Forgotten side of Weimar by Kasra

FORG OTTEN

WEIMAR Forgotten side of Weimar

SIDE OF

Kasra hajihassandokht

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

MAIG42 REFLECTION PAPER Master Dissertation Project

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra Hajihassandokht

Under supervision of Prof. Dr. Kris Scheerlinck

2015-2016 International Master of Science in Architecture KU Leuven, Faculty of Architecture, Campus Sint-Lucas Ghent Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

CONTENT INTRODUCTION RESEARCH QUESTIONS READING - HISTORY OF EAST AND WEST GERMANY URGENCY - ABANDONED FACTORIES IN EAST GERMANY POSITION AND CASE STUDIES -URBAN STRATEGIES -ARCHITECTURE STRATEGIES INTERVENTIONS - COLLECTIVE STUDENT HOUSING - PRODUCTIVE INTERVENTION REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

INTRODUCTION

This factory in the state of Saxony was once what was known as a Volkseigener Betrieb(VEB), the term for state-owned industrial enterprises in former communist East Germany. Twenty-five years ago, thousands of workers spun coal and petroleum into thin strands of rayon here under the bright neon lights that made it possible to work around the clock. Now, electrical cables hang from the ceiling like thick cobwebs. Leipzig-based photographer Maix Mayer has captured this and many other industrial ruins in a book of photography titled “Die vergessenen Orte der Arbeit” (“Forgotten Places of Work”). In the winter of 2012, Mayer spent hours wandering through decommissioned factories and power stations across former East Germany, from Magdeburg to Leipzig to Görlitz. “These VEB sites were sometimes as large as 15 hectares (37 acres). With thousands of employees going in and out -- veritable towns in their own right,” the photographer says. He also recalls how his footsteps echoed as he walked through the 150-meter (500-foot) production hall at the Elsterberg factory in December. The days he spent in these abandoned, unsecured factories, where rainwater froze in puddles on the floor, did not bother the 53-year-old. He believes architectural photographers have a duty to engage in a process of mourning as part of their work: “Creating something that people can remember,” as Mayer puts

Framework: Streetscape Territories Abandoned Streetscapes Weimar is a city in the federal state of Thuringia, Germany. It is known mostly for its art, culture, and educational departments like Bauhaus University which is very famous in art and architectural department all around the world. Germany is very well known for being industrialized among other countries, especially after First world war. Some factories manufactured a second line of product to help the Nazi Army during Second world war, but after the German reunification the power between east and west part of country was not the same and the democratic party was leading among the previous east German communist regime and they decided to focus on the west part for main industrial strategies and famous factories are mostly in south and west region of the Germany, so the question is “what happened for the factories of the east German after reunification”? Broken windows, graffiti and weeds, the former Clara Zetkin rayon factory, in the town of Elsterberg, is now nothing more than an echoing, empty ruin, its bare walls reflected in puddles on the floor. Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

it. He let the caretakers of these ruins shut him inside the factory grounds, which are not accessible to the public, until dusk fell. Most of the sites are watched over by former employees, many of whom still feel a deep attachment to the places where they used to work. In the case of the Elsterberg rayon factory, it was Wolfgang Haupt who opened the factory gates for Mayer. The 64-year-old was manager here from 1965 to 2008. Sometimes he still goes to visit the factory site, but says it makes him sad. “This place fills me with melancholy,” Haupt says. “I spent my entire working life in these buildings.”

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

- Construction of a building costs money, and how the existing left over infrastructure can be reused? - By the growth of the cities throw industrialization, most of the city blocks has mixed industrial and residential zones within cities and in future faced problems because of mismanagement, how could we answer to those issues with streetscape territories concept?

Forgotten side of Weimar

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The Berlin Wall fell 25 years ago, but Germany is still divided

polluting, and heavily reliant on coal. Today, eastern Germany is the heart of the country’s renewable energy transformation, however viewed from space, the historic differences still define Berlin’s nightly appearance. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, formerly communist eastern German companies and factories suddenly had to compete with their much more efficient western counterparts. Capitalism came too fast. Many eastern German companies went bankrupt and some regions never recovered from the shock. Until today, income levels are much lower in the east than in the west.

Numbers and images illustrating differences in lifestyles and problems between East and West Germans. While 75 percent of Germans who live in the east said they considered their country’s reunification a success in a recent survey only half of western Germans agreed. And that is not the only distinction indicating that the separation of the past prevails today. The photo was taken by astronaut André Kuipers from the International Space Station in 2012. It shows one division of Berlin: While the yellow lights are in east Berlin, the green parts mark the western part. Daniela Augenstein, a spokeswoman for Berlin’s department of urban development, explained that each side historically used different streetlights. (by Rick Noack) The lights themselves reflect another difference: The streetlamps used in West Germany were much more environmentally friendly, reflecting the emergence of the western German environmental civil movement in the 1970s and 1980s. At that time East Germany was still heavily

Over 20 years since the Berlin Wall was dismantled the effects of separating the city can still be seen from space. The yellow lights correspond to East Berlin and the greener tones show West Berlin. www.washingtonpost.com

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Germanyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s unemployment rate made headlines when it hit a twodecade low this summer. But that rate is not evenly spread: former West German states still have far better employment levels than their eastern neighbors. That is in part because more young people have moved from rural eastern areas to the west, which has also decreased the amount of job-seeking eastern Germans. This has led to a paradoxical situation: many young people in rural eastern Germany say they are forced to move to the west or to larger eastern cities because of a lack of competitive wages and job opportunities. Consequently, many eastern German companies cannot find enough young trainees for entry-level positions and are now recruiting in Poland or the Czech Republic. Demographic differences are not only the result of joblessness and income gaps. Most foreigners who live in Germany have chosen to settle in the western parts, and their arrival has decreased average ages. Several factors explain the significantly smaller foreign population in the east. Before the fall of the Berlin Wall, western Germany invited many Turks to live in the country as guest workers. Many of them never left.

www.washingtonpost.com

www.washingtonpost.com www.washingtonpost.com

Forgotten side of Weimar

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The comparisons above might make eastern Germany seem like a bleak place to live -- but in some ways, it is ahead of the west. Take trash production. Why? Here is one possible explanation: Having dealt with constant food shortages until 1989, eastern Germans learned to economize and buy only those items they deemed necessary. This attitude seems to prevail today. However, east-west differences in regard to trash production would be much less pronounced if we only looked at domestic waste, and did not include other sources of trash such as gardens. Communist East Germany also emphasized child care. While eastern German mothers were usually employed, western German women often stayed home to raise their children. So the East German government invested heavily in child-care facilities, and that legacy remains today. This map points to another legacy of eastern Germanyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s communist past. In then-East Germany, agricultural fields were much larger, because they were not owned by individuals, but by a pool of farmers. After reunification, the fieldsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; sizes rarely changed. In the east, it was also much more common, and politically supported, to get a flu shot. Even today, eastern Germans are more committed to this practice, as the German news website ZEIT ONLINE recently noted in a comparison between eastern and

www.washingtonpost.com

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western habits and beliefs that is definitely worth a read. (According to the site, eastern Germans also own significantly fewer legal small arms than citizens living in west Germany.) From 1909 on, Elsterberg was inextricably linked with the chemical industry. Although the town’s industrial equipment was shipped to the Soviet Union in 1948 as war reparations, the factory recovered quickly and, as a publicly owned enterprise under the East German government, grew to be the region’s most important employer. “Chemistry brings bread, wealth and beauty” -- every child in this town of 5,000 was familiar with the slogan of the chemistry program run by the country’s Socialist Unity Party (SED). Up to 3,000 people worked at the factory here, including at times foreign workers who came from Cuba, Mozambique and Vietnam to keep the constantly whirring machines running. “The spools were always turning,” Haupt recalls. But then came July 1, 1990. On that date, a few months after the celebrated fall of the Berlin Wall, East and West Germany entered into an economic and monetary union, marking the end of the German Democratic Republic’s planned economy. At the time, there were around 8,500 publicly owned enterprises in the GDR. publicly owned enterprises in the GDR. Treuhand, the government agency that privatized East German state-owned enterprises, broke these down into 13,000 individual operations, which it then further

split into 15,000 private companies. But the agency’s initially stated intention to “privatize quickly, restructure resolutely and decommission carefully” soon fell by the wayside. The 600 billion deutsche marks in revenue originally promised as part of the plan ended up being a modest 60 billion deutsche marks -- while the costs associated with the project ballooned to 300 billion deutsche marks.

www.washingtonpost.com

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

West German investors, it turned out, weren’t interested in East Germany’s often inefficient and environmentally questionable factories. Within three months, 150,000 people were out of work, while another half a million were handed reduced working hours. By the time Treuhand wrapped up its work in 1994, some 64 percent of workers in the “new” German federal states -- the ones that had previously comprised the GDR -- had lost their jobs. The “flourishing landscape, where it pays to live and work” that Chancellor Helmut Kohl promised East Germans had failed to materialize. In Elsterberg, a West German company called ENKA GmbH, based in Wuppertal, took over the rayon factory after reunification and restructured it completely, with modern equipment and optimized operations, rendering much of the labor force redundant. Of the initial 1,200 employees, just 400 remained. “That was very nearly the end of us,” Haupt says. Even for those who kept their jobs, everything changed. Day and night, Haupt and his colleagues pored over textbooks that explained the new computer technology, desperately trying to keep up with the fresh demands placed on them.

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Despite competition from countries with lower wages, textile products from Elsterberg remained in demand -- until the facility suddenly shut down in 2009, despite its full order books. “We were so angry,” Haupt recalls. Specifically, the workers were angry at the factory’s last owners, the ENKA Group from Wuppertal and the ICI Group from Frankfurt am Main. “They were never concerned with finding a buyer for the factory. Their intention from the start was simply to shut it down,” Haupt claims. He believes the owners were only interested in selling off the factory’s equipment, which has since been disassembled and rebuilt in Poland and India. Only the expensive environmental protection system, once so important to the factory’s works council, wasn’t shipped along with the rest of the equipment. Ultimately, the city bought the abandoned factory from an insolvency administrator for the symbolic price of €1. The buildings on the site have been gradually falling into decline ever since. The city hopes to bring new industry to the site, but Haupt knows the chances are slim. “We aren’t even connected to the highway yet,” he says. In 2008, the former factory manager received an assignment from the company’s upper management to write up the history of the factory, which would turn 100 years old the following year, but the facility ended up closing before it could celebrate its 100th anniversary. Haupt nonetheless completed his written history.

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

He, too, was engaged in a process of mourning. “We aren’t even connected to the highway yet,” he says. In 2008, the former factory manager received an assignment from the company’s upper management to write up the history of the factory, which would turn 100 years old the following year, but the facility ended up closing before it could celebrate its 100th anniversary. Haupt nonetheless completed his written history. He, too, was engaged in a process of mourning. Pored over textbooks that explained the new computer technology, desperately trying to keep up with the fresh demands placed on them. “We found ourselves thrust into a whole new world,” he says.

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

Weimar is known for its culture, art, music, architecture and also a dark side in the history of Germany during the Second World War. The Germany began to in industrialized in that era, and the Nazi regime also take advantage from the industrial departments, some of the factories beside their products, also helped with producing equipment for Naziâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s army during the Second World War. After the war the country separated and some of the factories closed. Germany after reunification the democratic party had the power in the parliament and the west part investors refused to invest in the east side of country, by then most of the industrial zoned became left over, and the industrialization focused was more in West and south states.

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

LOCATION

In the 19th century, famous composers like Franz Liszt made a music centre of Weimar and later, artists and architects like Henry van de Velde, Wassily Kandinsky, Paul Klee, Lyonel Feininger and Walter Gropius came to the city and founded the Bauhaus movement, the most important German design school of the interwar period. The historic city centre of Weimar is situated between the Ilm river in the east, Grabenstraße in the north, Goetheplatz and Theaterplatz in the west and Schillerstraße in the south. Its two central squares are the Marktplatz in the south (with the town hall) and the Herderplatz in the north (with the main church). Despite its medieval origin, there are only a few medieval buildings, many being destroyed by frequent fires throughout the city’s history.

The Free State of Thuringia is a federal state of Germany, located in the central part of the country. Thuringia has been known by the nickname of “the green heart of Germany”. In the classical period, Goethe and Schiller lived at Weimar. Both worked also in the famous University of Jena nearby, which now hosts the most important centre of science in Thuringia. Weimar is well known because of its large cultural heritage and its importance in German history. The city was a focal point of the German Enlightenment and home of the leading characters of the literary genre of Weimar Classicism, the writers Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and Friedrich Schiller.

States’s location in Germany

Weimar’s location in state

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WEIMARâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S LEFTOVER INDUSTRIAL ZONES These maps is the study of the activity of the inhabitant and visitors of the city. It is clear that the red region is the center and as it goes thorough the suburb zone of the city the gradient become cold in color and the activity of these parts limited mostly to the inhabitants of these region. The interesting facts is the suburb areas mostly ends to industrial area and almost every infrastructure when used to be a productive during the history, but now a days it is just a concrete or metal object without use. The circles shows the location of the format industrial zones and after drawing the path between them it is shows the diagram which could be understood that the most industrial zones are far from the center and most of them follows this period, except one circle which is located in the north-east part of Weimar and it is close to center. It seems there is a different history behind that or other facts and that is why it is interesting to study about this site and see the relation of the site with city. In the next page there are some examples of the buildings in Weimar which became left over. Most of them had the same story as mentioned before. The chosen site location is also interesting, because it is close to residential blocks, different housing typologies exists, partially mixed with commercial, it is isolated because of the railway, it

is close to the main park of the city, it is also unique because of itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s open space, there in no other example in the center. All these facts are interesting enough to study about the relation of the abandoned land and building with the social life of the inhabitant and how it effects the daily life and streetscape of this location.

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

LEFTOVER INFRASTRUCTURE

Forgotten side of Weimar

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SITE ANALYSIS The site is located in the north-eastern suburb of Weimar short walk from the historic city center on a small hill. The area is characterized by an ideal infrastructure, which has the potential to be further improved and extended by the new urban planning project development. The train station can be reached in just a few minutesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; walk or easily accessible by bicycle. You easily reach the cities of Erfurt and Jena. The area is frequented by the city bus line 3 which connects the district Tiefurt with the city. A great advantage is the immediate vicinity of the largest shopping center of the city, the Weimar Atrium.

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

SITE CHARACHTER

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SITE CHARACHTER

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SITE CHARACHTER

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SITE CHARACHTER

The residential part of the site containing different typologies. Most of them was maximum 2 dwelling houses with classic architecture. There are several houses which take effect of the Bauhaus movement and they modern type of architecture with their private gardens and parking. Forgotten side of Weimar

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SITE CHARACHTER

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SITE CHARACHTER

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SITE CHARACHTER

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SITE CHARACHTER Different housing typologies

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SITE CHARACHTER

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SITE CHARACHTER

Residential apartments with more than 3 dwellings in each building.

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SITE CHARACHTER

Private paths for Inhabitants

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STREETSCAPE-SECTION The different section from the street shows different dimension from starting point until the end of the street. The left side pavement is not in a good condition and almost nobody pass or choose left side to cross the street. The right side, because it is connected to the entrance of the houses and also the opposite side doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have any motivation as an urban element, so people always uses the right side. The material of the pavement are different in different section, some of them well developed but the other is just asphalt it seems that the people who live there and care about the crossing section toward their apartment themselves changed the material. In different time zones the construction the street gagged and filled. During winter and rainy days it causes problems. The left side is left over land. Some part of the fence along the street cured and accessible to the site, but it is not legal due to covering by fences, there is no social control and it makes it an insecure environment.

The open elevation of the residential part of the site, shows the typology of the houses. The buildings are detached and the valley is just behind this houses. The skyline shows that the neighborhood buildings levels are varies just 2, and 3 floors, and there is no other element that change discipline. However when we cross to the west zone some buildings become higher up to 5 floor. The east side shows that the number of houses become smaller and there are more gardens.

Forgotten side of Weimar

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STREETSCAPE-ELEVATION East

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West

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West

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STREETSCAPE-ELEVATION West

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East

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FUNCTION Most of the functions in the site belongs to residential part, and the rest are some office buildings and a healthcare. This region of the city has different typologies of buildings. In the residential part the west side has grid system in urban context, on the other hand the south part has a detached houses with private gardens and parking. Even the detached houses has different character and architecture from each other. There are some villas which the design follows the Bauhaus Movement in Architecture. Modern type with small windows and openings with concrete material. The Health care building in the middle of residential part, catches the attention to itself which looks likes more into religious building. In the north and center part of the site there are some high-rise building (in the scale of the city) with commercial and office functions. The buildings are detached from each other and each has separate entrance. There is also an abandoned building in the middle of the site which is separated from other infrastructures by the fences, and it is inaccessible. There is also social garden which is not accessible to public and it has a collective space quality and people rent the gardens, the Thuringia known for its nature and farming products. The flower and onion festival are famous trading among Weimar people. Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

Forgotten side of Weimar

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GREEN SPACES

The region is surrounded from south by the Natural Park. The topography of the site has important role on the character of this region. The gardens in west site that is in urban grid are mostly private gardens, but some are shared among the neighborhood. The south part of the site is a green valley, and the suburban houses has view to the park because of the slope of the land toward the park. The green space with leftover industrial infrastructure are not accessible for public and it is covered with fences. This facade has negative impact and it does not has any social control over the left over area. It provides a context for crime or other social and urban problems. It has a potential to be a productive collective space and be safe instead of the existing situation.

Forgotten side of Weimar

Kasra hajihassandokht

Forgotten side of Weimar

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SITE DURING YEARS

After Germany reunification the site from 2000 till now did not change in urban fabric, except some extension to existing infrastructure and small interventions. For decades this area was isolated and never been used. The effect of mixing residential and industrial in this zone happened and create and unfindable character for this streetscape territory. Inhabitants made some interventions for their private territory and they do not care for the environment they live and there is no social interaction in the neighborhood and no union between inhabitants. During years it stays the same fabric.

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2000

2008

2014

2011

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Google Earth Satelite Images

OPEN SPACE

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PUBLIC SPACE

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COLLECTIVE SPACE

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Scale factor

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Scale factor

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INDUSTRIAL AND RESIDENTIAL PROTOTYPES The relationship between cities and industry is constantly evolving. The industrial revolution spurred large-scale urbanization as new technologies enabled the adoption of water wheels, coal-fired steam power, and intercity railways, dramatically changing the urban landscape. Planned City: 1880 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 1970. Toward the end of the 19th century, planning models suggested zoning regulations to handle the problem of factoriesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; nuisance activities. The attempt to provide healthier living conditions for factory workers took shape in the form of company towns and Garden Cities, which later served as a prototypes for towns built after the end of World War II. Countries such as United Kingdom, Israel, Russia, Iran, Sweden, and Japan also implemented these principles in construction of new towns, designating industrial lands as part of newly planned cities; however, these industrial areas were typically situated to have the lowest possible effect on residential areas. Piecemeal City: 1970 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; present. During the 1970s, many countries, especially in the Western world, experienced rapid deindustrialization, and planning tools were developed to further segregate industrial activities from other land uses. The trend against locating manufacturing next to other uses,

coupled with Euclidean zoning practices that essentially prioritized residential and commercial uses of real estate over all others, particularly manufacturing, resulted in a massive loss of industrial land to commercial and residential uses in many cities. This trend in urban planning theory and practice further increased the divide between home and work, as the desire to maintain real estate values pressured development away from lower valued industry towards other, more profitable uses.

Existing Industrial Typologies: Program and Geography http://www.industrialurbanism.com/#!prototypes/c24b5

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The diagram depicts abstract relationships between industrial typology and geographical location. Storage & Distribution facilities are located in the hinterlands, and tend to be sited where land values are the lowest. Industrial Parks are typically located far from city centers, either in the country or suburbs, or on the urban periphery. This form emerged after World War II and often dominates the industrial landscape today. Office parks are similar to industrial parks, but tend to support service industries, which are less land-intensive and depend less on rail and water transportation. They typically contain dense concentrations of white- and pink-collar employees, and due to their smaller footprints, (and lack of harmful industrial waste), they may be located within cities. Legacy Urban Factories exist within the city itself, even within Central Business Districts. These factories have often been grand fathered into cities that have otherwise made industrial uses illegal through land-use regulations. Eco-Industrial Parks most closely resemble the Industrial Parks identified previously, but they are organized around the common goal of environmental stainability. Innovation Clusters are designed to benefit from agglomeration: that is, individual firms in similar industries can increase their productivity through their proximity to one another. These tend to be vertically integrated, including research, administration, production, and distribution.

Prototypes of Industrial areas

http://www.industrialurbanism.com/#!prototypes/c24b5

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Integrated:

These prototypesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;integrated, adjacent and autonomousâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; demonstrate three idealized stages in the separation of manufacturing from the city, the strengthening of the central management of industrial zones, and the influence of international companies on local economies and physical spaces.

Residential, commercial and industrial land uses are fused or closely located in space. Often resulting from (unplanned) growth, manufacturing is an integral part of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s structure. Different use-areas do not have clear, distinct borders and tend to dissolve into each other across the urban fabric. Adjacent: Industrial and residential land uses are segregated by design and policy into distinct areas of the city (often via a physical barrier or natural elements), in an attempt to isolate incompatible land uses and prevent environmental hazards. Autonomous: Standalone industrial/business parks or large factories are sited to work autonomously. Functioning as independent campuses, industrial areas are surrounded by open spaces and located in proximity to railways, highways, and airports, prioritizing the efficient movement of materials, finished goods, and laborers.

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CASE STUDY OF RENOVATION

environmental perspective”, explained Rajat Gupta, professor of sustainable architecture and climate change and director of the Oxford Institute for Sustainable Development(OISD). “And unlike modern buildings, they’re usually heavy-weight. As we move to a warmer climate, it’s better to live in such buildings because they keep the heat out.” Factories have, of course, been re-used for decades, but the stainability focus is new. So is the availability of buildings in cities across Europe and the US as armed forces downsize and manufacturing moves to Asia. “In the goal for sustainable design, reusing the embodied energy in an existing building is helpful”, said Michael Garrison, professor of architecture at the University of Texas, Austin. “Most building materials can be reused and many buildings can be remodeled, extending the life of the material or the building far into the future and saving significant amounts of embodied energy.” According to a 2012 study, retrofitting an old building to make it 30% more energy-efficient is greener than building a new one with the same energy use. In other words: saving factories makes stainability and business sense. Thuringia’s Red Army barracks have had to be painstakingly stripped of lead pipes, toxic paint and petrol in the ground has had to be removed. Like other Warsaw Pact states, East Germany

Walking along the Friedrich-Adolf-Richter-Straße in Rudolstadt, Germany, visitors may not notice anything unusual about the bright yellow multi-family house that occupies a large chunk of the street, but fewer than 20 years ago, the building was a sullied, run-down Soviet military barracks, vacated as the Red Army withdrew from the former East Germany. The new face of sustainable building, where dirty old factories and power plants, even military facilities, are rescued and turned into sustainable homes, shops and offices. “Afordability and location are the most important aspect when people look for housing, and then comes stainability”, said Arndt Hobrecker, director of properties at LEG Thüringen, the agency that remodels and rents out former barracks in the central German state of Thuringia, where Rudolstadt is located. “And the substance of these buildings, with thick walls that conserve heat in winter and cold in summer, makes them sustainable in themselves.” With some 800 military barracks, airports and other military facilities left vacated by the Red Army, cities in the former East Germany are a virtual laboratory for how sullied but solid old buildings can be reused in an eminently sustainable fashion. “Adapting and reusing such buildings is a very good step from an Forgotten side of Weimar

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had the now-good fortune of only being able to afford small amounts of chemicals and asbestos. But western Europe and the US face a vast challenge. “The hurdle is removing the asbestos”, added Gupta. “Repurposing is not an easy fix.” At the same time, he points out, EU regulations require specialist asbestos handling for buildings that are being demolished, too. In either case, cities or developers incur costs. The fact that turn-of-the-century barracks and factories are protected by national heritage rules presents another problem: Hobrecker apologetically explains that LEG Thüringen didn’t even consider putting solar panels on the barrack roofs because the application would have been rejected on national heritage grounds. Moreover, not every factory or barracks has the structure or looks to attract developers. Still, as 21st century cities face the question of what to do with stately but deserted buildings, green resurrection is emerging as a popular option. In Austin, the famous art deco Seaholm Power Plant is now being turned into sustainable housing and commercial space. “The most sustainable act was saving it”, said Austin architect Sinclair Black, the driving force behind the decision. “It’s a magnificent building. And there’s so much energy embedded in a building like this, which can be used when it’s re purposed.”

Sustainable re-use of factories and barracks, Black predicts, is the future of inner cities. Developers will have plenty of buildings to choose from.

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CASE STUDY

We have set ourselves with the founding of the cooperative goal is the former hospital in the Eduard RÂ osenthal-Str. 70 jointly acquire, redevelop under modern and ecological point of view and to inhabit themselves. We want to create an attractive living and working space for about 200 residents in an integrated multi-generational project. Some key planning steps we have already gone. However, it is still a long way to go. Our project will thereby develop bit by bit and take more concrete forms.

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Facade design Our ideological claims should also be reflected in the new architectural language. By demolish the former cafeteria and technical annexes from the GDR era, we put the original symmetry of the historic facility restores renature a part of the sealed area and create more space for gardens. The original barracks from the 1930s are over -molded by a vibrant and modem facade design in the course of the renovation. The new development concept makes the main building from the street more accessible. A newly designed entrance area carries the life of the cooperative in the public. The two side wings of the former hospital to be expanded primarily for residential purposes. Each wing provides after reconstruction space for about 75 people (adults and children). Experience from other residential projects have shown that the ideal size is for a household 15-25 persons and a maximum of 10 households. Within these limits, the personal contact with each other can be well cared for and growing mutual confidence. At the same time, the resulting organization work spread over a sufficient number of shoulders.

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The new development concept of the existing hospital character is c-ompletely abolished with the lc,ng corridors. Thanks to the modules, we can react .flexibly to the needs of future residents, while keeping ooets under control It produced varied .floor phms that allow a very individual living. The ground floor of the main building offers space for various community facilities and non-intrusive tâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;OJI\D\l!rdal. This is where a major event hall. offia!s, seminar and other Warehouses, which can be used by the residents and guests of the ROJO. The basement of the main buildJng is located on the street side In the basement and can be tapped by the existing basement stairs.

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A LOCAL MARKET SINCE 1653 It was first recorded in 1653 as a “market for beasts and onions” on what is today the Frauenplan, mostly held on a Sunday around 10 October, at a time in which Weimar could hardly boast a population of 5,000. There are many instances of the links between Goethe and the Market; he is said, for example, to have secured the onion hearts to his desk, to have decorated his house with them, and to have praised the role of the onion in promoting good health. In the nineteenth century, the market moved venue to today’s Schillerstrasse, and developed into the major onion purchasing centre for the whole of Central Germany. The dealers came mainly from Heldrungen, 46 kilometres away, and that is still the case today. From 1861 onwards the market was extended to three days. In 1872 the city of Weimar passed an Onion Market Ordinance. As well as onions, there were now celery, radishes, garlic, leeks, and marjoram on sale, as well as other types of spices and vegetables. During the twentieth century, world wars and inflation led to the decline of the market, and to it being reduced to one day due to the limited produce on offer and the high prices. It was not until the ‘fifties that the market began to pick up again, and by 1971

a record was set when 200,000 visitors came. The sale of the famous souvenir, the onion garland, ran to 70,000 pieces, and, as well as onions and other vegetables, fruit, and spices, handicrafts began to make their mark. From 1990 the Onion Market again became a three-day event, always on the weekend closest to 2 October, from Friday to Sunday. The market has also grown in size in the interim, and now occupies the whole of the historic Inner city. The number of visitors is given as 350,000 annually.

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URBAN STRATEGIES

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URBAN STRATEGIES After the studies about the site background and its character the next step is making decisions about urban design of the site related to the topics and answering the research question. First of all, the main issue is to think about the accessibility and mobility, in first sight the continuity of the main park recognizable in the left over space, so by opening two different access from Main Park through the site it creates the circulation and also continuity of the parks. People have better access also to the neighborhood. Second approach is to keep the commercial infrastructures and removing the huge storage buildings in between them and move them to the north zone where all the industrial part exist. Keeping the former industrial building in the middle of the park and reuse it as a workshop, restaurant which works and connected to the social gardens. The workshop will provide class about the new farming and gardening systems and providing job opportunities by renting the new collective gardens in the park, the restaurant will take advantage and use but the bio products. It also will motivate other inhabitants in the neighborhood to use their private gardens in future. There are also an option to sell their products in and collective spaces created in between the infrastructure and creates the street bazar. Forgotten side of Weimar

In the west side of the side to balance the adjacencies between the residential blocks and commercial buildings, the design will provide a new collective residential units which mixed as function with commercial and offices and also each unit have social space which Is common with 2 or 3 other units and they can decide how to use their space. It will creates the social interaction between inhabitants. The shared gardens invites people to the park and it is also working as a part of park. Weimar like other cities is increasing as a city, they have housing problem for future, the number of immigrants increasing each year so they need to densify and built new housing units and blocks. The population of the students shows that they are also facing the problem of accommodation for students, the existing dormitories are not equal to the population of the student and they do not provide standard quality for living. To combine the commercial and the new residential blocks it created three different spaces. Block A and B is for family housing and C is student dormitory. In conclusion, instead of being isolated and unsafe environment, in this strategy there is a park which creates different space inside for different activities and by renovating the existing left over building and make them productive it gives a social control and active environment.

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URBAN STRATEGIES

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INTERVENTIONS

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RESIDENTIAL BLOCKS DIAGRAM

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ISOMETRIC VIEW

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URBAN PLAN

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SECTION A-A

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SECTION B-B

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FIRTST INTERVENTION

COLLECTIVE STUDENT HOUSING

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COLLECTIVE STUDENT HOUSING

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UP DN

1 2

DN UP

9 UP

10 11

DWREF.

9 10 11

DWREF.

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COLLECTIVE STUDENT HOUSING

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COLLECTIVE STUDENT HOUSING

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SECOND INTERVENTION FORMER LEFT OVER INDUSTRIAL INFRASTRUCTURE

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PRODUCTIVE INTERVENTION

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REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Evans, G. (2009) Creative Cities, Creative Spaces and Urban Policy in Urban Studies, 46 (5/6): 1003-40. Healey, P. (1997). Collaborative planning: shaping places in fragmented societies. London: MacMillan. Scheerlinck, K. (2014). Coney Island New York Streetscape Territories Notebook. Streetscape Territories Notebooks, 5. Brussel: LUCA School of Arts. Scheerlinck, K. (2014). Raval, Barcelona Streetscape Territories Notebook. Streetscape Territories Notebooks, 4. Brussel: LUCA School of Arts. Scheerlinck, K., Schoonjans, Y. (2014). Sampling Collective Housing Projects, Extracting Collective Strategies. ARQ - Arquitectura Diseno Urbanismo. Scheerlinck, K. (2011). Privacy and Depth Configurations. Architektura & Urbanizmus. Journal for Architecture and Town Planning Theory, 2, 166-185. Scheerlinck, K. (2011). Metaphoric Voids and Sliced landscapes. Quaderns dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Arquitectura i Urbanisme, 261 (2011/4), 46-4. Scheerlinck, K. (2013). Implicit Distances. Reflections. Scheerlinck, K., Massip, F. (as contributor) (2013). Gowanus New York Streetscape Territories Notebook. Streetscape Territories Notebooks, 3. Brussel: LUCA School of Arts. Scheerlinck, K. (2013). Collective Spaces Streetscape Territories Notebook. Streetscape Territories Notebooks, 2. Brussels: LUCA School of Arts. Scheerlinck, K. (2012). Williamsburg New York Streetscape Territories Notebook. Streetscape Territories Notebooks, 1. Brussels: LUCA School of Arts. Scheerlinck, K. (2012). Depth Configurations and Privacy. Proximity, Permeability and Territorial Boundaries in Urban Projectsâ&#x20AC;?, in M. Carucci (ed.). Revealing Privacy: Debating the Understandings of Privacy. Frankfurt am Maine: Peter Lang, 89-104. Scheerlinck K. (2010). Depth Configurations. Proximity, Permeability and Territorial Boundaries in Urban Projects. Doctoral thesis https://www.weimar.de/en/tourismus/culture-leisure/markets-festivals/onion-market/ Forgotten side of Weimar

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