives. As this is the age at which people become sexually active, they are also more likely to contract sexually transmitted infections, experience early pregnancies, or suffer the consequences of alcohol and drug abuse. Nonetheless, they also have greater educational attainment than previous generations, although this does not always lead to better employment conditions. They are also less poor than children and have greater access to new technologies (ECLAC/OIJ, 2008). These specific characteristics of youth do not manifest themselves uniformly, however, since this population group is highly heterogeneous in demographic, territorial, and socio-economic and cultural terms. Afro-descendant youth is one of the groups most affected by structural processes of exclusion, inequity and poverty. Several studies have confirmed the inequality endured by Afro-descendant peoples in general (Bello and Paixão, 2009; Paixão and Carvano, 2008; Rangel, 2005, among others) — and this certainly also applies to their young people. 6

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Afro-descendant organizations in fact claim that their young people are subject to a triple exclusion: ethnic (because they are Afrodescendant), class (because they are poor) and generational (because they are young). Moreover, it is fourfold exclusion in the case of women, because they are also subject to gender discrimination. The fact that Afro-descendant youth is currently at the vortex of a number of tensions means it has many demands. In relation to the rest of society, these young people demand greater inclusion and the possibility of full access to development and the exercise of their rights; and in relation to the adult world they claim greater opportunities for participation and decision-making (Del Popolo and others, 2009). Racial discrimination is one of the chief concerns of Afro-descendant youth, who valiantly advocate for its eradication and the implementation of affirmative action policies to achieve equality. The issue of cultural identity plays a major role in the ethnic revival processes currently under way in Latin America, with demands for policies that help to recognize and value their specific culture and promote their development. Afro-descendant territorial claims have also emerged in several parts of the region, along with demands to be recognized as peoples and, hence, collective rights holders. These demands are starting to appear on the agendas of Afro-descendant youth organizations, which

are ultimately responsible for the biological and sociocultural continuity of their peoples. Assuming that responsibility is an immense challenge at a time of economic globalization that entails a concomitant homogenization of cultures, which young people are the quickest to absorb. Despite these circumstances, investing in Afro-descendant youth through inclusive and inter-cultural policies helps to eradicate discrimination and its concomitant costs, while guaranteeing the preservation of this continent’s rich cultural diversity and its contribution to development.

B. INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS STANDARDS FOR AFRODESCENDANT YOUTH This section presents international human rights standards and commitments undertaken by countries in the region in different intergovernment meetings that protect the rights of specific groups of young people who most suffer situations from discrimination and vulnerability, such as youth of African descent. It also makes reference to the results of other meetings that were attended by civil society, including young people themselves. A major achievement in the history of humanity has been the visible and growing progress made on human rights worldwide. Since its founding the United Nations has made this cause its struggle; significant progress has been made in the process of establishing an international system for the protection of human rights since that Organization was founded. Since the landmark Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, a non-discrimination clause has been included in practically all universal human rights protection instruments; and legislation has been passed to eliminate various types of discrimination, guarantee

basic social rights, and promote the exercise of fundamental freedoms, thus extending the notion of rights to all spheres of life. Mention should also be made of instruments such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979). More specifically, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) has a very important role to play, since it is based on the premise that any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation is “scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is no justification for racial discrimination, in theory or in practice, anywhere.” Although it does not focus on young people in particular, it is highly relevant because, for the first time, it raises the need for affirmative action to ensure adequate progress among certain racial or ethnic groups, and certain persons requiring them. The Durban Declaration and Programme of Action represents an essential framework for investment in Afro-descendant youth. It is crucially important for combating racial and ethnic discrimination; it pays special attention to the situation of children and young people, particularly girls, who are victims of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related forms of intolerance; and it highlights the need for special measures to prioritize the rights and situation of children and young people who suffer from such practices. The Programme of Action also calls on States to strengthen measures and public policies in favour of Afrodescendant women and youth, bearing in mind that racism affects them deeply, and puts them in situations of greater marginalization and disadvantage (United Nations, 2001). In turn, human rights instruments relevant for youth include the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), which states that rights should apply to all children under 18, regardless of race, colour and sex, among others. It is noted that it is the duty of States to promote an UNFPA - CEPAL

education that prepares the child for assuming a responsible life in a free and egalitarian society where there is friendship among all peoples and ethnic groups.

governments and youth organizations from over 100 countries together for the first time in the same space to discuss the contribution of the Millennium Development Goals as they explicitly consider young people in their goals, taking into account their specificities. The “Declaration of Guanajuato” and its annex, the Declaration of Youth NGOs, emerged as important outcome document of this Conference.

On the other hand, the Afro-descendant movement has also fostered the realization of major summits in the region, the most recent being the 1st World Summit of Afro-descendants (La Ceiba, Honduras, August 2011) and the 1st World Afro-descendant Youth Summit (San Jose, Costa Rica, October 2011). These summits resulted in the Declaration of La Ceiba and the Declaration of San Jose, respectively, which urged States to promote, protect and respect civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, on the basis of international human rights standards, highlighting those areas that require special attention, such as the rights of cultural integrity and territorial rights. Furthermore, the United Nations General Assembly has adopted several resolutions on youth and launched campaigns specifically targeting this Group, while the Secretariat has overseen related programmes and information campaigns. The year 1985 was proclaimed “International Year of Youth” and as a result applicable guidelines were adopted for further planning and appropriate complementary actions in the field of youth. The “Programme of Action for Youth to the year 2000 and beyond” was approved in 1995. Again, 2010 was proclaimed “International Year of Youth”. Under the motto “Dialogue and mutual understanding” it aimed to promote the ideals of peace, respect for human rights and solidarity among generations, cultures, religions and civilizations. This was a good opportunity to position the issue of youth at all levels.

A series of regional consultations were conducted prior to the World Youth Conference 2010. In the case of Latin America and the Caribbean, this consultation was led by the Government of Brazil in coordination with the government of Mexico, and was held in Salvador, Bahia, in May 2010. This consultation produced an outcome document, known as “Charter of Bahia”, agreed upon by countries and attending youth organizations. The Charter includes a focus on human rights, gender and ethnicity, takes into account youth diversity and calls for action in several areas, including: the fight against poverty and exclusion; labour and employment; education, with a focus on sexuality education for young people; access to technology and innovation; health of young people, including sexual and reproductive health and rights; promoting gender equality and the empowerment of young women, including the eradication of gender-based violence; youth participation and association, and international youth cooperation. Importantly the Charter of Bahia explicitly mentions the need to ensure that all actions undertaken by and for young people are focused on specific vulnerable groups, including Afro-descendant youth.

Moreover, relevant events took place in 2010, both at the global and regional level, that allowed put the issue of youth back into the public agenda. They allowed young people’s voices be heard regarding their needs and demands. These events included the World Youth Conference, convened by the government of Mexico (Guanajuato, August 2010), which marked a milestone as it managed to gather

At the regional level, the Ibero-American Convention on the Rights of Youth (2005), a legally binding instrument, establishes the commitment of States to implement the rights enshrined in it in their countries for the benefit of Latin Americans aged 15 to 24. This is a very important instrument for Afro-descendant youth, as it is the first international treaty devoted exclusively to youth and to promote the

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

principle of non-discrimination, be it by race, colour or national origin, among others. The Convention also requires States to promote respect for the identity of young people, ensure free expression and the eradication of discrimination. In turn, the Ibero-American Conferences of Ministers and Responsibles of Youth, which began in 1987, bring together the relevant authorities in member countries of the IberoAmerican Youth Organization (OIJ), for the development of cooperation activities in public policy for young people. One goal of the conferences has been the revival and establishment of government institutions responsible for youth issues. The particular situation of Afro-descendant youth has also begun to be taken into account in these processes. Finally, regarding population issues, the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) was held in Cairo

in 1994, where 179 countries signed a set of recommendations and goals, best known as the ICPD Programme of Action (ICPD-PoA). An important aspect of this programme is the replacement of goals expressed in previous conferences in terms of population growth by goals expressed in terms of people’s needs and their rights guaranteed by the States. Its content considers the wide range of population and development issues relevant to individuals, families and countries, including the structure and dynamics of the population, reduction of poverty and social, generational and ethnic inequalities, promoting health and reproductive rights, gender equality and women empowerment, inclusion and participation of relevant population groups such as young people. In Latin America and the Caribbean, countries have reaffirmed their commitment to the ICPD-PoA, through the Special Committee on Population and Development, a subsidiary body of the ECLAC sessions. Thus, since 2004, successive meetings (held every two years) included the issue of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants in their agenda.

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II.

DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIOECONOMIC PROFILES: BETWEEN DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY

A. Who are Afro-descendant youth? Conceptual and methodological considerations The concept of youth encompasses more than the biological or psychological development status of individuals, or the transition between childhood and adulthood. Although the latter has biological foundations relating to the process of sexual maturation and bodily development, the world’s various societies and cultures attach different meanings to these changes. Based on these meanings, they develop rites that define their limits, organize practices and associate certain rights, obligations and skills (Del Popolo and others, 2009). Furthermore, what is understood by the term “youth” is highly variable, with differences in duration and social importance. In view of the above, it seems impossible to find a unique definition of youth; nonetheless, from an anthropological standpoint, it can be defined as a “social construction” that is relative in time and space. The aim is to understand Afro-descendant youth within the complex network of existing social relations, in which it is distinguished from other age groups by specific norms, behavior patterns, feelings and particular rites. From this standpoint, and for methodological purposes, chronological age is adopted as a criterion for defining youth, while also bearing in mind the heterogeneity of 10

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

situations that can be found within a given age group. For this document in particular, youth is considered to encompass all young people between 15 and 29 years of age. Although this definition has been used in other situations, the choice in this case aims to focus on the stage of life in which the completion of the education process and labour market entry converge. Nonetheless, the analysis will consider narrower age brackets within this group as necessary to examine specific phenomena, such as adolescent pregnancy. Chronological age defines youth in a practical way, making it possible for conventional data sources such as censuses, continuous registers and surveys (for example on living standards, demography and health, and specialized surveys) to provide detailed information for youth studies. In the case of Afro-descendant youth, however, the age variable is obviously not sufficient. The complexities associated with the definition and social classification of youth in cultural contexts that diverge from the hegemonic model, are compounded by the difficulties of including questions in statistical instruments that make it possible to define which of these young people are Afrodescendant. Inclusion of the ethnic focus in demographic and social data sources forms part of the new demands aimed at expanding citizenship, to promote greater participation based on cultural difference and pluralism. In other

words, expanding the “rights holder” status to Afro-descendant populations among other things requires having relevant, reliable and timely information available, as a technical and political tool (ECLAC, 2006; ECLAC and others, 2009). This is why the inclusion and promotion of Afro-descendant populations in statistical systems is a matter present in periodic evaluations of the various international conferences, reports of human rights committees and international and regional meetings, especially the Declaration of People of African descent in Santiago, Chile in 2008, during an international meeting on the 2010 Rounds of Census and the ethnic approach (ECLAC and others, 2009). The concept of “Afro-descendant” was coined during the process of preparation for the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, held in Durban in 2000, an event for which Afro-descendant organizations mobilized vigorously. It has even been said that they entered that summit as “blacks” and came out of it as “Afro-descendants” (Rodríguez, 2004). A good definition is provided by Sánchez (2007), who tries to capture the feelings arising from this process, and what has been established since. In that definition, the term “Afro-descendants” encompasses all peoples and individuals who are descendants of the African Diaspora throughout the world. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the concept refers to the different “Negro” and “Afro-American” cultures that emerged from the descendants of Africans and survived slave trafficking and trade across the Atlantic between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries (Anton, 2007). In view of the above, the problem is to define a set of variables to adequately encompass these identities in data collection instruments. This becomes more complex when one considers that the concepts of “ethnicity” or “race” (the

latter being claimed as a social category by Afro-descendant movements) are not fixed notions, and their interpretation is more than a technical and methodological issue for censuses and other data sources. In fact it involves concepts related to the identity politicization process and the construction of Afro-descendant movements’ action agendas (Antón Sánchez, 2007).1 Population censuses, particularly in the 2000s, show that, in the case of Afro-descendant peoples the racial perspective has been prioritized through perceived phenotype categories. Nonetheless, this approach is changing in some of the region’s countries, in consonance with the fact that some racial groups adopt an ethnic identity and claim it on a collective basis. In several cases they also claim “ancestral” lands associated with their places of arrival during the slavery period. This makes it possible to infer at least four dimensions for Afro-descendancy: (i) the “identity recognition” dimension; (ii) “common origin” in terms of descendancy from common ancestors; (iii) “territoriality”; and (iv) the “linguistic-cultural” dimension (Del Popolo, 2008; ECLAC and others, 2009). Although it would be desirable to have indicators for each of these dimensions, over the years an international consensus has developed that the self-identification criterion associated with the identity recognition dimension should prevail over other criteria, since it is consistent with a rights-based approach. Accordingly, a necessary condition for identifying the situation of Afro-descendants is the inclusion of ethnic self-identification questions in all data sources, which is not yet the case. The most progress has been made in population censuses, with 17 of the region’s countries including questions on this subject in the 2000s, to capture the indigenous population in the vast majority of cases; but only nine countries included Afro-descendants.2

1 This document does not aim to engage a conceptual debate on ethnic and racial issues, which, for the case of Afro-descendants, remains alive in the region. For a detailed discussion of this topic and its relation to the inclusion of these issues in data sources, see Schkolnik and Del Popolo (2005), Anton (2007); Del Popolo (2008); ECLAC and others (2009). 2 The following countries included Afro-descendants in their population censuses: Brazil (2000), Colombia (2005), Costa Rica (2001), Cuba (2002), Ecuador (2001), El Salvador (2007), Guatemala (2002), Honduras (2001) and Nicaragua (2005). In the case of Guatemala, the information refers only to the Garífuna people, captured through the question on indigenous peoples. UNFPA - CEPAL

In the case of household surveys, only a few countries do so and, except for Brazil, limitations persist in terms of the representativeness of the samples for these groups. This makes it hard to obtain reliable indicators for the Afrodescendant population, particularly for the purpose of making an age-group breakdown, such as in the case of young people. In the case of continuous records, the deficit is greater still, since only Brazil has systematic information on health and education. At the start of the 2010s, countries that had already conducted their censuses, such as Brazil, Costa Rica and Ecuador, continued to include questions to capture the Afro-descendant population, whereas Argentina and Panama included this type of question for the first time. Given this panorama, the present study used censuses as its main quantitative data source, based on nine countries that identified Afrodescendants and whose census databases are available at the Latin American and Caribbean Population Centre (CELADE)-Population Division of ECLAC. It should be noted that it was not always the latest census that was used, because, although four countries have already conducted censuses between 2010 and 2011 (Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica and Ecuador), the micro-databases take time to be released. Accordingly, the following censuses were processed: Brazil (2000), Colombia (2005), Costa Rica (2000), Ecuador (2001), El Salvador (2007), Guatemala (2002), Honduras (2001), Nicaragua (2005) and Panama (2010). Although the self-identification criterion has been adopted in these countries, semantic problems persist in terms of formulating the questions and the categories considered (see annex 1). The terms used refer to different dimensions of the definition of ethnic group (for example, investigating whether the person “descends from” or whether “considers him/herself”), or involve different degrees of strictness in relation to a subjective sense of belonging (for example, when referring to

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

“people” or “culture”). A third element concerns the different local meanings of the categories used and their social and territorial variations (for example, the term “ black” generally carries a stigmatizing connotation among the “white” population, whereas it carries a social-identity meaning among certain Afrodescendant groups). Ultimately, the conceptual and methodological concepts adopted by each country, which define the classification system used, have a direct impact on the quantification and socio-demographic characteristics of Afrodescendant youth. Methodological and operational problems can also affect the estimations, such as a lack of training on these issues among the questioners, communication difficulties in multilingual areas and a lack of participation by Afrodescendant people in the census processes (Del Popolo, 2008). Moreover, self-identification is also affected by the country’s socio-political context. Stated plainly, Afro-descendant youth cannot declare themselves as such in an environment of structural discrimination, particularly in urban areas and large cities. In contrast, in ethnic-revival settings, individuals who do not belong to a given ethnic group may attach themselves to it by affinity, or by access to specific policies, among other reasons, although the latter situation seems less common than the former (ECLAC and others, 2009). Cross-country comparisons must be handled with care owing to the varied timeframes of the data; nonetheless, as indicators have been calculated reflecting the adverse structural situations prevailing in the region, it is highly likely that they are far from being resolved. Hence the emphasis is placed on equity gaps. Although the available data have well-known limitations, the population census is for the time being the only source that allows for an approximate Latin American view when attempting to quantify and characterize these groups.

B. HOW LARGE IS THE AFRODESCENDANT YOUTH POPULATION? Ascertaining the size of the Afro-descendant youth population in Latin America remains one of the most basic and urgent challenges. It is difficult to quantify these groups in each country, owing to problems relating to ethnic identification in data sources. These range from a failure to include relevant questions to the quality of the information compiled. In countries that have census data available, Afro-descendant youth amount to 24 million people, out of a total of 81.25 million Afrodescendants of all ages (see table 1). Brazil has easily the largest Afro-descendant youth population, in both absolute and relative terms; and it is followed, with substantially smaller proportions, by Colombia, Ecuador and Panama, in no particular order owing to the lack of time comparability.3 The age structure and proportion of Afrodescendants in the total population both vary according to the demographic history of each country and the stage of the demographic transition through which it is passing. In an incipient stage of the transition the proportion of young people declines, as child mortality starts to fall but fertility rates remain high. In a later stage, this proportion increases as large numbers of children born in the previous phase enter the youth category, and fertility declines. In an advanced stage of the demographic transition, the proportion of young people in the total population falls again as a result of the drop in fertility, leading to a continuous population ageing process. In the case of Afrodescendant groups, this pattern may also be affected by the identification criteria. People’s ethnic awareness may differ across generations and affect the age structure and proportion of young people in the population. Depending on how cultural loss and revival processes interact

with each other, there may be a tendency not to self-identify as Afro-descendant in some age groups, or relatively greater recognition in others, or both, although it is hard to identify the impact of these processes in the various Latin American settings (Del Popolo and others, 2009). Previous studies found that the Afrodescendant populations in Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador were younger than in other countries (Guerrero, 2005; Urrea and Viáfara, 2007; Paixão and Carvano, 2008) — shown by population pyramids with broader basis and smaller apexes, owing to higher fertility rates among Afrodescendant population groups. More recent data for Brazil (PNDS, 2006) showed that the average number of children born to Afro-descendant women remains above the figure for “whiterace” women (with a total fertility rate of two children in the first group and 1.5 children in the second)4. The data shown in table 1 support this behaviour pattern in most of the countries reviewed. The proportion of youth in Afrodescendant population groups is slightly larger than in the rest of the population. Moreover, the proportion of youth in Afro-descendant ethnic groups reflects a decline in fertility, but without yet reaching the ageing rates prevailing in the rest of the population. The demographic dynamic of Afro-descendants requires more in-depth analysis, since it constitutes basic information for any policy or programme. From a rights perspective, the relative weight of people of African descent in terms of population is irrelevant as a criterion for inclusion. Therefore, it is necessary to make them visible in the census, even when they represent small groups. From the technical point of view, as the census is survey of universal nature, the identification of Afro-descendants is key to understanding their population dynamics, which may differ from the national average. Thus, if the country in question is at an advanced stage

En Cuba, the number of young Afro-descendants is also likely to be high, because the most recent census (held in 2002) found that 34.9% of its total population were Afro-descendants. The 2010 National Household Survey of Uruguay (ENHA) estimated that 11% of the country’s total population was Afro-descendant. 4 The term “White” is used throughout the document when the figure refers to such category, as recorded in the source. UNFPA - CEPAL

of the demographic transition, it will tend to prioritize other age groups, such as the elderly; in contrast, the younger structure among Afrodescendant population groups raises the need for greater investment in childhood and youth policies. Secondly, although the national age structure may be different, it could benefit Afrodescendant youth, particularly in countries that are experiencing the so-called “demographic dividend” during which the ratio between the number of people of working age and the number of dependents is higher. During the period of

the demographic dividend, through which all countries the region apart from Chile and Cuba are passing, ECLAC (2009) has stressed the need to exploit the opportunities provided (since the proportion of children continues to decline) by strengthening investment in secondary education. In this way, education policies would also be investing in Afro-descendant youth by taking account of their situation and specific demands, and recognizing their contribution in terms of identity, roots and humanity.

Table 1

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): AFRO-DESCENDANTS AND AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH (15-29 YEARS OF AGE)

Country Brazil (2000)

Afro-descendant youth population (No. of persons)

Afro-descendants in total youth population (percentages)

Youth population in each ethnic group(percentages) Afro-descendants

Rest of population

22.520.476

47,3

29,7

27,0

1.184.266

11,1

27,5

26,2

Costa Rica (2000)

19.839

2,0

27,3

27,0

Ecuador (2001)

181.636

5,4

30,1

27,5

El Salvador (2007)

1.987

0,1

26,7

26,9

Guatemala (2002)

1.349

0,04

26,8

26,7

Honduras (2001)

16.459

1,0

28,0

28,4

Nicaragua (2005)

6.891

0,5

29,8

29,9

Panama (2010)

76.160

9,0

25,3

24,9

24.009.063

29,5

27,0

Colombia (2005)

Total

Source: Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE) – Population Division of ECLAC, on the basis of special processing of micro-data from censuses conducted in the relevant countries.

C. TERRITORIAL DISTRIBUTION ISSUES Latin America is one of the world’s most urbanized regions, and this is also true of the Afro-descendant population, particularly its young people. As shown in figure 1, the extreme 14

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

situations of urbanization occur in Nicaragua (2005), where 88% of Afro-descendant youth were living in cities, and El Salvador (2007) in which 60% of Afro-descendant youth were living in urban areas. In many countries, the proportion of Afrodescendant youth living in cities was much

greater than the figure for the rest of the youth population. In Guatemala and Nicaragua, for example, the proportion of urban Afrodescendant youth living in the cities exceeds the proportion of other young people by 33 and 39 percentage points, respectively. This is also seen in countries with more recent data, such as Panama, in which there is a 22 percentage point difference in the proportion of Afro-descendant and other young people living in urban areas.

Elsewhere the ethnic differences are smaller. Earlier studies have shown that Afro-descendant youth is distributed practically throughout national territories; nonetheless, an analytical breakdown by major administrative divisions shows significant differences with respect to the rest of the youth population. In general terms, three Afro-descendant settlement hubs can be identified: areas linked to the territories of arrival in the slavery-colonial

Figure 1

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): URBAN YOUTH POPULATION (15-29 YEARS OF AGE) AND TOTAL POPULATION, BY ETHNIC GROUP [Att: sacar signo % en eje y barras]

Source: Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE) â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Population Division of ECLAC, on the basis of special processing of micro-data from censuses conducted in the relevant countries. UNFPA - CEPAL

period; settlement areas associated with the international immigration that occurred in the early nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, particularly Afro-Caribbean people in Central America; and other areas that reflect geographical redistribution resulting from internal migratory processes, which are normally where the main cities are located in each country (López and others, 2009; Urrea, 2008; Guerrero, 2005; Amaya, undated).The degree of concentration in those historical areas is quite high; for example in Nicaragua the 2005 census showed that 83% of Afrodescendant youth was living in the South Atlantic Autonomous Region; while in Costa Rica, the 2000 census showed that 72% were settled in the province of Limón. In Honduras, the equivalent group was concentrated mainly in Islas de la Bahía (52.3%) and in Atlántida (22.5%) (Del Popolo and others, 2009). This historical settlement pattern can also be seen in more recent figures: the 2010 census in Panama found that 61.3% of Afro-descendant youth was living in Panama Province and 23.8% in Colón.5 Similarly, and in keeping with historical settlement patterns, a large percentage of AfroEcuadorian youth were living in Esmeraldas (22.5%), but, as a consequence of successive waves of migration, the 2001 census showed that 37% of these young people were settled in Guayas, the province of the country’s main metropolis, Guayaquil. In Colombia, Afro-descendant young people concentrated in the departments of Valle del Cauca (25.5%), Antioquía (13.9%) and Bolívar (11.6%), which between them account for just over half of these young people. In Brazil, the largest concentrations were in São Paulo (13.7%), Bahia (13.0%), Minas Gerais (10.5%), Rio de Janeiro (7.8%), Pernambuco (6.0%) and Pará (6.0%), in that order.

In short, a distinctive characteristic of Afrodescendant youth is that it is generally highly urban, so the problems these young people face are those of the cities and settlement in marginal zones, with a consequent lack of access to public goods and services, violence, high rates of mortality from external causes, discrimination in employment, among the most significant. In-depth studies are needed to bring to light the situations and inequities that exist to the detriment of Afro-descendant youth, as are being conducted in Brazil. On the issue of violence ,, it has been shown that an Afrodescendant youth is more likely to be murdered than a “white” youth, with the difference depending on age bracket: 125.8% higher among 15-17-olds, and 129% higher among those aged between 18 and 24. Young Afro-descendant women are also more likely to be murder victims than their Caucasian or “white-race” counterparts: 50% more likely in the 15-17 age group, and 40.9% more likely among 18-24-yearolds (Paixão and others, 2011). Afro-descendant youth displays a specific settlement pattern, highly concentrated in areas linked to their historical occupation settlements, which in some cases are geographical regions that are not the most favourable in terms of the country’s development, as shown by Urrea and Viáfara (2007) for the Pacific region of Colombia. Strategies are thus needed that focus on territorial location, while helping to preserve their ethnic roots in the case of migrations or social advancement. Account also needs to be taken of the perception and requirements of young people themselves in relation to these issues.

5 The historical occupation of Afro-descendant peoples can be seen in each country. In the case of Panama, for example, during the colonial period numerous contingents of negro slaves entered the country from the Atlantic, from the Caribbean to Cartagena, and from there to Nombre de Dios and, later, to Portobelo in Colón Province. From there, some were taken to Panamá Viejo (in Panama Province) to be sold to South American countries. The second wave of Afro-descendant arrivals occurred at the start of the last century to build the railway and inter-oceanic canal. In this case they came from the Caribbean islands and settled specifically in canal-zone communities in the provinces of Panama and Colón. Before that, there was also a slave settlement in British estates located in the province of Bocas del Toro, although it was considerably smaller in number. The 2010 census ranks this province, where 3.8% of total Afro-descendant young people are living, as the third most important. 16

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

D. SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH OF AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH: A REGIONAL PRIORITY The right to health, including sexual and reproductive health, has been enshrined in various international human rights instruments and international declarations and agreements6, which emphasize the need to address health issues from a holistic perspective, taking the emotional, physical and social wellbeing into account, and recognizing the linkages between health and other priorities such as education, peace, environmental sustainability and economic productivity. Furthermore, these instruments warn that youth health should be considered by States as one of its most important focuses. Accordingly, the Durban Programme of Action seeks the adoption of positive measures, urging States “to establish programmes to promote access without discrimination of individuals or groups of individuals who are victims of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance to health care, and to promote strong efforts to eliminate disparities, inter alia in the infant and maternal mortality rates, childhood immunizations, HIV/AIDS, heart diseases, cancer and contagious diseases” (UN, 2001, paragraph 101). In addition, sexual and reproductive rights have begun to position themselves more forcefully on the agendas of Afro-descendants, especially among young people. Thus, in the Declaration of San Jose issued by the 1st World Summit of Youth Afrodescendants (San Jose, Costa Rica, October 2011), young people claim to “promote, protect and respect sexual and reproductive rights as fundamental human rights, recognizing the autonomy and freedom of all people on their bodies and their sexuality and as a measure

to improve the quality of life for young Afrodescendants,” with emphasis on comprehensive sexuality education, prevention of sexually transmitted infections including HIV, unplanned pregnancies, and access to friendly and non discriminatory reproductive and sexual health services. The exclusion suffered by young people of African descent in the region is threefold: exclusion for being Afrodescendant, for being poor, and for being young. Women also experience gender exclusion. Therefore, the exercise of reproductive rights can eliminate or reduce discriminatory practices faced by youth Afrodescendants when they come to health services, especially sexual and reproductive health services. In Latin America, Millennium Development Goal 5 (MDG 5) – improving maternal health–, can only be achieved through the effective exercise of reproductive rights by the 152 million of young people, of whom an estimated 36.5 million are Afrodescendants7. In particular, Goal 5b on universal access to reproductive health is fundamental to achieving MDG 5. For that purpose, political will to implement programmes, strategies and interventions based on scientific evidence is critical. Unfortunately, knowledge about sexual and reproductive health of Afrodescendant youth in Latin America is scarce and only fragmented information is available, mainly in Brazil. This country exhibits persistent and strong ethnic and racial inequities in maternal mortality and access to family planning methods, among others (see Box 2). Therefore, affirmative action policies and programmes for youth must take into account the structural racial discrimination affecting youth Afrodescendant, in three key areas:

International agreements include the Declaration and Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), the Millennium Declaration, the Millennium Development Goals and the Beijing Platform for Action. Regarding youth, the right to sexual and reproductive health without discrimination has been included in the outcome document of the World Youth Conference 2010 (Declaration of Guanajuato), as well as in outcome documents of previous regional consultations and meetings (Charter of Bahia 2010) 7 Estimate of total youth (people aged 15 to 29) in Latin America for 2010, according to the Demographic Observatory, No. 7, CELADE-ECLAC. The estimate of youth Afrodescendant was calculated based on the percentage of the total population of African descent estimated by Anton y Del Popolo (2009). UNFPA - CEPAL

• Friendly sexual and reproductive health services • Comprehensive sexuality education, with a gender perspective • Participation and leadership of young people in advocacy and policy dialogue Sexual and reproductive health services for young people should be friendly, i.e., they should provide information, guidance and quality care that are culturally relevant, confidential and non discriminatory. Young people of African descent should also be actively involved in design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation processes, both at the local and national level. These services include access to contraception and emergency contraception; counselling services; maternal health care; prevention of sexually transmitted infections, including HIV, as well as care, treatment and support, prevention programmes and protocols; care, treatment and monitoring of gender-based violence, including sexual violence, for both women and young men. The friendliness of these services involves considering the needs of the young people of African descent, which allows addressing the lack of cultural accessibility of services. It also entails the development of demand-induced actions, prioritize and define actions for young people and train the professionals so they can offer services that meet their health needs holistically.

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Comprehensive sexuality education programmes that address power relations and include a gender perspective are more effective in reducing risk behaviours. Young women that are able to strengthen their skills and become empowered, are more likely to decide freely and responsibly on their sexual and reproductive life; this results in better access to education and employment opportunities as well as in progress towards gender equality and in terms of economic and social development. Although comprehensive sex education should be part of the school system similar actions for young people outside the educational system should also be promoted. This is even more relevant in the case of youth of African descent, as they tend to be less educated than the average youth. Finally, it is necessary to strengthen the participation and leadership of young people, particularly those of African descent, in advocacy and policy dialogue, as a crucial means to position their demands and needs on the public agenda and to have these translated into public policy and effective programmes. In conclusion, this section assumes that the right to health, understood as “right to an effective and integrated health system, encompassing health care and the underlying determinants of health, which is responsive to national and local priorities, and accessible to all” (UN, 2006), is key to all people and youth Afrodescendant in the region. Undoubtedly, sexual and reproductive healt h is part of these rights, and is particularly important for youth.

Box 2

Since the early 1980s, Brazil has experienced a sharp decline in fertility rates among both “white” and afro-descendant women. That process came along with a reduction of ethnic inequalities. This decline in the average number of children is the result of a wide range of factors, including urbanization, increased incorporation of women into education and workforce, lower infant mortality, among others, and its realization has been possible through greater access to family planning methods. In Brazil, in general, such access is high and has significantly increased since the mid 1990’s. Indeed, by 2006, the prevalence of contraceptive use in 15 to 49 year old women in a relationship reached 82.6% in “white” women and 80% in afro-descendant women. While there are not significant inequalities, their behavioural differences are noted in terms of the method used by different groups, as “white” women use the pill (30.5%) as their primary method, while afro-descendant women use female sterilization (29.7%). These figures are even more eloquent, if taking into account that 17% of afro descendant women who resorted to sterilization repented of this decision, compared to 13.7% of “white” women in a similar situation. This type of analysis should also be undertaken for young women, not only in terms of the use of methods to prevent pregnancy, but also regarding the use of condoms as a method to prevent sexually transmitted infections. In this regard, available figures for 2006 show that 30.2% of sexually active “white” girls aged 15 to 24 used a condom consistently during the year before the survey, compared to 26.5 % among afro-descendant girls. Regarding maternal mortality, the figures for 2007 show alarming inequities, especially when it is widely known that the vast majority of maternal deaths are from preventable causes. Considering the ages of 15 and 19 years, there were 30.6 maternal deaths per 100 000 births among “white” women and 37.1 per 100 000 among afro-descendant women; for young people aged 20 to 24, maternal mortality in Afro-descendants almost doubled that of the “white” (44.5 per 100 thousand and 23.4 per 100 000, respectively); and finally, for young women aged 25 to 29 inequities persist with 61.9 maternal deaths per 100 000 live births in Afro-descendants, compared to 40.5 per 100 000 among the “white” of the same age group. The report of Brazil also refers to the difficulties encountered by Afro-descendant in access to health services, with deep regional inequalities. Even though the information available is insufficient, it demonstrates that the country has experienced significant progress in the field of sexual and reproductive health as well as in reducing ethnic inequalities. However, efforts to implement affirmative action policies are necessary to achieve the desired equality. Source: Paixão et al. (2011). Relatório anual das desigualdades raciais no Brasil 2009-2010. Constituição Cidadã, seguridade social e seus efeitos sobre as asimetrias de cor ou raça. LAESER, Rio de Janeiro, Editora Garamond Ltda.

1. EARLY MOTHERHOOD: A DEEP CONCERN Young people in Latin America are becoming sexually active at an increasingly early age, although they postpone marriage and their first child in order to accumulate educational

and employment capital (ECLAC/CELADE, 2004). Nonetheless, these beh l mainly on the young women concerned, and their mothers and grandmothers. Thirdly, maternity occurs increasingly outside matrimony or other unions, which again implies gender inequality, owing to male abandonment, and the presence UNFPA - CEPAL

of adolescent mothers without a partner and children without their fathers (Rodríguez, 2008). The data processed for this study show that the prevalence of early maternity among Afrodescendant women is at least as high as among other young women in most of the countries reviewed. The censuses performed early in the past decade showed that the percentage of young Afro-descendant mothers varied from 13% in Guatemala to 23% in Ecuador; while mid-decade figures ranged from 14% in Colombia to 20% in Nicaragua. The only country with recent data, Panama, reports 12% young Afro-descendant women as mothers (see figure 2). Regarding ethnic inequalities, the largest relative gaps that affect young Afrodescendant women were found in Ecuador, where teenage pregnancy among Afro-descendants was 44% higher than for the rest of young women; in Brazil and Colombia it was 30% higher; and finally in Costa Rica and El Salvador the differences were somewhat smaller, especially in El Salvador.8 The situation in Uruguay is broadly similar, as shown in a study by Bucheli and Cabella (2011) using ENHA 2006 data, which finds that Afro-descendant women start to have children before they are 20 years old, compared to after 25 among other women. In contrast, in Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama the percentage of young women who are mothers is lower among Afro-descendants, despite worrying figures particularly in Nicaragua. An analysis within the 15-17 and 18-19 age groups shows that the ethnic gaps are maintained in terms of the average behaviour of the countries in question, although they are more pronounced among women aged 18-19 (see figure 3). There is a difference of nine percentage points in Ecuador, where 37% of 18- and 19-year-old Afro-descendant women are mothers, compared to 28% among

other women, and there are similar disparities in Brazil, Colombia and Costa Rica (differences of between four and seven percentage points). There are also substantial gaps in Panama and Honduras, although in the opposite direction. The maternity rate among Afro-descendant women aged 18-19 in Panama is 19%, compared to 26% among other women in this age group; and the equivalent figures in Honduras are 25% and 32%, respectively. he association between education and adolescent fertility has been widely studied and, as shown in figure 4, cuts across all ethnic groups. Whereas between 5% and 11% of Afro-descendant girls with higher levels of education are mothers, the range is 21%37% among the less educated, with systematic differences in all countries. Moreover, in several cases the disparities to the detriment of Afro-descendants persist even when education is controlled for, with various situations prevailing. In four of the nine countries — Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador and Nicaragua— young Afro-descendant women with less than five years’ schooling showed the highest rates of early motherhood, which strengthens the “sum-of-inequities” premise attributed to ethnic condition and socioeconomic status. Nonetheless, the association between education and ethnicity reveals other, less linear, features. While early motherhood declines as years of schooling increase in all countries, among both Afro-descendant and other young people, the ethnic disparities vary in direction and intensity according to education level. In El Salvador and Guatemala, for example, maternity rates among Afro-descendant girls with low levels of schooling were lower than among other poorly educated girls, but the gap was reversed among the more educated. In contrast, in Honduras and Panama, maternity among young Afrodescendant women is systematically lower than among other young women, irrespective of years of schooling

The 2010-decade censuses will make it possible to evaluate possible changes in inequality. In the case of Brazil, the most recent data are not encouraging. The 2006 National Demography and Health Survey shows that the gaps persist, since 19.8% of Afro-descendant girls between 15 and 19 years of age were mothers, compared to 11% among “whiterace” girls in the same age group (PNDS, 2006). 20

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Figure 2

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): MOTHERS AGED 15 TO 19, BY ETHNIC IDENTITY (Percentages) Source: Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE) – Population Division of ECLAC, on the basis of special processing of micro-data from censuses conducted in the relevant countries.

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Figure 3

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): MOTHERS AGED 15 TO 19, BY AGE SUBGROUP AND ETHNIC IDENTITY (Percentages)

Source: Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE) – Population Division of ECLAC, on the basis of special processing of microdata from censuses conducted in the relevant countries.

UNFPA - CEPAL

Figure 4

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): MOTHERS AGED 15 to 19, BY YEARS OF SCHOOLING AND ETHNIC IDENTITY (Percentages) 12 years of schooling

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This pattern is strengthened when school career-paths are taken into account. Although it cannot be determined whether school lag or even dropout occurred prior or subsequent to the pregnancy, the association is eloquent, both for countries with data around 2000 and for those with more recent data (see figure 5). In the early 2000s, the maternity rate among Afrodescendant girls who were behind their school year group was 18% in Honduras and as high as 30% in Ecuador, compared to a range of 4%-11% among Afro-descendant girls who had not fallen behind at school . In the middle of the decade, three countries reported maternity rates of close to 30% among Afro-descendant girls who were behind the year group, but under 10% 22

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

for those who were proceeding through school at the normal rate. The situation is similar in Panama, according to the 2010 census. Disparities in rates of early maternity to the detriment of Afro-descendant youth can be seen in six of the nine countries, both among girls who have fallen behind and among those whose school career is proceeding normally. This suggests a dual discrimination â&#x20AC;&#x201D; being young and being Afro-descendant. Clearly there are clear difficulties in reconciling pregnancy and child-bearing with education and participation in the labour market, irrespective of ethnic status.

Figure 5

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): MOTHERS AGED 15 TO 19, BY SCHOOL CAREER PATH AND ETHNIC IDENTITY (Percentages)

Behind year group

In correct year group

27 22

33 28

21 18

Source: Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE) – Population Division of ECLAC, on the basis of special processing of micro-data from censuses conducted in the relevant countries.

The results described above suggest a shortfall in the exercise of rights by young Afrodescendant women, specifically the right to reproductive health. This would be explained not only by structural factors of historical discrimination, but by multiple causes that have barely been studied in the region in the case of Afro-descendants. Designing effective policies requires deeper knowledge of the sexual and reproductive behaviour of these young women, while also taking underlying cultural factors into account. Demographic and health 9

surveys reveal an increasingly early start to sexual activity, which may be even earlier in the case of Afro-descendant girls.9 They also show less access to family planning services and less use of contraceptive methods at first sexual intercourse; but no data are available to ascertain with more precision the reality for young Afro-descendant women. High rates of early maternity among Afrodescendant girls have an impact on the wellbeing of their children; in some situations

In Brazil, the 2006 PNAD shows that 25.7% of “black” women had their first sexual intercourse at 15 years of age, compared to 18.7% of Caucasian women. UNFPA - CEPAL

this is reflected in higher child and maternal mortality rates (Del Popolo and others, 2009). In the policy domain, there is insufficient sex education at school in many countries, together with a lack of public policies on sexual and reproductive health for adolescents and single young women, and a failure to take account of the sexual and reproductive rights of adolescents (ECLAC-UNICEF, 2007). In short, access to sexual and reproductive health for Afrodescendant youth is an unresolved matter in the region.

better-off households, whose parents have a higher level of education, complete more than 12 years of study. This affects employment possibilities, because individuals who do not complete more than eight years of education tend to have jobs in which the monthly average pay is insufficient to guarantee the well-being of a family group (ECLAC, 2000).

E. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AND PERSISTENT INEQUITIES

The following points are also relevant: the educational climate in the household is more important for the children’s education level than family income; inequality of job opportunities appears long before young people have been able to complete the minimum years of study needed to adequately enter the labour market; and the quality of education received by young people in different social groups is increasingly a determinant of unequal opportunities (ECLAC, 2000).

n most Latin American and Caribbean countries, income inequality coexists with a concentration of educational capital and physical and financial wealth, which is reinforced by sociodemographic inequities. The distribution of income and welfare in the region is transmitted from one generation to the n ext, with education, wealth and demographic characteristics as its determining factors. This means that one generation’s welfare chances are affected by those of its predecessor, causing inequalities to persist through time, despite redistributive programmes by the government (ECLAC, 2000). In Latin America and the Caribbean, income from work (salaries, wages, and employer and own-account earnings) account for about 80% of total household income; in other words most family income depends on the labour market and on its main determinants — educational capital and the number of employed members in the household. Educational capital is the key to welfare opportunities and greater individual opportunities. Nonetheless, the quantity and quality of education depend largely on factors that are unchangeable, such as the educational capital of the parents and the economic resources of the household. Young people from low-income households, whose parents have a low education level, normally do not complete the eight years of study; in contrast, those from 24

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Education also has a decisive impact on reproductive behaviour and the health and survival of children, as shown by numerous studies in the region, and as also found in this study in relation to adolescent maternity.

To analyse the situation of Afro-descendant youth, census data were obtained on years of approved studies, with a gender breakdown, to be able to analyse both ethnic and gender inequalities. The data show inequities to the detriment of Afro-descendant youth, because in seven of the nine countries analysed, the proportion of those aged 20 to 29 with higher education (15 or more years of completed studies) is smaller than in the rest of the population, and in no case accounts for as much as 8.5% of young people (see annex 2). The most glaring examples are Brazil, where the proportion of young “whites” with higher education is five times the rate among Afro-descendant youth (only 1.3% of Afro-descendants in Brazil achieved that education level, compared to 6.7% in the rest of the population); and Ecuador, where the proportion of “white” race in youth with higher education was double the proportion of Afro-descendants with that education level. In Colombia and El Salvador too inequalities

in terms of higher education were significant, because the proportion of other young people with 15 or more years of study exceeded the proportion of Afro-descendant youth by 67% and 49%, respectively.

Caribbean coast (URACCAN)— which have made major contributions to the education and development of ethnic and Afro-descendant communities (Sánchez, 2005, cited in Del Popolo and others, 2009).

Ethnic inequality in education is broadly similar in Uruguay and Peru. In the first of these countries, ethnic gaps widen with age: the profile of “whites” (the term used in the survey) is rising until the 30-34 age bracket, while Afro-descendants leave the education system earlier. School dropout starts at 13 years of age and occurs earlier among adolescents from low-income households, mostly boys and, in particular, Afro-Uruguayan adolescents. At the end of this school cycle, the enrolment rate is 22% among those aged 18 to 24 for AfroUruguayans, compared to 41% for “whites” (Bucheli and Cabella, 2011).

Results for Brazil show that the inequalities persist through time. Between 1988 and 2008 an increasing number of students in the 18-24 age group attended higher education, which raised the gross total enrolment rate from 8.6% to 25.5%. A breakdown by racial origin shows that the rate for Caucasians rose from 12.4% to 35.8%, while the rate for Afro-descendants climbed from 3.6% to 16.4%. Although Afro-descendant enrolment grew faster among than the rate for “whites”, their starting point was considerably lower in the late 1980s. The increase was more intensive in the second decade of the period mentioned, having remained virtually unchanged in the first, and there were significant increases for both sexes (Paixão and others, 2011). Ethnic disparities persist nonetheless.

In Peru, the 2006 Continuous National Survey (ENCO) showed that 14% of school-age AfroPeruvians were not participating in regular basic education, compared to a national average of 12%. Ministry of Education data showed that Afro-Peruvians lagged behind the national average net enrolment rate, and that the secondary education completion rate for Afro-descendants (50%) was below the national average (58%). In higher education, the disadvantage among Afro-descendants was very significant: 6% of Afro-Peruvians gained access to university higher education —half of the national average of 12% (Office of the Ombudsman, 2011). Panama and Nicaragua are the exceptions to this pattern, where Afro-descendant populations display more favourable indicators of university access. Nicaragua is also a notable case since access to higher education is not only greater among Afro-descendant youth than among the country’s other young people, but actually the highest in the region. There are two community universities on the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua —Bluefields Indian and Caribbean University (BICU) and the University of the Autonomous Regions of the Nicaraguan

Continuing the analysis for Brazil, the increasing presence of Afro-descendant students in higher education institutions throughout the second half of the 1990s and the first half of the 2000s to some extent reflects the public universities’ progressive adoption of affirmative action policies in university entrance, supported by increasing incentives provided by the federal government to improve students’ access to higher education in private institutions, through the “University for all Programme” (ProUni) and the Student Financing Programme (FIES). Nonetheless, given these policies, a sharper increase in the gross schooling rate was expected in 2008, compared to the rates recorded in 2006. In fact, in 2008, the gross enrolment rate in higher education was 30.7% among Caucasian youth compared with just 12.1% among Afro-descendants. Accordingly, in the interval studied, the indicator rose by 5.1 percentage points for “whites”, compared to 4.3 percentage points among Afro-descendants. Given the gaps that had been accumulating over the generations, the increase can be seen as grossly insufficient (Paixão and others, 2011). UNFPA - CEPAL

Ethnic disparities become more marked when analysed by gender. Although women generally have higher education levels (see figure 6), the proportion of young Afro-descendant women with 15 or more years of study was half the rate among the rest of the population in Ecuador; and in Brazil the gap was much wider: just 2% of young Afro-descendant women had this education level, compared to 8% among other young people — a difference of four times. The data suggest the existence of trends attracting women into education, unlike what happened with previous generations except in Guatemala and among Afro-descendant Salvadorans. They also suggest that, despite discrimination, gender gaps are tending to narrow, as a result of the higher rates of enrolment of children in primary and secondary school. It should also be noted that the gender gaps in favour of girls are very large in Panama, both among Afro-descendant youth and among other young people; and the same is true of Nicaragua for the Afro-descendant group. This suggests the need for policies to promote education among young men. In the case of Brazil, the trend of ethnic and gender gaps in higher education between 1988 and 2008 shows that the gross enrolment rate rose from 12.3% to 31.7% among “white” men (as recorded in the source) and from 3.1% to 13.0% among Afro-descendant men. Among women, the enrolment rate rose from 12.4% to 39.9% among Caucasians and from 4.1% to 20.0% among

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Afro-descendants. Despite these advances, the gross enrolment rate among “white” women was still nearly double that of their Afro-descendant counterparts. The data show that 20.5% of Caucasians between 18 and 24 years of age were attending some higher education institution in 2008, compared to just 7.7% of Afro-descendants (Paixão and others 2011). Ethnic inequalities in education also remain at their previous levels, mainly in terms of access to secondary education, at least in Brazil, Ecuador and Colombia (Del Popolo and others, 2009; Urrea and Viáfara, 2007). Afro-descendant organizations claim that the analysis of census data is insufficient to gauge the extent to which the right to education is being fulfilled. There is no doubt about this, particularly when evaluating the quality of education that these young people receive. Moreover, the discrimination and structural racism these people suffer are manifested in various forms and on several levels. Culturally appropriate education policies that recognize Afro-descendant history and identity and the contribution Afro-descendants have made to the development of their countries are virtually nonexistent; and the lack of effective participation mechanisms combines with discrimination in classrooms to produce an even more dramatic situation than simply difficulties in gaining access to education establishments. This is another area that urgently needs in-depth analysis in the region’s countries.

Figure 6

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): YOUNG PEOPLE AGED 20 TO 29 WITH 15 OR MORE YEARS OF STUDY, BY ETHNIC IDENTITY AND GENDER (Percentages)

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F. LABOUR-MARKET PARTICIPATION

identical in terms of productivity receive different pay because they have characteristics that are the subject of discrimination.12

The labour market is one of the main channels through which economic yields are transmitted to families, since most family income comes from work. Moreover, the right to employment, enshrined in various international instruments10 is the main vehicle for social integration, since it enables the development of a sense of belonging to a collective group and affords access to welfare through income and social security and other associated services (ECLAC, 2007).

In the labour market, the most common discriminatory mechanisms —and those affecting the largest group of people— are based on ethnic identity and gender (UNDP/IPEA, 1996). Generally the first type of discrimination causes “whites” to be more heavily concentrated in the upper part of the occupational hierarchy, with Afro-descendants at the lowest levels. Gender discrimination results in certain jobs being considered masculine and others feminine; women in the region are mostly employed in commerce or personal services, and as office workers.

In general, the lack of income among poor households is largely due to precarious labourmarket participation in low-productivity agricultural activities and informal jobs in industry, commerce and services. These situations reveal inequities in terms of access to jobs and in the workplace. The main factors contributing to employment inequity and wage differences among workers doing supposedly similar jobs is group discrimination and the inherent segmentation of the labour market. Discrimination by groups of workers in the labour market may be of three types: educational, occupational and by wage. The first is prior to the labour market and distinguishes worker quality, particularly in the case of groups subject to structural discrimination processes, such as Afro-descendants in most Latin American countries.11 Occupational discrimination involves restrictions on access to high-quality jobs for certain groups, which affects their income-generating capacity. Lastly, wage discrimination means that workers who are

Given this situation, youth employment is a key public-policy challenge, since young people have more educational capital but are more likely to be excluded from employment. It should not be forgotten that historically, the young are defined in terms of the place they occupy in the society’s generational hierarchy and consist of individuals who are in a relationship of dependency (first vis-à-vis the family, then visà-vis the school, and, eventually, vis-à-vis the State). This dependency continues until they find a niche in the social division of labour (Del Popolo and others, 2009). Thus, youth suffer from a specific type of discrimination, and that discrimination is worse in the case of groups such as Afro-descendants. The Ibero-American Convention on Young People’s Rights recognizes that youth has the right to work and calls on governments to adopt policies and measures to guarantee this. The Convention also contains several provisions on the rights of young people to

10 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1951), International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 111 on Discrimination in Respect of Employment and Occupation (1960), the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1963), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1969). 11 Studies for Brazil show that Afro-descendant education is inferior to that of the rest of the population even when controlling for family background. Educational discrimination against women is not seen, unless ethnic-racial origin is revealed, because their education level tends to be higher than that of men, regardless of family background (UNDP/IPEA, 1996). 12 In the case of gender discrimination, if there are large resource transfers between members of a given family, and if the families have a similar number of male and female members, part of the loss (caused by discrimination against women) would be offset by the resource transfer within the family. Nonetheless, as a large proportion of families are headed by women, gender discrimination in those families can be a significant cause of poverty (UNDP/IPEA, 1996).

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

equal opportunities and treatment in the workplace; on the right to social protection, and vocational training. The Durban Declaration and Plan of Action also advocates on behalf of eliminating structural racial discrimination, and for equal opportunities in employment, including for Afro-descendant people. It urges States to adopt measures to eliminate racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related forms of intolerance at work, and to ensure equality for all people before the law, including labour legislation. It also calls for obstacles to be removed in relation to vocational training, collective bargaining, employment and labour union activities; and it recommends the use of affirmative action measures to guarantee nondiscrimination, particularly in employment (United Nations, 2001). A review of the exclusion status of young people requires consideration of at the stage prior labour-market entry, to examine how many of these young people are not only outside the labour market but also not studying, since there is consensus that education and employment are fundamental sources of identity-building and social cohesion. The proportions of young people in this situation are very high and fluctuate roughly between 20% and 35% (see annex 3). Brazil and Panama are the countries with the lowest proportions, at under 20%. The situation is compounded by ethnic inequalities, and in six of the nine countries it is Afro-descendant youth of both sexes who are simultaneously outside the education system and outside the labour market. The largest ethnic gap was in Brazil, where the proportion of Afro-descendant youth in this situation was 26% higher than among other young people; while in Colombia it was 18% higher, and in Ecuador 13% higher. A gender breakdown (see figure 7) shows that the situation is worse for young women than for young men, regardless of ethnic identity, mainly owing to the economic inactivity of

women, which further restricts their chances of gaining autonomy. Moreover, among young men, equity disparities to the detriment of Afrodescendants are visible in all of the countries reviewed, while the opposite situation prevails among young women in Central American countries, in other words the proportion of girls who are neither studying nor working is smaller among Afro-descendants. Among men, the gaps are largest in Nicaragua, where the percentage of Afro-descendant youth neither studying nor working is twice as high as among other young people. Brazil, Honduras and Guatemala display a similar pattern, albeit with smaller but still significant gaps. It should be noted that Afrodescendant youth proportionately outweigh other young people in these countries, by 93%, 67% and 50%, respectively. Among women, the ethnic gap is largest in Brazil, where the proportion of young Afro-descendant women both outside the education system and outside the labour market is 21% higher than among other young people.In terms of labour-market participation, the data processed for this study showed that the activity rate among Afrodescendant youth was lower than among other young people, except in Ecuador, El Salvador and Panama (see annex 3). Nicaragua is the worst case, since the labour-market participation rate among other young people is 52% higher than among Afro-descendants; followed by Guatemala and Honduras where the equivalent rates are 20% and 21% higher, respectively.13 As would be expected, menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic activity rates exceed those of women (see figure 8) and the ethnic gap is usually larger among men, as shown by the cases of Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras particularly, where activity rates of non-Afro-descendant boys were 58%, 39% and 32%, respectively, higher than among Afro-descendant boys. Ethnic disparities were smaller among women. In Nicaragua and Colombia, labour-market participations rate among non-Afro-descendant girls were,

13 More in-depth analysis is needed, with a greater age breakdown, because it would be desirable that the occupation of young people between 15 and 18 years of age should be studying. In that regard, in the case of Uruguay, according to Bucheli and Cabella (2011), the activity rate among Afro-descendant adolescents between 14 and 17 years of age is close to 25%, compared to 17% for the â&#x20AC;&#x153;whiteâ&#x20AC;? group, the difference basically being accounted for by males. Gender status affects the level of labour-market activity, widening the absolute size of the gaps when gender is controlled for. UNFPA - CEPAL

Figure 7

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): PROPORTION OF YOUNG PEOPLE ( AGED 15 TO 29) WHO ARE NOT STUDYING, WORKING, OR SEEKING WORK, BY ETHNIC IDENTITY (Percentages)

respectively, 29% and 21% higher than among young Afro-descendant women. Youth unemployment rates are highest in Brazil (about 20%), and in Panama, El Salvador and Colombia (around 10% in these three countries).14 Taking ethnicity into account (see annex 3), it can be seen that Afro-descendant rates are above those for other young people (except in El Salvador, where they are very

similar). The largest ethnic gaps are in Honduras, where the rate for Afro-descendant youth is twice that of other young people, although at low levels; unemployment rates among Afro-descendant youth in Nicaragua and Guatemala are 67% and 46%, respectively, higher than among other young people. In Colombia, Costa Rica and Ecuador, the gaps are also large, with unemployment among Afro-descendant youth between 31% and 39% higher than among other young people.

14 These figures need to be treated with caution because censuses tend to underestimate unemployment, which also fluctuates widely over time. 30

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Figure 8

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): LABOUR-MARKET PARTICIPATION RATE OF YOUNG PEOPLE AGED 15 TO 29 BY ETHNIC IDENTITY AND GENDER (Percentages)

A gender breakdown (see figure 9) also shows high unemployment among women, and in some cases the ethnic differences are wider. In Guatemala and Honduras, for example, unemployment rates among young Afrodescendant women are triple and double, respectively, the rates for other young women. The same pattern prevails in Nicaragua and Ecuador, where unemployment among young Afro-descendant women is 80% and 67% higher

than among other young women. According to the Gender Information System of the National Institute for Women (INMUJERES), based on the latest Household Survey of Uruguay, unemployment is more prevalent among young Afro-descendant women: 25% of young Afrodescendant women of 14-29 years of age are unemployed and 11% Afro-descendant men, compared to 18% of other young women and 12% of other young men (ECH/INE, 2010).

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Figure 9

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): UNEMPLOYMENT RATE AMONG YOUTH AGED 15 TO 29 BY ETHNIC IDENTITY AND GENDER (Percentages)

The proportion of young women employed in domestic work is an indicator of inequity in the type of labour-market participation. Several studies reveal clear gender inequalities to the detriment of women, and it is worth analysing the corresponding ethnic differences. Figure 10 is eloquent in this respect. Firstly, the employment of young Afro-descendant women as domestic servants is most prevalent in Brazil, where almost one third have jobs of this type; it is also high among young Afro-descendant women in Ecuador and El Salvador. The largest

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

ethnic disparities are in Brazil and Ecuador, where in both cases the percentage of young Afro-descendant women in domestic service was twice the rate for other young women. There are also relative differences in Colombia and El Salvador; in the first case, young Afrodescendant women were 60% more likely to be in domestic service than other young women, and in the second case 35%. In most Central American countries, the situation is the opposite. In Costa Rica, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama domestic employment is not

preeminent among young Afro-descendant women, but it is among other young women. The term “other young women” here includes young women from indigenous groups who are highly represented in this occupation (Del Popolo and others, 2009). Owing to their predominantly urban residence, a large proportion of Afro-descendant youth of both sexes work in the tertiary sector of the economy and in wage-earning jobs, compared to other young people (Del Popolo and others, 2009). Nonetheless, this does not guarantee better employment conditions, even though Afro-descendant education levels are higher on average in some countries. Several studies reveal the ethnic discrimination that persists in the region; in Brazil, for example, even when

controlling for education levels and the number of hours worked, Afro-descendants receive lower pay than “whites” (Afro-descendant women lower still), and ethnic gaps are even growing in the higher education brackets (Bello and Paixão, 2009). The inequalities and disadvantages in labour- market entry faced by Brazilian Afrodescendant youth have also been documented in a study by Paixão and Carvano (2008). In brief, the principles governing discrimination and social and cultural subordination persist in Latin America; and this results in the fact that “being a ‘white’ male ensures a better chance of achieving more years of study and higher income, whereas being a “black” woman implies exactly the opposite” (Bello and Paixão, 2009, pp. 68 and 69).

Figure 10

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): WOMEN AGED 15 TO 29 EMPLOYED IN DOMESTIC SERVICE (Percentages)

Source: Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE) – Population Division of ECLAC, on the basis of special processing of micro-data from censuses conducted in the relevant countries. UNFPA - CEPAL

G. MULTIPLE DEPRIVATIONS: AN APPROACH TO THE POVERTY SITUATION

youth, compared to 39.5% among other young people; and water-supply shortcomings affected 60% of Afro-descendant youth, compared to 53% of other young people.

This section approaches the issue of Afrodescendant youth poverty through indicators based on an adaptation of the multiple deprivations method. Despite limitations such as being unable to reflect short-term aspects of population groups, this method has the advantage of faithfully capturing the structural situations endured by different peoples, in this case with an ethnic breakdown. Furthermore, in its original conception, it is based on a list of rights deemed essential for securing the well-being of children and young people, with deprivation thresholds defined to make poverty measurement operational (ECLAC and UNICEF, 2010). In this case, a set of indicators were used that measure the dimensions of drinking water, adequate health services, housing, education and information, according to calculation possibilities using census data. The method is based on the existence of specific essential needs that the household has been unable to satisfy, in relation to a given critical threshold.

There are ethnic disparities even in countries with low poverty levels. In Uruguay, poverty affects Afro-descendants more (in this case measured through the income method) particularly the youngest population groups: 7.9% of Afro-descendants under 14 years of age are living in poverty, compared to 3.6% of Caucasians in the same age group (Bucheli and Cabella, 2011).

The data analysed for this study reveal deprivation gaps by ethnic identity (see figures 11 to 15). In Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, for all of the dimensions analysed (shelter, sanitation, water, education and information), Afrodescendant youth suffers greater deprivation than the rest of the population. The gap in the case of sanitation and water is particularly large. In Brazil, whereas 53% of Afro-descendant youth faced deficiencies in sanitation and 37.5% in relation to water, the equivalent figures for the rest of the population were 33% and 22%, respectively. In Colombia, 45% of Afrodescendant youth suffered deprivations in terms of sanitation, much higher than the 27% in the rest of the youth population. In terms of drinking water supply, one third of Afrodescendant young people were in a precarious situation, compared to less than one fifth of other young people. Lastly, in Ecuador, sanitation deficiencies affected 43% of Afro-descendant 34

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

The national situation is also unfavourable to Afro-descendant youth in Peru. Although no specific information is available for this group specifically, the situation of the Afro-descendant population as a whole is discouraging. According to data from the National Household Survey (ENAHO 2004), per capita income among AfroPeruvians was 220 soles, compared to a national average of 290 soles, or 343 soles if indigenous people are excluded. Expenditure per person was 197 soles among Afro-descendants, 239 as an average for the country, and 302 soles when the indigenous population is excluded (Benavides and others, 2006). In contrast, there are no significant gaps between Afro-descendant youth and other young people in Costa Rica; and although recent figures from Panama suggest the opposite situation, in other words Afro-descendant youth at an advantage (see figures 11 to 15), it cannot be said that discrimination is absent in this country; but the aforementioned results suggest it would be the exception confirming the rule. Poverty is just one more expression of ethnic discrimination, which needs to be addressed in terms of both “objective” and “subjective” indicators, particularly by those suffering from it. On this point, studies performed in the region show that discrimination against Afrodescendants n ot only exists but is felt even in countries with egalitarian regimes such as Cuba (see box 3).

Figure 11

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): YOUNG PEOPLE AGED 15 TO 29 WITH HOUSING DEFICIENCIES (Percentages)

Figure 12

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): YOUNG PEOPLE AGED 15 TO 29 WITH SANITATION DEFICIENCIES (Percentages)

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Figure 13

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): YOUNG PEOPLE AGED 15 TO 29 WITH WATER DEFICIENCIES (Percentages)

Figure 14

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): YOUNG PEOPLE AGED 15 TO 29 WITH EDUCATION DEFICIENCIES (Percentages)

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Figure 15

LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): YOUNG PEOPLE AGED 15 TO 29 WITH INFORMATION DEFICIENCIES (Percentages)

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Box 3

CUBA AND PERU: AFRO-DESCENDANT POVERTY AND DISCRIMINATION

Perceptions of discrimination can be analysed in greater detail for the cases of Cuba and Peru. In the first of these countries, persistent racial inequalities have become more visible since the economic crisis of the 1990s; and they also show that forms of racism have remained in the national psyche and that the move towards more market-based mechanisms generates considerable inequality. The country’s racial representations are dominated by a negative evaluation of Afro-descendants and a positive evaluation of “whites”, which forms a fundamental barrier that restricts the mobility of Afro-descendants towards more advantaged sectors. Some of these inequalities are the outcomes of a structural legacy that has not been overcome; others are reproduced and generated in the conditions of crisis and economic reform. The foundations for these processes are the starting positions from which the different racial groups started the revolutionary process (Espina and Rodríguez, 2006). In Peru, structural and racial discrimination prevents full exercise of the rights of Afro-Peruvian people, and shows that this group not only has less access to development and welfare institutions, but when they do have access, it is of lower quality. As such, the situation can be maintained for generations, and can even be perceived as normal. In terms of racial discrimination, a study by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP, 2010) showed that 55% of Afro-Peruvians feel discriminated against and suffer verbal abuse in the street, with the impact on women being greater. Moreover, 44% claim to suffer exclusion in places of consumption and 39% in their workplaces; while 86% sense the existence of “significant racism” against them. Lack of recognition of the culture and identity of Afro-Peruvian people is a reality also felt by this people. School textbooks do not mention the contributions made by this ethnic group to Peruvian history and culture. Afro-Peruvians are portrayed as slaves or merely as individuals that gained their freedom with the country’s independence; and they are stereotyped as having skills only for sport and dance. This reality undermines the self-esteem and identity of this group, which does not have the means to reaffirm and strengthen these characteristics, such as a genuinely intercultural education (República del Perú/Defensoría del Pueblo, 2011). Perceptions of racism have also been investigated in Cartagena, Colombia. The data showed that 53% of people interviewed consider Afro-descendants as discriminated against or greatly discriminated against. The perception of the level of discrimination among Afro-descendant people (53%) is greater than for indigenous people (31%), mixed-race (15%) and “whites” (5%). The fairer a person’s skin, the less the perceived level of discrimination, whereas the higher education level, the greater the perception of discrimination. The most frequent grounds for discrimination are skin colour and socioeconomic status. Nonetheless, the percentage of people interviewed who claimed to have suffered discrimination for these reasons was low, suggesting a powerful naturalization phenomenon and difficulty in recognizing discrimination when it occurs. Over

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

90% of people consulted did not see themselves as racist, although the existence of stereotypes has been confirmed: Afro-descendants are noted for their contributions to folklore (59%), art (16%) and sports (15%); whereas “whites” are associated with politics (50%), the economy (18%) and science (11%) — domains in which Afro-descendant contributions by were mentioned by only 3% of persons consulted. Although most individuals consulted believe Afro-descendants have the capacities needed to gain positions of social prestige and power, the tendency is to identify higher-skilled and betterpaid professions mainly with Caucasians, while the lower skilled and worst paid jobs are seen as pertaining to Afro-descendants. This suggests a naturalization of the subordinate status of Afrodescendants, consistent with socioeconomic indicators, social imagery, and their nil participation in the spheres of power. Of those consulted, 55% perceive that the treatment of Afro-descendants involves discrimination, indifference, or subordination. Only one quarter of people consulted see treatment as equal. The participants claimed to have been subject to discrimination in their place of work and study, on the street, in public establishments (bars, hotels, discotheques, etc.), health-care facilities, in their neighbourhood and even at home; and 38% claimed to know people who have experienced the same situation. The institutions in which discrimination is most widely perceived are private universities (72%), the armed forces (53%), the Government (51%) and in the media (51%). When a racist joke is told, 55% of persons consulted laugh, while 45% do not. Of those who laugh, 38% do so and feel good, 15% laugh but feel guilty, and 3% laugh but feel ashamed if other people notice. Of those who do not laugh, 41% do not do so on principle, while 3% do not do so for fear of social criticism. The proportion of people who laugh and feel good (38%) is technically the same as those who do not laugh on principle (41%). 90% of persons asked said they would accept a reprimand from others if they made a racist joke. Lastly, 49% of persons consulted would call the authority if they saw someone was being insulted owing to the colour of his or her skin; 65% would do so if they saw someone being denied entry to a public establishment, and 69% if they saw someone being assaulted. In contrast, 12% would do nothing in the first two situations, and only 6% would be indifferent to an assault. There is greater rejection of forms of discrimination that involve physical aggression (blows), or de facto procedures (refusing someone entry to a place), than of verbal discrimination (jokes and insults). This suggests greater tolerance and naturalization of verbal discrimination, which results in this being perceived as less serious and hurtful (Secretaría del Interior y Convivencia Ciudadana, 2011).

Source: Espina and Rodríguez (2006); Republic of Peru/Office of the Ombudsman (2011) and Secretaria del Interior y Convivencia Ciudadana (2011).

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III.

THE IMPORTANCE OF INCLUDING AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH

The previous chapters provided a brief overview of the current situation of Afro-descendant youth in the region, in both demographic and socioeconomic terms. This review was framed by the rights that need to be safeguarded by States to ensure the full social inclusion of this population segment. Nonetheless, it is impossible to proceed with inclusion policies without participation in the process by the stakeholders themselves. This is because Afrodescendant youth perceive themselves in a setting in which the rights to participation and free expression should be fully guaranteed, so they feel they are entitled to define their priorities and take action to implement their projects. This raises the need to strengthen their representation in civil society, develop an institutional framework to deal with their issues, and guarantee their full participation in the design, execution and evaluation of policies concerning them. Accordingly, this chapter considers Afrodescendant youth organizations, the institutional framework responsible for issues concerning this group of young people, and policies targeting them. As this is an exploratory study, however, certain Afro-descendant youth organizations or public institutions existing in the region may have been overlooked.

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

A. AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS: PARTICIPATION AND POLITICAL INFLUENCE Latin Americans of African descent live in very diverse situations as a result of different historical processes; and this is reflected in the heterogeneity of their level of organization. Some countries show little ethnic awareness, while others have minorities with well-defined identities and rights upheld. Although Afrodescendant populations are generally mostly located in the lower socioeconomic strata, there are countries in which some of their indicators are actually better than in the rest of the population, as noted earlier. This relates not only to the degree of development and inequality in the country, but also to be greater or lesser exploitation of the opportunities offered to the Afro-descendant population and the level of its civil-society organization (Rangel, 2008). In recent years, a sense of ownership of a modern notion of citizenship has developed in the region, based on new identities of individuals holding unprecedented rights (autonomy, development, identity, equality, difference, nondiscrimination, territory, among others); and, in that setting, Afro-descendants, through their

Box 4

THE VOICES OF YOUNG AFRODESCENDANT PEOPLE

During the First World Summit of Youth Afrodescendant, young people made their voices heard, expressing their concerns. Young Afro-descendant people share many of the concerns of other young people in the region, such as access to education, decent employment, health services, among others. However, they also express other specific demands, which are part of the defence of their rights as people of African descent: the right to freedom from discrimination or racism, respect for their rights to cultural integrity and the right to live a life free from violence. Below you will find testimonials from young people about their status as Afro-descendants and what it means in their lives. “We have been feeling discrimination since we were children; people often do not realize that we are treated differently, they expect less from us, and they look at us suspiciously. Discrimination leads us to strengthen our self-esteem to overcome it and learn to value ourselves as people of African descent. I am sure that the colour of my skin does not make me less, but to overcome discrimination we need the support of our families and our society. We must also educate those who educate us not to accept any form of discrimination.” Daniel, 24 years old “Today, despite difficulties, the scenario is favourable to discuss the issue of young people of African descent. We have learned more through various meetings, conferences and experiences of other regions. Youth is no longer a specific topic, but an agenda of work, where different young people, including those of African descent are present and represented”. Thais, 28 years old “The full exercise of reproductive rights and access to sexual and reproductive health services for young women of African Descent is a big challenge, because we have to overcome the barriers of racism and discrimination, stereotypes others assign to us in reference to our sexuality, recognizing that education is the backbone to overcome them. Therefore, access to better health services allows us to exercise our rights as citizens.” Paola, 26 years old “We need to talk about our real situations. The problem of violence against young afro-descendant people is not an isolated event, but occurs in several countries in the region. As young Afrodescendants, we have the right to a life free from racism and discrimination”. Ailton, 27 years old “Young Afro-descendants are constantly being discriminated against in access to work. A few months ago, I applied for a position in a newly opened hotel. Before arriving to the scheduled interview, I received a phone call from the Hotel asking me the colour of my skin, as this was not visible in the application. When answering that I was of African descent, I was informed that the interview had been cancelled.” Mayra, 25 years old Source: Interviews with leaders of youth organizations in Latin America.

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representations in civil society, are emerging and mobilizing in the public arena (see box 4). Afro-descendant Latin American organizations are currently acting collectively, demanding that governments fulfil the commitments acquired at the Third World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Forms of Intolerance, according to which efforts should be targeted on eradicating racism, social exclusion and poverty among their peoples. As a result of the Afro-descendant movement’s struggles to gain visibility and recognition, some national legislations now recognize and value the ethnic and cultural diversity present in their countries, and there are governments that have created institutions responsible to deal with Afro-descendant demands. Civil society has multiple organizations and mechanisms at the regional and national levels15 representing a very wide range of interests including those of campesinos, youth, academics, and gender (Rangel, 2008). This section focused on Afrodescendant youth organizations, however. There are currently three networks that articulate Afro-descendant youth organizations in the region: the Afro-Descendant Youth Network of Latin America and the Caribbean, the Ibero-American Network of Indigenous and Afro-Descendant Youth (REJINA) and the Circle of Afro-Descendant Youth of the Americas (CAYA). Groups such as these encompass dozens of organizations from various countries in the region, with the aim of pooling efforts in the struggle for equal rights and non-discrimination against Afro-descendant youth, promoting regionally articulated projects and profileraising actions. The Circle of Afro-Descendant Youth of the Americas is the most recent network, created in 2011 and consisting of 23

organizations from 12 countries.16 Its mission is “the construction of an empowerment platform for young Afro-descendant leaders, at the local, national and international levels; enabling participation in decision making and powerholding spaces at all levels, in order to combat racism, racial discrimination and overcoming historical inequalities that reflect current disparities in our societies.” Its main objective is to generate a continued process of development and empowerment for Afro-descendant communities and peoples throughout the Americas, premised on the strengthening of local and national processes, and fostering regional and international articulation.17 Several countries have other organizations that aim to coordinate the efforts made by Afrodescendant youth organizations at the national level. The Afro-Descendant Youth Network of Argentina, created in 2011, aims to raise the profile of the Afro-descendant community and generate specific actions to promote participation, among young people particularly, to formulate State social and public policies that promote racial equality and non-discrimination. Brazil has two such organizations: the National “Black” Youth Forum (Forito) and “Black” Youth Political Articulation, which aim to discuss and design proposals for the development of collective transformation and construction practices in education, health, human rights, employment, sexual diversity, and disability, culture and economy, among others. The Forito also has the following more specific objectives: (i) to analyse issues concerning police forces; (ii) to fight for the adoption of affirmative action policies in public universities; (iii) to debate the decriminalization of abortion; (iv)

15 An estimated 70% of the region’s organizations belong to networks, 30% of these are affiliated to national and international networks, with women’s networks attracting the largest membership (Pascale, 2010). 16 Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, Panama, Peru, the United States and Uruguay. 17 Its objectives include the following: (i) promotion of cultural exchange in the region; (ii) creation, implementation and monitoring of affirmative actions; promotion of political participation mechanisms; (iii) definition of a crosscutting agenda to incorporate their claims, plus the strengthening of intergenerational mechanisms, and promotion of mechanisms for political articulation with other social movements (originating peoples, women, youth, labour unions, among others); (iv) creation of an agenda based on human rights instruments; and (v) influence on organizations, international agencies and States to recognize and support autonomous processes of youth articulation that take account of the ethnic-racial cross-section when developing their programmes and policies on financing and cooperation. 42

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

to strengthen youth entrepreneurship capacity; (v) to recognize the right to free sexual expression; and (vi) to undertake actions to combat violence and the exploitation of women and girls. In Colombia there is a national network of Afro-Colombian youth and the National AfroColombian Conference of University Students (ENEUA). The first aims to coordinate work dynamics for the design and implementation of policies that promote collective Afro-Colombian ethnic rights. The ENEU, created in 2007, aims to contribute to the achievement of social, cultural, educational, economic, political and employment demands to which individuals from Afro-descendant, Afro Colombian, Raizal and Palenquera communities in Colombia are entitled. The Peruvian Afro-descendant Youth Network (Ashanti Perú) aims to combat racism, racial discrimination and Afro-descendant poverty, by influencing public policies on social inclusion and the development of programmes targeting rural Afro-Peruvian youth. In this framework, the aim is to achieve active participation and full exercise of citizens rights by AfroPeruvians, and promote their participation in local, regional and national decision-making positions. The Dominican Afro-descendant Youth Network has objectives that include promoting the identity and cultural values of Afro-descendant youth; developing strategies to fight racism and racial discrimination; influencing public policies and affirmative action measures for a fair and inclusive youth, specially targeting Afro-descendants; and, lastly, empowering work to integrate young Afro-descendants in vulnerable communities, who are traditionally discriminated against on the grounds of their economic and social status and ethno-racial identity.

Lastly, Uruguay has the National Young Afro-descendant Women’s Network, which aims to empower and raise the profile of this population group in its fight for equality and non-discrimination, both racial and gender; and in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela there is the Afro-descendant Youth Network of Venezuela, the Afro-descendant “Young Voices” Youth Association and the Youth Front of the Afro-descendant Network of Venezuela. There are over two dozen national Afrodescendant youth organizations in the region, in several countries. Argentina has the Association of Cape Verdean Argentine Youth, the Afro-Cultural Movement and the Xangó Association. The Afro-Cultural Movement is devoted exclusively to research, dissemination and teaching of the AfroAmerican culture in all its aspects, creating a cultural space for the social definition, restoration and awareness-raising of cultural values, aimed at the integration of different social sectors. The Xangó Association embraces activists for human rights, equality and social justice for Afro-descendants and the entire community. Institutions in Brazil include the National Black Youth Conference (EJUNE), the Favela Black Youth Movement, and the Young Black Active Women’s Organization. EJUNE was created in 2007 with the aim of introducing new perspectives for militancy, responding in an organized and targeted way to the racial violence that has affected Afro-descendant youth in particular.18 The Favela Black Youth Movement, also created in 2007, aims to purposefully debate issues relating to the reality of Afro-descendant youth living in slums (favelas) and outlying areas. This is a grassroots movement that operates proactively in a network to create mechanisms for political, ideological and identity construction, for and

18 Other specific objectives are to promote information exchange between Afro-descendant youth groups and other Afro-descendant organizations; disseminate the experiences and actions of Afro-descendant youth among participants through activities proposed in the meeting; produce a document that is representative of Afro-descendant youth to guide the implementation of policies targeted on them; and create a communication network for Afro-descendant youth. Afro-descendant youth forums are also being created in the country to combat racism and its discriminatory and pernicious manifestations. UNFPA - CEPAL

with Afro-descendant youth living in the favelas and urban outskirts. The Young Black Active Women’s Organization, created in 2003, aims to enhance and recover the knowledge held by women in their communities, by undertaking community and educational actions. The aim is o raise the self-esteem of young Afro-descendant women living in slum areas, through meetings held to share new ways of life and reflect on affectivity, sexuality, pleasure and power. In Colombia there are at least three organizations that should be mentioned: the Chocó Joven Foundation, the Pacific Youth Humanitarian Roundtable, the National Afro-Colombian Conference of University Students (ENEUA) and the Charqueño Afro-descendant Youth Association (AJAC). The Chocó Foundation, created in 2004, aims to contribute to social, cultural, educational, and recreational development, by promoting and lobbying for respect for human rights, the right to democracy and peace, comprehensive training for young people and the dissemination of norms and forms of youth participation. Peru has the Afro-Descendant Youth Association and the Bujaminos Afro-Descendant Youth Organization, both based in Lima. Uruguay has the Mizangas Young Afro-descendant Women’s Organization, which seeks to ensure participation by young Afro-descendant women, by raising their demands and specific proposals in the political and social arena with a view to changing reality. Lastly, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela has the Community Television Group “Telecimarron”, founded in 2004, which aims to implement the Afro-descendant people’s ancestral methodologies of cultural resistance, such as oral tradition, for example. A final point to mention concerns the weaknesses of the Afro-descendant organizational movement, which include a shortage of political leaders with clear ideological bases, and a lack of national unity in certain countries. Although it is hard to forge 44

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

consensus, this difficulty is not exclusive to the Afro-descendant movement, because it is always hard to reach agreements and overcome specific interests (parties, corporate, among others), with the aim of creating a single political agenda and a centralized coordination structure (Rangel, 2008). There are also obstacles that cannot be ignored such as the lack of training in organizational or business management, or both, lack of sustained financing sources, and a shortage of technological equipment (Pascale, 2010). These points apply to Afro-descendant youth organizations, so there is a need to consolidate the youth organization process and the defining of an agenda that would enable them to conduct the process with leadership and close contact with grass roots. This requires empowering their organizations and articulations at the local, national and regional levels.

B. VISIBILITY OF AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH IN PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS In recent years, increasing concerns for having institutions responsible for afro-descendant issues have been seen in the region. Currently, as a result of the impact of the Afro-descendant movement, both nationally and regionally, and the joint work of civil society, government and international agencies (see Table 2) more than a dozen countries have this type of institutions. Most of these institutions have legal backing, as they have been created by law or decree. They form is a very heterogeneous set of institutions for different reasons. First, because of the timing, since some of these institutions date back from the early nineties, others settled around the year 2000 and some are more recent. They also differ in terms of availability of human and financial resources, and therefore in their capacity for effective advocacy toward the definition of affirmative action policies to benefit afro-descendant people and, in particular, young people. Similarly, some institutions are devoted exclusively to people of African descent while others promote

and defend the rights of Afro-descendants, indigenous and migrant people and other vulnerable groups. Such diversity is reflected in the institutional weight of Afro-descendants within the State apparatus, it affects the distribution of resources and power, and has an impact on the definition and implementation of public policy. For example, for most countries in the region, an important part of the institutional power in the interest of Afro-descendants corresponds to Commissions or Councils, which may represent the interests of people of African descent, but are not necessarily strong enough to have an impact in reducing ethnic inequality and eradicating racial discrimination. Further, while about half of the institutions depend directly on the Presidency of the Republic in their respective countries, none is specifically dedicated to youth issues. Young afrodescendant people are only considered on a casual basis in specific p rogrammes. Reference is made below to selected institutions in some countries that are responsible for matters related to Afrodescendants in general, and have a national scope. In Argentina, the National Institute against Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism (INADI) was created in 1995 and is part of the Ministry of Justice, Security and Human Rights. Its actions are addressed to all persons whose rights are affected due to the fact that they are discriminated against because of their ethnicity or nationality, political opinion or religious beliefs, gender or sexual identity, disability or disease, by age or physical appearance. INADI seeks to ensure equal treatment to those people and, for that purpose, it develops specific programmes and projects for these groups. In the case of Brazil, the mission of the Special Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality (SEPPIR), established in 2003, is to promote initiatives to combat racial inequality in the country. It works in coordination with the

“Brazil without Racism” programme, which promotes the implementation of public policies in the areas of labour, employment, income, culture, communication, education, health, land, afro-descendant women, youth, security and international relations. In Colombia, the Office of Black, Afrodescendant, Raizal and Palenquera Communities and the Intersectoral Commission for the Advancement of the Afro-Colombian, Raizal and Palenquera People are the main institutions dealing with these matters. The former is responsible for public policies aimed at Afrodescendants while the mission of the latter is to assess the living conditions of these populations and make recommendations to the government for overcoming the obstacles to their progress, in particular women and children. Furthermore, the government recently established the Presidential Programme for Afro-Colombian Affairs (2010), for the purpose of achieving a more coordinated, efficient and harmonious work focused on people of African descent, although it is not yet being fully implemented. Also, it is worth mentioning the existence of an Ombudsman’s Office, which aims to promote discussion on legal strategies to combat discrimination. In Ecuador, the Afro-Ecuadorian Development Corporation (CODAE) was created in 2005 as a public-sector entity with a mission to promote integrated, sustainable development with identity, strengthening the organization of the Afro-Ecuadorian people and eradicating racism and discrimination. It has two key projects: the first is the National Inter-Ethnic Information System, a public socio-statistical tool that seeks to include Ecuador’s peoples and nationalities, in strict compliance with the constitutional mandate to consolidate a plurinational, intercultural and unitary State. The other project is the Pro ODM project, whose brief includes monitoring the evolution and progress in the country of indicators relating to the Millennium Development Goals. Mention should also be made of the Secretariat of Peoples, Social Movements and Citizen Participation, the UNFPA - CEPAL

governing body for public policies that regulate and guarantee the right to citizen participation, including by Afro-descendants (Anton, 2010). In Peru, the National Institute for the Development of Andean, Amazon and AfroPeruvian Peoples (INDEPA) was created in 2005, to propose national policies and supervise their implementation, and to coordinate, with regional governments, the execution of projects and programmes for the promotion, defence, research and affirmation of rights and development with identity of the Andean, Amazon and Afro-Peruvian peoples. Its functions include formulating and approving national policies and programmes for the integrated development of that population group, and pursuing formal recognition. Another important institution is the Afro-Peruvian Roundtable, an articulation and coordination mechanism in which organizations and personalities participate to promote development among the Afro-Peruvian people by improving their living standards and raising their profile and inclusion level (Anton, 2010). Two institutions are worth mentioning in (the Bolivarian Republic of) Venezuela. First, the Liaison Office of Afro-descendant Communities established in 2005, in response to the needs and demands of civil society organizations working with literary and educational material to promote African American culture. Its aim is to establish insertion mechanisms in participation processes in cultural activities and provide opportunities for the eradication of exclusion and discrimination of people of African descent. Second, the Presidential Commission for the Prevention and Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and Others in the Venezuelan Educational System, established by presidential decree and responsible for the formulation, coordination, monitoring and evaluation of public policies and programmes for the education sector with a view to ensuring equal opportunities and treatment for all people

as well as the enjoyment and exercise of the right to education (Anton, 2010; Pascale, 2010). In addition, some countries have State institutions working on Afro-descendant issues that operate at local or sectoral level. The Special Coordination of Black Population Affairs (CONE) of the municipality of São Paulo, in Brazil, created in 1992, is an example of this at the local level. Its aim is to formulate, coordinate, suggest and implement public policies targeted at people of African descent, encourage prevention and combat racial discrimination, protect their rights and promote and support cultural, economic and political integration19. At the sectorial level, progress can be noted in the institutionalization of Afro-descendant matters in national statistics, education and health. As an example, Ecuador has created the National Statistics Commission on Indigenous and Afro-Ecuadorian Peoples, whose objectives are to institutionalize the production of statistics disaggregated by ethnic groups and to encourage the recognition of cultural diversity of peoples and their self-esteem. Also, Venezuela has created the Subcommittee on Statistics for Afrodescendants, also dedicated to implementing a system to make these populations visible in national statistics. In both cases they emphasize the active participation of Afro-descendant organizations in conjunction with State agencies. Other relevant examples of participation and sectoral consultation include Colombia’s Afro-Colombian National Electoral District for the House of Representatives, the National Council of Culture, the National AfroColombian Education Commission and the specific programming provided by the Television Act (Anton, 2010). As seen in this section, Latin America has made significant progress with respect to institutions focused on Afrodescendants, although it is necessary to review the scope and limitations of such institutional framework in

19 CONE’s work encompasses three major areas: culture, education and health. In the cultural sphere, it seek to retrieve the historical and artistic contribution of African people and their descendants in Brazil, including the artistic heritage and the history of afrodescendant people alter whom streets are named. In the educational field, it seeks to make visible the African roots; lessen the historical aggression against Afrodescendants and combat social violence. In the health sector, several programmes are being implemented to treat the diseases that most frequently affect Afrodescendants (sickle cell anemia, hypertension, type 2 diabetes, myoma and GP6 deficiency). 46

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detail with a view to strengthening it. Limited availability of disaggregated information is one of these limitations, which makes it difficult to monitor and evaluate the impact of policies and programmes promoted by the institutions. Brazil is the only country where systematic data is available and allows verifying the progress; yet, this also shows that despite the implementation of intensive actions in several areas of development, ethnic inequalities persist.Â However, it is considered that affirmative action policies, although insufficient, are still an important way to overcome these inequalities (see box 5).

On the other hand, this overview highlights the need to strengthen the institutional framework of Afrodescendants with a clear generational approach or, at least, that institutions engaged in youth-focused activities include specific actions for the young people of African descent.Â This also requires permanent interagency and sectoral coordination.Â The next section shall clearly demonstrate that the existence of an institutional framework of African descent populations is fundamental to the implementation of policies and programmes for youth of African descent in the region.

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Table 2

AFRO-DESCENDANTS INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK IN LATIN AMERICA

Source: Antón (2010), Pascale (2010) and Governments’ websites.

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Box 5

RACIAL DISPARITIES IN BRAZIL: PROGRESS AND CHALLENGES

Thanks to a number achievements in the economic domain in recent years, such as control of inflation, the real increase in the minimum wage, the expansion of conditional transfer policies, increased years of schooling and policies to support maternity and early-years child care, Brazil has succeeded in reducing the “colour or race” asymmetries (as identified in the country) in a group of indicators (average labour income, indigence and poverty rate, average number of years’ study, infant and child mortality and life expectancy at birth, among others). This gave rise to the idea that a movement was under way to overcome the historical differences between the social indicators of “whites” and Afro-descendants, without the need for affirmative action policies and the promotion of racial equality. Nonetheless, despite minor progress, certain data eloquently portray the persistence of disparities. In 2006, the average income of employed “whites” in their main job was 93.3% higher than that of Afro-descendants; indigence and poverty rates among the latter were respectively 135% and 99.5% higher than those of “whites”; infant and child mortality among Afro-descendants was 25.7% and 25.8% higher than the figures for “whites”, respectively; life expectancy at birth among “whites” was 3.2 years longer than among Afro-descendants. The recent reduction of colour or racial inequalities in certain social indicators was not uniform, and in some cases the asymmetries were maintained or worsened. For example, there was no reduction of colour or racial inequalities in the trend of child-youth labour, or in illiteracy rates among “whites” and Afro-descendants. In the case of homicide and maternal mortality rates, colour or racial inequalities increased throughout the 2000s. In brief, the recognition that inequalities in certain recent indicators have decreased does not mean that inequalities between “whites” and Afro-descendants have been overcome, or that they could be overcome in the short term. Given the social and racial chasms that exist in Brazil, it is impossible to renounce affirmative action policies as a viable way to correct a situation of profound injustice.

Source: Paixão and others (2011). Relatório anual das desigualdades raciais no Brasil 2009-2010. Constituição Cidadã, seguridade social e seus efeitos sobre as asimetrias de cor ou raça. [Annual report on racial inequalities in Brazil, 2009-2010 Citizen Constitution, Social Security and their effects on colour or racial asymmetries] LAESER, Rio de Janeiro, Editora Garamond Ltda.

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C. THE CROSSCUTTING ROLE OF YOUTH IN AFRO-DESCENDANT POLICIES This section addresses the main policies and programmes targeting Afro-descendant youth in the region. It shows that countries that have institutions devoted to Afro-descendant issues also have policies and programmes targeting their young people. Brazil and Colombia have the largest number of initiatives. In Argentina, INADI policies and programmes include the General Programme, Training and Research Coordination, the Observatory of Discrimination in Football, the Observatory of Discrimination in Radio and Television and the Platform for an Internet Free of Discrimination. In Brazil, policies targeting Afro-descendants focus on history teaching and the introduction of elements of African and Afro-Brazilian culture

in school curricula;20 quotas of places reserved for Afro-descendants in higher education institutions21 and the awarding of scholarships for this education level;22 the awarding of additional points in university entrance tests;23 scientific initiation scholarships for young Afro-descendants entering university through the reserved places system;24 integral healthy25 and the fight against HIV/AIDS.26 At the local level, CONE, an institution belonging to the municipality of the city of São Paulo, has several programmes targeting Afro-descendant youth. These basically relate to culture, entrepreneurship and the award of study scholarships: the Afro basically relate to culture, entrepreneurship and the award of study scholarships: the Afro-Entrepreneur Youth Programme (PROJAE),27 Black City Action,28 the Musicality programmes,29 Culture in the Street,4 Street Art,31 and lastly the National Commerce Apprenticeship Service (SENAC) scholarship.32

20 Law No. 10.639 (2003), which calls for the study of the history of Africa and the African people, the struggle of Afro-descendants in the country, Afro-Brazilian culture and its role in the formation of society, restoring the contribution of Afro-descendant peoples in the relevant social, economic and political areas of Brazil’s history. These contents must permeate the entire school curriculum and the calendar will include 20 November as the “National Black Awareness Day” (related institution: SEPPIR; age group: 15 to 18 years). 21 Draft Law 3627 (2004) establishing the special reserved places system through which higher education institutions reserve at least 50% of their places in each admission process for students who completed their secondary education entirely in public schools. There will be a minimum quota for self-declared Afro-descendant and indigenous people, equal to their share in the population of the federative unit in which the institution is located according to the latest national census (related institution: Ministry of Education; age group: 18 to 29 years). 22 This year, a presidential announcement defined quotas for Afro-descendants in the scholarship programme, without specifying the exact number (related institutions: Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation/Ministry of Education/Science without Borders programme; age group: 18 to 29 years). 23 Since 2009, 30 additional points have been awarded to the final score in the second phase of the university entrance exam for students completing secondary education in public schools, and 10 additional points to self-declared Afro-descendants (related institutions: State University of Campinas/ Affirmative action and social inclusion programme, age group: 17 to 29 years). 24 This has been operating since 2009, and expands the opportunity for technical-scientific training, through the award of IC scholarships for secondary school students entering university through affirmative action. Related institutions: SEPPIR/National Coun cil of Scientific and Technological Development/Institutional Programme of Scholarships for Scientific Initiation; age group: 18 to 29 years. In 2011, this scheme covered 800 people) 25 The Ministry of Health of Brazil approved the 2006 Comprehensive National Health Policy of the Black Population, whose purpose is to ensure greater equity in the realization of the right to health. Strategies included the use of self-identification in the production of epidemiological information for priority setting, the combat and prevention of institutional racism in the workplace and in training and continuing education for professionals, and the implementation of affirmative action to achieve equity in health and promote racial equality. 26 The Integrated Programme of Affirmative Actions for Black People - Brasil Afroatitude works with Afro-descendant students entering university through the quota system. Its main objective is to combat HIV. Other goals are: to combat racism and prejudice against people who are zero-positive; to help students not to drop out of university; to facilitate participation in research; to train health promoters to prevent HIV infection and strengthen students’ self-esteem. 27 Formed by young people from São Paulo seeking to promote entrepreneurship in Brazil by supporting ideas and business projects formed by Afro-descendant youth. 28 Supports the artistic, cultural and educational development of at-risk children, adolescents and young people. 29 Introduces the practice and theory of serious and popular music, opening up possibilities for restoring self-esteem and citizenship among children, adolescents and young people. 30 Involves children, adolescents and young people in the hip-hop movement. 31 Introduces children, adolescents and young people to pencil-drawing techniques and helps to colour the urban landscape. 32 Awards study scholarships to young people of 18 years and older, for technical and liberal-arts courses.

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Initiatives in Colombia basically target education and cultural issues. They include the Black Communities Pedagogic Commission, a participatory mechanism for discussion between Afro-descendant communities 33 and the government; the Afro-Colombian Communities Educational Credits Programme;34 the 1993 law making it compulsory to include studies on Afro-Colombian people in the various education levels;35 the 1997 law that recognizes and guarantees Afro-Colombian youth the right to education, advancement and labour-market integration and sociocultural development in accordance with their aspirations and ethniccultural realities;36 and the creation of places for the study of Afro-Colombian issues.37 In Ecuador, an agreement was signed between CODAE and FLACSO in 2011 to award scholarships to young Afro-Ecuadorians of 18-29 years of age, with the aim of promoting their professional skills. Thus far, a total of 10 full scholarships have been awarded. In addition, the National Entrepreneurship Projects Contest for AfroEcuadorian Undergraduates in Technical Education Colleges was set up to discover and promote the best entrepreneurship and business initiatives of undergraduate students in technical-vocational specialisms, at technical colleges located among AfroEcuadorian population groups in the provinces of Esmeraldas and Guayas. In Peru, the LUNDU Organization (Centre for Afro-Peruvian Studies and Advancement) has

an Afro-Peruvian youth network that aims to help Afro-Peruvians strengthen their attitudes, and generate greater public participation that is convincing and demonstrates ethnic plurality, as a result of the full exercise of their rights. In the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, the Presidential Commission for the Prevention and Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and Other Distinctions in the Venezuelan School System targets the education sector, benefiting Afro-descendant youth in terms of equal opportunities and treatment for all people and effective enjoyment and exercise of the right to education.38. Therefore, there is a wide range of policies and programmes for Afro-descendant youth, which are embedded in an institutional framework specific to the afro-descendant population, which confirms the need for such mechanisms to achieve more permanent and effective actions. Nonetheless, a detailed analysis of the real effectiveness of these programmes is required, along with the identification of the remaining challenges and determination of the extent to which the participation of the young Afro-descendant people has been taken into account. It is also imperative that the design of sectorial policies, such as education, health and employment, among others, considers these young people and that the Afro-descendant issue becomes a cross-cutting issue, with appropriate and necessary coordination with State institutions and civil society.

33 This was created in 1995 to discuss and evaluate: (i) education in the communities and the development of solutions with the corresponding institutions; (ii) the policies, programmes and projects of the Ministry of Culture; (iii) development and implementation of the National Ethno-Educational Development Plan of the Communities; (iv) management of resources and budgetary appropriations; (v) strengthening of the Non-Reimbursable Educational Credits Fund for Students; and (vi) presentation of proposals on projects to implement ethno-education and improve the Afro-Colombian service (related institution: Ministry of Education; age group: 15-29 years). 34 Created in 1996, the programme provides semi-annual credits to finance maintenance expenses and higher education studies, at the undergraduate and postgraduate levels, in Colombia’s technical-technological and professional modalities in (related institutions: the Colombian Institute of Educational Credit and Technical Studies Abroad (ICETEX); age group: 18-29 years of age. It has awarded over 8,000 credits thus far, covering 27% of demand). 35 Related institution: Ministry of National Education; age group: 15-18 years 36 Related institution: Office of the President of the Republic; age group: 14-26 years. 37 There are 400 places (related institutions: Ministry of National Education and several universities (Caldas, Pereira, Tolima and Distrital); age group: 18-29 years). 38 Institución relacionada: Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Educación; grupo de edad: 15 a 29 años. UNFPA - CEPAL

IV.

INVESTING IN AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH: URGENT NEED FOR RESEARCH AND POLICIES

The year 2011 has been key as the International Year of Youth came to an end (Resolution 64/134 of the General Assembly of the United Nations) and the General Assembly of the United Nations declared this year as International Year for People of African Descent, by means of resolution 64/169. This allows linking two relevant issues in our region: being young and being Afro-descendant. That is why this paper has emphasized the urgent need to invest in the young people of this population group. To this end, we provide an overview of the current state of Afrodescedant youth in terms of some characteristics of their living conditions and the demands presented by them through their organizations, as well as the actions States have undertaken to meet these demands. The following summarizes the main findings, provides some complementary reflections and identifies future challenges.

INVESTMENT IN AFRODESCENDANT YOUTH NEEDS TO BE BASED ON A RIGHTS APPROACH AND INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS. International human rights standards, which States are required to fulfil, provide an explicit regulatory framework for public policies targeting young people. Moreover, since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 52

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

1948, the non-discrimination clause has been included in nearly all universal human rights protection instruments. In addition, the States of the region have taken a series of commitments in different international and regional forums and conferences, some of which are summarized in the Millennium Development Goals, which highlight the need to eliminate ethnic, gender and generational inequalities. Based on human rights standards and programmes of action of such conferences, based, in turn, on principles recognized and legitimized by the countries of the region, anti-discrimination policies, affirmative action plans and programmes should be designed to eliminate factors of inequality condition of Afro-descendant roots, often a victim of structural racism and discrimination.

TO INVEST IN AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH REQUIRES SYSTEMATIC, RELIABLE AND TIMELY INFORMATION. One of the key tools for promoting human rights is information, because it makes it possible to visualize the inequities facing Afro-descendant youth, contribute to the formulation and implementation of policies, and help Afrodescendant organizations to audit government actions. A review of the situation in this regard

shows that major shortcomings persist in the availability of data on the living conditions of Afro-descendant youth in most countries of the region — a situation that needs to be reversed in the light of the new government obligations. Very few of the region’s countries have systematic information on the situation of Afro-descendants generally, and its youth in particular. The document explains that the population censuses are the primary source for the time being. Nonetheless, during the 2000s, only nine Latin American countries included questions making it possible to identify these groups; and in some cases the information obtained is of dubious quality. It is therefore not yet possible to clearly quantify the number of Afro-descendants in Latin America, which makes this an issue which, from a rights perspective, acquires new political connotations that traverse conventional demographic analysis. The document also addresses problems associated with ethnic identification in the data sources, noting that the conceptual debate between “ethnicity” and “race” remains unresolved in the case of the region’s Afrodescendants. As a result, the self-identification criterion is used in different ways in each country, with a variety of semantic implications that ultimately affect the figures obtained. Major efforts have been made to raise the statistical profile of these population groups in recent years; and significant progress may be expected in the 2010-decade censuses in which some 15 countries are expected to include questions on the self-identification of Afro-descendants. Nonetheless, one of the major challenges facing the countries’ current statistical systems is the change in focus, which means recognizing that the “users” of the information are rights holders. From this standpoint, the multiple actions that will cause change span the inclusion of ethnic identification questions in all data sources, to the design of instruments that are culturally relevant and in accordance with the needs of Afro-descendant youth, to the creation of effective mechanisms for participation by these

rights holders throughout the information production process.

THE SOCIODEMOGRAPHIC PROFILES OF AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH ARE HETEROGENEOUS, BUT HAVE COMMON FEATURES AND ABOVE ALL DISPLAY INEQUITY. INVESTING IN THESE YOUNG PEOPLE MEANS GUARANTEEING ACCESS TO SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH CARE, QUALITY EDUCATION AND DECENT EMPLOYMENT. This document shows that the absolute number and proportion of Afro-descendant youth in the in Latin American population varies greatly from one country to another. In general, young people account for a large share of the total Afrodescendant population, which has “younger” age structures than the rest of the population; and this needs to be taken into account in sector policy-formulation and in resource allocation. It is also is an eminently urban group, and thus exposed to the problems of the cities, which in a context of structural discrimination can affect young people more intensively. Studies on violence in Brazil are illustrative of this, with evidence of significant excess mortality from homicide among Afro-descendant boys compared to other young people and other age groups. Afro-descendant youth tends to be concentrated in historical settlement areas, associated with places of arrival during the slavery period that began in the sixteenth century, along with other areas related to large migratory waves, mainly Afro-Caribbean people migrating to Central American countries during the economic upswings of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Nonetheless, Afro-descendant youth is also present in other geographical areas, such as the large metropolises; and some studies, albeit in a fragmentary way, have shown that they are more geographically mobile than other age UNFPA - CEPAL

groups. Further knowledge is needed here on the internal and international migratory patterns of Afro-descendant youth, taking into account the various causes, itineraries, meanings and consequences that they have for the young people themselves and their communities of origin. It is also necessary to invest in Afro-descendant youth, and promote strategies that take account of their territorial location and contextual characteristics. In situations of migration, their ethnic roots need to be maintained, and consideration needs to be given to the perception and needs of Afrodescendant youth in this regard. The high rates of motherhood at an early age in young Afro-descendant women remains a concern in countries with available data. Moreover, in most countries, there is a higher incidence of childbearing among young African descent aged 15 to 19 than the rest of the girls. It was also found that there is a strong association between education and teenage pregnancy, as motherhood in educated afro-descendant women following normal educational careers is significantly lower than for those with less education and school careers behind. Therefore, by investing in the prevention of unwanted pregnancies and family planning for these young people, we are contributing to the accumulation of educational capital and labour, enhancing our own welfare and that of our children, as well as their families and society as a whole. On the other hand, motherhood at a young age is just one of the various aspects related to sexual and reproductive health (SRH), whose universal access is part of the Millennium Development Goals. It is urgent to produce knowledge in different areas of SRH, such as: status and trends of maternal mortality among young Afrodescendant women; different epidemiological profiles for these groups, including sexually transmitted infections and HIV; risk behaviours in sexuality and reproduction; access to information on SRH by young people of African descent; stereotypes and stigmas that particularly affect them and impact on the 54

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

performance of their sexual and reproductive rights, among others. The interweaving of generational, gender, socioeconomic and ethnic factors place at disadvantage young women of African descent, and despite the complex interrelationships, attention should be paid to the core situation that allows ethnic discrimination and lack of equality before the law. In terms of policies, programmes on sexual and reproductive health should include preventive actions that consider specialized and comprehensive care for young people of African descent, accounting for their specificities and the heterogeneity among communities, areas and contexts, on a territorial basis. It is necessary to advance knowledge about local practices and perceptions of Afro-descendant youth in these matters, so as to ensure the cultural relevance of programmes. It is also necessary to advance comprehensive sexuality education –both for young people in school and for those who are out of school– that promotes the welfare and health of youth, as well as gender and ethnic equity. By performing these actions, attention should be paid to the current demands of young people of African descent, who, through their organizations and activities, have begun to position compliance of sexual and reproductive rights in their agendas, as a key strategy for strengthening their participation and leadership in advocacy and policy dialogue. The analysis of education and employment indicators has revealed the unequal opportunities facing Afro-descendant youth. In education, there are significant ethnic inequalities in access to secondary and higher education, with varying situations between countries. Several exceptions are worth studying in depth, such as Nicaragua and Panama, where Afro-descendant youth has higher education levels than other young people. In Nicaragua, Afro-descendant communities have strong ethnic-territorial identity, based on autonomous regions, in which intercultural universities have been set up by the community itself. In Panama the concentration of Afro-descendant youth in the province of Panama in principle would improve access to higher education institutions. It is

also necessary to evaluate whether or not these educational achievements have immediate repercussions on this groupâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s labour-market participation. At first sight, apparently not, because unemployment is higher among Afrodescendant youth than among other young people in both countries. Education, and hence information, affects the decisions and autonomy of Afro-descendant youth. In this regard, indicators of access are not sufficient to determine the quality and costs of the education that Afro-descendant youth receives. This is another area that needs to be researched. In general, the region is facing the challenge of formulating education policies to promote a genuine pluri-cultural and multiethnic approach in all social groups, where Afro-descendant youth sees its history, identity and cultural contribution to the development of their countries reflected and valued. Figures on the labour-market participation of Afro-descendant youth have also revealed disparities in implementation of the right to employment. In six of the nine countries with data available, the proportion of Afro-descendant youth neither studying nor working is higher than among other young people. This situation, in contexts of structural discrimination, could cause a major psychological and social vacuum, which would impact directly on the mental and physical health of these young people, leading to adverse effects for society at large by making it harder to achieve social cohesion. Unemployment rates are also significantly higher among Afro-descendant youth than among other young people; and a gender breakdown shows that the situation of young women is worse still. The proportion of young Afro-descendant women in domestic service is very high in some countries, and in some cases twice the rate among other girls. Previous studies also showed that wage earning work is more widespread among Afro-descendant youth than among other young people; Nonetheless, this does not

indicate better employment conditions, even in a number of Central American countries where young Afro-descendants have higher education levels. The sum and combination of factors that contribute to inequity are very eloquent in research done in Brazil and Colombia, where even controlling for education levels and hours worked, Afro-descendants receive lower income, which is lower still among women in this ethnic group. It is important to disseminate this type of knowledge to other countries of the region. This document also provides evidence that Afrodescendant youth suffers greater deprivations than the rest of the population, as shown by indicators associated with basic rights that would enable them to improve their welfare levels, such as acceptable sanitation and access to drinking water, housing, education and information. Nonetheless, the situation in South American countries is clearly different from those of Central America, where the situation of Afro-descendant youth is generally less severe and the ethnic gaps tend not to be to the detriment of Afro-descendant youth. Nonetheless, the inequities found in the health, education and employment areas are accompanied by other manifestations that imply a denial of the rights of Afro-descendant youth, such as the loss of cultural expressions and way of life, context of violence and armed conflict, among others. Accordingly, to understand the situation in which Afro-descendant youth lives, information is needed on all of these issues, including the ethnic, gender and generational perspective, above all considering their active participation. The heterogeneity that exists between countries can also be present within them, as shown by studies for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador. To gain a better understanding of demographic behaviour patterns and the living conditions of Afro-descendant youth, it must be recalled that these result from long socio-historical processes that began with slavery regimes and developed in different ways in the different cultures of the region, and in diverse post-slavery periods

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in which republican states consolidated and expanded. The fact that there is no single Afrodescendant identity model in Latin America should therefore be taken into account when reviewing the situation of Afro-descendant youth in policy formulation.

INVESTING IN AFRO-DESCENDANT YOUTH CONTRIBUTES TO THE ERADICATION OF DISCRIMINATION AND ITS ASSOCIATED COSTS, AND HELPS PRESERVE CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND THE CONTRIBUTION OF IDENTITY TO DEVELOPMENT. Lastly, the document has shown the need to make headway with policies targeting Afro-descendant youth, which must necessarily consider their participation at all stages. In this regard, the region has an organizational structure for Afro-descendant youth at the local, national and regional levels; and progress has been made in creating institutions responsible for Afro-descendant issues and especially young Afro-descendants. Nonetheless, this exploratory analysis reveals an urgent need for effective participation by Afrodescendant youth organizations (and also by other government agencies) in defining the policies affecting them, to effectively implement genuinely crosscutting policies that take account of the specific situation of this group. One of the pending challenges here is to promote the strengthening of these organizations nationally and regionally, including the formation of human resources both in terms of political leadership and in the handling of technical issues, the provision of infrastructure and sustained financial resources, and support for the preparation of consensus-based agendas and their real influence on policies. In this regional framework in which Afrodescendant youth is subject to a process of exclusion and discrimination, both practices need to be eradicated because they represent a flagrant

violation of human rights. Moreover, from a more economic standpoint, some studies have shown the costs associated with discrimination, and its elimination would represent a major investment for society as a whole. Disparities in human capital investment, low wages and poverty, which are concentrated among Afro-descendant populations, cause losses in national output, income and wealth creation. Furthermore, these studies show that the expansion of education and upgrading of the skills of Afro-descendants to levels similar to those prevailing in population groups that are not discriminated against, together with the full use of this capital in employment, would produce an increase in gross domestic product in the respective countries.39 The benefits for society as a whole of ending discrimination and ethnic exclusion show the importance of implementing policies and programmes targeting these population groups, particularly their younger generations. Although this document acknowledges the progress made in creating institutions and applying policies and programmes for Afro-descendant youth, this is still insufficient. By way of example, in Brazil significant improvements have been made in the living conditions of these young people thanks to policies to combat racial inequality and intensive actions arising from the influence of the Afrodescendant movement; but ethnic inequities persist. Nonetheless, affirmative action policies are still seen an important route to overcoming those inequities; and such policies should be strengthened and expanded in the region. Lastly, investments should be made in Afrodescendant youth as a way to help eradicate discrimination and its associated costs, and to preserve the rich cultural diversity and its identitycontribution to development. Ultimately, this investment needs to guarantee equal enjoyment of human rights by Afro-descendant youth and at the same time uphold its right to be recognized as a specific group.

39 For example the Brazilian economy could expand by up to 12.8% as a result of ending the social exclusion of Afro-descendants (Zoninsein, 2004). 56

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

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Alvarado, Wilson (2007), “Los costos de la discriminación étnica en Guatemala”, Ciudad de Guatemala, Vicepresidencia de la República de Guatemala. Antón Sánchez, Jhon (2007), “Afrodescendientes: Sociedad civil y movilización social en el Ecuador”, Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, vol. 12, Nº 1, Miami, Florida International University. Antón Sánchez, Jhon; y Del Popolo, Fabiana (2009). “Visibilidad estadística de la población afrodescendiente en América Latina: aspectos conceptuales y metodológicos”. En Afrodescendientes en América Latina y el Caribe: del reconocimiento estadístico a la realización de derechos, CEPAL, Serie Población y Desarrollo No. 87. Santiago, Chile. Bello, Álvaro y Marcelo Paixão (2009), “Una mirada a la situación de los derechos de los afrodescendientes en América Latina”, serie Población y desarrollo, Nº 87 (LC/L.3045-P), Santiago de Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL). Publicación de las Naciones Unidas, N° de venta: S.09.II.G.47. Benavides, Martín, Máximo Torero y Néstor Valdivia (2006), “Pobreza, discriminación social e identidad: El caso de la población afrodescendiente en el Perú”, Más allá de los promedios: Afrodescendientes en América Latina, Banco Mundial. Bucheli, Marisa y Wanda Cabella (2011), “El perfil demográfico y socioeconómico de la población uruguaya según su ascendencia racial”, Notas de población, N° 91 (LC/G.2484-P), Santiago de Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL). Publicación de las Naciones Unidas, Nº de venta: S.10.II.G.83. CEPAL (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe) (2009), Panorama social de América Latina 2008 (LC/G.2402-P/E), Santiago de Chile. Panorama Social de América Latina 2007 (LC/G.2351-P/E), Santiago de Chile. 2007 Panorama Social de América Latina 2006 (LC/G.2326-P/E), Santiago de Chile. 2006 La brecha de la equidad. Una segunda evaluación (LC/G.2096/E), Santiago de Chile. 2000 CEPAL/CELADE (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe/Centro Latinoamericano y Caribeño de DemografíaDivisión de Población de la CEPAL) (2004), “La fecundidad en América Latina: transición o revolución”, serie Seminarios y conferencias, Nº 36 (LC/L.2097-P), Santiago de Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL). Publicación de las Naciones Unidas, N° de venta: S.04.II.G.34. CEPAL/OIJ (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe/Organización Iberoamericana de Juventud) (2008), Juventud y cohesión social en Iberoamérica. Un modelo para armar (LC/G.2391), Santiago de Chile. La juventud en Iberoamérica. Tendencias y urgencias (LC/L.2180), Santiago de Chile. 2004 CEPAL/UNICEF (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe/Fondo de las Naciones Unidas para la Infancia) (2007), “Maternidad adolescente en América Latina y el Caribe: Tendencias, problemas y desafíos”, Desafíos, Nº 4. “Pobreza infantil en América Latina y el Caribe” (LC/R.2168), Santiago de Chile. 2010. “Mortalidad en la niñez. Una base de datos de América Latina desde 1960” (LC/R.2169), Santiago de Chile. 2011 CEPAL/UNICEF/UNIFEM/UNFPA (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe/Fondo de las Naciones Unidas para la Infancia/Fondo de Desarrollo de las Naciones Unidas para la Mujer/Fondo de Población de las Naciones Unidas) (2009), “Censos 2010 y la inclusión del enfoque étnico: hacia una construcción participativa con pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes de América Latina”, serie Seminarios y conferencias, Nº 57 (LC/L.3095-P), Santiago de Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL). Publicación de las Naciones Unidas, Nº de venta: S.09.II.G.79.

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Del Popolo, Fabiana (2008), “Los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes en las fuentes de datos: Experiencias en América Latina”, Documentos de proyecto, Nº 197 (LC/W.197), Santiago de Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL)/Organización Panamericana de la Salud (OPS). Del Popolo, Fabiana, López Mariana y Acuña Mario (2009), Juventud indígena y afrodescendiente en América Latina: Inequidades sociodemográficas y desafíos de políticas, Madrid, Organización Iberoamericana de Juventud (OIJ). Del Popolo, Fabiana, Oyarce Ana María y Ribotta Bruno (2008), “Condiciones de vida de indígenas urbanos en América Latina: Algunos hallazgos censales y su relación con los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio”, Notas de población, Nº 86 (LC/G.2349-P), Santiago de Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL). Publicación de las Naciones Unidas, Nº de venta: S.09.II.G.09. Espina, Rodrigo y Pablo Rodríguez (2006), “Raza y desigualdad en la Cuba actual”, Revista Temas, Nº 45. Guerrero, Fernando (2005), “Población indígena y afroecuatoriana en Ecuador: Diagnóstico sociodemográfico a partir del censo de 2001”, Documentos de proyecto, Nº 16 (LC/W.16), Santiago de Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL)/Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID). Hobcraft, J. y K. Kiernan (1999), “Childhood poverty, early motherhood and adult social exclusion”, Case Paper, Nº 28, Londres, London School of Economics and Political Science. López, Luis E. (2004), Igualdad con dignidad. Hacia nuevas formas de actuación con la niñez indígena en América Latina, Panamá, Oficina Regional del UNICEF para América Latina y el Caribe. Naciones Unidas (2001), Informe de la Conferencia Mundial contra el Racismo, la Discriminación Racial, la Xenofobia y las Formas Conexas de Intolerancia (A/CONF.189/12), Durban, 31 de agosto al 8 de septiembre [en línea] http://www.unhchr.ch/huridocda/ huridoca.nsf/e06a5300f90fa0238025668700518ca4/ df63f5ce6e120207c1256b4f005438e2/$FILE/N0221546.pdf. Paixão, Marcelo y otros (2011), Relatório anual das desigualdades raciais no Brasil 2009-2010. Constituição Cidadã, seguridade social e seus efeitos sobre as asimetrias de cor ou raça, Río de Janeiro, Ed. Garamond. Paixão, Marcelo y Luiz Carvano (orgs.) (2008), Relatório anual das desigualdades raciais no Brasil, 2007-2008, Río de Janeiro, Ed. Garamont. Pascale, Pablo (2010), Estudio sobre organizaciones civiles y políticas de acción afirmativa, Ciudad de Panamá, Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD)/Secretaría General Iberoamericana (SEGIB). PNDS (2006), “Pesquisa Nacional de Demografia e Saudé da Criança e da Mulher”, Ministério da Saúde do Brasil. PNUD (Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo) (2010), “Derechos de la población afrodescendiente en América Latina: Desafíos para su implementación”, proyecto regional Población afrodescendiente en América Latina, Nueva York. PNUD (Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo), “Implementación de los pactos y los convenios internacionales relacionados con los derechos civiles, culturales, económicos, políticos y sociales de la población afrodescendiente de Colombia, Ecuador, Perú y Venezuela”, PNUD/IPEA (Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo/Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada) (1996), Relatório sobre o Indice de Desenvolvimento Humano no Brasil. Rangel, Marta (2008), “Organizaciones y articulaciones de los afrodescendientes de América Latina y el Caribe”, Santiago de

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Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL)/Secretaría General Iberoamericana (SEGIB). “La población afrodescendiente en América Latina y los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio. Un examen exploratorio en países seleccionados utilizando información censal”, documento presentado en el seminario Pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes en América Latina y El Caribe, Santiago de Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), 27 a 29 de abril. (2005) República del Perú/Defensoría del Pueblo (2011), Los Afrodescendientes en el Perú: Una aproximación a su realidad y al ejercicio de sus derechos, Lima, Perú. Rodríguez, Jorge (2008), Reproducción adolescente y desigualdades en América Latina y el Caribe: Un llamado a la reflexión y a la acción, Madrid, Secretaría General Iberoamericana (SEGIB) . Rodríguez, Romero (2004), “Entramos negros y salimos afrodescendientes”, Revista Futuros, vol. 2, Nº 5. Schkolnik, Susana y Fabiana Del Popolo (2005), “Los censos y los pueblos indígenas en América Latina: una metodología regional”, Notas de Población, año 31, Nº 79 (LC/G.2284-P), Santiago de Chile, Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL). Publicación de las Naciones Unidas, Nº de venta: S.05.II.G.141. Secretaría del Interior y Convivencia Ciudadana/Alcaldía Mayor de Cartagena de Indias (2011), Estudio sobre discriminación étnicoracial y victimización en Cartagena 2011, Cartagena, Corpo Visionarios. Urrea, Fernando y Carlos Viáfara (2007), “Pobreza y grupos étnicos en Colombia: Análisis de sus factores determinantes y lineamientos de políticas para su reducción”, Bogotá, Departamento Nacional de Planeación. Waiselfisz, Julio Jacobo (2011). Mapa da Violencia 2011. Os jovens do Brasil. São Paulo, Instituto Sangari/Ministério da Justiça Wieviorka, Michel (1992), El espacio del racismo, Barcelona, Editorial Paidos. Zoninsein, Jonas (2004), “El caso económico para combatir la exclusión racial y étnica en los países de América Latina y el Caribe”, Inclusión social y desarrollo económico en América Latina, Mayra Buvinic y otros, Washington, D.C., Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID).

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

ANNEXES

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Annex 1

DEFINITION OF ETHNIC STATUS USED AND QUESTIONS INCLUDED IN THE CENSUSES

The total population responding affirmatively or negatively to the ethnic identity question (excluding “don’t knows” ). The Afro-descendant population was identified and included in the category of “Rest” when the reply was some other ethnic group or none. The ethnic affiliation questions and categories considered in each country analysed are as follows: Brazil, 2000 census: Your colour or race is:

• • • • • •

White Black Yellow Brown Indigenous Afro-descendant: Black + Brown

Colombia, 2005 census: According to your culture, people or physical features, .... are you or do you recognize yourself as: Indigenous? To what indigenous people do belong? Rom (Li)? Raizal of the Archipelago of San Andrés and Providencia? Palenquero Black, mullato, Afro-Colombian or Afro-descendant None of the above? Afro-descendant: Raizal of San Andrés and Providencia + Palenquero + Black, mullato, AfroColombian or Afro-descendant. Costa Rica, 2000 census: Do you belong to ______ the culture..... • • • • •

Indigenous? Afro-Costa Rican or black ? China? None of the above Afro-descendant: Afro-Costa Rican or black

Ecuador, 2001Census : How do you see yourself? Indigenous, Negro (Afro-Ecuadorian), mestizo, mulatto, white or other. • •

Indigenous. What indigenous nationality or people you belong to? Negro (Afro Ecuadorian)

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

• • • •

Mestizo Mulatto White Afro-descendant: Negro (Afro Ecuadorian) + Mulato El Salvador, 2007 Census : Are you • • • • • •

White? Mestizo? (mixture of white with indigenous) Indigenous? Negro? (by race) Other? Afro-descendant: black (by race)

Guatemala, 2002 Census: What ethnic group (people) do you belong to? A list is provided including the Garífuna people Honduras, 2001Census: What population group do you belong to? • • • • • • • • • •

Garífuna English Negro Tolupan Pech (Paya) Misquito Lenca Tawanhka (Sumo) Chortí Other Afro-descendant: Garífuna + English Negro

Nicaragua, 2005 census: Which of the following indigenous peoples or ethnic groups do you belong to? … • Branch

• • • • • • • • • • • • •

Garífuna Mayangna-Sumu Miskitu Ulwa Creole (Kriol) Mestizo of the Caribbean coast Xlu-Sutiava Nahoa-Nicarao Chorotega-Nahua-Mange Cacaopera-Matagalpa Other Unknown Afro-descendant: Garífuna + Creole

Panama, 2010 Census : Do you consider yourself • • • • • •

Negro / colonial? Negro / Antillan ? Negro? Other? (Specify) None? Afro-descendant colonial Negro? + Negro Antillan ? + Negro?

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Annex 2 LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): 20-29-YEAR-OLDS WITH 15 OR MORE YEARS OF STUDY, BY ETHNIC STATUS (No. of people and percentages)

Country Brazil (2000) Colombia (2005) Costa Rica (2000) Ecuador (2001)

El Salvador (2007)

Guatemala (2002) Honduras (2001)

Nicaragua (2005)

Panama (2010)

Ethnic status

Young people between 20 and 29 years of age 15+ Total %

Afro-descendant

176,919

13,714,855

1,3

Rest Afro-descendant Rest Afro-descendant Rest

1,061,872 18,043 228,420 1,009 62,322

15,803,047 659,839 5,086,006 12,330 609,931

6,7 2,7 4,5 8,2 10,2

Afro-descendant

8,194

101,624

8,1

299,583

1,759,433

17,0

102

1,220

8,4

117,704

943,212

12,5

832

5,2

112,053

1,795,161

6,2

365

8,956

4,1

44,270

863,196

5,1

573

4,166

13,8

Rest

116,441

935,934

12,4

Afro-descendant

14,738

51,823

28,4

Rest

117,489

492 055

23,9

Rest Afro-descendant Rest Afro-descendant Rest Afro-descendant Rest Afro-descendant

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

Annex 3 LATIN AMERICA (SELECTED COUNTRIES): BASIC LABOUR MARKET INDICATORS FOR YOUNG PEOPLE (15-29 YEARS OF AGE), BY ETHNIC STATUS

Country

Brazil (2000)

Colombia (2005) Costa Rica (2000) Ecuador (2001) El Salvador (2007) Guatemala (2002) Honduras (2001) Nicaragua (2005) Panama (2010)

Ethnic status

Activity rate

Unemployment rate

Percentage of inactive people who are not studying

Afro-descendant

64,5

23,8

18,6

Rest

66,8

20,7

14,8

Afro-descendant

40,9

12,2

32,0

Rest

45,2

9,3

27,1

Afro-descendant

46,5

8,7

26,7

Rest

49,5

6,4

26,3

Afro-descendant Rest

54,9 52,6

4,6 3,3

26,7 23,7

Afro-descendant

45,7

10,2

34,5

Rest Afro-descendant Rest

43,7 38,5 47,2

10,9 1,9 1,3

32,1 36,5 37,1

Afro-descendant

39,8

5,3

31,8

Rest

48,0

2,6

35,2

Afro-descendant

31,1

8,2

33,8

Rest

47,4

4,9

31,0

Afro-descendant

59,4

15,0

14,3

Rest

52,2

11,6

20,5

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Annex 4 DECLARATION OF SAN JOSE

We, the Afro descendant youth, as vindicators of the past, as protagonists of the present and as builders of the future, hereby declare: That, over 150 Afro descendant youth from nearly 40 countries of the Americas, the Caribbean, Europe and Africa, gathered and assembled in the city of San JosĂŠ - Costa Rica, in the 1st World Afro Descendant Youth Summit, framed under the commemoration of The International Youth Year (Resolution 64/134) and International Year of People of African Descent (Resolution 64/169), which has promoted a diverse space for meetings, discussions and exchange of experiences in order to achieve the strengthening of political articulations the empowerment of young leaders of African descent worldwide We accept the initiative of the Circle of Afro descendant Youth in the Americas in promoting a meeting point to pioneer the establishment of guidelines to promote the participation of youth of African descent and to move promote social control and public policy within the global agenda Recognizing the struggle of the Afro descendant social movement and their valuable contributions for the betterment of the Afro descendant agenda in the international community and at the regional, national and local levels, recognized that within the context of mainstreaming, the generational perspectives are vital and strategic. We emphasize the willingness of our allies and strategic partners, governments, civil society, organizations, academia, international cooperation agencies, intergovernmental organizations, and others in their efforts to support and move forward the achievement of this important initiative. Understanding the above as a beginning of joint constructions towards the integral development of the Afro descendant youth is important. We welcome the efforts undertaken by participants youth and, as well as their contributions in building the process of strengthening the leadership of African descendants in the world We confirm the commitments assumed by the government in the promotion and adoption of international tools that guarantee the rights and development of the afro descendant population, such as: the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action; the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; The Declaration and Programme of Action, the Ceiba; Iberoamerican Convention on the Rights of Youth; the Bahia Letter; the Millennium Development Goals; the African Letter of Youth; The World Programme of Action for Youth; then Universal Declaration of Human Rights; and The Cairo Declaration and Programme of Action. We reject the state of vulnerability suffered by the Afro descendant youth, which is a product of the historical racism, racial discrimination, structural and institutional inequalities that translate into the absence of a dignifying life Project, lack of development and human security, and an everyday life of silent and systematic violations of human rights. We believe that the influence in political decision-making spheres should recognize the diversity of youth actors in this scenario as well as their abilities and capabilities for advocacy; understanding this strategy as an efficient way to ensure the ethnical and racial dimensions necessary for the full exercise of their citizenship. We ratify the importance of promoting and strengthening leaderships and team work efforts emerging from the processes and self-determination of the black communities, relying on networking as a method to be considered in 66

Afro-descendant Juventud afrodescendiente youth in Latin en AmĂŠrica America: Latina: diverse realidades realities and diversas (un)fulfilled y derechos rights (in)cumplidos

the local, national and international experiences of the Afrodescendant youth organizations. We advocate for the promotion and protection of human rights of Afro-descendant youth, taking into consideration the diversity and complexity of being an Afro descendant as well as considering different contexts such as gender identity and sexual orientation, rural and urban origin, physical disabilities, socioeconomic status, educational levels, religion, multiculturalism, the phenomenon of migration and internal displacement and others that are just examples of the multiple discriminations suffered by this afro descendant population. Within the above context, we, the Afro descendant youth, hereby request: 1. The strengthening of national, regional and global agendas that work on the political articulation of the Afrodescendant youth; 2. The inclusion of the age range perspective in the respective agendas, public policies processes and development of programs; 3. To elaborate strategic national plans to fight structural and selective violence against afro descendant youth, girls, and teenagers 4. To guarantee the participation of the organizations and Afro descendant youth as well as mainstreaming of the afro descendant agenda in Forums, Summits and any type of International meetings, meetings, especially in the UN Conference on Sustainable Development Rio +20, Cairo +20, The Americaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Summit, and The Revision of The Millennium Goals 2015. 5. To promote equal opportunities of dignified work for Afro descendant youth, ensuring their protection against any type of discrimination and violence at their work places. 6. To Strength ministries of labor, finance and others for the promotion of employment programs for youth as well as to encourage social dialogue that allow for alliances between the government, private sector, labor and youth organizations that can generate employment and income for youth; 7. To Promote intercultural education as a tool to strengthen the identities through exchange of knowledge and the teaching of history and culture of Africans and African descendants; 8. To strengthen and advocate for the incorporation of technical and specialist Afro-descedant youth professionals, as a form of affirmative action in employment opportunities at the national, regional and international contexts;

9. To mainstream ethnic and racial dimensions in implementing, monitoring and evaluating the Millennium Development Goals; 10. To promote, guarantee and respect sexual and reproductive rights as fundamental human rights, recognizing the autonomy and freedom of all people on their bodies and their sexuality and as a measure to improve the quality of life of Afro-descendant youth; 11. To Provide technical and financial support for the development, implementation and evaluation of public policies on affirmative action to combat racism and promote racial equality; 12. To increase strategic and continuous investment on youth of African descent, designing national development programs and ensuring the participation of youth-led organizations to contribute to the development, UNFPA - CEPAL

implementation, monitoring and evaluation of poverty reduction programs and national policies youth, respecting and guaranteeing the cultural identity of young people of African descent; 13. To Generate agro-ecological and eco-naturals in foreign and domestic investments in rural areas and in productive lands, not attacking the nature of black communities, allowing the maintenance of the principles of natural farming kept by decades by the communities and Afro-descendant people, and that are targeted to the food security of populations; 14. To Promote and invest in the development of research on disaggregated data and differentiated sociodemographic statistics about the population for the construction of affirmative action policies that address the specific needs of black communities and especially young women and men; 15. Take effective measures to implement a comprehensive sex education in formal and informal levels as a measure to eliminate discrimination, violence and sexism against Afro-descendant youth as well as the prevention of sexually transmitted infections including HIV, unplanned pregnancies in adolescents and young ; 16. to Implement and facilitate access to comprehensive health services, including friendly sexual and reproductive health, without discrimination, with confidentiality and respect for diversity of the youth of African descent; 17. To Train people in charge of the national census, with the support of Afro-descendant organizations so that they include the variable of self-identification; 18. To facilitate access to new communication and information technologies and close the digital gap between youth of African descent and non-African descent; 19. To Increase interaction with political parties to include in their agendas issues of importance to Afro-descendant youth and the participation of youth with gender and race perspectives in decision-making spheres; 20. Promote the integration of immigrants, refugees and internally displaced Africans in the contexts of social participation of the Afro-descendant youth movement and their allies; 21. Promote gender equality and the empowerment of young women of African descent to ensure their autonomy and the exercise of their human rights; 22. To Increase the interaction with other networks and youth movements to strengthen the implementation of a common work agenda. 23. To support the Intergenerational Dialogue spaces built and promoted by the Afro-American youth to strengthen the mainstreaming of youth in the Afro-descendant movement agendas. Considering, the need to continue promoting opportunities for dialogue among Afro descendant youth, the Circle of Afro descendant Youth in the Americas, is committed to making the II World Afro descendant Youth Summit in 2014. We, Afro descendant youth in the world, according to Ethiopian proverb, believe that when spider webs unite, they can tie up a lion

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights

UNFPA - CEPAL

Afro-descendant youth in Latin America: diverse realities and (un)fulfilled rights