The Third Position Handbook

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION.

Introduction.

2.

The Importance of Ideology in Political Struggle.

3.

The Ten Points of the Third Position.

8.

The Legionary Model.

15.

The Structure of the Third Position.

23.

A Few Pointers on Security.

46.

Where to Go From Here.

52.

Recommended Reading.

53. Š 1997.

Published by

The Third Position, BCM ITP, London WC1N 3XX, England.

Internet connection: http://dspace.dial.pipex.com/thirdlosttlon/

The fundamental purpose of the Third Position is to foment political revolution, to bring about revolutionary change that will work spiritually and materially in the interests of England and the English people.

In order to bring about this desired National Revolution, a number of things are required. Firstly, there is the vital need of Ideas, Ideas which challenge the mediocrity of today's political "exchanges", and which deal with the real problems of society, not the phoney 'problems' largely thrown up by politicians and hack journalists.

Secondly, these Ideas have to be put into action, otherwise they remain a dead letter, of interest only to the historian of dead political movements.

Thirdly, these Ideas and Actions have to be incarnated in a Structure. If there is no Structure, there is no coherence of Ideas and Action, and no possibility of taking advantage of a potentially revolutionary situation.

In the past, there have been attempts to seize power without having these three things in place, and in some rare cases these succeeded. But the days of a "March on Rome" are long since past. We are now living in an era of remarkable centralization, a centralization that is not merely national but global; and this globalization is growing with every passing day to the detriment of the freedom of the peoples of the world.

It is because the mere idea of the Nation is now being openly questioned by a range of powerful forces that the task of the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement is all the harder - the propaganda of the mass media is so corrosive that even the grasp of the people on the idea of Nationhood is weakening.

In such circumstances, the Third Position is obliged to outline what is absolutely necessary in respect of Ideas, Actions and Structures, hence this Handbook. It is not intended to be a full and definitive statement of what we need to believe, and how we need to organize and act, but it is a manual that will allow the first and fundamental steps to National Revolution to take place.

All those who are called to fight in the defence of England and the English interest must read and re-read this work if they are to have a fighting chance of victory. Time is pressing, and the task is growing more difficult by the day.

Our numbers are wholly insufficient to the task, but that is a material calculation only. When all is said and done, England will survive and prosper if her Sons, however few, are prepared to do all and risk all for her sake. It has been so in the past. Shall it be so in the future?

THE IMPORTANCE OF IDEOLOGY IN POLITICAL STRUGGLE. Before we proceed to outline the Ten Points, which go to make up the political programme of the Third Position, it is essential that we first take a look at the contemporary world. It is this world which has provoked our programme, because Ideas do not grow up in a vacuum; they are born in a soil and in a climate that must be thoroughly known if they are to be propagated and brought fully to fruition. It might be argued, with a certain measure of justification, that we all know about this world and its values, its direction and its impact, and, therefore, that such an analysis - however brief - is uncalled for. Yet, we must be aware of the fact that the nature of the beast, as it were, is not as well known as people might think at first sight.

When a person, who has hitherto been non-political, decides to get involved in our struggle - and most people in our ranks do not have a prior history of political activity - they are inevitably motivated by something. It may be a general discontent with society, or it might be something very specific - like immigration, unemployment or a concern for family life. Whatever the cause, it is a fact that in most cases there is no personal "revelation" of all that is wrong with our society. It is most usually the case that such a person is reacting to symptoms rather than to causes, and although he may "see the light" in a moment of lucidity and reject the modern world, it does not follow that he comes to an complete and instantaneous understanding of what is really and truly wrong with that world. This is surely obvious, since he is unlikely to have found the necessary knowledge for this in his daily newspaper or on television. He is now against something, and he has reasons for this opposition, but they are unlikely to be the whole answer. It is only in real political activity that he comes to a real consciousness of the problem; he begins to distinguish the symptom from the cause, the puppet from the puppeteer. It is a learning process that all militants go through, and it is one that lasts a life time, for life is action and thus demands answers and discrimination at all times. The man or woman who forgets this simple point quickly becomes irrelevant and ineffective, for events and facts will have passed them by.

So let's begin at the beginning.

Beliefs are important. There ought to be nothing very revolutionary in such a statement; indeed, such a statement ought to be self-evident. Yet quite the contrary is the case in the modern world. Why? Because one of the most 3

important elements of the struggle in the modern world is the struggle over whether Ideas are indeed important.

For the last fifteen years or so, we have been hearing a great deal about how contemporary society is beyond Dogma, beyond Ideology. We are told that we have left "the grey ideologies" of the past behind us, and we are now moving forward in a spirit of openness, freedom of expression and the search for evermore Choices in the various aspects of our life. This whole point of view was neatly summed up, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, by a JapaneseAmerican writer, Fukuyama, who said that we had witnessed "the end of History". Needless to say, he was lauded by the media as "an important literary figure", but this praise in no way diminishes the fact that "the end of History" is a particularly cretinous statement. The idea that the whole of history was made up of a conflict between Capitalism and Communism, and nothing else, is worthy only of the simpleton; and that the fall of Communism means the victory of Capitalism is in no way logical. Two buildings may be falling down through bad workmanship and wear and tear, but because one falls down before the other, it does not mean that the other is destined to remain standing.

This view that we have seen "the end of History" is another way of saying that the days of Ideology and Dogma are at an end; that all essential conflict has been resolved thereby, and that all that remains to be done is to sort out the details. It is possible for a person to hold such a view of the world only if he has no knowledge of the real world - as for example with a lunatic in an asylum - or if he is someone who is so devoid of imagination and ability that he cannot summon up another explanation of things that goes beyond the superficial world of television and newspapers - for example, economists and politicians.

According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary, Dogma is defined as: "Principle, tenet, doctrinal system", whilst Ideology is said to be the "Science of Ideas, or ideas at the basis of some economic or political theory or system". In other words, while there is life, politics and economics there will always be Dogma and Ideology. The fact that our society is heavily marked by a lack of public ideological conflict, touching fundamentals and realities, is one thing; to say that it is not touched by Ideology in any way is quite another, and ultimately a lie. Our society seeks to eliminate the very idea of a contest of Ideas, because there exists in our society a dominant Ideology that likes to present itself as a non-ideology. It is perfectly summed up in the oftquoted Times editorial phrase "all right-thinking people believe" - that is to say, you are right thinking only if you happen to subscribe to their point of view. Such a view point is nothing new, as the following quotation from Heretics by G.K. Chesterton, printed at the turn of the century, will 4

demonstrate: The modern world is filled with men who hold dogmas so strongly that they do not know that they are dogmas. It may be said even that the modern world, as a corporate body, holds certain dogmas so strongly that it does not know that they are dogmas".

The post-ideological phase of contemporary society, therefore, is not a reality, but a psychological propaganda weapon used by the rich and powerful, who wield the instruments of social control in our country. There is no more "Ideology", because their Idea is to prevail. No more, no less.

Of course, it is never expressed in such a crude and unthinking way, for the good reason that it might provoke even the unthinking masses to awaken with a start from the stupor engendered by the mass media. So another and `sweeter' approach is used. It is explained that "Ideology" is divisive; it sets Man,against Man; it produces misery, war, concentration camps and tyranny.

It works against the noble and desirable notion of Unity. It is implied that only evil people with ulterior motives seek to perpetuate Ideology; that this being so, "normal, decent, right thinking people" ought to stand clear of such dangerous and potentially trouble-making people.

With people thus sensitized to the 'evils' of "Ideology", the Powers-that-Be tell us that we must go beyond - we have to "seek compromise"; we have to encourage "bold vision" and "bold initiatives"; we have to go that extra mile to promote "Peace" and "Unity". In other words, "Peace" and "Unity" these in inverted commas because they bear no relation whatever to real Peace and Unity, which are more than an absence of violence and an absence of division respectively - become more important than Principle and Integrity; and thus the search is on to reconcile the irreconcilable. As a result, the "life and death" struggles of our time - between the Arab and the Jew in Palestine, for example - are not to be resolved by recourse to Principle and Integrity, but by recourse to "compromise". Where is the middle way, the path of compromise, between Truth and Falsehood, Right and Wrong? It does not exist, and yet daily we are subjected to such drivel by politicians, journalists and so-called intellectuals.

Ideology, then, is an integral part of life. It is as essential to our life in society as much as food and drink are essential to our physical life. The planet is only going to be truly free of "Ideology", when there is not one single person alive to think a thought. Until that moment comes, and despite the massed ranks of the global media, Ideology is going to play a role in the life of all peoples and nations.

Why explain this at length? There are two reason's.

Firstly, it is vital to understand that the attack on the very notion of Ideology is an ideological attack carried out by our national enemies. It is tantamount to telling us that "choice" consists in choosing between half a

dozen different brands of soap powder or hi-fl system; or from a massive range of newspapers and magazines owned by half a dozen families; or choosing Otis supermarket chain as against that supermarket chain. This is the practical result of our allegedly "non-ideological" society.

Ideology, however, posits the idea that there is more to life than such trivial choices. It postulates the idea that we might not want supermarkets at all; that we might want to read something other than the controlled pap fed to us by a handful of barely literate owners; that our society might benefit from a wholly different range of things, values and principles. Ideology then is a matter of keeping the brain alive, of maintaining freedom, and of making life worth living.

Secondly, and necessarily related, we have laid stress upon Ideology because it is central to the life and work of the Third Position. We are not merely interested in Ideas in general; we are interested in very specific ideas, which relate to one another in a logical and coherent way, and which add up to bright, new and refreshing alternative view of the world It adds up to a world that can be - if we want it badly enough and strive without limit to attain it. Moreover, this Ideology is the focal point of the Unity of the Third Position, because it must be Ideas which unify people. Ideological unity is an agreement between people on what they want to see come into existence. As a consequence, it is wholly superior to that unity of numbers, which can break down under the least strain; and it is vastly superior to that "unity" called for by politicians so that their party might "win the next General Election".

Ideological unity, because it is based on what people believe in and want, can withstand repression, torture and prison; "party unity in the run up to the next election" cannot even withstand a word out of place at a Press conference, or the mere allegation of sexual or financial impropriety. The importance of this must not be lost on Third Position militants. When the Idea of National Revolution lives in you, you are incomparably strong; you give it strength, and it gives you strength. Don't take it for granted, most political activists of the Establishment sort do not possess this - indeed, they don't even understand the Idea. That is hardly surprising for they do indeed live beyond Dogma and Ideology in every practical sense. This being so, it means that a Movement which is not ideological to the core is not merely underdeveloped; it is quite simply useless. A Movement's ideology is its identity; if there is no clear-cut identity, there will be no future for such a Movement. Anyone who doubts this need only look at the host of movements that have come and gone, which were not ideologically rooted, but were swept along by emotions, prevailing attitudes and dominant personalities - mere leaves blown in the wind.

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Once you understand the notion that there is allegedly no longer any "Ideology" in our society, you will understand why the media present the modern world as wholly "normal". It's "normal" because other ideas are simply unthinkable.

Thus, it's "normal" that nearly 80% of the world's trade is dominated by just 200 multi-national corporations. It's "normal" that you should pick up a paper or watch a television station owned by Rupert Murdoch or Ted Turner, whether you be at the North Pole, Turin or Timbuctoo. It's "normal" that races are moved by the millions from one part of the world to another, so that everybody belongs everywhere or nowhere. It's "normal" that people are taxed to the eyeballs; that the police have the power to interfere in virtually every aspect of our lives; that people conform themselves to what the "publicontPh;aweurs-iBldgy,ncoaw hell-holes, full of human garbage, making life difficult and unbearable for the young and old. It's "normal" that our children can barely read or write, although they can shriek the latest rap song, or wear the most recent and ridiculous fashion clothes, because they lack even the elementary quality of style. It's "normal" that the "free market" dominates our lives, because it gives us everything we want - badly built houses, run down hospitals, mass unemployment, polluted cities and the choice between Coca Cola and Pepsi.

If you are happy with such "normality", you may as well stop reading here.

If, however, you have had your fill of such things, then you will have an interest in what the Third Position has to say.

We are not interested in going with the times, with the crowd, or with the tide. We live in a world of Ideology, and we know what we will accept and what we will not accept. We know that our country has no future without Dogma, without Ideology. We know too that those who will bring salvation to this country will be drawn by Ideas, and kept active by Ideas. Why? Because people will live, sacrifice and die for an Ideal; but who can die for an argument over the standard of living?

If you don't 'see' yourself in the modem world, if you don't want to be part of the "mass ethos", then read on and find out what the Third Position ideology offers you and your family; find out whether you have what it takes to live in an ideological world, the real world.

THE TEN POINTS OF THE THIRD POSITION. The Third Position is a spiritually motivated world view which rejects the received wisdom of the modem world that all peoples and cultures are doomed forever to choosing between Left and Right, Socialism and Capitalism. Based upon a sound knowledge of human nature and its interests, the Third Position does not seek an unviable centrism, but a mode of Thought and Action that truly transcends the sterile hatreds of the modem world. The Third Position, therefore, is the political creed of the twenty-first century.

1. THE PRIMACY OF SPIRIT. It is an integral part of our political tradition that Man is, self-evidently, a complex of Spirit and Matter, and that the primacy lies with the Spirit.

Without an all-pervading spiritual revolution - a method of purification and improvement carried on by the individual for a life time - our militants will not differ in any essential sense from the degenerates who have given rise to the horrors of the modern world, and who have acted upon a purely materialist conception of Life and History.

It is the belief of the Third Position that worldwide National Revolution can only be achieved by the moulding of a New Man, a militant who practises what he preaches. Such a New Man must embody our ideal in such a way that he acts in himself as the highest form of propaganda for the Third Position in the community in which he lives and works.

It is equally the belief of the Third Position that the splendour of Europe, viewed historically and culturally, has its roots in the doctrine and practice of the Christian Faith. If, therefore, Europe is to regain its sense of Destiny and Mission, it must return sincerely and wholeheartedly to the Faith. As each individual develops his spiritual qualities, Europe will move forward thereby to a New Imperium.

2. THE MORAL ORDER. t

Since the degeneracy of the modern world is founded upon immorality and amorality, it stands to reason that a regenerate world can only be built upon Moral Order and Christian standards of living. The Third Position believes that it is vital that people understand that, contrary to the propaganda of the 8

mass media of contemporary society, there does exist Right and Wrong, Truth and Falsehood, Good and Bad in our world, and not a range of equally valid opinions and choices as materialists claim. Moral Order, to have any real meaning, is necessarily founded upon the immutable principle that only Truth has rights.

Since the Family is the primary element and centre of any healthy society, it follows that its strength and unity are essential to the stability, happiness and development of the Nation in all its aspects, material and spiritual. For this reason, the Third Position opposes any and all agencies and policies which seek to restrict, undermine or destroy Family Life in any way whatsoever.

Furthermore, we believe that healthy societies and large families go hand in hand; consequently, we believe that the State is duty bound to do all in its power to make large families the norm in our society.

The Third Position asserts that it is wholly opposed to the "legalization" of Abortion, artificial birth control, Euthanasia, Divorce, Homosexuality, Genetic Experimentation on Humans at any age and Vivisection, since they contravene God's Law and Objective Truth in the most blatant manner, and wholly negate the life-giving principles of the Third Position as an Ideology and Way of Life. The Third Position likewise asserts that for this Moral Order to come into being, it is vital that the young, as well as future generations, are taught not merely book knowledge, but also the path of self-sacrifice and spiritual perfection, which give rise to individuals that are virtuous and honourable. By such means, we will raise a people qualitatively superior in all respects to the increasingly dehumanized hordes deliberately being turned out by contemporary "education".

3. OPPOSITION TO MATERIALISM. The French Revolution of 1789 was the primary event which thrust philosophical materialism onto the world stage. In the intervening two centuries, the power of Organized Naturalism in all its diverse forms - that is to say, the systematic tendency to deny in theory and practice the reality of Soul and Spirit - has grown steadily to the point that it now threatens to engulf the entire world.

Materialism in its war with the Spirit has taken on many forms; some have promoted its goals with great subtlety, whilst others have done so with an alarming lack of subtlety, but all have added, in greater or lesser measure, to the growing misery of Mankind. The forms which have done the most damage in our time may be enumerated as: Freemasonry, Liberalism, Nihilism, Capitalism, Socialism, Marxism, Imperialism, Anarchism, Modernism and the New Age. Each of these creeds - materialist at base - is 9

philosophically wrong and discredited in practice. Thus, the Third Position condemns them all unreservedly, and affirms that opposition to all forms of Materialism is central to the ideology of the Third Position.

4. ZIONISM AND THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLE. Zionism as an organized political movement is little more than a century old, and yet in that time it has built a power structure of colossal proportions that straddles the globe. This structure includes not only the illegal Israeli regime, set up on the stolen land of Palestine, but also the power bases that Zionists have constructed in the spheres of Politics, Economics and the Media, especially in the USA and Europe. Needless to say, this power structure exists to serve and extend the interests of International Jewry, and this can only be done at the expense of the indigenous populations who have lost control of their countries to this discriminatory creed. In Palestine, Zionist control has taken on a brutal and overt form, whilst in the West it has tended to be a great deal more subtle in its methods; but methods aside, the result is the same. Whilst the Zionist colossus exists, our nations are being denied their right to national self-determination. It is an intolerable position, and one that cannot be meekly accepted by those seeking National Freedom and Social Justice.

The Third Position affirms that it is resolutely opposed to the political, economic and territorial imperialism of the Zionist movement, and proclaims that all peoples have a right to determine their destiny unmolested, directly or indirectly, by the Zionist power.

The Third Position also rejects the Arafat Puppet State that has been set up at the behest of the powers that be behind the New World Order, since its very existence negates the core belief of the Palestinian National Movement: that the whole of Palestine be governed by its true inhabitants, the Palestinians.

Any Treaty, any political diversion, which denies this principle in its integrity is necessarily unjust, and must be opposed by all those who seek True Peace and Justice.

5. THE IDEAL OF POPULAR RULE. It is a core belief of the Third Position that harmony and peace within nations and between nations can only be truly attempted if each nation seeks to create an essential unity that transcends sectional or vested interests. For far too long the destiny of nations has been the plaything of corrupt political parties, power cliques and outright tyrants; it is now more urgent than ever 10

that the material and spiritual integrity of the Nation and Culture comes into its own.

It is the belief of the Third Position that this vital unity can only be achieved through the implementation of a thorough-going programme of decentralization, particularly in the political sphere where power continues to be centralized day by day. This programme of political decentralization we call Popular Rule. In its essence, it is a system of self-government by the people which starts at the level of the lowest socially viable unit, and extends through a series of organically linked structures to the national level. It is the direct participation of the entire adult population in the decision-making process - local, regional and national - and draws its strength from the fact that the entire people express their wishes and have these acted upon by duly appointed delegates. However, the people themselves must act within the Moral Order if their wishes are to be valid;nthaisoy,epld make the "truth" by voting, rather their political actions must conform to Objective Truth. If this were not so, we would be confronted by a crass majoritarianism where "truth" would vary from one day to the next, according to the mood of the people. Beyond the Individual, there will exist two distinct institutions whose tasks will include the upholding of the rights of Truth.

Firstly, the State seen not merely as a policeman, but as a moral being; secondly, the Guild System seen not merely as an economic entity, but one also possessed of political and social powers and duties.

The Third Position asserts that all healthy societies are built upon recognition of God's Law and the rights of Truth, and not upon the civil constitutions and Bills of Rights that have been foisted upon us by vested interests striving to promote liberalism and relativism. It is foreseen that the clear enunciation of Moral principles by the Church will assist the citizen in daily, secular duties - to the benefit of Church, Society and Individual.

6. RACIAL AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY. That the human species is comprised of a patchwork of differing races and cultures is a matter of commonsense, and yet there are, incredibly, those who would destroy this richness and diversity in humanity in order to replace it with a rootless mass, lacking identity and history. In such a nightmare world the very words Race, Nation and Culture would cease to have any meaning at all. In other words, this forced multi-racism is seeking to destroy the living soil within which all peoples have their roots, their identity, their being. The Third Position rejects any and all attempts to impose this inhuman conformity on Mankind, whether it be advanced by slick television propaganda, or at the point of a gun.

The Third Position insists that it is both healthy and divinely ordained that people should have a genuine love and preference for their own kind; it likewise insists that this healthy instinct must be complemented by a sincere respect for those of differing race and culture who act upon the same principle. As a consequence, the Third Position supports the concept of Racial Separatism whereby different peoples and cultures co-operate in an atmosphere of respect and understanding to their mutual benefit, preserving one another from the abyss of multi-racism. In the struggle to preserve human diversity, resettlement of races to their countries of origin will play a major role, and will directly aid the struggle to build a more peaceful world.

7. PRESERVATION OF THE ENVIRONMENT. Every sane individual, wherever in the world he may be, wishes to live in an environment that is both beautiful and healthy. Given that the membership of the Third Position is drawn increasingly from across the globe, it follows that it is committed to ensuring that all nations and cultures act to preserve the beauty and balance of the world that we all share, to our mutual benefit.

However, this desire does not necessitate the creation of all-powerful global police bodies - as eco-fanatics and New Agers advocate - but rather the creation of a real and genuine understanding between nations of one another's needs.

The flora, fauna and great waterways of the world exist in a complex and dynamic relationship, a relationship that allows Mankind to live and develop.

It is clearly in the interests of all to preserve this life-giving relationship. For this reason, the Third Position affirms that it will act as a body to restrain the destruction of our common home, whether it be through the greed of the capitalist corporation; the mania for industrialization of Socialism; the rapacity of the international banking houses; or our would-be masters of the New World Order. Man has the primacy over Nature by divine right, but that primacy is one of stewardship and husbandry, and the passing on to future generations of a better world than the one inherited.

The Third Position believes that in a sane social order there is a vital balance to be struck between Ruralism and Urbanism. In and of itself, Ruralism is by far the healthier, for it possesses all that is essential to life, but this does not detract from the fact that a complementary urbanism - made up of hamlets, villages, market towns, centres of non-polluting technological advance, light industry and research institutes - can add much of use and benefit to human existence. This balance between Ruralism and Urbanism is held to be central to the worldview of the Third Position, for it determines, directly or indirectly, so much else of the programme of the Third Position.

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8. THE MENACE OF BANKERDOM. No rational person could seriously deny that Money, the love of it and the scramble for it, dominates the modem world in a degree hitherto unknown in the history of Mankind. Increasingly, the very right to existence of individuals, families, communities, regions, nations and cultures is determined by an alleged "economic viability", as though Money was the sole standard of importance in all the crucial questions of Life. In other words, Money, which was originally no more than a useful means of facilitating life in an increasingly complex society, has come to be the Judge of all things in Life and Society. Such a perversion of True Order has, not surprisingly, wrought misery and horror on a grotesque scale: cynically provoked wars; famines; pollution; genocide; grinding poverty; social manipulation; crass consumerism; youth suicide; widespread alcoholism; disintegrating families.

The Third Position asserts that Money is nothing more than a lowly servant of Man and Society, a servant that must be compelled to work for the Common Good of all, both within and between nations. It further asserts that since the modern Banking System is practising the most refined usury the world has ever known, it follows that we will campaign for its destruction, and replace it with a social banking system based on Sound Money. As a result, all debt, be it domestic, national or international, which springs from usury will be cancelled without compensation, and the bank owners will be compelled to make restitution to their unfortunate victims.

The Third Position believes that International Finance is one of the greatest evils of the modem world, and thus is intrinsically hostile to the programme of the Third Position.

ownership which promotes individual initiative and creativity, and yet does so only within the framework of the Common Good. It is the natural conjunction of Individual Freedom with Social Justice.

Given the total failure of Socialism, with its unnatural bureaucracy and inefficiency, and given the exploitation and gross inequality that result from Capitalism's so-called "Free Market", it is evident that Distributism is going to be the socio-economic creed of the twenty-first century.

10. NATIONAL REVOLUTION WORLDWIDE. It is because the Third Position seeks to build a New Social Order that it recognizes that all peoples and cultures, who adhere to the basic tenets of the Third Position, must work together closely in an air of mutual trust and support. Since the victory of a National Revolution in one part of the world is a victory for all Third Positionists, it follows that each affiliated member must be prepared to give moral, financial or technical assistance, where possible, should a revolutionary situation emerge in any given country. Parochialism in an age when the One World Ideology is striding to total victory is a complete negation of everything we profess, and thus is vigorously rejected by the Third Position.

9. A THIRD POSITION ON OWNERSHIP. The Third Position believes that there is a mode of ownership - in industry, in agriculture, in domestic circles - which goes far beyond the inhuman and unjust concentration wrought by both Capitalism and Socialism, and which apart from being pre-eminently practical is also perfectly natural, and in accordance with human nature. In the English-speaking world, this alternative is known as Distributism, an alternative developed and popularized by two fine English writers, Hilaire Belloc and G.K. Chesterton.

This form of ownership occurs in an economy which is decentralized to the smallest, viable unit and thus results in a plethora of producer and service cooperatives, small businesses, craft workshops, Guild structures, artisanal associations, small holdings, family firms and family farms. It is a mode of 13 14

THE LEGIONARY MODEL. Up to this point, we have looked at two things. Firstly, the vital need for a National Revolutionary movement to be essentially ideological in its outlook.

Secondly, we have looked briefly at the Ten Points that the Third Position believes deals with the fundamental problems of our society and our times.

But if, as we have said, beliefs are important, it is nonetheless equally true that such beliefs only really take on their true significance when they are put into relief, when they are incarnated in a practical way. If an idea is born, be it the most brilliant ever conceived by the mind of a man, but there is no attempt to realize it - in however an imperfect way - it is really the case that it was not worth giving birth to. Ideas are to Society what Soul is to Body, and this is easy to understand, for they both give the same result in the event of separation. A Body without a Soul is a corpse, and a Society without Ideas is a dead society. Thus, Thought and Action are a real and necessary unity; the exclusion of one or the other does not give two halves, but nothing in practical terms, for neither by itself can bring anything to completion.

Ideas, therefore, exist to be implemented, but implementation is not something mechanical, it is not something self-evident. If it takes creative thinking to create a coherent Ideology, it also takes creative thinking to evolve the plan of action that brings the Ideology to life.

Historically speaking, the last two centuries have been dominated by two principal means of 'implementing' Ideology, whatever its colour. They are: Elections and Terrorism.

At first sight, they stand poles apart as methods, but in reality they bear a remarkable affinity to one another, for they are both rooted in the same misconception: Materialism.

Materialism, at base, is the idea that what you see is all there is. So, for those who follow the Parliamentary road to Power, they see a Parliament building and they believe it necessary to have a majority there to bring about the changes they -wish to see in society. Such innocence would be touching were it not so dangerous to the life of our nation; for people put their hopes and efforts into something that consumes enormous volumes of time, energy and money - and yet it is plainly a cruel waste of such resources. Why? Because the idea that Parliament is the heart, the nexus, of political power in this country is; an illusion of the first order. What government, however `popular' with the masses, can withstand pressure from the Bank of England or the City of London? What government, however capable, can withstand a media onslaught that seeks to crucify it day after day in the newspapers, and night after night on television? What government, however well-meaning, can 15

withstand the demands and pressures of Big Business and the multi-national corporations, upon whom a great proportion of trade and prosperity is dependent? The mere asking of these questions demonstrates conclusively that political power is not essentially wielded in the corridors of Westminster, but in the boardrooms and newsrooms of vastly more powerful and influential institutions.

But even if we could convince ourselves that Parliament was, indeed, the centre of political power, it would not alter the final shape of things. This is because in a Parliamentary strategy, it is vital never to forget one thing: the masses. You may be granted four or five years to implement change, but such a period of time is wholly insufficient to reverse the disastrous trends of two centuries. This being so, the decision has to be taken to cut the clothe accordingly, to tailor the needs of the National Revolution to "winning the next General Election". Things, therefore, are reduced to the lowest level when what is actually needed is the raising of them to the highest possible level. There exists, then, a contradiction between what should be done to bring about National Salvation, and what has to be done to keep the Movement in power, ostensibly to continue the revolutionary process.

Honest men, who have followed this path and who have spoken fervently in its favour, have not infrequently left public life because they found that nothing could be changed from within. The moment you enter the System that has set our country on a downward path, you are inexorably roped into its life cycle, whatever your beliefs, whatever your actions. As Hilaire Belloc rightly said, after his years as an MP: "if democracy could change anything, the government would ban it". And so the service of good men to the nation is lost; hopes and dreams are shattered; and a disoriented people, seeking salvation from some quarter, drift towards apathy or towards Terrorism.

It was said earlier that Terrorism and Electoralism were both rooted in the same misconception, Materialism. Just as electioneering presupposes that Power lies in the hands of Parliament, so Terrorism presupposes that Power lies in the hands of given Individuals. This is a false premise.

What needs to be killed in the current System is a mentality, not people.

The System is very much akin to a machine, and is deliberately made so, because it permits worn out or broken pieces to be replaced at will without interfering with the running of the machine. Politicians come and go; media men come and go; bankers and capitalists come and go. And yet the System remains. Terrorism wholly misses the target - excuse the pun! - because it takes aim at the replaceable dummies operating the machine, and not at the machine itself. This is hardly surprising because Terrorism is an outgrowth of a materialist mentality. The terrorist does not work in the realm of the spiritual, cannot conceive that which cannot be seen, because he is 16

conditioned by materialism to judge only what he sees. If he could see more clearly, he would understand that it is not the killing of bodies that changes society, but the conversion of souls. The moment a person ceases to believe in the System, because his heart and soul have been changed, that System is effectively dead for him; once a critical mass of people - perhaps 10% of a population - has come to this point, the System is on its way out.

If anyone doubts this, believing it to be sentimental rubbish or an excuse for not indulging in dreary or dreadful activities, let him consider the history and fate of Communism. It used both approaches in the countries which it dominated, and neither succeeded. There were elections, but they fooled noone - least of all, those who voted. They used terror in abundance - but it broke no-one but the Communist Party. You can terrify people out of their wits; you can wheel and deal and try to con people until the cows come home - but neither ever won the heart of a real man or woman. You can achieve outward conformity; you will never achieve inward assent. And inward assent is what we are after, for the National Revolution is necessarily the incarnation of our Ideals; it is the move from Theory to Practice, from Conception to Construction.

So, now we come to this question. How are we to proceed to the implementation of National Revolution, if the two obvious and most common methods are fundamentally ruled out?

The first method, elections, requires direct involvement with the System; the second, terrorism, requires direct confrontation with the State. In both cases, the State is involved in the strategy as a matter of necessity, and that necessity is absolutely central. It is this fact which helps determine how we should proceed to a Third Position Revolution; it determines that our involvement with the State should not be necessary, but incidental; should not be central, but peripheral. In other words, we do not go up against the State, nor do we enter into the State; rather we go around it, seeking to make it obsolete wherever possible in respect of our politics and our lives. This conception of steady undermining is also coupled with steady building up. We make something obsolete not merely by getting rid of it, but by replacing it In our politics, this conception of struggle is known as Counter-Power. It is a strategy that operates in all fields of activity, and it is a strategy that is in large part determined by us. It is a strategy where we choose the time, the place and the issue, and it allows us thereby to avoid unnecessary physical conflict with enemies (particularly when we are outnumbered), as well as media attacks. Those who have been involved in politics for any period of time will appreciate the advantage that this gives, for physical violence and media hate campaigns are the two weapons most commonly used against us.

Of course, the proof of the pudding is in the eating, and it might be objected that whilst all this sounds very good and plausible, it lacks one essential feature: it has not been tried and tested.

This might be an entirely valid objection' if it were true, but it is not. But even if it were true that it was a strategy that had never been tried before, it does not mean that we should not adopt it. Demanding a guarantee of success from a strategy before you have tried it is about as intelligent as demanding a guarantee of first class flavour in a fish before you have tasted it! Such knowledge only comes from the doing of the thing, and by no other means.

And if we place an allegedly untried strategy in direct comparison with those strategies of the past, elections and terrorism, which have failed, what does commonsense tell us to do? Repeat the errors of the past, or trailblaze a new path?

However, such a strategy was used in the past, although it did not use the name Counter Power. It was used in the Romania of the Thirties, and it was the centre piece of the Legion of St. Michael the Archangel - also known as the Iron Guard or the Legionary Movement.

This strategy began with a small handful of people, almost no money and against a background of crisis and apathy amongst the population at large; and despair and disillusionment in nationalist circles. Times don't change too much! Yet within 15 years, this movement has taken power - not from the top down, but from the bottom up, so that every city, town, village and hamlet was represented in the living body of the Legionary Movement. There were no conversions amongst the rich and powerful to its banner; there were no large and influential papers at their disposal. What there was was a body of doctrine that had the hallmark of Truth, a strategy that allowed everyone, from the most brilliant professor to the humblest peasant, to find his role in the movement, and a burning desire to put the country to rights. Within fifteen years, this grouplet has become a million dedicated revolutionaries.

Thus, the Counter Power idea is not a theory, but a theory that has been validated in practice. It is not well-known in nationalist circles that is true, but that is no reflection on the theory and practice. All it demonstrates is our ignorance of history, and no more.

A careful study of the history of the practice of this theory has convinced the leadership of the Third Position that it is the most effective strategy open to us in England. Firstly, because our situation is very similar in many respects to that facing the Legionary Movement in the Thirties (but we do appreciate that there is much that is different!); secondly, because its practice brought victory to Romanian nationalists, whereas it is very arguable as to whether Terrorism or Elections ever brought real nationalists to power anywhere in the world.

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Let us look, therefore, at the Legionary Movement as a kind of model, not to be imitated in every respect, but as something that stimulates ideas and allows adaptations and improvements to take place.

Unlike political parties, the Legion does not begin with the Party, but with the Man. The reason is simple. An organization is only as good as the people who make it up, especially in the ranks of the officers. You can have money by the barrow load, plush offices, glossy magazines and one hundred and one other technical accoutrements, but if the quality of your militants and your leadership is low it will all be to no avail.

Thus, the emphasis in the Legionary Movement is placed upon the individual: developing his personality, improving his morals, refining his talents, adding to his skills. In other words, the Movement begins with the formation and improvement of the New Man that is going to build the New Society. These are not idle words, artistic creations, journalistic clichĂŠs; they are rock solid facts. If you want a National Revolution, you must have National Revolutionaries. Not on paper, but in practice; not mere cardcarriers, but practitioners, exemplars and missionaries of the Ideal. Anything less is worse than useless, is simply a waste of time.

The Legionary Movement, therefore, begins to organize men and women in human size units, not in bureaucratic structures. That is to say, it seeks to .nurture militants in a background that is sympathetic, natural and effective. In Romania, the initial structure was the cuib, meaning "nest". It conveys the idea of a small number of people gathering together in a congenial atmosphere, learning and working together for the Individual and Common Good. Once the Nest has outgrown its size, it is divided so that another Nest comes into being; and from each Nest will come New Men and New Leaders, appropriate for the different levels of struggle. Some will never leave the local level; others will be destined - by their efforts, their sacrifices, their commitment and nothing else - to govern at the highest levels. The Legion, then, is a hierarchy based on Ideology, Common Purpose and Intensive Formation.

From the Nest structure, everything else radiates out, so that no field of endeavour is left untouched, be it spiritual, academic, agricultural, cultural, economic or political. There is a place for everyone, and everyone has his place. Thus, there are Nests in universities and schools, factories and offices.

There are structures in the towns and in the countryside; there are formations for men, women and youth.

What do these Legionary structures do? What are their aims?

The ethos behind all Legionary activity is to establish and develop independence of our enemy in all fields. It is only when our dependence on

the structures of our enemies is reduced to the barest minimum that we can truly say that we have a fighting chance for our nationalism.

If we work in a factory, or an office for the State, or for some large corporation, our field of activity is greatly limited because of our economic dependence on them. Frequently, people have to hide their political allegiance for fear of losing their job, which can threaten their life and the life of their family.

If we wish to meet in large or small numbers, we are always dependent on outsiders for a hall or a field. Such dependence means that the owner - or more usually political enemies - can put pressure on us: by giving us the run around, by charging a higher rent, by cancellation at the last moment (with possibly disastrous consequences for the movement's activity).

If we are dependent for the necessaries of life - food, drink, clothing and shelter - upon outsiders, then we are left exposed to a whole host of pressures aimed at eliminating our politics.

These considerations, and many more besides, force us to recognize that we cannot afford to be dependent for such vital elements of our 'existence physical, social and economic - on the System. It forces us to the conclusion that we must seek to bring such things largely under our control. It would be naive to think that this can be done quickly and on a wide front, but it is perfectly possible to do it piecemeal over a period of time. This approach takes time, ingenuity and real effort. There is nothing glamorous about it, but every step forward is a real progression, and a progression that allows us to build upon it in a serious way. There is none of the excitement of an election, none of the tension of marches opposed by enemies. But there are results of a concrete nature, which elections and marches cannot claim.

With this in mind, it becomes easy to understand that the Counter Power approach is aimed at creating a complete counter-society to the one in which we live. Thus we must possess our own farms and houses; we must set up more and more businesses of every kind, employing comrades and their families; we must set up nursery and primary schools for the education of our children, and universities for our best militants; we must have our own chapels and meeting places; we must have our own bars and coffee shops; we must have our own newspapers and magazines; we must create our own films, theatre and music scene; we must have a method and structure for the training and improvement of all our militants; we must have the ability to grow our own food; we must run our own kind of social services, so that militants and their families are not left to fend for themselves against insuperable odds; we must have an efficient exchange system that allows talents and skills to be used to maximum advantage for the Movement and for its membership; we must have friends everywhere, in high and low places, and here and abroad.

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In short, whatever your mind can conceive of as necessary to a healthy society, there is an appropriate Counter-Power activity to go with it.

The overall aim of such activity is to allow us to build combat positions, positions from which we can strike out into newer fields of activity, thereby building our strength and influence as a movement.

Such activities, if they are studied closely, reveal that they are seeking to integrate and co-ordinate three vital areas of our life in such a way that harmony and victory result. These three elements are: spiritual, political and economic.

The necessity of the close harmony of these three elements cannot be overstated, for past failures have been largely due to a misunderstanding of this simple fact.

The three elements are all necessary to our victory, though they are not of equal value in themselves. This is clearly brought out by a consideration of the situation that results when one of these elements is left out of the picture.

Imagine, for example, that the spiritual revolution, upon which we place great emphasis, is put to one side. We can thus imagine a highly ideological movement coming into being and achieving great things. Having money at its disposal, it will be presented with great possibilities in the struggle for National Freedom. But this very thing is also its most dangerous weakness, for a powerful political movement, sustained by its own financial structure, is an invitation to the unscrupulous, the greedy and the opportunist. It becomes the ideal medium for the careerist, particularly those from the middle classes who feel that they have been hard done by by the System. This century is full of movements that suffered from the "Septembrist" phenomenon - that is, of a movement suddenly being inundated by members of the eleventh hour, by those jumping on the bandwagon after the founders and militants have done all the hard work. Today, you have a perfect example of this in Italy with the old MSI, which became Alleanza Nazionale. As one former militant put it: "The workers, shopkeepers and radical nationalist students have given way to a crowd of Armani suits, Chanel No. 5 and mobile telephones". This will always be the case when the spiritual - which puts emphasis upon Right and Wrong, upon Honesty, Good Living and Upright Conduct - is put to one side.

Or take the situation where the spiritual and the political have great emphasis placed upon them, but the economic is given little or no place in the great discussions of the Movement. What happens here?

We find that recruitment is good, and that the quality of people is excellent.

They excel morally and politically, and their dedication is second to none.

They are prepared to go anywhere, at any time and do anything. The problem is that all this quality and enthusiasm does not make up for the need for hard cash. Enthusiasm does not pay printers bills; it does not allow the purchase of 21

computers, modems and other technical equipment; it does not make possible the setting up of businesses, and the buying of farms and houses. In other words, a lack of interest in the economic component of our struggle leaves us strapped for cash, and moving only at the speed at which membership fees and whip rounds allows. It is thus needlessly expending energy and time, two things which are precious resources to a movement in our situation.

Or again, we can imagine a movement that is highly spiritual and good at making money, but which does not really involve itself in politics. This type of structure likes to kid itself that it is being "meta-political" or "cultural", when, in reality, it is avoiding the fact that Politics is our field of battle. The spiritual gives us our courage for the battle field, whilst the economic gives us our weapons; but what is the point of having the right attitude and the right weapons if we have no intention of using them for the purposes for which they exist?

It is easy to take "a spiritual view of things", to look down on politics as something below you. But the hard reality is that Politics is about people, about communities, about the nation; it is about fighting to save them. A person can be highly spiritual - in the best sense of the word - highly cultivated and producing glossy magazines and powerful books, thanks to the economic development of the organization. But unless all of this effort is directed to the saving of the people (from themselves and from our enemies), it merely becomes a form of vanity and pride. And whatever else it does, it contributes nothing to national salvation.

Thus, we must never forget that the Legionary model must always have the spiritual, political and economic elements involved in all of its initiatives, for it is only such completeness and such harmony that brings perfection, and the possibility of victory.

The Legionary Movement, then, creates New Men. It creates Men capable of launching and maintaining a serious Politics that strikes to the heart of the matter. It creates the material resources necessary to ensure that the political struggle is as well equipped as is humanly possible. It is a model that has no equal to our knowledge.

The Legion, then, opposes: 1. Personal responsibility to backsliding and evasion.

2. Commitment and Perseverance to half-heartedness and political hobbyism.

3. Building in depth on firm foundations to loose association on a wide front.

4. Quality in everything to Quantity in everything.

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THE STRUCTURE OF THE THIRD POSITION.

So we conclude that militants must always bear certain phrases in mind: 1. The primary things always take precedence over the secondary things.

2. Continual education of self is not an option, it is a necessity.

Now, we come to the Structure that makes up the Third Position.

Firstly, we need to make clear that for us a Structure is not something merely physical or material; it must also possess the right spirit. Thus, the Structure of the Third Position is made up of two parts: the Body and the Soul.

The Body is made up of all the elements - local, regional, national and international organization - that go to make up the completed structure, just as the human body derives its unity from being made up of many different parts.

The Soul of the structure is fundamentally the spirit that the members give it; that is to say, it is the attitude of the militants which gives life to the structure. If the militants are half-hearted, unconvinced, slack - then, it is inevitable that the structure will not work at full efficiency. Indeed, it may even cease to function at all if its members do not possess the right attitude.

Equally, if the militants are dedicated, intelligent and persevering, the structure will not only work to the maximum, but will expand in depth and in breadth.

It is because the spiritual is superior to the material that we begin with the spirit.

All Third Position militants must understand, from the outset, that what they are involving themselves in is a Holy War to set both our country and our continent free of numerous enemies. Once it is properly grasped that we are involved in a war, every bit as bloody and hard as any physical exchange on a military field of battle, it will set the tone for right thinking. If you want not even to win, but merely to survive, on a battle field, you have to give your all.

There is no question of half measures; there is no question of a part-time approach; there is no question of seeking ways out; there is no question of putting other things first. This is also true of politics.

This should be obvious, but in political warfare too many people treat things of a secondary nature wrongly, and so these take priority over the essentials.

Thus, we find that people do not give sufficient time to political struggle; others give pennies when pounds are required; some do little in the way of reading so as to educate themselves effectively, whilst others never get beyond reading, leaving action to others; some never stop talking, so that things can be done, whilst others never start talking, with the result that no attempt is ever made to win people over.

3. Action is not something that takes place from time to time, it is something that must take place every day. Action is a way of life, otherwise our politics is only so much hot air.

4. Sacrifice - of whatever kind - is not an exception, it is the rule. The greater the capacity of a movement and its membership to sacrifice, the greater the possibility of victory.

Thus, the serious militant will never be at a loss for something to do each day, which contributes in some way to the struggle. From digging deep into his pockets for the Movement to digging deep into a book for his Mind, from convincing people to come to us through Persuasion to convincing people through Postering - the militant will never lose the opportunity to broadcast our message at all times and in all places.

The following elements make up the structure of the Third Position: 1. A Nucleus: This is one active militant. A Nucleus is allotted an identification number.

2. A Cell: This is two active militants. A Cell is allotted an identification number.

3. A Squad: This is a group of militants, no fewer than three and no more than thirteen in number. A Squad will be known by a particular name.

4. A Section: This is three Squads working in the same town or region.

THE NUCLEUS. The Nucleus is unique in the history of Nationalism in this country in being part of the overall structure of the Movement. How many people when they get involved find themselves all alone? How many live miles from the nearest group of militants, or even a subscriber to a Movement journal?

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It is because this is so often the case - that someone joining is all alone - that the Third Position has deemed it necessary to include such an element into the formal structure of the Movement.

At first sight, it might be thought that there is very little of an effective nature that one person can do, but this is very far from being the case.

Firstly, a man - the nucleus - must grasp from the outset that there are no circumstances whatever in which the Movement cannot act. This is amply shown, for example, by the fact that the Romanian Legionaries converted hundreds to their ranks even whilst they were housed in dungeons and concentration camps. Wherever people exist, there exists a field for action, however limited it may be. Thus, the nucleus must see himself as a missionary in a wilderness - it is his job to bring the "Good News" of National Revolution to whomsoever he can, whether directly or indirectly.

What this means in practice is that the nucleus works on two levels: the personal and the impersonal, and he works on them simultaneously.

The impersonal means getting over our name and address to as many people as possible, since the wider the distribution of our materials, the more likely is it that others will be drawn into our ranks. It must never be forgotten that we are living in a situation in which millions are extremely discontented with things, and who find no hope among the Establishment parties and pressure groups; nor must it be forgotten that all the research shows that what we are proposing as solutions is by far and away the most popular programme in the country. Once this is understood, it will be seen that it is simply a matter of bringing our message of Hope to the despairing masses in the country. If this is done regularly and consistently, good recruitment of quality people is inevitable.

Impersonal means are things that anyone can do, no matter how isolated, no matter how inexperienced, no matter how shy or timid. Thus', we expect a nucleus to be fervent in putting up our stickers everywhere in the town/region in which he lives; he should be putting out leaflets, door to door, on a regular basis, keeping a record of what roads and streets he has covered, so as to be sure that he does not waste time doing the same area twice with the same propaganda; he should be putting copies of The Voice of St. George through the doors of people likely to respond - that is to say, small businessmen, fanners, independent craftsmen, and in those areas where people have fled from such plagues as immigration. All of these put the message across; all of these put the name and address across; all of these tell the despairing Englishman that there is someone out there willing to fight back!

On the personal level, the nucleus should look closely at family, friends and workmates. Once he has done so, he will see that there are 3 or 4 people who

agree in some way or other with our politics. It may only be one point: abortion, immigration, economics; alternatively, it may be a broad sympathy.

Where it is a matter of just one policy, the nucleus must carefully prime his target. He needs to consolidate and clarify the one policy, and thereafter to extend this one area to another that may be closely related. In building this bridgehead, the nucleus is creating the conditions for bringing the target to a full knowledge of what is wrong with our society.

Where it is a matter of a broad sympathy, it is a question of the nucleus reinforcing the general beliefs of the target, but also, subtly, of clarifying them and putting them into sharper focus, so that the target begins to see the necessity of being clearer, and of doing something.

Experience has shown that a nucleus should be "working" on 3 or 4 people regularly and at the same time, because at some point one will "break" and the nucleus will become a Cell.

Of course, how the personal work is done is largely down to the initiative of the nucleus, but certain guidelines can be laid down.

Firstly, there can be no conversion of others to a political line of thought if the nucleus himself is not well acquainted with the subject that he is discussing. This means, therefore, that one of the first objectives of the nucleus is to read and understand all of the books and booklets that are recommended at the end of this work; taken together, they will prove more than adequate in dealing with ordinary Englishmen and women.

The average Marxist approach is wholly different - it propounds the idea that every person has to be completely instructed in all of the ins and outs of Marxism before he can be let lose on the masses. The result is that most Marxists never get in touch with real people and the real world. Their mistake is in believing that ordinary men and women are going to ask the most difficult and arcane questions; it is quite the contrary. The man in the street is a simple being, with simple worries and simple wants. He does not want, or seek, long-winded or elaborate explanations: all he wants to know is: what is wrong, and how can things be put right. Always keep it simple, and you cannot go wrong. Start talking about things too far beyond the experience or imagination of the ordinary man and you are lost!

So a programme of continuous education is vital. Once you have graduated to a certain level of knowledge, you will be brought into the seminar training structure of the Movement, and your expertise will grow by leaps and bounds.

In dealing with the people that you are "working on", you must always take into account the type of character that you are dealing with. Some people need to be convinced, slowly and steadily - the soft sell; others need to be hammered repeatedly until the shell of resistance is broken. How this is done

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is largely a matter of practice, but two simple methods can be used to great effect.

The first is to leave a leaflet/journal somewhere - quite naturally - where the target will come across it. If you are approached about it, you can ask to look, as though it were the first time that you ever saw it! Be realistic - don't wade in saying that you agree with it all; simply say that you agree with this point and that; agree that "they" have a point on this subject or in that article. In other words, play the role of referee, confirm the target in his good feelings towards our ideas, and gently counterbalance anything negative that he may say. This need not always be in one session; it may be that you must come back to it again at a later stage. Hence: "You remember that paper we saw the other day about homosexuals? I was reading it again and I found that Point X is very similar to something that I read in the newspaper/saw on TV". In other words, the conversion process takes time and subtlety; learn when to move forwards, and when to remain stationary.

The second technique is very similar, but it is more readily used when the target is a thinking person. He may be a disillusioned Marxist or an ecologist fed up with the weakness and vacuity of the people he has met, or even someone who has seen through the myth of the "free market" the hard way.

Such a person will be eager to discover new ideas, new approaches. So you can arrive with books, photocopies, newspaper cuttings, cassettes or whatever, which ram home one or two points on which he agrees, but which move him gently in our direction. You don't have to say where you obtained these things: a friend lent them to you; you found them in the library; you saw a man selling them- in the street. The essential thing is to engage him in the discussion of ideas, to widen his horizons in such a way that when he is "ready", you can announce you've joined up. If done properly, you will probably have your first recruit.

This approach may sound hard on paper, but in reality it is very easy. It is simply a matter of watching, waiting and striking at the right times. Of course, at the outset, you will make mistakes, but practice makes perfect, and with the passage of time, you will be doing it almost without thinking. It will become second nature, and you will find that you are doing it to everyone you meet even on trains and planes, you will be trying either to get one idea over so that they go away "enriched" from the encounter, or, if things are going very well, you may end up with a name and address of somebody who is thankful that he/she bumped into you! When you have achieved this, you will know that you have the correct missionary approach to our politics.

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The Duties of a Nucleus.

All those who are active in the Movement are obliged to pay a Monthly Levy to the central organization of the Movement, and this by Standing Order unless there are good reasons for why this is not possible. Bureaucracy is something that we want, naturally, to keep to a bare minimum.

If the Nucleus is unemployed, he will pay ÂŁ5 per month; if he is employed, he will pay ÂŁ10 per month. Both these figures are regarded as a minimum. In the case of a Nucleus, he does not begin paying his Monthly Levy until he has been in the Movement for six months. However, at the outset of membership, he pays a ÂŁ20 registration fee.

In addition to the fee/levy, the Nucleus is obliged from the outset to take 10 copies of the Movement's official paper, The Voice of St. George, though he is encouraged to increase this number at the first possible opportunity.

Although he is not obliged to take any copies of the journals which are independent, but supportive, of the Movement, he is encouraged to read them all if only for his own educational benefit.

Finally, the Nucleus must understand that he is on twelve months probationary membership. During this period of time, he will be expected to read the books and booklets found in the Recommended Reading section of this booklet, and to become conversant with the Movement's ideals and world view. He will also be expected to be present at a minimum of three national gatherings of members, be they conferences, camps or seminars. This is to enable him to learn from more experienced members; to meet with various members of the leadership; to draw upon such gatherings for ideas, inspiration and comradeship; and to be able to ask for any advice that he may require.

Equally, such encounters allow the leadership to size up the probationary member, suggest what he needs to do, and to evaluate his talents and interests.

Since it is the leadership that decides whether or not someone has passed the probationary period, such national meetings are to be regarded as a vital priority in the life of the militant.

THE CELL. The principle aim of every Nucleus is to become a Cell, and though circumstances vary greatly, it can safely be said that it is likely to take a matter of months, rather than of years, to achieve this aim.

The first thing to be noted about a Cell is that it is not simply two men; it is not the mere addition of one man to another. One plus one in pure maths equals two - but in the world of politics, one plus one equals two and a bit.

Why? For the reason that there are things which two men acting together can 28

achieve which are not obtainable by two men working separately. Two can live as cheaply as one, and two united in struggle can achieve more than two separate individuals.

It is because more energy and more possibilities come from a Cell that it is the Nucleus's prime objective to reach Cell status.

A Cell changes everything.

Firstly, there is a change on the psychological level. The nucleus, a man, is no longer alone. There is now a friend in the struggle. It is no longer a question of one man against the world, but two! It may sound like nothing in the ears of inexperienced politicals, but for those who have been in this situation, it marks a huge turning point.

Secondly, a Cell allows discussion to take place. When someone is alone, he must plan and do everything for himself; any flaws or weaknesses in his approach will be found only in the implementation of the plan. In a Cell, the second person acts as "a sounding board", and things that might not have been seen by one person acting alone may be seen by the other. It is simply the practical result of the proverb that "two heads are better than one".

Thirdly, the level of education can be deepened. There can be discussion of Ideas and Strategies; there can be exchanges of books and literature that have not been seen by the other; there can be explanation and elaboration of things that may have gone above the head of the other.

Fourthly, the range of activities, their frequency and their depth can be greatly increased. For example, putting papers through doors is easy to do, but after a couple of hours, it can become tedious; when there is a second person present, time passes more rapidly because discussion takes place on all kinds of topics - and as long as people are conscious of the necessity of "getting on with it", the number of papers put out will be higher in a given period of time than if two people had done the same amount of time, but working separately.

At Cell level, things like selling papers door to door can take place. In a Nucleus, it may be that the man's character is one of shyness, but in a Cell there is a sense of solidarity where one tends to reinforce the strengths and weaknesses of the other.

In a Cell, we should find that the sheer volume of material distributed, the amount of time spent in political activity, grows rapidly - this is because a first convert is the living proof that success is possible, and the living proof that others can be converted if enough serious effort is put into things.

Finally, the Cell allows discussion of the possibility of a business structure.

By business is meant, not some new corporate structure like ICI or BP, but simply a means of making money. At this stage, it is likely to be a simple way of making a few extra pounds that allows more material to be put out, or to facilitate travelling for political reasons. It may in time become a way of 29

increasing one's own income, so as to pave the way for a militant to get out of the economic slavery of capitalist society. It is the aim of the Third Position that as many militants as possible become economically independent of the System, because, thereby, the individual, the family and the Movement are strengthened by this growing tendency towards self-sufficiency.

The Duties of a Cell.

As with those at Nucleus level, each member of a Cell is obliged to pay a Monthly Levy to the central organization by Standing Order. The rates are exactly the same: ÂŁ5 per month per member if they are unemployed; 10 each if they are employed. If a Cell comes into being immediately - that is to say, there is no Nucleus phase - the Levy begins in the first month of membership.

Each Cell is obliged to take 30 copies of The Voice of St. George, but are only requested to take two copies of each of the four journals which support the Movement, but are independent.

Cell members are to undergo a period of twelve months probationary membership, and thus they are to read the books in the Recommended Reading section in the same way as Nuclei. For the same reasons, Cells will be expected to participate in a minimum of three national gatherings - for evaluation, advice and so on - though it is likely that the Cell's contact with the leadership is going to be more intense, if only because Cell status is the vital step to Squad status, and thus of great interest to the leadership.

THE SQUAD. The first major difference that exists between a Nucleus and a Cell on the one hand, and a Squad on the other, is that the Squad will be identified by a name, and not by a simple number. Why? Because at this level of organization, we expect the Movement in a locality to begin to exhibit something of a personality.

Who chooses the name of the Squad? The national leadership has decided that the Squad should come to a consensus on this matter, though final approval of such a name lies with the national leadership. This is not an arbitrary matter, simply a matter of commonsense. Firstly, the leadership can ensure that there is no duplication of name. Secondly, it can ensure that nothing stupid is chosen. Thirdly, it can ensure that the name chosen is in conformity with our best ideological traditions. Thus one group may be known as the Evita Peron Squad; another as the Hilaire Belloc Squad; another as the Truth and Justice Squad. Such names are largely for internal 30

organizational use, though in reporting Squad activities in our journals, we automatically introduce a level of security.

Each Squad is also to have its own banner, and under exactly the same conditions as the choice of Squad name: local choice, national confirmation.

Before moving on to the work of a Squad, it needs to be stated that Squad leaders will be chosen by the Squad, though they will have to be confirmed by the leadership. This is to ensure that quality not favouritism plays the determining role in this most important of matters. Since the life of a Squad is going to be heavily influenced by the personality, intelligence, commitment, knowledge and activity of the man chosen to lead a Squad, it means that the choice has to be undertaken seriously. It is not a popularity contest: it is a matter of finding the best man for the job. No more, no less.

The Squad leader will not be appointed for a given term. He may stand down if he wishes, but it is foreseen that, in general, he will stay at his post until such time as other militants, of suitable character and quality, have emerged in the Squad. Once this point has been reached rotation of role, expansion of activities, and the development of new Squads can take place.

The main aim of a Cell is to become a Squad, because such a transformation brings in its wake, a complete transformation in the work of the Third Position. Many hands make light work, and the more hands there 'are, the more work that can be done; and the work that has to be done is everything which contributes to National Salvation.

When a' Cell becomes a Squad, even of only three or four members, the whole psychological atmosphere changes. There is now a certain feeling of growing strength, a certain conviction that the Movement can begin to dominate the given area politically. There is a growing sense of comradeship, and a growing sense of commitment. There is the feeling that the tide is beginning to turn in our favour - however localized that may be.

The Squad opens up a tremendous range of possibilities to the militants involved, in the way that the move from a Nucleus to a Cell widened horizons disproportionately.

It is obvious that with growing numbers, the amount of material distributed can be greatly increased, and can be pushed over a wider area. This in itself will have two consequences: firstly, the potential for recruitment will increase rapidly as more and more Englishmen are brought into contact with our ideas; secondly, more papers, more stickers, more posters in an area will tell both friend and foe alike that the Movement has a solid "presence" in the locality.

When stickers and posters are going up as quickly as enemies can tear them down, battle has been truly engaged; the measure of our success and influence will be gauged by the permanence or otherwise of our posters and stickers. If our Squads persevere in maintaining their presence with true devotion, at

some point they will remark that our posters and stickers are not coming down with the same rapidity. This will be the first indication that the active enemies are tiring, and that psychologically we are beginning to dominate the area.

Growing numbers also allow the Movement to work in depth, concentrating in areas which have proven especially responsive to our materials. It is here that the sale of The Voice of St. George must be concentrated; once a regular round of buyers has been built up, the shyer members of the Squad can continue supplying the round, whilst the more extrovert move into other streets and areas, breaking new ground.

The formation of a Squad also allows the beginning of serious local campaigning, and the setting up of community projects. Why? Because in a Cell, there is only so much that can be done by two men. In a Squad, there can be the start of a division of labour: collecting information on enemies; assembling information about issues of concern to local people that might be exploited to the advantage of the Movement (ie the opening of an unwanted Hindu temple; the presence of drug pushers near schools and play grounds; the preservation of some aspect of the environment, which adds to the quality of life in a particular area, and which has been put up for grabs either by greedy speculators or corrupt local government officials). After the collecting of information, there must be the preparation of propaganda and its distribution; and after that, the working out of a strategy which is intelligent and which gains sympathy and support for our work, even if it is done in the name of a front group.

In a locality, it is important not only that the Movement has a good name, with principles that are widely held. It is also important that local people even those who are not especially for us - respect our militants and their work.

When unconvinced locals begin to recognize that we have the best interests of the community at heart, and that we are prepared to put ourselves out on its behalf, we are half-way to conquering the area. It is for this reason that we put such emphasis on the spiritual revolution, because people are won over by people who speak and act well - not simply by those who talk a lot and promise the impossible.

The formation of a Squad allows a new level of education to take place.

Regular discussion groups must be initiated so that the whole Squad becomes an integrated whole; a political family, where each militant knows that he can count on the others. The more experienced militant must impart his acquired knowledge - ideological and practical - to the less experienced; there must be a serious study of the strengths and weaknesses of the Squad, and solutions thought out and put in place. Thus, if the Squad lacks certain skills or certain equipment, the Squad must put this right. For example, if the Squad lacks drivers, or someone who can use a computer for local propaganda, then

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people have to learn to drive and learn how to use a computer. If equipment is lacking, then a tax needs to be put on the members of the Squad, so that the equipment can be purchased; the tax needs to be sufficiently heavy to represent a sacrifice, without being an impossible burden. This means that the tax must be of a specified duration, must be collected punctually and must have a specific objective. Once the objective has been attained, there will be a sense of achievement in the Squad, and this will create the feeling that all obstacles can be overcome if thought, action and sacrifice are brought to bear in correct measure.

Finally, the formation of a Squad brings the idea of a serious business structure within reach. This is not meant merely to be to the advantage of the individual(s) who will be involved in the setting up of this structure, but more importantly to the work of the Movement in the area. Growing numbers brings the ability to do more, but it also brings the necessity of having more money - above and beyond what the militants sacrifice from their own pockets. To be able to give employment to comrades, to finance more work and in depth, changes the Movement's presence radically in an area.

A few words need to said at this point on business structures. Firstly, they can only be set up with the agreement of the national leadership. This is because they have years of experience in this matter, and can best judge the viability of an economic proposition; they can also more reasonably work out how it can be integrated or co-ordinated successfully with structures that already exist. Secondly, in almost all cases, businesses will not be known to be our businesses outside of a select circle of people - the leadership, national and local, the people to be involved in such a structure, the State (who watch us closely!) and certain more attentive enemies (Reds, for example).

This fairly large degree of anonymity must be preserved wherever possible.

It must be our aim to take money from the public at large, extend our influence locally through such a business, and build a reputation for good quality and honest-dealing. If, thereafter, for whatever reason, it comes out that the business is one of ours, it is unlikely to have too much of an impact; firstly, because it is established and thus has a regular clientele; secondly, because if the business has been properly conducted people will still come to us, in spite of media hype, because we supply goods and services at a price and quality unmatched by others. Human nature being what it is, only the ideologically motivated will cease to be our customers - and the ideologically motivated are always a minority in any given community.

From what has been said, it becomes evident that the structure the Third Position most wishes to see in place is the Squad. A couple of Squads, highly organized and diligent in activity, in every major town and village in this

It is because the Squad is larger, better organized and more active that the demands placed upon it are proportionately greater than those placed upon a Cell.

As with the comrades at Nucleus and Cell level, members of Squads will pay a Monthly Levy, but there will be a division of finance which does not exist at the other levels. Each member of the Squad will pay either £5 or £10 per month- according to whether or not they are unemployed or employed.

However, one third only of the total will go to the central organization; two thirds will go to Squad funds because it is recognized that the money requirements of a Squad will be proportionately higher than at Nucleus or Cell level. Thus, if a Squad is made up of six employed members and three unemployed members, the total levy will come to £75 (6 x £10 = £60 plus 3 x £5 = £15. Total £75). Of this total, one third only - ie £25 - will come to the central organization. As with all cases of the Levy, we cite the £5 and £10 rates as a minimum. Again, payments will be by Standing Order.

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country would bring incredible power within the orbit of the Movement. It is for this reason that all Cells must pull out all the stops to achieve Squad status.

Lastly, a word on why the Squads are limited to thirteen people. It has been discovered by experience that when a group grows beyond this size, without being divided into two, its impact and efficiency decreases. Why? Because the tendency grows to leave decision-making and activity to the leaders of the group; in other words, the group becomes more impersonal, less integrated and thereby less efficient. It becomes easier not to notice that militant X is not quite as active as he was, or that militant Y is not contributing as much as he used to at meetings, because others of a more forceful character are dominating things. The head of a Squad is not, only a leader; he is a 'father' who takes a personal interest in every single militant in the Squad without exception; he works out who is best suited to carry out different tasks; he praises and chides militants when necessary, so that weakness, compromise and timidity are given as limited a field of action as possible; he provides example in every respect - militancy, moral conduct, sacrifice and knowledge.

A good Squad leader will not merely run a tight and successful ship; he will mould people in his image, and such people will want to emulate him. This is a high calling, but it is absolutely central, for if we cannot inspire our younger militants to ever greater sacrifice and heroism, how can we as a Movement which is made up of people with all their good and bad, never forget - act as an inspiration to the Nation as a whole?

The Duties of a Squad.

Naturally, it is expected that a Squad will be both more active and more missionary, with the result that each Squad is obliged to take 100 copies of each issue of The Voice of St. George. In addition, each Squad is obliged to take five copies of each of the four supporting journals of the Movement.

Obviously, those who want to take more are encouraged to do so, both for educational and financial reasons.

Again, all militants in a Squad will be expected to participate in a minimum of three national gatherings each year. In his probationary year, such meetings will allow the leadership to observe both the militant and the Squad leader, and to suggest advice of all kinds should it be deemed necessary. At Nucleus and Cell level, it is the national leadership alone which decides whether or not someone has passed their probationary period. At Squad level this is not the case; at this level, the Squad leader will be asked for his recommendation, and great importance will be placed upon it. However, to avoid partisanship positive or negative - and to ensure that there grows up a uniform standard of quality in the Movement throughout the country, the national leadership will have the final say. If this were not so, some people may be admitted to full membership who did not deserve it, or, equally, denied full membership because a particular official did not like the militant in question. It is also obvious that the leadership wants to ensure that a full member in one part of the country has attained the same level as a militant in another part of the country. All this being so, it means that great responsibility is laid upon the Squad leader to get his recruits into good shape; a Squad which grows and attracts quality people reflects well upon a Squad leader; a Squad in which members frequently fail the probationary period equally reflects upon a Squad leader.

What happens if someone fails the probationary period? Ultimately, this is at the leadership's discretion. If it appears that someone has a good heart, has tried and sincerely wants to be involved, he may be given an extended probation; or he may be given particular tasks designed to strengthen those areas where he was found weakest and thus a failure. In the case where the militant is in a Squad, the Squad leader will be asked for his recommendation.

Wherever, however, it becomes clear that the person is either financially miserly, prone to reactionary tendencies, too inactive, or simply questionable in motive, he will be shown the door. When we say that we want the militants to be an elite, we mean it - and nothing is going to stop us from achieving this end.

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A typical Squad.

Of course, there is not in actual practice a typical Squad, if only because conditions vary so much from one part of the country to another. However, the purpose of this Manual is to give as much guidance as possible to our militants, so we include here ideas which may be of use.

Firstly, we believe that each Squad must meet at least every two weeks, preferably on the same night of the week, so that people get into the habit of knowing where and when without having to be told by letter or phone.

Monthly meetings are too far apart, and have a tendency to become social affairs because people chat about a million different things precisely because they have not met for a month! It should be born in mind that in fraternal organizations in places like Italy, the Squad equivalents meet every two or three days! So, every two weeks is a minimum.

Secondly, the approach to a Squad meeting must be serious. It is not a social occasion, so alcohol is not to be present. When the meeting has concluded, if people wish to have a drink together, they can - but not during a meeting as it is not conducive to serious work.

Thirdly, it is the responsibility of the Squad leader to ensure that the meetings of the Squad are interesting, varied and productive. He must know in advance what he wishes to discuss and achieve; he must ask himself at its conclusion whether or not he has succeeded in this. If he has not, he must ask himself why - objectively - and ensure that this failure is not repeated at the next meeting.

Fourthly, although meetings of the Squad may take place every fortnight, we remind militants that Squads are expected to be active on a weekly basis as a minimum - and that all militants are expected to do something every single day: be it visiting enquirers, writing letters to the interested, raising money, reading books and journals, distributing propaganda, writing articles for Movement journals and so on.

Fifthly, to ensure a crisp and efficient meeting, it is recommended that in normal circumstances meetings should start punctually, and be completed within a maximum of two hours. Meetings left open tend to drag on, bore and end in rambling and irrelevancy. When meetings are well organized, the members of the Squad will look forward to them. This will be a good indication of the quality of the Squad leader.

During such meetings many things can be dealt with. A review of the previous two weeks activities: Were they successful? Was Movement propaganda sold and/or distributed? Can new areas or new sections of the community be added? Were there new enquiries and who dealt with them?

The question of finance will always be important: Have all bills to the central 36

organization been paid? Have orders for books/journals/propaganda been sent in? Are the accounts in order? What has been done to raise more money for the Squad? Have Monthly dues been collected and banked? The question of strategy will also be at the forefront of meetings: Has anything happened in the locality that can be capitalized on? Are there individuals or groups with whom friendly/productive relations can be opened? What scope is there for pickets, protests or street theatre that would be Popular? There should also be a brief review of what individual militants have been doing to further the cause; it should not be done in the form of a "grilling", but simply so as to show the militant whether or not he is doing as much as he can. Excuses are inevitable on occasion because the unforeseen often blows up; but excuses are not to become a way of life in a Squad.

Beyond such things, the Squad leader needs to be adding constantly to the range of things that come into a Squad meeting. He can show a new political video, or play an audio-cassette of an educational nature. Books/booklets can be discussed chapter by chapter over a period of time, ensuring thereby that the ideological level of the Squad is raised to its highest potential. Speakers can be invited from the national leadership, or militants in a Squad can be asked to research a topic and present their findings for 10 minutes at the next meeting (this brings intelligent thought, commitment and active participation in a meeting into full play - it is an ideal way of bringing out the best in people, and gearing them up for greater responsibility). Of course, from time to time, the Squad leader must give an inspirational pep talk that praises strengths, highlights weaknesses, and proposes remedies. Done correctly, it will boost morale and bear real fruit.

In discussing what to do, many young militants find themselves at a loss.

Having been told that elections and the Press are out of the picture, they tend to fall back on paper sales, and leafleting/postering/stickering. Both are vital in the life of a Squad, but other things can and must be added to the picture.

Here is just a list of ideas to help people get into the right frame of mind, many of which do not have to be done in the name of the Movement, but which will result in money, contacts and goodwill.

The organization of raffles, jumble sales and car boot sales; organizing or participating in local fetes, garden parties and festivals; the organization of committees to celebrate St. George's Day, something proving evermore popular amongst the English; setting up stalls selling books - Belloc, Chesterton, Penty etc - at fairs and book festivals; seeking out independent, or Christian, or alternative bookshops, and seeking to get some of our appropriate titles stocked; looking for newsagents who might be prepared to stock The Voice of St. George; ensuring that our journals are left regularly in every library in the area; getting involved in local community work, 37

especially where youngsters are involved, and which is bringing benefit to the area; selling our journals, books and music tapes and CDs at concerts where our kind of people are likely to be present; distributing our materials at schools, particularly on subjects like the avoidance of drugs and homosexuality; taking an active or leading role in pro-life work in a locality; helping individual local old folk, or organizing a weekly bingo session (with tea and biscuits) for a group of old folk - the old people will enjoy the company of youngsters, they will be in touch with the community, they will speak about you to everyone they meet, and we shall be re-integrating the English people across barriers of age and class.

The list could be extended indefinitely, but we have listed enough ideas to give a fair idea of what can be done if serious thought is given to the subject.

THE SECTION A Section is the presence of three Squads in a town or region; naturally, the Movement would prefer to have three Squads in a town than spread over a region. Why? Because the presence of a number of Squads in the same town permits a whole new range of activities and effects to take place.

Firstly, if a town possesses three Squads, and each of the Squads is active to the degree that we wish, it becomes evident that an 'atmosphere' comes over the entire town. The atmosphere is something that can be felt, almost seen: there is the feeling that the town belongs to us. This is not unthinking fantasy; there have been times in the history of nationalism in this country when such a feeling existed in certain towns and regions, because of the intense activity of the nationalists of the period, and all of this within the last 25 years. It is not something incredible, and it is not something beyond us in the relatively near future. Indeed, one might be tempted to say that the coming crisis will make such "atmospheres" more, rather than less, likely in the future if we put our shoulders to the wheel and really work for the Cause.

Secondly, the presence of three Squads in one locality allows a much greater degree of sophistication in activity and in organization. It means, for example, that instead of one area being regularly targeted, a large chunk of the town can be regularly hit with our materials and our activities. Again, it is not a question of one plus one plus one equals three - but three and a bit, because the overall impression on the minds of the citizenry will be that the Third Position is everywhere".

Thirdly, there is the matter of business. A concentration of Squads will allow a wider range of businesses to be undertaken, because they will be able to pool resources for the common good; they will be able to call upon a wider 38

range of skills; and they will be able to harmonize and co-ordinate businesses with greater success.

Where the Section is made up of three Squads in a region, the matter will be somewhat different. The aim in this situation will be to work closely together on matters of mutual interest and importance, but there will be another important role. This will be the establishing of other Nuclei, Cells and Squads in other towns, so that the region gradually 'fills out" with the Movement's organizational network.

It may be, for example, that two Squads exist in a region, and are 50 miles apart. Clearly, then, the aim must be to find a town or large village, which is potentially a good area for us, that is somewhere between the two - preferably half way or so. It might be agreed, so as not to distract too much from the local work of the Squads, that they will co-operate together on the agreed town once a month for three or four hours; and that they will keep this up until something, however small, is established. Thus, the choice of town must be founded upon precise possibilities for recruitment, rather than mere convenience in terms of distance or time. Once something is established, it then needs to be nurtured to Cell level; thereafter, the Cell will continue its work, and the Section can begin to look at another target area.

Therefore, we might say that the determining ethos of a Section is missionary - it is a matter of understanding that we provide the only answers in contemporary England, and, therefore, we need to make sure that those answers are put about as widely as possible. Such an attitude only comes from those who have undertaken the spiritual revolution in a serious way, and this because generosity of heart and head is central to the New Man that the National Revolution needs.

Advantages of this Structure.

The structure of the Third Position has been arrived at through clear thinking and years of practical experience drawn from a number of traditions.

It has sought to incorporate everything of value from past organizations, whilst taking into consideration ever-changing circumstances.

The first thing to be noted is that the structure is concerned with militants; that is to say, this structure is made up only of those who are willing and able to be active. It does not mean that those who cannot be active, for whatever reason, are excluded from the Third Position, far from it. Such people can take their place in the Third Position Fighting Front, and will know that their contribution is both needed and valued. But it does mean that the inactive have no say whatever in the running of the Movement at any level. The reason for this is very simple and very logical: those who are inactive cannot 39

possibly know what the situation and circumstances are of those who have chosen to be active, and thus the inactive should have no power to interfere in the political life of the militant base. Too frequently in the past, members of nationalist groups, who paid their annual subscription fee and turned up at the Annual General Meeting, blocked changes and reforms that were necessary or even vital to the growth of the organization. Such blocking was usually due to a mixture of dullness, ignorance of the facts and manipulation. The result was that there was always an unhealthy tension between the generally inactive membership and the militants. The Third Position has chosen to eliminate such a possibility from the outset.

The second thing that needs to be stated is that this structure is wholly superior to the old Branch structure of past organizations.

It is superior in a number of ways. Firstly, the old Branch structure was a very mechanical and very inefficient - from all points of view - way of running an organization. It revolved about monthly meetings, dominated by the handful of people who did anything at all, - though each branch had one. "hard-liner" who never ceased to tell the branch at length what needed to be done, but who never did anything himself - which sold a certain number of papers and took in a collection. That is - a lot of time spent on planning the meeting, sending out bulletins, inviting speakers, setting up the literature stall, giving branch reports from the Secretary, Treasurer and Organizer, and taking in a modest financial collection. Objectively speaking, a lot of time, money and energy was expended merely in keeping the branch structure in existence, whereas time, energy and money should be being expended on building a powerful political base.

The branch structure did nothing in broad terms to make people active - it sought merely to "comfort" people, allow frustration to be vented painlessly, and generate the limited social life that is to be found in clubs of all kinds.

The activists were always the minority, always doing what had to be done, and seeking at all times to "keep the branch members happy". In other words, the branch structure mirrored the tension that existed at AGMs between active and inactive members - again to the disadvantage of the activists. What it did not do was build National Revolution.

Thus, from the outset, the Third Position has been clear that the activists must never be obstructed by the inactive. Both are welcome in the Movement, since they can both play a role, but they are not of equal value and thus cannot be given equal rights. Anyone who looks at this clearly will see that it is no more than natural justice in action: people who act have rights, which people who do not act do not possess. The result is that a militant structure leads to greater militancy and effort, because such a structure concentrates time, 40

money and energy on the essentials of political struggle, not upon irrelevancies like keeping members 'happy'.

Thirdly, the structure of the Third Position allows a much greater level of security to be built into the Movement. In a branch, it was always possible for an infiltrator or two - be they from the Left or Right - to gain positions in a branch simply through being active and getting to know people. Once they had achieved a position - Secretary, for example - they had the opportunity of doing untold damage not only in the Branch, but in nearby branches and also at the AGM. This happened on numerous occasions in past organizations.

Of course, it is impossible to keep out all infiltrators, but it is possible to limit the scope of their influence. IL for example, the leadership becomes convinced that a person is working for the enemy, it is a simple question of booting him out of the Movement. In the old Branch structure, however, there was a long rigmarole of tribunals, appeals and all the rest of it, which could take long months of tiring work to bring to completion - long months in which the infiltrator did all he could to maximize the damage he could inflict on the organization.

Again, if a Cell or a Squad becomes contaminated, it is a simple question of removing them from the structure. There are no votes or appeals; there are no attempts to take control of the National leadership through election, because there are no elections. In other words, political trouble there will always be, because the Movement will always have political enemies; but this structure at least has the ability to contain some of the worst effects of enemy attacks.

A Few Notes of Clarification.

It will be noted that throughout this section of the Handbook, we have been talking about all kinds of things that can be done, from the highest level to the lowest. For those who have had some political experience, it may be a little surprising to observe that there has been no mention of dealing with the media. The reason for this is very simple: we don't believe in dealing with the media, except in the most extraordinary circumstances.

Let us explain why. The media, be it local or national, is in the hands of enemies. There is no two ways about it. It may be that one journal will be somewhat more sympathetic than another, but it is only a question of degree.

More important, however, is that it is a mistake to take the media seriously.

We cannot seriously expect our enemies to help us in the conversion of the English. If you want to speak to the people, you must speak to them directly: through posters and leaflets, through selling papers on the door, through personal contacts. If you try to approach the people through newspapers or television, you are trying to approach them through a third party, and you will 41

only get over whatever that third party wishes to permit; and once you engage that third party, the media, you may end up spending a lot of time and money trying to counteract the bad that they will have necessarily conveyed along with any good.

The fact of the matter is that we do not need the media. Since the foundation of the Third Position in 1989, it has issued only one Press Statement, and that in the most exceptional circumstances. Having a policy of no contact has done us no harm whatever, and has allowed us to get on with the real matters at hand, without wasting time, money and mental energy on replies to the media.

Of course, there have been many requests for information; for interviews; for comments; for photographs of leaders and of meetings; for personal contact and so on. All have been refused, and will continue to be refused.

Why? Because whatever you give the media will only be used against you. If there were 100 people at a meeting, they would say 20 or 30 so as to run you down; if you gave an interview, and were utterly charming, the reporter would say that there was "a menacing air" about you; if you state any policy clearly, they will frame it in a negative way, so much so as to make it unrecognizable.

In other words, a waste of time that only hands our enemies ammunition to use against us; and in speaking to them, you necessarily give them credibility, whereas if you ignore them, you demonstrate practically the contempt in which we hold them.

We must recognize that although the ordinary man and woman will believe a good part of what he reads in a newspaper or sees on television, he will be more likely to believe what he has seen with his own eyes. If he sees that the Movement works hard and well in the community, bringing benefit and quality of life to the residents, he is going to be constrained by the facts that he knows personally, when confronted by media lies to the effect that riot and mayhem are the result of the Movement's presence. There is no substitute for good relations in the community.

Thus, for all practical purposes, there is a complete ban on contact with the media at all levels. It is not a product of fear, but a product of experience; it is a policy which allows steady growth to take place in an area, without the prying eyes of media hacks.

THE GOVERNING BODY. Thus far, we have discussed the structure of the Movement in some depth, but at no point have we talked about the Leadership, the Constitution or the Voting Mechanism of the governing body. Now is the time to address such things before closing this chapter on Stature.

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Firstly, the Leadership. The Leadership, for the Third Position, is made up of those who lead, both locally and nationally. The moment someone stops being active, he stops being a leader. This is in marked contrast to current and past organizations, where there are regular elections to a governing body and the handing out of titles and posts. In the Third Position, there are no elections, there are few titles, and posts are given to those fitted to carry them out. We make no effort to convey the idea that we are a democratic organization, because we are not. Why not? Because it has become a standard belief in our society to think that Truth is somehow arrived at by counting ballot papers, when, in fact, Truth has nothing whatever to do with the number of those supporting it. If only one man in a hundred said that homosexuality was wrong, and the rest said it was right, where would the Truth lie? Once it is fully grasped that Truth and Democracy are not connected in any way, the latter will be shown in its true perspective.

We are a revolutionary organization, and such an organization must be built upon intelligence, commitment and activity - not upon mere head-counting, or rhetoric based upon the "I am the leader of etc etc. National Revolution is about Quality not Quantity, with the result that as Quality truly appears in our ranks, it naturally rises to leadership as water naturally rises in a bath that has the plug in and the taps on. Personality preferences do not come into it, because the Idea comes before all, and because the ability to get things done holds first place in matters of leadership.

Also related to this question of leadership is the fact that those who make up the leadership are not well known. This is the way that it ought to be if an organization is serious about National Revolution. Those who are known - or are suspected of being in the leadership - are only known because of previous political activity, though their role is declining as newer, trained and unknown leaders take their place. Anyone who does not see that the protection of the leadership of the Movement is vital is either extremely new to politics, or someone who does not understand that we serve the Idea not our own egos.

In organizations in which every article is signed, which publishes who does what and where, there is a subconscious desire to be like "the other parties"; the Third Position has a conscious desire to be wholly unlike the others in this country. Equally, providing such information freely to our enemies is nothing short of stupid. If they want to know something, let them work to find it out don't supply them with information free of charge!

But does not our approach mean that we have something to hide, something to fear? Yes, it does. It means protecting - hiding - everything that we can from the eyes and actions of the enemy, because to do otherwise is to invite attack; and our fear is a legitimate fear that has come down to us from past repressions of the nationalist movements - repressions that took place not

because of the bad that was supposed to be in them, but because of the good that really was in them.

The leadership, therefore, makes known what it believes needs to be made known, and no more. The Establishment parties do not open up their accounts and files to outsiders, anymore than the large corporations or banks do - so why should we be any different?

What does our Constitution say on all this? Very little, for our Constitution is but one line: "The Constitution of the Third Position is what the leadership says that it is". As with all other things, there are good reasons for such a Constitution.

Firstly, past nationalist movements have been torn apart over the interpretation of clauses in a Constitution.

Secondly, detailed constitutions allow abuses to take place, so that the letter of the law replaces the spirit of the law when a particular faction so desires.

Thirdly, an official constitution is a legal and public document that can be challenged in a court of law, even by people who are not members of the Movement. It is a rare event, for sure, but it is a possibility. Thus, people should not be surprised if we take the necessary steps to keep capitalist courts and hostile people completely out of our business.

Finally, it must be understood that any Constitution, however well written, is the product of a time, a place and a set of circumstances. No matter how prophetic the framers, they cannot foresee every eventuality. The moment something unforeseen occurs, there is an automatic need for constitutional reform. What is the problem with that? Simply this, that a leadership, if it is any good, will see something long before a membership - but if a membership doesn't see it, the necessary changes may be obstructed, modified or blocked, to the great detriment of the Movement. In other words, necessary actions may be stopped because of the naivety or dullness of a number of members.

For us, such a thing is both inconceivable and unacceptable; if a leadership does not lead, it is a mere puppet show.

The result is that the leadership of the Third Position has chosen a constitution which allows complete flexibility, both internally and externally.

Couldn't such a system be abused? Of course, but then show us a system that could not be abused? Whatever the dangers of such an approach, they are infinitely less than the cumbersome efforts of past nationalist organizations.

We are not concerned in the least about what outsiders say about us and our approach. Our only criterion for deciding something is whether or not it will benefit the Movement and its work - the fact that we are "different" or "not respectable", as far as outsiders are concerned, carries absolutely no weight with us. National Revolution is both an Art and a Science - not a game of Charades and Fancy Dress.

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44

Finally, it needs to be said that from Cells through to the National Leadership there are no votes of any kind. Discussion and consensus are our methods. Voting is a purely mechanical approach that is open to terrible abuse, and has an inherent tendency to polarize groups into fractions. Whilst we can never have a foolproof method of avoiding splits, there is no reason to introduce needlessly the "democratic virus" which has done so much damage in this country for generations. Be it remembered that if it were not for voting and the associated parties, there would not be Tories and Socialists, but only.

Englishmen and women working co-operatively for the Individual and Common Good.

It is a lesson which will need to be applied in the future Nationalist England that we are working for, but it is a lesson which is being applied now in the organizational structure of the Third Position.

You are either with us or against us; you are either in or you are out. These are questions decided not by Votes, but by Ideas and Actions.

A FEW POINTERS ON SECURITY. We live in a democratic state, right? Wrong! We live in a Police State that seeks to maintain as much of the democratic facade as possible, so as to make social control all the easier. Anyone who does not believe this can prove it by one simple test: stand in any High Street and start telling people publicly, but calmly, that the State is passing iniquitous laws against the interests of England and the English people - you won't have long to wait before your local "democratic" policeman turns up to caution you or take you away!

This being so, it is vital that Security is always uppermost in people's minds. If it is not, at some time or other, you will pay the price for your negligence. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure, so make sure that you get things clear in your head from the outset.

The first thing that should be grasped in all matters of Security is that there is one golden rule: THE NEED TO KNOW BASIS. This means that if someone does not really need to know something, he should not be told something. This sounds easy and obvious, but it is surprising how many people cannot keep things to themselves: we are not talking here about secrets, but about discretion. Human nature seems to love conveying to others the impression that they know something the others do not, thereby inviting inquiry from the others; because "being in the know" conveys 'status' although it is really just a juvenile form of snobbery - it is truly amazing how many "in the know" cannot resist letting things out by stages. IT IS A WEAKNESS THAT CARRIES GREAT DANGER TO THE MOVEMENT! Get into the habit of telling people the bare minimum that they need to know.

Secondly, where something does need to be conveyed to others, keep to the essentials and keep it short and sweet. Waffle is not only a waste of time and energy, it allows the intelligent, outside observer - and there are enemies out there who are intelligent! - to gain clues, insights, 'hints' that he might not have picked up without the background of waffle.

The Use of Telephones.

Structure is the anchor for Ideas in Action!

This is probably the most common method used by the State and its allies to get information on us. It is a method that is very widely used - and more than you are likely to believe! - for the good reason that it has proven highly effective. It is not limited to private phones; it also involves permanent tapping of public phones in places like railway stations, airports, ports, 46

45

important meeting places and in telephone boxes in the vicinity of such places. Also remember that we have come light years in terms of technology, so you can largely forget all the "tell tale signs" of bugging that you saw in James Bond films, where there was a clicking noise or similar on the line. The ability to tap phones in large numbers has grown apace with the development of Information Technology.

In using the phone, there are several rules to remember.

I. If you can use a public phone, do so, because it is less likely to be tapped than your home phone if you are known to be politically active. Where you use an outside phone, do not always use the same one, and do not use the ones closest to your home. During heightened periods of 'trouble', the half dozen phones closest to your house may be tapped.

2. Before you phone make sure you are clear about what you want to say.

Don't start thinking when you are on the phone, start thinking before you phone. Keep the conversation as short as possible, cutting out waffle and unnecessary detail.

3. On all possible occasions, use allusion and veiled language. That is to say, avoid giving specifics like names, places, times or topics when it can be avoided with a little intelligence. For example, do not say "I will see you at Birmingham railway station at 10 o'clock with the money and journals". Say, for example, "I will see you at the place where I saw you last, but one hour later, and I will bring all the things we need". That example gives all the information that your listener needs, without telling the enemy anything other than that there will be a meeting. In contrast to your listener, the enemy does not know where, at what time or what is likely to transpire.

Again, if you are going to meet with other people, you don't need to say: "I will see you there with Dave, Bill and Freddy". You could say, for example, "I will see you there with D, B and F", or if you have worked out some useful but meaningless nicknames, "I will see you there with the 'Slow One', Bugs Bunny and Crusher".

It takes very little to work these things out, but it can make the life of the Special Branch and MI5 hard work. But if you remember nothing else, remember this: ALWAYS ASSUME THAT THEY ARE LISTENING AND SPEAK AND ACT ACCORDINGLY!

t 47

Written Information.

As with the use of the telephone, there are a number of simple rules to observe.

1. When writing to comrades anywhere, always assume that the mail is being stopped, copied, resealed and sent on. All the main post offices have SB men, who arrive daily to pick up the mail of those who have been singled out for attention.

2. This being so, write as little as needs to be written to get a point over.

References to others can be by initial, or by nickname, or even something as vague as "our friend". Unless detail absolutely needs to be included in a letter, avoid it. If the contents of a letter are important, but not urgent, ask yourself if it can wait until the next meeting with your contact. If it can wait, let it wait.

3. Make absolutely sure that the letter/package that you send out is wholly ordinary; that is to say, make sure that there is nothing about it that makes it stand out from the rest of the mail in a post box. Avoid propaganda stickers of any kind, even if they are only saying be compassionate to animals, or eat organic food.

4. Keeping files, dossiers and so on is a necessary part of political life, but we all have a tendency to keep things long after they are necessary. Once the need to keep a fax, a letter, a memorandum has past, get rid of it. The ideal method is to bum things, but the minimum is to shred things into very small pieces, bag it up and dump it well away from your place. There are skips and dustbins everywhere in the country - use them! Never forget that our heroic security services and political low lives regularly rummage through the dustbins of political activists to see if they can pick up anything. There has been more than one occasion when material has appeared in opposition papers which should not have, and which clearly came from the rubbish bin. Make sure it does not happen in the future.

5. Things of a sensitive political nature - important letters, internal documents concerning organization, strategy, personnel and so on - should be kept safely in a secure place. This is to avoid the possibility that "trawling raids" by the police come up with anything substantial. And always remember this: that information is the name of the game. You may think that something - a telephone number, an address, an apparently innocuous letter - is not 48

information. You forget that you see things from the inside: from the outside, the smallest bit of information may be of great value to our enemies.

6. Finally, regularly go through your mail, your files, your computer disks and eliminate things that do not need to be kept any longer. It could be the difference between a police raid coming up with nothing, and a flimsy but "weighted" trial built on hearsay and the contents of documents taken out of context.

REMEMBER: YOU CAN NEVER BE TOO CAREFUL!

Meetings.

When you are meeting with comrades, either from the National leadership or simply from the local Cell or Squad, always observe certain rules.

1. Don't always meet in the same place. If you do so, what is the point of being coy on the phone?

2. If you can meet in the open air for your chat, do so. If not, choose a place where you can speak without being overheard, and where you can watch people coming and going. Without being too obvious, keep an eye out to see that someone is not taking too ,much of an interest in you or in what you are saying. If you think that someone is listening, watching, following, play it calmly. Finish your coffee, indicate to your friend, gently, that there is a doubt in your mind and then move on.

3. If there are a group of you meeting, ensure that only those who NEED to be there are present. If someone starts waffling on, stop him; if someone's voice becomes just a little too loud, stop him; if the conversation turns to subjects or details that don't need to be discussed at that moment; stop it quickly.

There are coppers and their snouts everywhere. They have to justify their salaries to their superiors, so you can be sure that they will do everything to pick up even the smallest clue, the smallest indication of our intentions. Under no circumstance whatever be present at an important meeting with someone, however good-hearted, who cannot keep his mouth SHUT! 4. Never forget that in political struggle, routine is the enemy of security. We are already up against incredible odds, so don't throw away advantages, however small, through laziness. Different places, different times, different methods - these keep routine at bay, and security as a priority.

49

5. When going to meetings, local or national, avoid wearing badges or tee shirts which give the game away. The number of comrades who have had trouble over the years from police, Reds or immigrants because they did not observe this simple rule is massive. Equally, on the way to such meetings, avoid stickering - it is the equivalent of leaving a trail to be followed! On the way front a meeting is an altogether different matter.

Finally, do not bring any politically sensitive/important material to meetings that does not absolutely need to be present. A stolen briefcase or folder can open up a Pandora's Box of Woe - experience has demonstrated this too often!

Vehicles.

Cars and vans are being stolen everyday in this country. It is a fact of life.

Thus, it is essential that you never leave things of importance in your car - be they files, dossiers, computer disks, address books or telephone books. If you do so, and the car is stolen, it will make your life difficult because you will have to recreate all that has been stolen. Further, you will have to ask yourself: was it a normal car theft, or was it taken by the forces of the State?

If it is the former, it is likely merely to result in inconvenience; if it is the latter, who knows what may happen? So, when leaving your car, have the habit of asking yourself if you have left anything of political importance or value in it.

The second point to bear in mind is that the police do not need much of an excuse to flag you down, and turn your car over. How many times have we heard: "Do you realize, sir, that you have a defective rear light?"! That is all it takes to give them the opportunity to open the boot and take a look over the whole car. Thus, it is important that you leave nothing obviously visible; it is important that there are no propaganda stickers on the car which give an indication of your politics; it is important that the car is legal in every sense, so that they have no reason to bother you.

Remember that with increasing computerization and with ever-growing numbers of road cameras, it is becoming more and more easy for the State to track militants simply on the basis of a vehicle registration number. Think constantly that they are keeping an eye on you, and you will avoid many mistakes.

t 50

A Final Word.

WHERE TO GO FROM HERE.

This section has dealt briefly, but clearly, with attitudes towards Security.

These notes are intended to help militants avoid pitfalls that occur with remarkable regularity; these hints have been based upon many years of experience. They should not be ignored as being "exaggerated": Equally, whilst being concerned with Security, we do not want people to over react and become paranoid: A healthy balance must be established, maintaining good security, and avoiding the idea that "they" are everywhere: They are not everywhere, but they are powerful; in other words, don't be paranoid, but don't be naive either!

If you like the ideas that have been expressed in this Handbook, and you believe that it is necessary to the future of this country to do something to help us, you can undertake any number of the following ways: 1. If you decide that you want to be inactive, you may join the Third Position Fighting Front, which costs just £20 per year: 2. If you want to be active, you can write to the National Headquarters outlining your situation - that is, whether you are alone or with one or more friends - and inviting an official to visit you to discuss things.

3. If you don't want to join, but would like to be in touch with what we are doing, you should subscribe to our journal, The Voice of St: George. A 12 issue subscription costs just £8:50, two copies of each number being sent.

4. If you want to help us financially in our struggle, you may help thus: a). you can send a one off donation. Whether it be a donation of £1 or £1,000, it will be most welcome and will be put to good use. b). you can decide to send us a regular sum - however much you wish - by Standing Order: If you would like to do this, contact us for our account details: 5. If you would like to know more about what we believe, you may send £2 for an information pack: 6. If you would like to read more in depth, send a large SAE to our address for a catalogue of our books and audio-cassettes.

LETTERS ARE SOURCES OF PLEASURE! LETTERS ARE SOURCES OF INFORMATION! LETTERS ARE BAD NEWS IN ENEMY HANDS!

THINK "SECURITY", ONCE, TWICE, THRICE!

7. If none of the above covers what you wish to say/do/give, please do not hesitate to write to us explaining things.

All cheques/postal orders should be made payable to the Third Position Fighting Front, and send to our address:Third Position, BCM ITP, London WC1N 3XX, England 52

51

RECOMMENDED READING. The following books are highly recommended to all those who want to participate in some way in our struggle, but they are obligatory reading for those who intend to be active.

The Political Soldier: A Statement by Derek Holland. £2.20.

The Political Soldier: Thoughts on Sacrifice and Struggle by Derek Holland £2 20 Economics for Helen by Hilaire Belloc. £7.00.

Usury by Hilaire Belloc. £2.75.

The Restoration of Property by Hilaire Belloc. £3.30.

The Alternative by Hilaire Belloc. £2.20.

The Party System by Hilaire Belloc and Cecil Chesterton. £5.50.

SUBSCRIBE TO THE VOICE OF ST. GEORGE! THE VOICE OF St. GEORGE • The English people betrayed countless times • The Royal Family connected with Freemasons • Leading Royals morally bankrupt

F, FUTURE WHAIT

MONARCHYP

The Guild Alternative by Arthur Penty. £4.40.

Yesterday & Tomorrow - Various nationalist authors. £4.50.

The History of the Legionary Movement by Horia Sima. £9.75.

The Guernsey Experiment by Jan Grubiak £2.20.

Distributism by S. Sagar. £2.20.

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A Third Positionist Reader by Various nationalist authors. £3.30.

The Rulers of Russia by Fr. Denis Fahey. £4.50.

All prices include postage within the British Isles; overseas add 10% for postage. May all cheques/postal orders/money orders in Pounds Sterling payable to The Legionary Press, Forest House, Liss Forest, Liss, Hampshire, GU33 7DD, England.

53

See Page 52, Point 3 for subscription details!

54

THE ALTERNATIVE MEDIA The following journals support the Third Position, though the views expressed are not necessarily those of the Third Position:

CANDOUR. This is the longest-running Nationalist newsletter in the world, having been founded by A: K: Chesterton in 1953 to defend England from "the menace of International Finance": Well worth a subscription.

For a sample copy, please send £1 to: Candour, Forest House, Liss Forest, Liss, Hampshire, GU33 7DD, England: Cheques/postal orders payable to: A.K. Chesterton Trust:

FINAL CONFLICT. A quarterly nationalist youth magazine covering politics, world affairs, music and books: For a sample copy, please send £1:80 to: Final Conflict BCM Box 6358, London, WCIN 3XX, England.

GAZETA DE VEST. This is the quarterly English-language journal of the Romanian Legionary Movement. Always an interesting read.

For a sample copy, please send £1.50, payable to TPFF, to: The Secretary, BCM Box ITP, London, WCIN 3XX, England

NATIONAL FREEDOM. A wide-ranging quarterly nationalist newsletter: For a sample copy, please send £1, payable to National Freedom, to: National Freedom, BM Crackle, London, WC1N 3XX, England

55

"We are driven by an inner command not only to think but to live, not only to live but to grow, and not only to grow but to build"

G.K. CHESTERTON.