The Mysteries of Çatal Höyük by Katie Poppel

The Mysteries of Çatal Höyük Katie Poppel PLAN220 December 10, 2010

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK

Çatal Höyük At first glance, the site of Çatal Höyük 1 is an open wheat field with a pitted hole in the center. Most would never guess what the site had once been: a bustling center of trade with religion, art and a population around 6,000 people! Until the 1960’s, no one knew about Çatal Höyük or imagined somewhere like it had existed. Once excavation began however, the revelation of Çatal Höyük’s past came alive; the advancement of the society in many ways was more than history had told in the past. Çatal Höyük is now recognized as one of the world’s oldest permanent settlements. The history attained from excavating the site shows an unexpected rich and vibrant culture. Different theories of how and why Çatal Höyük developed are constantly changing as more information becomes available. The mysteries and findings of the settlement are examined throughout this paper. A timeline will be discussed first showing the evolution of Çatal Höyük, followed by the exploration of the history of Çatal Höyük. Then, a detailed look at the excavation process follows. The concepts of growth and a select number of theories developed are also discussed. A conclusion of Çatal Höyük in general will sum up the information presented. Çatal Höyük was a far more advanced and established settlement than historians thought, and continues to surprise with each excavation.

History of Çatal Höyük The Site and Time Period Çatal Höyük was located in Turkey on the Anatolian plateau in the early Neolithic Age. In relation to other major cities, Çatal Höyük was located 32 miles southeast of Konya, Turkey (Mellaart, 1967). The site itself occupies thirty-two acres; based off the past excavations, there are twelve divisions horizontally of development (Çatal Höyük, 2008). Çatal Höyük rested on the very tip of the Fertile Crescent in the Middle East, giving the people excellent soil for the new revolution of farming. The Çarsamba Çay River ran between the two Picture 1: A map of the Anatolian Plain 1

Catal Hoyuk, Çatal Hüyük, Çatal Höyük, or Çatalhöyük; for this report: Çatal Höyük.

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK mounds forming Çatal Höyük. The eastern mound is the bigger of the two, rising 50 feet and spanning about 32 acres; the western mound only rises 20 feet and has yet to be excavated. Both of these mounds stemmed from the flat plains of the Anatolian plateau. As housing was torn down and rebuilt, the accumulation of materials-combined with erosion-led to the rise in the site; this type of mound is known as a tell. The climate is dry on the Konya Plain in Turkey; the plain receives around 16 inches of rainfall a year (Mellaart, 1967). Çatal Höyük fits just right in between the settlements of the aceramic peoples and the Late Neolithic civilizations. The Neolithic Age spanned from 10000 to 8000 BCE. Neolithic means “new” and “stone,” in other words, “New Stone Age.” The two major improvements were the domestication of animals and cultivation of plants (Suthan, 2006). Because the Neolithic Age was the beginning of non-nomadic people, permanent architecture was created for shelter. Many other inventions came about in the Neolithic Age, such as the Agricultural Revolution, so it is sometimes referred to as “Neolithic Revolution” (Suthan, 2006). The Neolithic Age was a huge change from hunting and gathering and fostered the establishment of Çatal Höyük.

City Plan The city plan of Çatal Höyük represents a tell community, however, no “master plan” has been discovered. The establishment represents a different approach from that of the earlier ages, as no freestanding buildings have been found. All structures found have been of a rectangular pattern (Mazlin, 2007). There is also been no evidence of a wall surrounding the community thus far. Houses in Çatal Höyük had smaller rooms storage-type rooms off of the main room. Courtyards were accessible through narrow passageways and were used to access the houses via ladders. The main purpose of the courtyards was for trash and as a relief from the houses. Courtyards and the roofs of houses take the place of streets. Defense tactics of the plan can be observed through the roof entries to houses, how every building was attached, and the height of the settlement. The entire site was surrounded by a variation of storerooms and houses; this provided defense for the city, as intruders could break into the outer edge and become trapped with no door or exit. A number of houses and shrines have been excavated, however no public buildings; Mellaart assumes these are in the other part of the site not yet excavated. Historians and archeologists go back and forth as to whether Çatal Höyük was planned or not and whether it was organic versus planned growth; those arguments will be discussed later on in the paper. The full city plan cannot be fully dissected as excavations continue on Çatal Höyük.

The Population 3

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK The range estimated of

Çatal Höyük’s population is

from 1,650 to 10,000, which is

generally greater than all

settlements founded in the

Neolithic Age (Owen, 2000).

Other sources claim the

population was around 5,000

to 6,000 at its peak. The non-

concrete population stems

from several factors: the density

of houses and/or rooms, the

difference in shrines versus

living spaces, how much of

the excavated area was occupied at once is all

Picture 2: The town plan

unknown. Dr. Owen of Sonoma State

University estimated about 5,000 after the excavation in 2000 (Owen, 2000). This estimate was based off of about four people per house combined with the entire density of houses on the site. The estimated population will continue to fluctuate until all has been excavated and studied. The average age for men was 34 and 30 for women; few have been found over the age of 40. However, there have been findings of significantly older burials. The average height of men was 5’4 to 5’10” and the average height for women is between 5’ and 5’4”; some skeletons show the extremes beyond the averages. Of those observed, women and children outnumbered men, however, that needs to be confirmed with the final excavations. The social structure of Çatal Höyük is not as clearly defined as other aspects. Women held a high importance because of fertility leading to more religious reasons. The social structure of Çatal Höyük was the beginning of many social structures to follow.

Housing Housing in Çatal Höyük has been heavily studied; the houses all follow the same pattern throughout the excavated area. People used timber framing for the houses filled in with sun-dried mud-brick. Mud-brick and plaster were the common

building materials for the walls

of structures, while reeds were

used for the roofs. Entry to

houses was by roof access via

ladder, while the smaller rooms

off of the main room had short

doors. Small windows were

placed high on walls. The house

itself had generous size rooms

and a series of platforms and

raised structures for sitting,

Picture 3: A drawing by James Mellaart of his vision of Catal Hoyuk

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK sleeping, eating, etc. Each house contained an oven with a flat top and a hearth. Inner and outer walls were plastered; the inner walls showed many paintings and murals. Once houses filled with trash or started to fall apart, the house was torn down. Some rubble went to make the new floor, while other parts were used in the new walls.

Religion, Customs and Art Çatal Höyük has been thought of as the start of the Great Mother Goddess religion. The Great Mother Goddess religion puts emphasis on fertility, growth and creativity (Owen, 2000). Over one-fourth of all room excavated have been of religious stature; the major difference between a house and shire is the amount of reliefs on walls and certain animals. No large, central space for worship has been found; there were many rooms devoted to religious matters with only a few thought to be presiding at a time. Part of the religion was to let vultures, or other large birds, clean the dead of flesh in a nearby courtyard or roof and then to bury the bones under the platforms of houses or in shrines. Many figurines and sculptures have been found of females and animals; many skulls are mounted to walls in shrines and homes. These sculptures and skulls are thought to represent religious aspects of Çatal Höyük’s culture.

Picture 6: The original town plan as a wall painting Picture 4: A re-creation of a shrine

Economy and Trade

Picture 5:The Great Mother Goddess statue

Everyday objects have been recovered from Çatal Höyük. It is clear from the excavations that there was some sort of trade in the community; the areas in which craftsmen worked were not in houses. People must have bought and sold goods and services in another place. Çatal Höyük has no access to raw materials where it is located. People must of left to obtain the materials found such as timber, reeds, and clay. Evidence of weaving and woodworking is more apparent than that of bone carving and pottery (Mellaart, 1967). Obsidian was widely used for weapons, and along with fish, may have fueled the local economy (Eckstrom, Fisher, De La Haba, Loftin, &

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK Melham, 1979). Because of the specialization level associated with crafts found, it is assumed that there were skilled specialists; skilled specialists were not common during the Early Neolithic Period and further prove Çatal Höyük ‘s technologically advance society. The Agricultural Revolution impacted Çatal Höyük more than Jericho and possibly other settlements due to its location; the Anatolian Plateau contained very fertile soil and the people of Çatal Höyük were known for farming. It is expected that the people of Çatal Höyük traded with others, even if they other settlements were not near by. Çatal Höyük’s economy and trade seems to be the factor that let the city hang on for so long.

Discovery and Excavation James Mellaart, Alan Hall, and David French discovered the remains of Çatal Höyük in 1958 (Mellaart, 1967). They discovered the eastern mound covered in different plant varieties, however, the wind had removed enough of the grasses for traces of the reddish, mud-brick buildings to be visible. Traces of obsidian, pottery, and other weapons were also visible. Surprisingly, the discovery spanned from the bottom of the mound to the top. The finding of Çatal Höyük may seem like just another great opportunity for an archeological project, but it was more. This discovery, along with some excavation and carbon dating, proved that an establishment of a different culture was present between the two villages already discovered: the aceramic village and the Late Neolithic people (Mellaart, 1967). Çatal Höyük became the biggest Neolithic settlement discovered on the Anatolian Plateau. No buildings dated were found later than the Neolithic Age, however, some signs of the Hellenistic period are visible on the top of the mound. Once excavation begun, a plaster covering along the walls, wall paintings and more were discovered during the next three excavations. Three excavation years by James Mellaart were concluded in 1963 as the archaeologists turned to a team of conservationist to conserve the site. Excavations resumed in 1993 with a new advantage of newer technology; Dr. Ian Hodder restarted the second set of excavations and continues them today (Altan, 2009). Dr. Hodder has said the excavation should take approximately twenty-five years to complete, as preservation and identification will be done using highly developed technologies. Both excavation teams have used carbon dating. Archeologist use the radiocarbon dates to find the lengths of buildings (replastering of the walls taken into account) and check the number of plaster layers; together, this

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK system “checks” itself and provides reliable dating (Mellaart, 1967). Hacilar is the only other Anatolian Plateau site to use this type of dating (as of 1967.) The items dated are pieces of timber; timber gives the date of when the construction was done, versus using grain to find when the destruction occurred. Carbon dating has shown that the eastern mound was abandoned after 5600 BC to move to the western mound; the western mound only lasted another 700 years, ending from desertion (Mellaart, 1967).

Concepts of Growth “Pattern Language” Christopher Alexander defined pattern language as a non-planned settlement of local patterns that combined guide “physical form of houses and neighborhoods in a specific city or culture” (Parker, 2010). Çatal Höyük can be thought of as a pattern language because of the commonalities in housing building techniques and architecture; there have been no shrines or houses found that were not part of the tell. The entire community followed the same patterns in terms of growth; no one people seemed to stray from the common pattern. The surrounding settlements have completely different “patterns,” which further proves Çatal Höyük had its own “pattern language.”

Food Production and Conservation Çatal Höyük is thought of the beginning of food production and development, as it was around the beginning of the Agricultural Revolution. Evidence from excavation of the site has found signs that there was food storage and preservation (Mellaart, 1967). As more food could be produced and conserved, the population could grow; this leads some to believe Çatal Höyük’s oddly high population stemmed from the growing production and conservation of food. Çatal Höyük could also be the transition between hunting and gathering to permanent settlements. The concept of the people’s food production and conservation has lead to present day; Çatal Höyük started the production and conservation that allowed for an increased population; today, the same pattern is followed for growth.

Preservation of Traditions The preservation of traditions allows settlements to become permanent. Other Neolithic cultures did not preserve traditions, and consequently, they did not grow nor become permanent. The art, farming, and religion preserved the traditions to stay with the newer generations in Çatal Höyük. Traditions give way to a passing down

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK from generation to generation; agriculture helped the settlement to grow, while it was preserved as a traditional way to obtain food. The people of Çatal Höyük created their own culture and traditions simultaneously, which helped the settlement to become more permanent than those of the past.

Theories Developed The Development of Çatal Höyük Before the Development of Agriculture Some experts argue that Çatal Höyük was formed before the Agricultural Revolution, while others argue it was developed after the Agricultural Revolution. Both sides have valid points. Those with the belief of formation after the Agricultural Revolution do not think Çatal Höyük could have been formed without the domestication of animals and food production and preservation. However, if that is true, then someone else must have started the Agricultural Revolution and no evidence has been found on that theory. Others who believe Çatal Höyük was formed before the Agricultural Revolution think that the settlement itself spurred the growth of the Revolution. This theory makes sense if one believes Çatal Höyük had the technological advances and knowledge to do so; both qualities are present in the settlement as shown previously. Experts will continue to disagree until all evidence is solidified.

Not highly organized; Center for Trade No central governing body has been discovered. However, artifacts have shown that Çatal Höyük must have traded with civilizations around it, as not accessible materials have been discovered. Jane Jacobs, theorists on Çatal Höyük, believes that cities cannot thrive on their own, but that a city needs means of trade (Muhlberger, 1998). The trade provided the city with the goods and services it doesn’t have and stimulates an economy. Since James Mellaart began excavating, other smaller sites have been discovered; these sites provide opportunities for trade with Çatal Höyük. For Çatal Höyük to be a legitimate city, there needed to be some sort of organized, central government. This fact has earned Çatal Höyük the title of urban village or urban center based off its purpose within a network of cities.

Source of Great Mother Goddess Religion Almost every source on Çatal Höyük states there was some type of religion. Çatal Höyük contained wall paintings and shrines to give hints towards the common religion practiced in the settlement. There have been no sources to show that early developments practiced a religion like that of Çatal Höyük’s, which leads experts to

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK believe Çatal Höyük was the source of the new religion. However, the religion is shown in cultures following Çatal Höyük’s; from Hacilar to the archaic and classical periods, the religion of a “Mother-Goddess” can be seen developing further each time (Mellaart, 1967). Although this theory can also not be proved until more evidence is found, researchers believe Çatal Höyük may have started what would once be a powerful religion unlike anything people had seen before.

Neolithic Era on the Anatolian Plateau Çatal Höyük further proves that there was habitation on the Anatolian Plateau during the Neolithic Period. Before the excavations of James Mellaart, it was believed there were no people of settlements on the plateau (Mellaartt, 1967). The discovery of Çatal Höyük and the fact that deposits have been found much deeper than those of Jericho have proven the existence of established settlements on the plateau. The theory of no habitation on the Anatolian Plateau was an early theory and is no longer recognized as a valid belief.

Planned vs. Unplanned Experts still disagree on whether Çatal Höyük was planned or unplanned. Those in favor of Çatal Höyük as a planned settlement argue that due to all the housing following the same pattern and other factors, Çatal Höyük must have been planned. They argue that Çatal Höyük was too technologically advanced for it’s time to be organic growth. Looking closely, there is a system to the heights of doors, area of shrines and houses, and even the size of bricks (Mellaart, 1967). Those for a planned Çatal Höyük say that the site was occupied earlier and then planned for future growth and development (Eckles, 2010). That statement could be true based on the abandonment of the eastern mound to move to the western mound. However, that ignores the growth of the eastern mound. In Mysteries of the Ancient World, the authors argue that too much effort can be seen in the semi-orthogonal layout of the city for it to be completely unplanned. On the other side, others believe Çatal Höyük to have been unplanned. They believe there is no central planning force and that houses are built my individual builders (Mazlin, 2007). Those against Çatal Höyük as a planned city agree that if it were planned, it would have last longer from the development of a social hierarchy. No government has been found, therefore, Çatal Höyük was unplanned and later abandoned for it’s failure.

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK

Conclusion Information is still lacking in terms of Çatal Höyük, but excavations are continually underway. Çatal Höyük is under another extensive excavation period as of present day. Çatal Höyük has proven many people wrong already and will continue to do so as more is excavated. The settlement stands out, whether it is considered a city or not; no other Neolithic Age settlement of Çatal Höyük’s time was a populated or as advanced. Çatal Höyük helped spread the Agricultural Revolution, while the Revolution helped the settlement itself flourish. Different researchers, archeologists, and experts on Çatal Höyük have differing opinions and theories, but all agree on the main aspects. The three concepts of growth: “pattern language,” food production and conservation, and preservation of traditions made Çatal Höyük stand out from similar other settlements discovered. Çatal Höyük might have only been an urban center, but it paved the way for many cities to follow as a great transition from hunting and gathering to the domestication of animals and cultivation of plants.

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK References 1. Altan, A. (2009). Catal hoyuk. Retrieved from http://www.focusmm.com/civcty/cathyk00.htm ( A l t a n , 2 0 0 9 ) 2. "Çatal Hüyük." The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition. 2008. Encyclopedia.com. 12 Nov. 2010 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>. 3. Eckles, C. (2010). The history of catal huyuk. Retrieved from http://www.helium.com/items/1482819-history-of-catal-hoyuk 4. Eckstrom, C.K., Fisher, R., De La Haba, L., Loftin, T., & Melham, T. (1979). Mysteries of the ancient world. Washington D.C.: National Geographic Society. 5. Mazlin. (2007, November 30). Catal huyuk and the ‘semi-grid’ pattern [Web log message]. Retrieved from http://www.tslr.net/2007/11/catal-huyuk-and-semi-grid pattern.html 6. Mellaart, J. (1967). Çatal höyük. Great Britain: Thames and Hudson Ltd. 7. Muhlberger, S. (1998). Çatal hüyük: early agriculture and early cities. Retrieved from http://www.nipissingu.ca/department/history/muhlberger/2055/l03anc htm 8. Owen, B. (2000). Jericho and catal hüyük. Unpublished raw data, Department of Anthropology, Sonoma State University, Rohnert, California. Retrieved from http://bruceowen.com/worldprehist/3250s09.htm 9. Parker, Francis. (2010). [PowerPoint]. BBd intro lecture. Retrieved from https://blackboard.bsu.edu/webapps/portal/frameset.jsp?tab_tab_group_id=_2_1 url=/webapps/blackboard/execute/launcher%3Ftype%3DCourse%26id%3D_385 4_1%26url%3D 10. Parker, Francis. (2010). [PowerPoint]. BBd pre-calssic cities. Retrieved from https://blackboard.bsu.edu/webapps/portal/frameset.jsp?tab_tab_group_id=_2_1 url=/webapps/blackboard/execute/launcher%3Ftype%3DCourse%26id%3D_385

THE MYSTERIES OF ÇATAL HÖYÜK

4_1%26url%3D 6. Suthan, R. (2006, January). Iii. Neolithic age - new stone age (8.000 - 5.500 bce). Retrieved from http://www.ancientanatolia.com/historical/neolithic.htm Photo Credits: Google Images: “Çatal Höyük”