Occupying Central São Paulo - The Proto-Urbanisms of Urban Movements by KathleenDB

OCCUPYING CENTRAL SÃO PAULO

THE PROTO-URBANISMS OF URBAN MOVEMENTS Claire BOSMANS, Kathleen DE BEUKELAER, Raissa GONÇALVES MONTEIRO & Valentine VAN DEN EYNDE

OCCUPYING CENTRAL SÃO PAULO THE PROTO-URBANISMS OF URBAN MOVEMENTS OCUPANDO O CENTRO DE SÃO PAULO OS PROTO-URBANISMOS DOS MOVIMENTOS URBANOS

Claire Bosmans Kathleen De Beukelaer Raissa Gonçalves Monteiro Valentine Van den Eynde

Thesis submitted to obtain Master (of Science) of Human Settlements [Raissa Monteiro] or Master (of Science) of Urbanism and Strategic Planning [others]

Faculty of Engineering Department of Architecture Promotor: Bruno De Meulder Guidance: Jeroen Stevens

ACADEMIC YEAR 2015 - 2016

© Copyright by KU Leuven Permission for use of content “The authors herewith permit it that the present dissertation be made available for consultation; parts of it may be copied, strictly for personal use. Every other use is subject to strict copyright reservations. Particular reference is made to the obligation of explicitly mentioning the source when quoting the present dissertation’s results.” Leuven, 2015. All images presented in this booklet are, unless credits are given, made or drawn by the authors. Without written permission of the supervisor(s) and the authors it is forbidden to reproduce or adapt in any form or by any means any part of this publication. Requests for obtaining the right to reproduce or utilize parts of this publication should be addressed to KU Leuven, Faculty of Engineering Science, Departement of Architecture - Kasteelpark Arenberg 1, B-3001 Heverlee (Belgium). Telephone +32-16-321362 or e-mail secretariaat@asro.kuleuven.be. A written permission of the supervisor(s) is also required to use the methods, products, schematics and programs described in this work for industrial or commercial use, and for submitting this publication in scientific contests.

Contact: claire.bosmans@gmail.com kathleendebeukelaer@gmail.com raissagmonteiro@gmail.com valentine.vandeneynde@gmail.com bruno.demeulder@asro.kuleuven.be jeroen.stevens@kuleuven.be

[proto-urbanisms]

THE PROTO-URBANISMS OF URBAN MOVEMENTS

São Paulo has been reshaped and reframed by successive waves of public, private and popular (re-)investment. Immutable landscape features have been colonized, turned into infrastructures, to be again replaced by other urban armatures, continuously but always partly transforming the city’s built form. Today, the multi-layered city centre can be seen as an assemblage of material relics that testify of an intricate history of tensions, displacements and (de)constructions. This contentious reproduction resulted in a vast and manifold presence of vacancy. Exactly those undefined urban spaces enabled and provoked contemporary insurgent practices. Through a variety of occupations, social and cultural movements are re-imagining and re-composing a decaying urban fabric, initiating impromptu forms of urban reproduction in the informal interstices of the ‘formal’ or ‘official’ city. This collaborative thesis project seeks to unravel the emerging protourbanisms that are simultaneously performed by housing and cultural movements.

ABSTRACT I ABSTRACT

[self-constructed city]

[cultural agitation]

COMPONENTS AND CONSTELLATIONS OF A SELF-CONSTRUCTED CITY

INSTANCES AND SCENES OF CULTURAL AGITATION

By Claire Bosmans & Kathleen De Beukelaer

By Raissa Monteiro & Valentine Van den Eynde

With “Frente da Luta por Moradia” (FLM) – literally, the ‘Frontline of the Housing Struggle - as main focus, the thesis presents a selective anthology of housing occupations occurring in central São Paulo. The compilation of ‘popular’ urban projects allows to decipher particular contributions of the housing movement in the urban reproduction of the city. Each manifestation/case is analysed through a specific lens, therewith addressing recurring components of an alternative city that is successively imagined and constructed by housing movements and their members. Demonstrations in public space together with the ever-shifting constellation of building occupations are eventually précising an emerging notion of “occupation urbanism”. In turn, they shed light on a variety of urban practices and actions, ranging over protestations and negotiations, self-construction and re-habitation, novel collectivities, spontaneous urban renewals, new centralities, cultural experiments and enforced social housing projects.

The historical centre of São Paulo is concurrently the site and subject of a plethora of social and cultural practices that agitate the urban scene by occupying and re-appropriating diverse urban spaces. This thesis aims to probe how such cultural and artistic occupations take part in the redevelopment of the city’s central area, by performing particular instances and scenes of insurgent urbanism. Three distinctive ‘occupied’ urban spaces, involving particular constellations of actors, are explored by means of peculiar metaphorical lenses. As instances of a vast landscape of cultural occupations, a building (the artistic occupation ‘Ouvidor 63’), an open space (the contested ‘Praça Roosevelt’) and an elevated highway (’Minhocão’), will allow to shed light on the agency of cultural agitations transforming the urban scenery into a laboratory for unsolicited but remarkable experiments towards other ways of city making.

[proto-urbanisms]

OS PROTO-URBANISMOS DOS MOVIMENTOS URBANOS

São Paulo tem sido adaptada e remodelada por sucessivas ondas de investimentos públicos, privados e populares. Paisagens fixas foram ‘recolonizadas’ e transformadas em infra-estruturas urbanas, para em seguida serem substituídas por outras morfologias, fazendo com que o seu conjunto construído esteja em constante transformação. Hoje, o multifacetado centro da cidade pode ser visto como um conjunto de vestígios que traduzem uma história de tensões, relocações e (des)construções. Uma das consequências dessas controversas reproduções urbanas foi o aparecimento de altos níveis de vacância na área central. A vasta e diversa presença de espaços vazios, por sua vez, acabou por provocar e permitir o aparecimento de práticas insurgentes que se apropriam desses espaços. Através de várias formas de ocupação, movimentos sociais e culturais (re)imaginam e (re)compõem partes do tecido urbano em decadência, iniciando formas alternativas de reprodução urbana nos interstícios da cidade ‘formal’ ou ‘oficial’. Esse projeto colaborativo de teses procura trazer à tona e discutir sobre formas emergentes de ‘proto-urbanismo’ simultaneamente realizadas por movimentos sociais de moradia e coletivos independentes de arte e cultura, assim como seu impacto para a reativação do metabolismo urbano.

ABSTRACT I ABSTRACT

[self-constructed city]

[cultural agitation]

COMPONENTS E CONSTALAÇÕES DE UMA CIDADE AUTOCONSTRUÍDA

INSTÂNCIAS E CENAS DE AGITAÇÃO CULTURAL

Por Claire Bosmans & Kathleen De Beukelaer

Por Raissa Monteiro & Valentine Van den Eynde

Com foco no movimento Frente de Luta por Moradia (FLM), essa tese apresenta uma antologia seletiva de ocupações de moradia presentes no centro de São Paulo. Trata-se de uma compilação de ‘projetos urbanos populares’ que permite decifrar que tipos de contribuições os movimentos de moradia tem deixado para os processos de reprodução da cidade. Cada manifestação/caso é analisado através de lentes específicas que destacam os componentes mais recorrentes dessa ‘cidade alternativa’ que é sucessivamente imaginada e construída pelos movimentos de moradia e seus membros. As reivindicações nos espaços públicos juntamente com as dinâmicas ocupações em edifícios e suas constelações sociais tem gradualmente construído uma emergente noção de ‘urbanismo de ocupação’. Esse conceito, por sua vez, evidencia uma gama de ações e práticas urbanas que se diversificam entre protestos e negociações, auto construção e reabilitação, diferentes coletividades, renovações urbanas espontâneas, novas centralidades, experimentos culturais e a realização de projetos de habitação social.

O centro histórico de São Paulo é atualmente local e sujeito de crescentes práticas sociais e culturais que agitam a cena urbana ocupando e reapropriando diversos espaços. O objetivo desse trabalho é investigar como essas ocupações culturais e artísticas contribuem na renovação dos usos da área central, partindo de situações particulares e cenários de urbanismo insurgente. Três tipologias espaciais distintas, envolvendo diferentes constelações sociais e temporalidades, são analisadas ao longo da tese através de nove metáforas conceituais. Como instâncias representativas de um vasto panorama de ocupações culturais, temos um edifício (a ocupação artística ‘Ouvidor 63’), uma via expressa (o viaduto ‘Minhocão’) e um espaço público (a disputada ‘Praça Roosevelt’) - estudados como coadjuvantes para o entendimento dos agentes e processos que tem transformado o cenário urbano em um laboratório de práticas não-solicitadas porém notáveis, pois propõem e experimentam novos modos de coproduzir a cidade.

INDEX I ÍNDICE

PROLOGUE

IMAGERY

CHRONOGRAPHY

POLITICAL FRAME | QUADRO POLÍTICO

URBAN GROWTH | CRESCIMENTO URBANO

GOVERNMENTAL PROGRAMS | PROGRAMAS GOVERNAMENTAIS

CYCLES OF INVESTMENTS | CICLOS DE INVESTIMENTO

SHIFTS IN MIND-SETS | MUDANÇAS DE MINDSET

HOUSING AND CULTURAL MOVEMENTS | MOVIMENTOS DE MORADIA E CULTURA

10 TELLING CASES | 10 CASOS NOTÁVEIS

PRÓLOGO

APREENSÃO VISUAL DO CENTRO

CHROLOGRAPHIA

CARTOGRAPHY

OUTPOST AT A CONFLUENCE | PONTO DE CONFLUÊNCIA

ASSEMBLING CENTRALITIES | CONJUNTO DE CENTRALIDADES

A CAR INVADED CENTRE | UM CENTRO TOMADO POR CARROS

CENTRE OF CONGESTION & ABANDONMENT | CONGESTIONAMENTOS E ABANDONO

MARGINS OF A CENTRE UNFOLDED | DESVENDANDO AS MARGENS DO CENTRO

107

CARTOGRAFIA

TAXONOMY

119

EPILOGUE

128

BIBLIOGRAPHY

130

TAXONOMIA

EPÍLOGO

BIBLIOGRAFIA

PROLOGUE I PROLÓGO

Paradoxically, five centuries of urban investment and reinvestment saddled Central São Paulo with an ambiguous and manifold archipelago of vacancy. Such vacancy is without doubt a natural part and parcel of urban development and redevelopment, which always asks for new investments and novel in-fills for left-over structures. In São Paulo’s historical core, however, this natural development cycle generated an abundant stock of residual and obsolete spaces. A recent counting rates 2 million buildings being unused within the historical city centre (Estadão Metropole, March 2016). As a second paradox, this vast vacated space opened the stage to new actors, introducing various popular occupations. How did this large repository of un(der) used space came about? And, how do popular groups seek to re-occupy them? In the following endeavour these questions will be unfolded with a combination of photography, timelines, cartography, text, architectural drawings and collages. This research is part of a project ongoing since 2013, performed by the OST Research Group of Urbanism and Architecture at the University of Leuven, together with students of the Master of Human Settlements and Master of Urbanism and Strategic Planning (Stevens & Knapen, 2013; Shi, 2014; Zeevaert, 2014; Briers & Devos, 2015). This study has always been, and still is, based on a close collaboration with social movement, cultural collectives, human rights associations, governmental institutions and academic partners in São Paulo. It is closely related to the ongoing doctoral research of Jeroen Stevens.

Two distinct social groups - embracing housing and cultural activism - where chosen to be the representative bodies in understanding the phenomena in São Paulo resulting in a trilogy of master theses. A 6-weeks fieldwork was held in the city of São Paulo, Brazil, during the months of February and March, 2016, engaging in particular with these actors. The first book of the trilogy - this particular one [proto-urbanisms] - is a macro-approach that inquires the historical production of vacancy in central São Paulo, and raises questions on the “proto-urbanisms” that seek to re-occupy them. It is a graphical essay to unveil the city’s key morphological conditions, social practices, economical interests and political mindsets that provoked its main cycles of urban (re)investments, as well as the emergence of vacancy and its consequent re-occupations. Lying under this frame, the two other master theses - Components & Constellations of a SelfConstructed City [self-constructed city] and Instances and Scenes of Cultural Agitation [cultural agitation] – will embark within housing and cultural movements, paying special attention to their tactics, ideologies and unconventional ways of dealing with the urban tissue. Produced in parallel, the aim of both works is to engender a sort of urban and architectural critique that represents and recognizes the way those movements act on space, inside their own dynamics, actions and collaborations.

ANAMPOS

Articulação Nacional de Movimentos Populares e Sindicais (National Articulation of Popular Movements and Unions)

ARENA

Aliança Renovadora Nacional (National Renewal Alliance)

ATRM

Associação dos Trabalhadores da Região da Mooca (Workers Association of the Mooca Region)

AUAP

Associação Unificadora de Ações Populares (Unifying Association of Popular Actions)

BNH

Banco Nacional da Habitação (National Housing Bank)

CECASUL

Centro de Cidadania e Ação Social Zona Sul (Centre of Citizenship and Social Action Zone South)

CDHU

Companhia de Desenvolvimento Habitacional e Urbano do Estado de São Paulo (Housing and Urban Development Company of the State of São Paulo)

CMP

Central dos Movimentos Populares (Centre of Popular Movements)

COHAB-SP

Companhia Metropolitana de Habitação de São Paulo (Metropolitan Housing Company of São Paulo)

CONAM

Confederação Nacional das Associações de Moradores (National Confederation of Housing Associations)

CUT(-SP)

Central Única dos Trabalhadores (- São Paulo) (Central Workers Union (- São Paulo))

FLM

Frente de Luta por Moradia (At the Front of the Struggle for Housing)

FMH

Fundo Municipal da Habitação (Municipal Housing Fund)

FNRU

Fórum Nacional de Reforma Urbana (National Forum of Urban Reform)

FOMMAESP

Fórum de Moradia e Meio-Ambiente do Estado de São Paulo (Forum of Housing and Environment of the State of São Paulo)

FUPAM

Fundação Para e Pesquisa em Arquitetura e Ambiente (Foundation for Research in Architecture and Environment)

GTAI

Grupo Técnico de Análise de Imóveis (Technical Research Group of Real Estate)

HABISP

Sistema de Informações para Habitação Social de São Paulo (Information and Prioritising Intervention System)

(P-)MCMV

Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (Program My House My Life)

MDF

Movimento de Defesa do Favelado (Movement for the Defense of the Slum)

MMC

Movimento de Moradia do Centro (Housing Movement of the Centre)

MMJI

Movimento de Moradia de Jardim Ipanema (Housing Movement of Jardim Ipanema)

MMLJ

Movimento de Moradia da Luta por Justiça (Housing Movement of the Fight for Justice)

MMPT

Movimento Moradia para Todos (Housing Movement for All)

MMRC

Movimento de Moradia Região Centro (Housing Movement of the Central Region)

GLOSSARY I GLOSSÁRIO

MNRU

Movimento Nacional de Reforma Urbana (National Movement of Urban Reform)

MST

Movimento dos Trabalhadores rurais Sem Terra (Movement of the Workers Without Land)

MSTC

Movimento Sem Teto do Centro (Movement of the Roofless of the Centre)

MSTLV

Movimento Sem Teto Lutar e Viver (Movement of the Roofless of Fighting and Living)

MSTRN

Movimento Sem Teto da Região Norte (Movement of the Roofless of the North Region)

MSTRU

Movimento Sem Teto pelo Reforma Urbana (Movement of the Roofless for Urban Reform)

MTST

Movimentos dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (Movement of the Roofless Workers)

MTSTL I

Movimento dos Trabalhadores sem Terra Leste I (Movement of the Landless Workers zone East I)

MTSTRC

Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto da Região Central (Movement of the Roofless Workers of the Central Region)

MUF

Movimento Unificado De Favelas (Unifying Movement of Slums)

PAR

Programa de Arrendamento Residencial (Residential Leasing Program)

PCM

Programa de Corredores Metropolitanos (Metropolitan Corridors Program)

PMDB

Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party)

PMDI

Plano Metropolitano de Desinvolvimento Integrado (Metropolitan Plan of Integrated Development)

PMGSP

Plano Metropolitano Grande São Paulo (Plan for Metropolitan São Paulo)

PIT

Plano Integrado Transporte (Integrated Transportation Plan)

PITU

Programa Integrado de Transportes Urbanos (Integrated Program of Urban Transport)

PTB

Partido Trahalhista Brasileiro (Brazilian Labour Party)

Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party)

SEHAB

Secretaria Municipal de Habitação (São Paulo Municipal Housing Secretariat)

SFH

Sistema Financeiro da Habitação (Housing Financial System)

TNG

Movimento de Moradia Terra de Nossa Gente (Housing Movement Land for Our People)

ULC

Unificação das Lutas de Cortiço (Unified Cortiço Struggles)

UMM

União dos Movimentos de Moradia (United Housing Movement)

UNMP

União Nacional Por Moradia Popular (National Union for Popular Housing)

UNAS

União de Núcleos Associações e Sociedades de Moradores de Heliópolis e São João Climaco

ZEIS

Zonas Especiais de Interese Social (Special Zones of Social Interest)

ZEPEC

Zonas Especiais de Preservação Cultural (Special Zones of Cultural Persevation)

[proto-urbanisms] This thesis wasnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t possible without the support and collaboration of a few key actors. First of all, we would like to thank Jeroen Stevens for his unfailing support along the hard process. His passion for the topic, context and people was inspiring and encouraging. Thank you for your great support during the fieldwork and the many discussions during guidance or readings. Besides, we thank our promoter Bruno de Meulder for his guidance and the deep insights we learned along the way. In addition, we would like to thank the commentators present during the World Urbanisms Seminar of June 24th for their valuable comments and the interesting debates. Furthermore, we would like show our sincere gratitude to our local promoter, Nadia Somekh, for hosting us in SĂŁo Paulo. Her guidance gave us essential insight in the particular context of Central SĂŁo Paulo. This was further complemented by various scholars we had to chance to meet along the way: Pedro Arantes, Vera Pallamin, and Deborah Sanches, and to whom we as well want to express our appreciation. Besides we thank Bruna Freganzi. We are greatfull to Dulci Cipriano for her insights, as well for showed us around the first day, and to make us feel welcome.

We would like to show our gratitude to VLIR-UOS for granting us a scholarship. This goes hand in hand with thanking Carolina Tavares for renting her apartment and make it a little bit Belgium in Brazil. Lastly we would like to thank our family, friends and loved ones for their support and continuous encouragements throughout our study, and especially along this adventure.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I AGRADECIMENTOS

[self-constructed city]

[cultural agitation]

Of great importance, we want to thank all the people related to FLM or other movements we encountered along the way; who were willing to show their way of living or tools of acting within São Paulo. Their often passionate participation led to invaluable information and insights that framed this thesis. First of all, Manuel Del Rio, Carmen da Silva, Ivaneti Araujo, Maria do Planalto, Antonia Donasemento, and Geni Monteiro, movement leaders that opened the movement’s doors for us. We are especially grateful to Maria do Planalto for inviting us to stay in Occupation Hotel Lord, and allowing us to experience living in an occupation first hand.

We are heartily grateful to all of those who assisted us during the journey inside the thriving cultural scene of São Paulo. Special thanks to the Ouvidor 63 community, for accepting our presence inside the occupation. To Paulo Jorge Prado, for welcoming us inside the 9th floor of Ouvidor 63 and to Chico Américo, Diego Tulian, Felipe Fajado and Pablo Mediza for the brotherhood as well as Santiago Bravo and Paul Oviedo, for the help as our ‘research assistants’ and translators. To Carlinhos de Moraes, for the long and interesting conversations, continuous support and communication maintained after the fieldwork. We also appreciate the efforts of the 2nd floor inhabitants for organizing debate sessions during our stay and all the artists who kindly answered our questionnaires.

Our acknowledgements go as well to the coordinators and important members: Ronaldo, Rosicler, Mildo, Junior, Hêloise, Pitchu, and off course to all the inhabitants we had the chance to interview. On top, we thank the various stakeholders we met along the way: Benedito Barbosa, Luiz Kohona, Eliana Caffé, for sharing with us their own insights about the movement. To the movement ULC, in particular Sidnei Pita for the invitation to meeting, to Vera Luz, Maria Conceição de Mareis, Leni Miranta Posse, and Teresa for inviting us in their homes. We further say thank you to all the employees in relation to the municipality of São Paulo. In particular, we show courtesy to Leatícia Brandão for taking the time to present a selection of social housing projects run at the moment and in relation with the movements, and helping us out when needed; as well as to Vanessa Fernandes Correah, and to He Nem Kim for guiding us through the Plano Diretor.

To those who paused their customary activities on Minhocão and Praça Roosevelt to participate on our proposed activities, also answering questionnaires and volunteering to exercise their spatial sensibility by drawing mental maps. We are also grateful for those who crossed our ways, whose shared stories and conversations contributed to construct of a more grounded experience. To the head of Associação Novolhar, Paulo Santiago, for presenting us the cultural richness of the Bixiga neighbourhood. For the inspiring talks and insights of our interviewees: Amandy Gonzalez, Anna Carolina Nunes, Augusto Eneas, Carila Matzenbacher, Célia Marcondes, Daniel Silva, Diogo Rios, Felipe Morizini, Luanda Vannuchi, Marília Gallmeister, Marcos Costa, Marcos Flecha, Laura Sobral, Milene Valentir, Paula Santoro, Ray Monteiro, Roberto Sullivan and Thaís Hercules. To the tireless actions of the following collectives towards making São Paulo a more democratic and livable city: A Batata Precisa de Você, Associação Novolhar, Bloco Fluvial do Peixe Seco, Coletivo Hub Livre, Coletivo Yopará, Coletivo Mapa Xilográfico, Organismo Parque Augusta, Ocupação Casa Amarela, SAMOORC, Sampapé and Teatro Oficina. In addition we appreciate the support of São Paulo’s Municipal Secretary of Culture and its Historical Patrimony Department for their technical guidance, help in collecting data and in depth knowledge about the São Paulo’s urban environment and history. To the feedback and discussions with Eliana Barbosa and Lieven De Cauter, that renewed our energies and helped to better develop the thesis’ concepts. To conclude, we highlight the importance of this thesis not just as part of an academic journey but also as a personal one, which contributed to our growth as citizens, professionals and human beings.

IMAGERY 2016

A view on São Paulo’s central district of Bela Vista towards, República and Sé, gives an impression of its current vacancy rate of 15%, as stated by the last IBGE-census data. (IBGE, 2010)

(Image based on photograph taken by authors, March 2016).

COMPLEXITY OF AN URBAN CENTRE I COMPLEXIDADES DE UM CONTEXTO URBANO

The centre of São Paulo, over the course of history, has been shaped and framed by successive waves of public, private and popular (re)investments. It became a multi-layered megalopolis composed by an intricate assemblage of material relics that translates a background of tensions, displacements and (de) constructions. This contentious reproductions resulted in the vast and manifold presence of vacancy - a crucial momentum for every city where the sequences of investments are broken and spaces loose their social function, metaphorically “disappearing” from the living dynamics of the urban environment.

(Drawing based on NASA Satellite image, 2015).

0 km 10 KM

COMPLEXITY OF AN URBAN CENTRE I COMPLEXIDADES DE UM CONTEXTO URBANO

OLD CENTRE | CENTRO VELHO NEW CENTRE | CENTRO NOVO Submunicipality of Sé (administrative division, 2002)

CENTRAL CORE 10 districs: 1. Sé 2. República 3. Bom Retiro (Luz) 4. Santa Cecília 5. Bela Vista (bixiga) 6. Liberdade 8. Cambuci 9. Brás 10. Pari

EXPANDED CENTRE

Over time, São Paulo’s initial settlement multiplied into a constellation of numerous centralities, mostly emerging from the saturation of the previous ones, followed by the increase of demographic growth and unplanned settlements around their fringes. As a result, the “centre’s” administrative borders had to be repeatedly redefined in order to come in terms with the urban expansion. In administrative terms, the capital encompasses today 31 subprefectures, grouping a total of 96 districts. Those inside the central core belong to Subprefectrure of Sé, comprising also the neighbourhoods of Sé, known as the “Old Centre”, and República, the 19th Century “New Centre”. Nowadays, the so-called “centre’s” centrality is disputed and contentions in many ways. Despite high vacancy rates, the area concentrates vast social, cultural and economic fluxes. At the same time, it is a place of convergence and divergence.

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[1] Avenida 23 de Maio, part of the ensemble of expressways that crosses the city direction north-south. [2] Vale do Anhangabaú, a vast public space built on top of the north-south corridor. [3] Praça da Sé and São Paulo’s metropolitan cathedral [4] Commercial activities on a pedestrianized street (Sé).

With the appearance of new centralities, the historical centre - represented by Sé and República - suffered a relative devalorization, but without losing its symbolic role and multi-functionality that remains a reference for all those living in the metropolis (ALVES, 2011). It is also a node of important public transportation lines and avenues, still holding a significant number of business offices, touristic landmarks and main services (Briers & Devos, 2015). Full of frictions, the centre turning into a melting pot where high-power executives, important public figures, middle-class workers, streets vendors and homeless interweave daily within the same space.

COMPLEXITY OF AN URBAN CENTRE I COMPLEXIDADES DE UM CONTEXTO URBANO

The centreâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s multilayeredness is highly visible in the streets of the Luz-district. While the ground floor is used as a shop and as a parking lot, top floors are vacated and dilapidating. In front informal vendors settle, takiing profit of the numerous commuters that move in and out on a daily basis. .

At the pedestrian level, the is served by various public spaces and pedestrianiazed streets. Formal and informal commercial activities fill up the sidewalks, corners and ground floors with shops, bars and popular lunch counters. However, when the majority of the activities close at night, the central core becomes a rather desolated area. Its abandoned and underused spaces become more apparent now. It is a paradox that characterizes the centre of SĂŁo Paulo extremely vibrant during the day, yet intimidatingly obsolete at night and on weekends.

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[1] Park Pedro II is a large vacant terrain on the edge of the historical centre - Brás (Souza Lima, 2012). [2] Parking lots are installed on empty terrains, adjacent to, often vacant, historical structures - Sé (Nascimento, 2013). [3] Infrastructural intersections generate a number of left over spaces - Sé. [4] Abandoned industrial relics are present alongside the deactivated railway - Barra Funda (Stas, 2013).

When not reintegrated by private and/or public investments, those vacant structures cause interruptions in the continuity of the urban fabric, entering a silent state of in-betweeness. Tonkiss states how “Given down-turns in speculative investment on the one hand, and the turning screws of government austerity on the other, many cities are bearing the physical scars of disinvestment, disuse and decline; in vacant and abandoned spaces of private rescission and public retreat” (Tonkiss, 2013). Once such obsolete status abnormally lasts, it generates a permanent stock of incomprehensive and meaningless urban forms: empty buildings, deactivated railways, non-maintained parks and squares, underused plots, parking lots and so forth, awaiting new destination.

COMPLEXITY OF AN URBAN CENTRE I COMPLEXIDADES DE UM CONTEXTO URBANO

Empty terrains are reconverted into parking lots. On the left side, a former vacant building is occupied by the housing movement, FLM, since 2012 [self-constructed city] while degradating facades in the back and right testify of urban decay.

t e r r e y r o coreografico

[12]

New uses appear in desolate places. The closed network of Minhocão is closed at night, but reappropriated by the inhabitants. Today t Buraco de Minhocão (Do Olhar, 2015)

Nevertheless those vacant structures offer potentialities - vacancy is, in a certain way, a necessary phase that liberates space and consecutively allows new cycles to replace obsolete ones, as part of the essential recovering processes that keeps a city alive. While those urban interstices await a new destiny, autonomous groups of civil society have been identifying them as potential spaces of opportunity - a “possible city” grounded in the lineaments of the existing city – whatever its nature of provision or ownership and after the blunt distinctions of public and private (Tonkiss, 2014).

COMPLEXITY OF AN URBAN CENTRE I COMPLEXIDADES DE UM CONTEXTO URBANO

Citizens claim the minhocão viaduct for its closure saturdays (Bruno Polleti - Folha Press, 2014) Housing movement flm occuped a building in the city centre (Anderson Barbosa - Agência Estado, 2012)

Through the act of occupying, those hereby called “urban movements” often take over such vacated spaced and deploy them as a tool to negotiate and a support to demonstrate their claims. Their practical actions on space after initiate impromptu forms of urban re-use and reproduction in these vacant interstices of the ‘formal’ city. Their often unconventional uses of formerly obsolete space for sure raise wanderment about their agency in taking part in urban (re)development. How are such practices bound up with different ocnceptions of urbanism?

OUVIDOR 63 An abandoned building in Sé became an artistic occupation (Estrella, 2014). [cultural agitation]

OCUPAÇÃO JOSÉ BONIFÁCIO The previous commercial building in Sé is transformed into a housing occupation for 90 families. [self-constructed city]

OCCUPY LARGO DA BATATA This public space in Pinheiros is reappropriated by groups of neighbours and cultural collectives. [cultural agitation]

MANIFESTATION FLM Paulista Avenue is often used for manifestations by various movements. [self-constructed city]

TERREYRO COREOGRÁFICO Bixiga undersurface of the Minhocão viaduct is reoccupied by theatrical performances. [cultural agitation]

CASA AMARELA The artistic occupation is auto-entitled as “movement for the occupation of latent spaces”, while manifesting as well “against real estate speculation”. [cultural agitation]

COMPLEXITY OF AN URBAN CENTRE I COMPLEXIDADES DE UM CONTEXTO URBANO

In order to understand the emergence of vacancy and its consequent reoccupations, a historical narrative of São Paulo will be introduced through the lenses of the various mindsets, actors and interests that have been moulding the city’s urban environment throughout its development. On the one hand, various aspects, such as urban expansion or the uprising of social movements, are expounded over time within a succession of various timelines. On the other hand, five time frames where selected from which a cartography of the urban metamorphosis is mapped. For each period, five representative districts of the central area - Sé, República, Luz, Bela Vista and Santa Cecília - will illustrate the most remarkable changes in the urban dynamics. The following maps, timelines and schemes are presented as graphical essays to unveil São Paulo’s key morphological conditions, social practices, economical logics and political decisions that provoked its main cycles of formal and informal urban (re)investments.

1930 - 2016

CHRONOGRAPHY

< Bloco Fluvial do Peixe Seco takes over the streets along the water (21th of February 2016).

7 timelines illustrate the changes within SĂŁo Pauloâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s various contexts and mindsets. Together they frame the constantly changing urban setting and responses, which resulted in a diverse range of social movements today. When merged together, they compose a complex historical narrative. This version of the timeline is attached within the back of the book and detachable.

POLITICAL FRAME Since the 20's, the political context of Brazil has been shaped by swirls. Two periods of dictatorship have strongly influenced the city development while putsches and impeachments ensured arrhythmic changes. These political milieux, together with the rise of political parties and personalities, have affected the development of urban movements. At the end of the '80's popular forces started to grow, uprising from dissatisfaction and suppression. Massive demonstrations, known as Diretas Já, transformed the city of São Paulo into a beacon of change. This also led to the foundation of Partido dos Trabalhadores or Worker’s Party (PT) which rose together with its most powerful figure, Lula Da Silva.

At the level of the municipality, mayors such as Erundina de Souza, Suplicy and today Haddad have been closely bound up with social and cultural movements. They set up social housing projects and addressed the pending vacancy in policies. By hearsay, major Haddad made a deal with multiple housing movements in order to support his mandate, stating all the occupations that were established before his mandate, wouldn't be evicted.

URBAN GROWTH The demography of the municipality of São Paulo has an ever-growing curve. From the 30’s on, inhabitants started to settle at the fringes of the historical city. The periphery urbanized rapidly.

first in the area of Jardins, then Pinheiros and Butantã. This is reflected in the drastic increment of inhabitants and the dispersion of the periphery from the mid 50’s until the 80’s.

Until the 40’s, the economic centre of the city was located in the historical core of São Paulo, firstly in the neighbourhood of Sé, then extended to República. During the next decade, the statute of the central business district was relocated to the area of Avenida Paulista in the South-West. This initiated the continuous displacement of the “Centre” towards the South-West:

Until the 80’s, also the demography of the historic citycentre grew steadily. However, with the displacement of investments and residents, the number of inhabitants started to decrease, resulting into growing vacancy rates. Today, the demography of the centre is growing again as both speculative investments and popular claims re-attract inhabitants.

GOVERNMENTAL PROGRAMS With the growing demography, new forms of housing arose. The first low-income tenements, known as cortiços, were often criticised for their low living qualities, accused as cradles of disease outbreaks. The municipality responded by carrying out sanitation plans, displacing the low-income families to the periphery. Further, from its early stages as an urban centre, São Paulo invested in public transport. Plano da Light introduced by the company Light in 1927, brought on the implementation of a vast tram-network. This intensified the expansion of the city as it supported connections of the periphery with the historic centre. The network didn’t only ensure accessibility, but also established light, electricity and gas within the periphery, allowing the city centre to develop South-West. In 1929, the city of São Paulo implemented the first building codes, guiding the growing investment and high-rise. Later, the major Prestes Maia introduced a new vision for the city united by the Plano de Avenidas. The plan represents a system of radial and axial roads converging to the centre, as well as guidelines for

zoning, location of public buildings and new green areas (Sempla, 2008). Only a small portion of the plan was executed by 1950, mainly constructing large caravenues (Nakano, Campos & Rolnik, 2004). During the military dictatorship (1964-1984) a new plan was introduced: Plano Urbanistico Basico, PUB; followed by a more precise Plano Metropolitano de Desinvolvimento Integrado, PMDI. It is the first Plano Diretor which from then on is perceived as the masterplan legitimate for the whole municipality. From the 70’s the international oil crisis struck and drastically influenced the world economy as well as São Paulo’s. The tramway network is dismantled but a new strategic plan, Plano Integrado Transporte, aimed to revive the economy together with the implementation of the very first metro line. In the meantime, the bus transport system kept growing. At the end of the 80’s, the plan Plano Metropolitan Grande São Paulo jumped to a metropolitan scale, both in terms of urban development and mobility. (Pio da Silveira, 2011) Simultaneously, the first metro line, the covering of the Tamaduateí River

and the Cruzado plan, that recalibrates the currency by taking 3 zero’s, brought back the economy and city development on a growing curve. From that time on, multiple upgrades of the Plano Diretor were introduced. From the 90’s, diverse projects were set up in order to re-stimulate the central area. These Operações Urbanas were topped by the grand Nova Luz project. In the end, most of these plans were started but withdrawn before completion, leaving large vacant scars in the urban tissue. In 2005, with the new Plano Director Estrategico, public transport became the skeleton of urban development by which the number of daily commuters explodes. Besides, it directly addresses the growing vacancy, trying to diminish it by various policies such as the ZEIS. On top, speculation is attempted to be controlled by introducing a payback system when built higher than originally allowed. (Prefeitura de São Paulo, 2014). The Plano Director of 2014 was the first one to be fully graphically visualized, boosting the urban planning principles of Brazil.

CYCLES OF INVESTMENT From the 1920’s, verticalisation was set into motion in São Paulo’s city centre. The city’s first skyscraper, Edificio Martinelli built by architect Fillinger and completed in 1929, was the first in Latin America (Sacoman, 2015). A process of reproduction on the existing tissue led to the complete physical change from a town to a megalopolis. The main mass of towers was build between the 40’s and the 80’s (Somekh, 2014). The 70’s are marked by large-scale investment such as the viaduct Minhocão [cultural agitation] and the brutalist project on Praça Roosevelt [cultural agitation].

However, from the 80’s until 00’s, many of these vertical constructions were left behind for new and more modern edifices in ‘new’ central areas. This way, many of them lost their ‘social function’. By 2000, vacancy rates in Sé and República topped above 25% (Bonfim, 2004). Vacancy rates as well as the housing shortage however decreased from the 10’s. Housing movements often claim their influence is hereby reflected. New speculative investments appear together with different urban programs, which have been put in place to refill the centre with inhabitants and re-furbish its public spaces.

SHIFTING MIND-SETS Each era and political mandate implied different mindsets about the aspired urban development. The citycentre has been partly re-shaped period after period according to those ever-changing planning ideologies. Five main eras can be identified. During the 1920’s, São Paulo changed from an agriculture-based economy to an industry-based system. At that moment, the city evolved from an outpost at a confluence of rivers, highly defined by the water system, to an industrial centre. By the 1940’s, the river Anhangabaú got channelized, a railway and tramway network implemented. The next major shift was induced when the car, a symbol of progress and comfort, invaded the city. The centre of São Paulo got brutally re-shaped and the whole mobility got re-organized, enforced by the new plan Plano de Avenidas. The military dictatorship (1964-1984), turned the city‘s concentric layout towards polycentric development. Large-scale infrastructure such as tunnels and viaducts

were constructed to optimize the general flow of the city. As a consequence, the historic city-centre became more and more an area to pass by rather than a destination. This led to an era of disinvestment that generated a high level of vacant structures. At the same time, the real-estate prices skyrocketed, making the centre area almost unaffordable. At the beginning of the 21th century, vacancy rates culminate. Social housing movement found an opportunity within the vacancy and started to occupy those vacant buildings. During the last decade, several urban programs have been put in place trying to revitalize this abandoned centre: the public transport networks were upgraded and large public spaces refurbished. All together, the historical city centre of today still wears the traces and scars of previous mind-sets, resulting in a complex multilayeredness.

HOUSING AND CULTURAL MOVEMENTS Within this research, two main protagonists will illustrate the particular form of city-making that occurs in central São Paulo. The first one deals with housing movements, the second with cultural practices.

movement, Frente de Luta Pela Moradia - FLM, putting the importance of the historic city centre in front of their agenda. Today 28 occupations are performed in the historic city centre [self-constructed city].

When the economy shifted from an agro-cultural to industrial, it brought along new social dynamics between the workers and the bosses. Different labour unions arose, in order to guarantee social equality within the work environment. During the military dictatorship they were suspended. By the beginning of the 80’s, popular forces started to grow, standing up for different social rights. Among these, housing movements claim for affordable housing for low income families. As these movements diversified, different specific causes were taken into account, intensifying the fight. Among which, pending housing deficit in relation to the growing vacancy rate of the historic city centre. In 1997, it ignited several movements to occupy these vacant structures, rendering a future they fight for. From 2004 onwards, various movements gathered under the umbrella

The profile of culture was taken out during the formation of República, multiple theatre complexes were sided with a general era of grandeur and parading of the elite. Further, its presence remained quite low until the 50’s where several theatre companies and museums were open to the scene. However, during the late 60’s and under the power of the dictatorship, artistic expressions were banished which initiated a general exile of artist from the country as well as insurgent movements of artists such as Tropicaliá Movement and Theatre of the Oppressed. At the same time, important and iconic investments have been made for culture through the MASP (Museu de Arte de São Paulo) designed by Lina Bo Bardi and the project of Roberto Cardozo for Praça Roosevelt together with infrastructural works around the centre. When the dictatorship ended, art has been re-

LABOUR UNIONS

INSTITUTIONAL CULTURE

INDEPENDENT CULTURE INSURGENT CULTURE

injected in the city and citizens started to appropriate the oversized project of the 70â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. Viaducts got closed at night and invaded by people, non-accepted social practices were not being hidden anymore and at the same time private cultural centres were open to the public as well as collaborative events such as SP Na Rua and Virada Cultural were organised together with the artistic collectives of the city. From 2010 on, collectives have been multiplied as well as insurgent actions such as public space occupation, buildings squats and manifestation for cultural expressions [cultural agitation].

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

HOUSING MOVEMENTS ACTIVE IN THE CENTRE

FIRST BUILDING OCCUPATION

10 TELLING CASES 10 case studies will narrate different aspects related to vacancy and occupations. Each one of them has been built within the main (re-)investment period of the central area. Later onwards, disinvestment led each one of them into obsoleteness. In all 10 of them, social and/or cultural movements occupied the residual structures, as to re-imagine and initiate other future uses. All in all, they each tell a specific story that starts from the particular identity of a build structure. Whereas most buildings have been occupied after they became vacant and unused for multiple years, such as José Bonifacio and Maua, a few try to push the municipality in developing a project by occupying the building after it already had been bought by the municipality, in particular Hotel Cambridge and Hotel Lord. Mostly

temporary by nature, a few have been evicted over time, turning the construction vacant again, opening up yet another ‘vacancy’ for new occupations. Ouvidor 63 for instance changed from a housing occupation to cultural occupation, while Prestes Maia became an iconic occupation: evicted after long-time, two attempts of reoccupations, and a third time occupied after which it ended up on the list of social housing projects of the municipality. Not only buildings offer space for new urban practices, also infrastructures, such as Minhocão, and squares such as Praça Roosevelt, prove able to host various social practices. All together, the 10 cases illustrate a diverse spectrum of occupation practices.

CARTOGR APHY 1750 - 2016

< The elevated highway Minhocão lingers through the neighbourhood of Santa Cecília.

Rua da Direita is one of the three main streets that form the centre SĂŠ (MilitĂŁo Augusto de Azevedo, 1850) >

1750 - 1850

OUTPOST AT A CONFLUENCE

500 M

luz

santa cecília

M TA DU

AÚ

E AT

républica

bela vista

HA AN

IR Ã

AÚ

SA RA C

sé

LANDSCAPE: São Paulo in its fundamentals is dominated by a conjunction of rivers and their floodplains. Forest was able to grow on the higher located areas.

topography

marshland

rivers

1550 - 1750

LATENT STRUCTURES

Whereas today São Paulo is one of the largest megalopolis in Latin America, it was founded on top of a vast landscape in between hills in the north and the sea in the south. These unknown and often hard to explore inner lands where perceived as dangerous and unattractive by the Portuguese colonial settlers. A mosaic of fields and forests existed in a system of hills and flatlands, together creating São Paulo bay. The first natural open fields were in the flatlands of the Tamanduateí River where low and not dense forests grew in the “firm soils”, often higher located (Ab’saber, 2004). Only later its strategic location in between the productive hinterlands and the sea made it interesting to develop further. The founding spot of Central São Paulo was at the confluence of rivers Anhangabaú and Tamanduateí. It is exactly on the hilltop in between the 2 rivers, where the town of São Paulo was officially founded in 1553. In 1683, it was named capital of the Captaincy of São Vicente within Colonial territorial structures. The town’s urban life and colonial profile rapidly changed, gaining status of “city” in 1711. It remained a small town of a few thousand inhabitants until the 19th Century.

The Capitancy of SĂŁo Vicente in 1640 [Costa paulista, 1640]

CROSSROADS OF FLOWS Strengthened within the colonial mind-set, the historic centre Sé was characterized by compact building blocks, made up of “sobrados” or townhouses. These low-rise buildings of 2 -3 floors, and with a commercial or residential function, were alternated by the different convent structures. These Christian buildings created the landmarks at the time. The Portuguese settlers were responsible for a deeper territorial enlargement, exploring inner lands while importing African slaves to work at the farms. From Brazilian independence in 1822 on, coffee production boomed to its strongest point. The unbuilt lands surrounding São Paulo were turned into productive farmlands or “charácas”. Dominant waterstructures based on the floodable areas dictated the left-over marshlands. São Paulo grew to be a trading post; bringing about the start of the ever expanding infrastructure as trading routes to the central markets. Urbanisation followed along. All together, São Paulo hosted a convergence of flows which strengthened its central position, both in terms of economics such as trading and investment, as demographics with the attraction of investors and workers.

The main landmarks are often part of Christian convents

The central urban tissue is characterized by â&#x20AC;&#x153;sobradosâ&#x20AC;? or townhouses build up by 2 or 3 floors

500 M

BOTANICAL GARDEN - 1798

luz

santa cecília

M TA DU

RO VEMB

AB NG

E NO

VD UA X

OB AD

IRE

ITA

AÚ

RU AS Ã RU

E AT

républica

bela vista

IR Ã

AÚ

SA RA C

sé

LANDSCAPE & INFRASTRUCTURE: Underlying structures such as topography and soil, framed the first settlements of São Paulo. Road infrastructure extended towards the higher centre and converged within a triangle of central streets.

marshland

farmland

river

trading route

luz

santa cecília

CONVENTO DE SÃO BENTO

républica

PÁTIO DO COLEGIO - 1554 IGREJA DA SÉ - 1591

ACADEMIA DE S. FRANCISCO bela vista LAW FACULTY - 1827 sé

O QUARTEL

TISSUE: São Paulo’s alleged birthplace was Pátio do Colegio, founded by Portuguese Jesuit missionaries. A complex of building blocks later surrounded a strong core.

built form: residence (sobrados)

farm (chácaras)

public building

Travel route to Brรกs in the east, where urbanization grows along (X,1863)

Largo de SĂŁo Francisco is characterized by the Faculty of Law (MilitĂŁo Augusto de Azevedo, 1880)

1850

coffee export

European traders

African slaves

Between the productive hinterlands in the north and the trading port Santos in the south, SĂŁo Paulo is mainly connected to the rest of the world through the export of coffee and the import of slaves.

ANHANGABAÚ

SÉ The historical centre of São Paulo is concentrated within Sé. Framed by building blocks of sobrados, it gathered different landmarks. Besides the various convents, the Faculty of Law was founded along a central square. The second faculty of Brazil reflects the investment that will stimulate and frame the further urban development. FACULTY OF LAW

REPÚBLICA The area of República is located outside the original colonial settlement, separated by the river Anhangabaú from Sé. The river’s name, “poisonous water”, reflects its perception as a backside and its hard-to-cross floodplain. Steadily urbanization grew along the trading route surrounded by farmland.

LUZ North of Sé, yet another convent, “Convento da Luz” anchored the area. In between the various cháracas, the first public Botanical Garden was inaugurated in 1789. Here leisure and openness were introduced against the dense inner centre.

BELA VISTA Gradually, also Bela Vista housed various townhouses, which started to expand from Sé. Based upon the colonial settlement a segregated neighbourhood, popularly called Bexiga and situated to the south of Bela Vista, offered living place for the first massive wave of migrants that followed the abolition of slavery in 1880. On top, it gathered urban functions unwanted in the centre, such as the slaughterhouse.

SANTA CÉCILIA For the greater part, most of todays urbanized areas were still regarded as “vacant”. Systematically, trading routes fanned out in all directions, crossing these unbuilt, uncultivated land and marchlands

500

santa cecĂlia

bela vista

LEGEND:

marshland

farmland

river luz

trading route

farm (chácaras)

public building

República

sé

São Paulo was founded on a strategic hilltop at the confluence of Anhangabaú and Tamanduateí river, characterized by different Christian landmarks within the low rise sobrados. It grew into a central place for travellers and goods surrounded by cháracas. Vacancy here took the form of unbuilt and uncultivated land and marshlands. Following the path of least resistance and based upon latent structures such as topography, water and soil, this vacancy became the receptacle for the ever growing city.

Viaduto do Cha initiated urbanization at the west bank of AnhangabaĂş together with high-end investments (X, 1910) >

1850 - 1930

ASSEMBLING CENTRALITIES

MULTIPLICITY OF INVESTMENTS In a post-colonial mindset, São Paulo was at the verge of transiting from a town to a city. Through the construction of Viaduto do Chá in 1892, a viaduct crossing the Anhangabaú valley, urbanization was set into motion on the other side of the riverbank. República and Sé now together compose the new urban centre. The closest productive lands were invaded by settlements; occupying the vacancy at the fringes with landscape logics still determining were urbanization will come. As the economic model evolved from agro-export to industrial, the city welcomed its first large scale investments and diversification of the urban tissue. The industries mingled with the residential urban fabric and workers’ neighbourhoods developed. The railway line connected the outskirts with São Paulo, supported by a vast network of electric tramways that connect the city’s initial core with the ever further away urbanized areas. (La Rubbia, 2010) The era of multiple investments gave grandeur to the city which reflects the new republic Brazil came to be. The Municipal Theatre, the first fully opened library and other theatres, direct Repúblia or the Centro Novo towards the cultural hub it would become. These projects of grandeur were strengthened by the construction of squares and parks. On top, a first wave of reproduction was set into motion. Those who possessed secondary homes or business in colonial sobrados within the historic centre started to progressively leave them aside. To escape the over-congested centre, the elite would rather cultivate a second home in large farmlands at the fringes of the city centre. This process resulted in a vast stock of underused structures within the historic centre. Their vacancy opened up for new investments. Either they were demolished in order to build the first-high rise, or they would be rehabilitated by the low-income families wanting to live close by opportunities the centre has to offer. Many of these houses were subdivided into substandard housing units and rented out. As such emerged a speculative and precarious housing provision for the working poor: the notorious “cortiços” that marry questionable living conditions with sanitary issues.

Industries, founded along the main infrastructures

First wave of verticalization on vacant plots

Leisure investment for the elite by the municipality

Elite families move out of their sobrados to the edge of the city

Existing tissue is demolished

Low income tenements

500 M

luz

AV E

santa cecília

SÃ

ÃO

PRAÇA DA REPÚBLICA - 1889

républica

PARQUE DOM PEDRO - 1922 VIADUTO DU CHA - 1892

PARQUE DO ANHANGABAÚ - 1910

bela vista

sé

LANDSCAPE & INFRASTRUCTURE: Viaduto Do Cha triggers urbanization on the west riverbank. Planned urbanization patterns still follow the latent landscape structures. New squares and parks open up the more and more dense tissue.

marshlands

rivers

public space

planned workers neighbourhood

avenues

canalized river

tramlines

train lines

ESTAÇÃO DA LUZ - 1867

luz

santa cecília

ESCOLA NORMAL

HOSPITAL

THEATRO VARIEDADE PALACIO DAS INDUSTRIAS 1924

républica

TEATRO MUNICIPAL - 1911

VÊLODROMO 1900 bela vista

sé

CATEDRAL DA SÉ - 1913

TISSUE: Various projects of public investment, such as theatres, train station, etc. represent the grand vision São Paulo composes for itself.

cortiços informal re-investment

build tissue

industry

verticalization

public buildings:

formal re-investment

cultural spaces, train station, etc.

Viaduto do Cha creates a connection between Sé and República. The transformation of valley of Anhangabaú into a park and the construction of the municipal theatre represent the investments for leisure (Becherini, 1928)

In 1920 the first high-rise, EdifĂcio Martinelli is constructed. It creates a new landmark between the low rise tissue. (Acervo/EstadĂŁo, 1290)

1900

coffee export

European & Japanese traders

Slave import. abolished - 1880 By the end of the 19th century, coffee trade with Europe and Japan still held strong.

WORKERS NEIGHBOURHOODS [1916] The fringes of the city were characterized by planned workers neighbourhood. This urban expansion was induced by the many immigrants coming from Europe.

SÉ The building blocks of the historic centre are broken up by the first cycle of reproduction. The abandoned townhouses of the elite were demolished in order to build the first high-rise as they became the new landmarks in the urban tissue. At the same time, popular forces took in the same vacancies, finding the opportunity to live in the city centre’s “cortiços” or low-income tenements. The valley of Anhangabaú was turned into a park.

REPÚBLICA Through the secondary expansion of the city, São Paulo wanted to represent a glorious independent Brazil. The many investments confessed to an image of grandeur. Various theatre complexes were build along the first avenue, Avenida São João, topped off by the Municipal Theatre in Parisian style. In addition the first public library of the city, Mária de Andrade Library, enforced República as a cultural hub.

LUZ The implementation of the railway network and a trainstation, Luz became a node within the industrial process of production and transportation. The neighbourhood became a mixture of industries and workers’ residence. The families were able to settle closeby job opportunities and access to public transport systems.

BELA VISTA Framed by secondairy homes of the higher-class, businesses and migrant dwellings, Bela Vista started to grow as a mixed centre. Investment in tramways attracted urbanization. By fanning out towards the outskirts, this allowed the city to keep expanding.

SANTA CÉCILIA Within the same framework as Bela Vista, Santa Cécilia housed elite families who previously lived within Sé. It is part of the south-west expansion, chosen by the privileged coffee barons and landowners. The construction of churches strengthened the definition of the specific neighbourhoods.

500

santa cecĂlia

bela vista

LEGEND:

marshland

river

public space luz

planned workers neighbourhood

avenues

canalized river

tramlines RepĂşblica

train lines

public buildings:

cultural spaces, train station, etc.

verticalization formal re-investment sĂŠ

industry

cortiĂ§os informal re-investment

The large scale expansion, spatially, economically as well as demographical, went hand in hand with growing public investments, industrial development, and the necessary infrastructure. Together they represented the first strengthening of centrality that eclipses into grandeur. The era is framed by first cycles of reproduction: verticalization of the initial centre replaced original structures while the poor working class inhabite abandoned elite housing. The accumulation of centrality goes hand in hand with a growing duality, a coexistence of representational elements and the necessary accommodations for those that have to make the centre work.

A section of Plano da Avenidas shows the boulevard system envisioned for the centre (Toledo, 1930) >

1930 - 1964

A CAR INVADED CENTRE

CAR IN THE CENTRE OF INVESTMENT Around 1930, the new main investments of the city have been dominated by the car. This symbol of progress and comfort created a shift in the existing infrastructure and in the mind-set of São Paulo. The necessity of enhancing those dynamics brought the “Plano de Avenidas”, Avenues’ Plan. Existing tissue was demolished in order to open up for the avenues. The hereby created left-over space offered vacant plots to be taken in by high-rise. Parque Anhangabaú was completely covered and substituted by road lanes. As car infrastructure invaded the still verticalising centre, parking provision becomes a major issue. Hence, verticalisation went paradoxically go hand in hand with residual use of almost all unbuilt space as parking: as the centre got more and more filled with towers, it got more and more empty. A polycentric city emerged as the city expanded dramatically. The historic centre became congested and remained unadapted to the ever increasing flows of cars. Hence, commerce and services searched for fresh ground to build. Paulista Avenua soon became the next “Centro Novo”. There, the elite started to settle for residence, attended by leisure activities such as São Paulo’s Museum of Art, the MASP. On top São Paulo consolidated itself as an industrial metropolis that absorbed masses of migrants. The workers neighbourhoods expanded together with the industries that followed the edge of the city. As the city centre expanded, the urban poor gradually had to self-construct affordable houses. Thanks to public transport, accessibility to the city centre was still guaranteed. As also elite moved out, the growing middle class started to fill up more central districts, generating a popular, non-elite metropolitan centrality. Stock of abandoned structures grew, whereas cortiços as well settle increasingly.

Elite families started to settle along Avenida Paulista to the South of the centre.

Elite families move out of their sobrados to the edge of the city

More industries grew along the edge and infrastructure

Second wave of verticalization, often rooted modernization

Implementation of large avenue-system

Workersfamilies of the industries

Existing tissue is demolished

Low income tenements

500 M

luz

santa cecília

républica

bela vista

sé

LANDSCAPE & INFRASTRUCTURE: The implementation of Plano de Avenidas resulted in a series of axial and radial axis’, supported by multiple parking areas along.

former marshlands

parking

park

tramlines

avenues

luz

santa cecília

républica

MACKENZIE UNIVERSITY COPAN

bela vista

sé

TISSUE: Growing investment results in more and more verticalisation. Vast amount of existing tissue is demolished while the exile of the elite resulted in growing amount of cortiços.

cortiços

empty building

empty plot

informal re-investment

evicted cortiços

demolished building

build tissue

verticalization

public buildings:

formal re-investment

cultural spaces, train station, etc.

PraĂ§a da Bandeira is a parking lot along avenue Nove de Julho and is framed by a theatre complex, Teatro de AlumĂnio (Assis Ferreira, 1952).

Avenida SĂŁo JoĂŁo testified of a strong verticalisation along the first avenue (Haberkorn, 1952).

1945

The periphery of SĂŁo Paulo started to grow with the growing population of immigrants.

SÉ As the verticalization of Sé kept on growing, many cortiços were evicted from the historic centre. Over time they were accused of being the reason for various disease outbreaks linked to the low hygienic quality of the tenements. The municipality composed sanitary plans to ensure the central character of Sé. The covering of Anhangabaú established the Plano da Avenidas. Remaining left-over spaces were used as parking.

REPÚBLICA The first avenue of São Paulo was enhanced by the larger boulevard system. The crossing with Avenida Ipiranga became an important hub where multiple car systems converged. The demolished zones were immediate replaced by new high-rise constructions, strengthening the avenues.

LUZ Whereas industries kept on expanding along with the city, some existing factories were upgraded with high-rise. Low-income families constructed affordable houses in the periphery while, public transport allowed them to travel towards the centre. Elite families again moved out of their original neighbourhoods to settle more to the south.

BELA VISTA The construction of Avenida Conselação completed one of the north-south axis. Praça da Consolação, a large open square sideways the avenue, offered an extensive parking area to the car-invaded city. Once a week it was transformed into a market supporting the neighbourhood that started to verticalise.

SANTA CÉCILIA Whereas the elite moved out to Avenida Paulista, Santa Cécilia was taken over by the growing middle class. Different central functions such as a luxurious business hotel or theatres where constructed in the neighbourhood.

avenida paulista

500

santa cecĂlia

bela vista

AV E

PA U

ST A

LEGEND:

former marshlands

parking

park luz

tramlines

avenues

public buildings

verticalization formal re-investment

República

empty plot demolished building

empty building evicted cortiços

cortiços sé

informal re-investment

Private investment metamorphosed the historic centre during the 1930’s. The ideas of modernization, progress and economic achievements, strengthened by the growing industrialization translated into a new speculative built form. Elite families, together with luxurious commercial activities started to move towards the south, vacating the former centre.

Avenida 23 de Maio is one of the main avenues leading to the new centre in the south (X,1974) >

1964 - 1986

CENTRE OF CONGESTION & ABANDONMENT

GROWING AMBIGUITY The military regime that took power in 1964 concentrated its investments both on car infrastructures and heavy industries out of the central area. To enhance the mounting outflow of vehicles crossing the city directions north-south and east-west, bundles of elevated highways, and tunnels were built, facilitating a fast passage through the centre. Paradoxically, this caused difficulties regarding direct micro-accessibility into the historical core, creating somehow an isolated island crossed by big avenues (Nakano, Campos, Rolnik, 2004) The lack of parking space in contrast with the car-based system of SĂŁo Paulo definitively froze the reconversion of the centre, despite the implementation of the metro lines crossing the main directions. Investment in pedestrian streets demonstrated a first response towards the small scale use of the historic centre. Besides, the car infrastructure started to congest immensely over time, enhancing the loss of attractiveness where by the main businesses and commercial activities moved out and settled along Avenida Paulista. Hereby a new centre was created, followed by the construction of new higher-profiles around. This introduced a first reproduction cycle in Paulista whereby the old elite housing were replaced by the new business district. The elevated structures introduced new perceptions related to car mobility. Not only did it shifts the quality of life on its adjacencies, devaluing the neighbourhoods alongside, and so making them as well accessible for low-income residents. The construction of new infrastructures also generated a substation presence of vacancy, induced by the left-over spaces after the demolition of the existing tissue. While the centre shrunk steadily, existing structure became vacant, waiting for reinvestment that after never came.

Avenida Paulista grows into the new business and commercial Centre of SĂŁo Paulo

Main investments move out of the city towards Paulista Demolishment of the low-rise residents

A system of elevated highways and tunnels are implemented

Third wave of verticalization

Underused plots are appropriated as parking.

Existing tissue is demolished Low income tenements

Low income families coming from the periphery

500 M

METROLINE 2

luz

santa cecília

ELEVADO COSTA E SILVE républica

bela vista

sé

METROLINE 1

LANDSCAPE & INFRASTRUCTURE: A network of elevated highways and tunnels was implemented creating almost a full ring around the city and connecting the historical core with the new centres in the south. Pedestrianization of the main commercial streets reflected the investment in the historical centre.

left-over spaces

parking

pedestrian streets

parks

tunnelled highway

elevated highway

metro lines

luz

santa cecília

républica

PRAÇA ROOSEVELT

bela vista

sé

TISSUE: Numerous buildings were demolished to create new infrastructure. In contract, big concrete complexes where built whereby different functions were combined within 1 entity.

cortiços

empty building

informal re-investment

evicted cortiços

parking

empty plot demolished building

build tissue

verticalization formal re-investment

public buildings: large complexes

100

Vale do AnhangabaĂş got more and more dominated by congested car traffic (X, 1969).

101

Praรงa roosevelt was refurbished as a brutalist complex including an elementairy school, commerce, and parking (Barros, 1970)

102

1960

103

SÉ The highway constructed on Anhangabaú started to congest immensely over time. At the same time a crucial metro station was established serving the business and commercial character of Sé that was almost completely pedestrianized. From the 80’s on, this led to disinvestment and first abandoned of buildings without a new cycle of reproduction taking over.

REPÚBLICA Together with Sé, República underwent similar dynamics, as vacancy started to appear.

LUZ Along the new north-south metro lines, new investments started to appear. Contradictory businesses started to move out. The abandoned structures started to be taken in as parking. At the same time, the middle-class moved out towards the new centre along Avenida Paulista, which was completely consolidated as a new centre by now.

BELA VISTA Praça Roosevelt is configured as an important node between different infrastructural ribbons. On one side the viaduct as a highway arose, while on the side it goes underneath the square. Praça Conselação was redesigned as Praça Roosevelt, which was a culmination of functionality. Multiple urban functions such as a public place, a school, parking, and more are organized within a large scale concrete building.

SANTA CÉCILIA The neighbourhood was from then on dominated by the highway Silva e Costa. Around, high-rise buildings were constructed replacing the vacant plots that were created by the demolition of existing tissue. Today, various zones of left-over spaces are still present. The devaluation of the neighbourhood was strengthened by the displacement of the middle class towards new neighbourhoods, following Avenida Paulista.

avenida paulista

500

santa cecĂlia

bela vista

AV E

PA U

ST A

LEGEND:

left-over spaces

parking

park luz

pedestrian streets

tunnelled highway

elevated highway

metro lines República

public buildings: large complexes

verticalization formal re-investment

empty plot demolished building sé

parking

empty building evicted cortiços

cortiços informal re-investment

The construction of a heavy infrastructural complex of high-ways and tunnels contributed to the disinvestment of the historic centre. Even the implementation of metro lines contributed to the general flow around or through the centre, rather than being a destination in itself. The new Centre is consolidated at Avenida Paulista. The pedestianization of the inner centre reinforced the process of continuous displacement of business and industrial activities out of the historic centre. This contributed to its starting decay and the change in its social composition (Frugoli, 2006).

Growing vacancy is reflected in vacant buildings and plots that invite for reuse as parking space or as occupations [self-constructed city] - 2016 >

1986 - 2016

MARGINS OF A CENTRE UNFOLDED

108

VACANCY AS AN OPPORTUNITY The disinvestment in the historical centre of São Paulo ran high from the 80’s on and led to a high level of degradation. This is taken to the extreme during the night as all remaining commercial and business services close and the streets are abandoned. Nevertheless the historical centre still offers the most services. (Bries & Devos, 2015) Both housing and cultural movements eventually took advantage of this large vacant stock of buildings. Not only do they emphasize this paradox between a vacant building and the high housing deficit, they at the same time really act upon it and answer popular needs. (Vansudevan, 2014) At the same time, different projects and policies try to stimulate new investments. The overcongested city was blocking the flow within the centre. As a response the highway in the valley of Anhangabaú was covered,and on top redesigned organizes a park. Still, it seems that exploiting a vacant plot or building as a parking space is highly lucrative. When new housing blocks are build, the unit space is extremely small and extremely expensive. It therefore only addresses the higher class. However, many of the projects aren’t completed, adding to the overall vacancy. Not only the build form, but also leftover spaces, squares are infrastructural figures are taken by popular forces. All together, the historical centre increasingly became the popular centre.

Businesses moving out to the new centres Berrini, Faria Lima

Avenida Paulista as the main centre of commercial and leisure of the middle class.

Demolishment of the low-rise residents Further verticalization, often from speculation point of view

Reformation of empty structures in social housing

Reinvestment by the municipality in central area

Social housing as a result of the fight by housing movements

Closure of highway at night and sundays

Parkings on vacant and underused structures

Stagnation of vacant structures

Existing tissue is demolished

Low income families coming from the periphery

Highway â&#x20AC;&#x153;occupiedâ&#x20AC;? by popular practices during the closure at night and sundays

Low income tenements

Vacant buildings occupied by housing movements

109

110

500 M

PROJETO NOVA LUZ TERMINAL PRINCESSA ISABELLE

luz

TERMINAL santa cecília

républica

TERMINAL DOM PEDRO II

TERMINAL BANDEIRAS

bela vista

sé

LANDSCAPE & INFRASTRUCTURE: The historical centre is charged with investment in public transport through the expansion of the metro lines and the implementation of bus terminals. First insurgent use of vacancy appears. Vacant structures such as squares, vacant plots, and highways are occupied when not used by cars or others. The redesign of the public space is framed within different Operação Urbana.

insurgent

left-over spaces

parking

Roosevelt

public spaces

tunneled highway

busterminal

metro lines

111

CULTURAL PROJECTS

luz

santa cecília

CDHU PRAÇA DES ARTES républica

MUNICIPALITY

bela vista

SECRETARIA FAZENDA ESTADO SÃO PAULO

sé

TISSUE: Expansion of the tissue typologies: from public investment in a few social housing projects and reinvestment of the municipality buildings, to the popular reinvestment within vacancy, with a culmination point in the occupation of vacant buildings by social housing movements.

occupation

cortiços

empty building

empty plot

informal re-investment

abandoned

demolished building

underused structures parking

build tissue verticalization public buildings: reconversion speculation

municipality

112

The running event, Marvels Run, lingered through the city and over minhocĂŁo while traffic was abandoned (Hartmann, 2015)

113

The vacant buildings along avenida CĂĄsper LĂbero characterize currently the neighbourhood Luz (2016)

114

2010

115

SÉ In order to counteract the increasing vacancy in the urban tissue, public institutions reinstalled themselves in the centre. The municipality settled in icon high-rise such as the Martinelli Building. Nevertheless, large scale reinvestment felt short and Sé became almost only a commercial and business centre, almost completely vacated at night and during the weekends. As an answer to the congested city, the valley of Anhangabaú was again turned into a park.

REPÚBLICA As a respons to the pedestrianization, many empty buildings or plots are being reused as parking. This contributes to the overall degradation of the urban character of República. Therefore, The area is overrun by multiple housing occupations since 1997. The culmination of vacancy offers them an ideal field of action with high visibility.

LUZ Also in Luz, different urban projects were set up to reboost the area. Besides different cultural projects, such as musea, the prestiges Nove Luz project had to top it all off. It was connected with the new metro line connecting the different centres along the south-west. For its implementation, different areas were demolished. Nevertheless, the project was suspended before any major realisation. This led again to a higher profile of vacancy and abandonment in stead of reboosting the area.

BELA VISTA The brutalist project of Praça Roosevelt started to be highly contested as it created problematic left-overe spaces. A new project for the square aimed to reboost the area. Subdivided in different zones, it tries to re-include a plurality of uses. This is topped of by the appropriation of different cultural collectives [cultural agitation].

SANTA CÉCILIA The closing of Elevato Via Costa e Silva, popularly named Minhocão, offers a new dynamic to the neighbourhoods it crosses. During the night and at Sundays, it is turned into a highly used public space. By putting the elevated highway in a new daylight, it starts to valarize the surrounding neighbourhoods.

500

santa cecĂlia

bela vista

LEGEND: insurgent uses

left-over spaces

parking

luz

Roosevelt

public spaces

tunnelled highway

busterminal

metro lines RepĂşblica

reconversion

public buildings: municipality verticalization speculation

sĂŠ

underused structures parking empty plot demolished building

underused structures parking empty building abandoned

cortiĂ§os informal re-investment

occupation

The turnover of real estate stagnation, physical degradation of buildings and the overall loss in quality of life is the beginning of the devalued image of the former opulence held by the historic centre. Former commercial and industrial buildings do not accommodate their original function anymore. Recent high rise developments seem to announce a new movement towards the centre from the middle and high income groups whereas social movement invest in the vacancy.

TAXONOMY 1750 - 2016

< Real estate constructions and occupations go hand in hand in the scene of SÃ£o Paulo, 2016

... - 1850

1850 - 1930

1930 - 1964

While SĂŁo Paulo grew from a town into a metropolitan city, the historical centre underwent a series of disinvestments and reinvestments. This led to the diversification of the building block broken by different large scale infrastructural interventions. The resulting interstitial figures in urban reinvestment cycles provided a vast platform for popular groups to occupy.

1964 - 1986

1986 - TODAY

122

... - 1850

1850 - 1930

The floodplain of the river AnhangabaĂş was used as productive lands (Guilherme,1892)

French architect J.A. Bouvard designed a park, representing the grandeur of the city - 1911 (X, 1911).

As an exemplary urban figure, the valley of AnhangabaĂş has been transformed tremendously over time, representing its central position within the city.

REPRODUCTION OF CENTRAL SÃO PAULO I REPRODUÇÃO URBANA DO CENTRO DE SÃO PAULO

1964 - 1986

1986 - TODAY

As part of the Plano da Avenidas, the valley became a highway that congested extremely over time (X, 1969).

The highway was turned into a park, giving the central area back to the people (Solano, 2005)

123

124

... - 1850

1850 - 1930

Low-rise housing alternate with landmarks, largo são francisco in sé - (Militão Augusto de Azevedo, 1860)

The first high rise building, edificio martinelli, is built along the first avenue (Becherini, 1928)

Also Avenida São João’s continuous transformation offers an insight in the representation of the city centre, often following infrastructural changes such as the implementation of avenues.

REPRODUCTION OF CENTRAL SÃO PAULO I REPRODUÇÃO URBANA DO CENTRO DE SÃO PAULO

1930 - 1964

1986 - TODAY

The consolidation of Avenida São João through verticalization strenghtens its position as the central avenue (Haberkorn, 1952)

Vacancy culminated along Avenida São João, alternated by reinvestment of the municipality (2016)

125

... - 1850

1850 - 1930

SÉ

Centro Velho

Centro Velho: verticalization, cortiços

REPÚBLICA

Centro Novo: elite’s leisure

LUZ

BELA VISTA

Bela Vista

SANTA CÉCILIA

As São Paulo expanded gradually overtime, different neighbourhoods with different characters can be distinguished. Today they present a vast and diverse register of vacant spaces.

1930 - 1964

1964 - 1986

1986 - TODAY

Centro Velho: more verticalization

Terminal Bandeira - Bus, Cars Verticalization

Vacancy, private parkings Come back public institutions !?

Centro Novo: verticalization, cortiços

Empty Hotels and Cultural Spaces Verticalization

Vacancy, private parkings Come back public institutions !?

Industr., verticalization, cortiços

Demolished Buildings - Parkings

Vacancy, private parkings, exclusive real estate

Bela Vista

Verticalization

Bela Vista

Minhocão, parkings and verticalization

Bela Vista

Vacancy, private parkings, “Parque Minhocão” exclusive real estate (construction)

128

Over time, partial urban reproduction cycles turned Central São Paulo into a sample sheet of underused, undefined and obsolete spaces. However, somehow in the shadow of major urban investments (viaducts and avenues, canalization, verticalization, and the like) another kind of “popular” urban reinvestment seems to be particularly preoccupied with such vacated spaces. ON the residual left-overs of former and partial urban projects, occupations seem to proliferate. As in many cases, they seek to take part in the development of the city, the question rises: What particular “proto-urbanism” they entail. Therefore, the folowing pair of books will look deeper into two specific “branches” of urban movements that are occupying vacant spaces in the centre. The first one will deal with housing movements [self-constructing city], while the second one focusses on cultural and artistic occupation practices [cultural agitation]. Together, a total of 10 cases will be presented to prove potential proto-urbanisms at play.

OCCUPYING CENTRAL SÃO PAULO I OCUPANDO CENTRO SÃO PAULO

3000 M

10 case-studies create the base for further explorations towards the impact of housing and cultural movements on central São Paulo.

129

130

INTERVIEWS Interviews important for this work, more interviews will follow in [self-constructed city] & [cultural agitation] 16.02.16 & 16.03.07 Nadia Somekh [CDHU] - Architect and Urbanist, Head of the Department & 16.03.22 of Heritage and Chairman of CONPRESP for the Municipality of São Paulo; professor at the faculty of Architecture and Urbanims, Presbiteriana Mackenzie University - head of Urban Projects, Productive restructuring and Clusters.

16.02.23:

Vera Pallamin [FAU & FFLCH - USP] - Architect and Urbanist, Professor at the department of Architecture and Urbanism

16.02.24:

Pedro Arantes [UNIFESP] - Former partner of Acesoria Tecnica Usina, Architect and Urbanist, Professor at the department of Art History, the School of Philosophy, Lettres and Human Sciences.

16.03.09:

Manuel del Rio [FLM] - Lawyer, FLM leader and Director Apoio

16.03.21:

Deborah Sanches [Belas Artes] - Architect and Urbanist, Professor at the faculty of Architecture and Urbanism in Belas Artes; finalized PhD in 2015 on the social housing production in the city centre of São Paulo.

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TRANSPORT / HISTORY CMTC (n.d.), Passageiros Particulares. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from http://www.respirasaopaulo.com.br/ Passageiros%20CMTC%20Particulares%201.GIF Companhia de Engenharia de Tráfego. (2016). CETESP. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from http://www.cetsp. com.br/ CPTM (2013) Evolução dos passageiros da CPTM. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from http://s.glbimg.com/jo/ g1/f/original/2012/03/29/graficoscptm_1.jpg Evolução da frota de veículos da cidade de São Paulo. (2016). Pt.wikipedia.org. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from https://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Predefinição:Evolução_da_frota_de_ve%C3%ADculos_da_cidade_de_ São_Paulo Governo do Estado de São Paulo. Conheça SP: História, República e Indústria Automobilística. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from http://www.saopaulo.sp.gov.br/conhecasp/historia_republica-industria-automobilistica Prefeitura de São Paulo - Transportes. Cronologia do Transporte 1865-2006. SP Trans. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from http://www.sptrans.com.br/museu/Cronologia_Transporte.pdf Prefeitura de São Paulo - Transportes. Indicadores do Sistema. (2016). SP Trans. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from http://www.sptrans.com.br/indicadores/ Observatório Cidadão Nossa São Paulo - Indicadores. (2016). Nossa São Paulo. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from https://www.nossasaopaulo.org.br/observatorio/indicadores.php?tema=13 SPTrans & São Paulo Prefeitura: cronologia do transporte coletivo em São Paulo, 2006

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SILVEIRA, T. P. (2011). A Questão Metropolitana: Inventário de planos de Transporte Coletivo em São Paulo. Revista Técnica da São Paulo Transporte S. A. São Paulo, p. 193 - 206, 01. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from http://www.slideshare.net/trans_smt/planos-de-transporte SOBRAL ANELLI, R. (2007). Redes de Mobilidade e Urbanismo em São Paulo: das radiais/perimetrais do Plano de Avenidas à malha direcional PUB (1) | vitruvius. Vitruvius, Arquitextos 082.00. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from http://www.vitruvius.com.br/revistas/read/arquitextos/07.082/259 Trânsito em São Paulo: Linha do Tempo. (2016). Portal de Notícias Estadão. Retrieved 9 August 2016, from http://www.estadao.com.br/ext/especiais/2008/05/transito/linhadotempo.swf

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CARTOGRAPHY: AB’SABER, A.N. (2005) São Paulo Ensaios Entreveros, Prêmio Jabuti, São Paulo, p. 522. SOMEKH, N.; CAMPOS, C.M (eds) (2002), Planos urbanisticos de São Paulo na século XX, Mackpesquisa, São Paulo. Most of the layers are downloaded from the GIS-database of Prefeitura São Paulo. Gis data Prefeitura São Paulo (n.d.), Retrieved 10 February 2016, from http://www.prefeitura. sp.gov.br/cidade/secretarias/financas/servicos/des/index.php?p=2424) General layers: Deinfo_Edificacão, Deinfo_Hidrografia, Deinfo_Quadra_Viaria Verticalization: mapped based on categorization on height, historical maps and interpretation by Authors Cortiços in history: mapped based on interpretations by authors; Cortiços (1986-2016) based GIS data Prefeitura, Cortiços, 2014. Occupations past & present STRAUSS, L. (2012). Mapografia das Ocupações no Centro de São Paulo. Grupo de Estudos Mapografias Urbanas AUH_FAU USP. Retrieved 3 June 2015, from https://mapografiasurbanas. wordpress.com/pesquisa-2/mapografia-das-ocupacoes-no-centro-de-sao-paulo Interviews with all leaders of Frente de Luta Por Moradia Vacancy: mainly based on observations during fieldwork between February and March 2016 SILVA, H. (2009) Tributos imobiliários e imóveis vazios no centro de São Paulo. Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. Retrieved 20 March 2015, from http://www.usp.br/fau/depprojeto/labhab/biblio teca/textos/silva_tributos_vazios_centrosp.pdf.

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Map based on: [1750-1850] LIMA E SILVA, M da F, (1847), Mappa da Cidade de São Paulo e seus suborbios [1850-1930] COCOCCI, A.M., FRUCTUOSO, L. (1905), Planta geral da Cidade São Paulo Directoria de Obras e Vinção da Prefeitura Municipal (1916), Planta da Cidade de São Paulo [1930-1964] SARA BRASIL (1930), Mappa Topographico do Municipio de São Paulo [1964-2016] Gis data Prefeitura São Paulo, (n.d.) Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.prefeitura. sp.gov.br/cidade/secretarias/financas/servicos/des/index.php?p=2424

IMAGES All unreferenced pictures are taken by the authors during the fieldwork of February and March 2016. p. 20-21:

Based on photograph taken by authors, March 2016

p. 22-23:

NASA satellite image, [Retrieved 30 June 2015].

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MORATO ZANATTO, R. (2014) Arte e ativismo: a rua, os espaços e a luta pela liberdade, Retrieved 30 May 2016, from http://www.passapalavra.info/2014/05/95513

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SILVA, V. P. (2016). Facebook Page of Bloco Fluvial do Peixe Seco. Retrieved 6 June 2016, from https://www.facebook.com/blocofluvial/photos

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Costa Paulista (1640) Capitania de São Vicente em 1640 – Cananeira a Bertioga, in: ALBERNAZ, João Teixeira, Atlas do Brasil de 1640.

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Militão Augusto de Azevedo (1860) Largo do Capim - Largo São Francisco, Bilioteca Mário de Andrade, São Paulo. Retrieved 4 June 2016, from https://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki

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