Dada: Zurich, Berlin, Hannover, Cologne, New York, Paris by Kristin Lasita

With Essays By

BRIGID DOHERTY / DOROTHEA DIETRICH / SABINE T. KRIEBEL / MICHAEL R. TAYLOR / JANINE MILEAF / MATTHEW S. WITKOVSKY

National Gallery of Art / Washington in association with

D.A.P./Distributed Art Publishers, Inc. Centre Pompidou Musée National D’Art Moderne / Paris 5 October 2005 – 9 January 2006 National Gallery of Art / Washington 19 February–14 May 2006 The Museum of Modern Art / New York 18 June–11 September 2006

D D ZURICHBERLINHANNOVERCOLOGNENEW YORKPARIS LEAH DICKERMAN A A

Board of Trustees, National Gallery of Art / Washington All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers from the public press), without written permission from the publishers. The hardcover edition is published by the National Gallery of Art / Washington and D.A.P./Distributed Arts Publishers, Inc. 155 Avenue of the Americas, Second Floor

New York, N.Y. 10013 –1507. Tel. 212 627 1999 Fax 212 627 9484 Produced by the Publishing Office, National Gallery of Art / Washington www.nga.gov Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data DICKERMAN, LEAH, 1964 – DADA: Zurich, Berlin, Hannover, Cologne, New York, Paris/LEAH DICKERMAN; with essays by BRIGID DOHERTY… [et al.]. p. cm. Catalogue of an exhibition held at the Centre Pompidou Musée National D’Art Moderne / Paris 5 October 2005 – 9 January 2006;

at the National Gallery of Art / Washington 19 February–14 May 2006;

and at the The Musem of Modern Art / New York 18 June–11 September 2006

Includes bibliographic references and index. ISBN 0–89468–313–6 (softcover: alk. paper)— ISBN 1–933045–20–5 (hardcover: alk. paper)— 1.

Dadaism—Exhibitions

Arts, Modern—20th Century

DICKERMAN, LEAH

II.

National Gallery of Art (U.S.)

IV.

Musem of Modern Art (New York, N.Y.)

Title

NX 456.5.D 3 D 53 2005 709 ’.04’062074 —dc 22 2005017984

ACKNOWLEGMENTS

The exhibition in Washington is made possible through the generous support of the Anna-Maria and Stephen Kellen Foundation and the Catherine B. Reynolds Foundation. Additional support for the exhibition in Washington has been provided by the Annenberg Foundation and Thomas G. Klarner.

The exhibition is organized by the National Gallery of Art / Washington, and the Centre Pompidou / Paris, in collaboration with The Museum of Modern Art / New York.

The exhibition is supported by an indemnity from the Federal Council on the Arts and the Humanities.

CONTENTS 1

Foreward

VX Acknowledgments XIV Note to Reader XI

Lenders to the Exihibtion

Introduction LEAH DICKERMAN

Dada Films

410

EMMANUELLE De L’ECOTAIS MARK LEVITCH

Chronology

504

MATTHEW S. WITKOVSKY

Artists’ Biographies

460

AMANDA L. HOCKENSMITH SABINE T. KRIEBEL with ISABEL K AUEN HOVEN

490

Selected Bibliography

504

Index

516

Credits

154

214

274

346

ZURICH

BERLIN

HANNOVER

COLOGNE

NEW YORK

PARIS

LEAH DICKERMAN

BRIGID DOHERTY

DOROTHEA DIETRICH

SABINE T. KRIEBEL

MICHAEL R. TAYLOR

JANINE MILEAF MATTHEW S. WITKOVSKY

ZURICH

HANS ARP

OT TO van REES

HUGO BALL

HANS RICHTER

VIKING EGGELING

CHRISTIAN SCHAD

EMMY HENNINGS

ARTHUR SEGAL

RICHARD HUELSENBECK

WALTER SERNER

MARCEL JANCO

SOPHIE TAEUBER

FRANCIS PICABIA

ADYA van REES

TRISTAN TZARA

LEAH DICKERMAN

Dada was launched in Zurich. Its manifestation in that city was distinguished by its origins within the cabaret, the primacy given to defining a theory of abstraction expressed across media, and interest in various forms of primitivism. Yet, in the activities of a small group of artists living there during World War I, a certain idea of Dada developed with enough coherence to travel and be adopted elsewhere. Zurich was a crucible for Dada’s revolution. Many of the fundamental ideas and strategies that later characterized Dada as a movement grew out of events and activities that took place within this city of refuge. Because of Switzerland’s famed policy of political neutrality, Zurich served as a safe haven for those escaping the escalating conflagration of World War I. Iconoclasts of all kinds were attracted to the city: pacifists, draft dodgers, spies, and profit eers, as well as political and intellectual refugees of many stripes, including the Russian Bolshevik exiles Vladimir Lenin and Grigori Zinoviev and the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin. In relation to Berlin, Munich, Bucharest, and Paris, where the founding dadaists had spent their pre-war years, Zurich was by all accounts a conservative city. Its very tranquility, abundance, and disengagement from the conflict created at times a feeling of unreal isolation from the larger European world. At one point in his memoirs, Richard Huelsenbeck, a founding member of the Zurich Dada group, writing with cosmopolitan disdain, labeled the entire country “one big sanatorium.” 1 But Huelsenbeck also clearly conveyed the overarching sense of freedom and relief that accompanied his arrival in Zurich:

“In

the liberal atmosphere of Zurich, where the newspapers could print what they pleased, where there were no ration stamps and no ‘ersatz’ food, we could scream out everything we were bursting with.” 2 This sense of refuge was shadowed by a keen awareness of proximity to threat, felt both geographically and physically. Hans Arp wrote defiantly:

“Despite the remote

booming of artillery, we sang, painted, pasted and wrote poetry with all our might,” 3 while Hugo Ball drew a more precarious

HUGO BALL and EMILY HENNINGS, 1918

picture, describing Switzerland as a by roaring lions.” 4

“birdcage, surrounded

The origins of the Dada movement are inextricably tied to the

short life of the Cabaret Voltaire, an iconoclastic nightclub that

Neugroschel (Berkeley, 1991), 25.

writers. The learned Ball, the Cabaret’s founder with his com-

3 2

links between his thinking and other contemporaries. In Munich before the war, Ball wrote for DIE AKTION, DER STURM, and other radical journals and began serious involvement with the avant-garde theater, working as literary adviser to several progressive theatrical groups. Along with the playwright and poet Hans Leybold, Ball cofounded an experimental journal of his own called REVOLUTION, which launched proto-dadaist assaults on bourgeois mores. The publication of one of Ball’s poems,

“Der Henker” (The Hangman), led to the confiscation

of the journals; but at the ensuing trial, the judge declared the poem to be incomprehensible and therefore harmless. Ball’s Munich activities brought him into expressionist circles around

Hugo Ball & Emily Hennings, 1918.

events in Zurich, but also as an intellectual genealogy, making

the Blaue Reiter (Blue Rider), and Vasily Kandinsky, the group’s leading figure, was to remain a central and lasting influence on Ball. The two developed plans to reopen the Munich Artists’ Theater in an effort to promote a “new form of theatrical expression,” ambitions that were jettisoned with the outbreak

of war. A meeting in a Munich café established a second important relationship for the founding of Dada: Ball befriended Huelsenbeck and began a formative collaboration with the younger man. Hennings, a figure of quite a different type, sat at the class margins in a way that distinguished her from her future (and male) Dada colleagues. She was an experienced professional entertainer, who had been associated with theatrical companies, vaudeville, cabarets and nightclubs, and avant-garde ventures

SOPHIE TAUBER dancing at the Galerie Dada, Zurich 1917

HUELSENBECK, Dada Drummer, 14. JEAN [Hans] ARP, Arp on Arp: Poems, Essays, Memories, ed. Marcel Jean, trans. Joachim Neugroschel (New York, 1972), 232. HUGO BALL, Flight Out of Time: A Dada Diary by Hugo Ball (1927), ed. John Elderfield, trans. Ann Raimes (Berkeley, 1996 ), 34. Entry for 10 October 1915.

leader. Ball was a studious figure whose writings reveal an

panion Emmy Hennings, served as Dada’s earliest intellectual

only as the most important record for our understanding of

Memoirs of Dada Drummer (19 69 ), ed. Hans J. Kleinschmidt, trans. Joachim

served as the first public gathering place for Dada artists and

incredible breadth of cultural erudition. His diaries serve not

RICHARD HUELSENBECK,

See HUBERT VAN den BERG, “The Star of the Cabaret Voltaire,” in Dada Zurich: A Clown’s Game from Nothing, ed. Brigitte Pichon and Karl Riha in the series Crisis and the Arts: The History of Dada, vol. 2, gen. ed. Stephen C. Foster (New York, 1996), 69 – 88.

Capturing both her charisma and dissipation, the ZÜRICHER POST ran a piece on the Cabaret Voltaire declaring:

“The star

of the cabaret, however, is Mrs. Emmy Hennings. Star of many nights of cabarets and poems. Years ago she stood by the rustling yellow curtain of a Berlin cabaret, hands on hips, as

exuberant as a flowering shrub; today too she presents the same bold front and performs the same songs with a body that has since then been only slightly ravaged by grief.” 6 Like many other female entertainers of her day, Hennings slipped in an amphibian way between advanced intellectual circles and a seedy, underworld existence. She worked as a model, nightclub hostess, and lady of the night, was arrested several times for prostitution and theft, and suspected of homicide. 7 Ball and Hennings had met in Munich in 1913 and soon became a couple. When World War I broke out, Ball exhibited considerable patriotic fervor, volunteering for military service three times, only to be rejected each time on medical grounds. But his initial enthusiasm was transformed into keen opposition when he made an unauthorized visit to the Belgian front and was horrified, precipitating a personal crisis that nearly ended in suicide. Soon afterward, Ball moved to Berlin, where Hennings and Huelsenbeck joined him, establishing the beginnings of a Dada coterie. Along with Huelsenbeck, he organized a series of antiwar evenings featuring aggressive performances that later served as a precedent for events at the Cabaret Voltaire. At one in February 1915 called

“Gedächtnisfeier für

gefallene Dichter” (The Memorial for Fallen Poets), Ball read an ironic poetic obituary of his close friend Leybold—who had committed suicide after being injured at the front in the fall of 1914 8 —in a deliberately unsentimental, biting manner that in its recited chants négres—poems intended to capture the rhythm and tonality of African tribal songs—to the beat of a drum. The pair ended the evening by handing out a manifesto, which declared,

“We want to PROVOKE, perTu b,

bewilder, r

from about 1905 . 5 Contemporary criticism and memoirs present a consensus about her extraordinary stage presence.

t e a s e, tickle to death,

confuse…. 9 confuse….” confuse…. confuse…. confuse….

DADA THE MOVEMENT BALL, Flight Out of Time, 63.

VAN DEN BERG, “The Star of the Cabaret Voltaire,” in Dada Zurich, 77. HANS LEYBOLD, Gegen Zuständliches: Glossen, Gedichte,

increasing discussion, with Tristan Tzara at the helm, of ex-

“ There are plans for a Voltaire Society, and an international exhibition,” Ball wrote in early April. “The proceeds of the soirées will go toward an anthology to be published soon.” 12 Ball and Huelsenbeck resisted the idea of “organization,” but it seems

Entry for 7 May 1916.

In the few months of the Cabaret’s existence, there was

The Cabaret Voltaire closed in early July 1916. Huelsenbeck reported that Jan Ephraim “told us we must either offer better entertainment and draw a larger crowd or shut down the cabaret.”10 But it is also clear that Ball was becoming exhausted by his efforts and no longer wished to continue. 11

Briefe, ed. Eckhard Faul (Hannover, 1989), 112;

panding the group’s reach beyond Zurich.

and Hugo Ball (1886 –1986): Leben und Werk [exh. cat., Wasgauhalle Pirmasens] (Zurich, 1986), 18.

MALCOLM GREEN, “Introduction,” Blago Bung, Blago Bung, Bosso Fataka:

that Tzara soon prevailed, and the publication was soon in

First Texts of German Dada by

the works with Ball actively involved in its preparation.

Hugo Ball, Richard Huelsenbeck,

Adorned with a luxurious red cover with an abstract woodcut by Arp, the only issue of CABARET VOLTAIRE,

HUELSENBECK, “The Dada Drummer” in Dada Drummer, 17.

published on 31 May 1916 , was already distant from the seedy, nocturnal experience of the cabaret, 13 and, despite

See Ball’s entry for 15 March 1916: “The cabaret needs a rest. With all the tension the daily

the group’s iconoclasm, its purpose was a self-historicizing

one:

performances are not just exhausting, they are

“[Cabaret Voltaire] was,” Tzara insisted, “not a jour-

crippling.” BALL, Flight Out of Time, 57.

nal but a documentary publication on the cabaret we founded

“which at that time seemed to us to

constitute ‘Dada’”15 : an introduction by Ball, a catalogue

of one of the Cabaret Voltaire exhibitions, a chapter of Ball’s

BALL, Flight Out of Time, 60. Entry for 2 April 1916.

here.” 14 The publication offered its readers a miscellany of the group’s activities,

DEBBIE LEWER, “From the Cabaret Voltaire to the Kaufleutensaal,” in Pichon/Riha, eds.

“fantastic novel,” the simultaneous poem and other contri-

Dada Zurich, 48.

butions by the same range of modernists whose work had appeared at the Cabaret (Guillaume Apollinaire, Picasso,

TZARA to RAIMONDI, 17 March 1917,

Kandinsky, Filippo Marinetti, Blaise Cendrars) and by the

Dada, l’arte della negazione

dadaists themselves. As Tzara intended, the printed anthology

(Rome 1994), 110 –111.

also granted a new portability to the contents and the ideas they represented, allowing them to reach a broader audience.

HANS ARP Untitled (Construction with Planes and Curves), 1916

Walter Serner (London, 1995), 15.

HUELSENBECK, “En avant Dada,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters

and Poets, 27.

Yet the media potential for a new audience that so captivated

Though it resonated with the fragmentary and abstract pho-

Tzara seems to have rankled Ball and may well account for his

nemes of the sound poetry performed at the cabaret, the

opposition to the idea of a Dada movement. Writing in a later

group clearly embraced its multiple meanings and evocative

diary entry about the group’s effort to organize an international

connotations across languages. Stressing both this semantic

Dada event, Ball wrote:

“In the end we cannot simply keep on

producing without knowing whom we are addressing. The artist’s audience is not limited to his nation anymore…. Can we write, compose, and make music for an imaginary audience?”16 Ball laments the loss of the intimacy—the shift from a direct

mobility and richness, Ball added to his first mention of the word:

“Dada is ‘yes, yes’ in Rumanian, ‘rocking horse’ and

‘hobbyhorse’ in French. For Germans it is a sign of foolish naiveté, joy in procreation, and preoccupation with the baby carriage.” 21 Suggesting basic drives and childlike behavior,

relationship between a performer and audience physically pre-

the word was at the same time self-consciously absurd, even

sent before him, and its replacement by one that would have an

self-mocking, and a subversive anthem of resistance to more

international scale, but would be inherently more mediated and

fully instrumentalized speech and disciplined rationality.

abstract. Perhaps for Ball there was some sense, as well, that

Resistance to fixed meaning remained a key feature; and later

making Dada public, presenting it as a movement, would be

dadaist productions generated countless new definitions.

inherently more mediated and abstract. Perhaps for Ball there was some sense, as well, that making Dada public, presenting

Though it may not have been Ball’s intention, the word Dada

it as a movement, would transform him into a propagandist—

offered tremendous media potential. Tzara seems to have

bringing him uncomfortably close to the wartime media

recognized its publicity early on; Huelsenbeck recalled that

abuses he deplored.

Tzara

“had been one of the first to grasp the suggestive power

of the word Dada,” 22 and he developed it as a kind of brand Ironically, it was most likely Ball who provided that crucial

identity—a newly visible phenomenon in both the sphere of

emblem of movement identity: the word Dada itself. 17 Against

culture and consumer economics. 23 (Indeed, Ball hinted that

the background of heated discussion about plans for a Voltaire

the word Dada already resonated as a brand name, offering

Society, Ball noted in his entry for 18 April 1916 :

“Tzara keeps

on worrying about the periodical. My proposal to call it Dada is accepted.” 18 The first word appeared in print in Tzara’s La

SOPHIE TAUBER, 1917

in a manifesto the slogan:

“Dada is the world’s best lily milk “Mouvement Dada” as a ban-

soap.”) 24 In Zurich Tzara placed

ner headline across a series of posters announcing evening

premiére Aventure céléste de Mr Antipyrine (The First

events, transformed the Galerie Corray into Galerie Dada, and

Celestial Adventure of Mr. Antipyrine) and in the CABARET

published three poetry books under the series title

VOLTAIRE in an advertisement for the forthcoming journal.

Dada” 25 —as well as launching the in the journal for which the

“Collection

Huelsenbeck later recounted that it was chosen from a German-

name had originally been chosen. And he gave Dada (and Arp’s

French dictionary while he was visiting Ball 19 and that the two

abode) the façade of a corporate structure, using envelopes

delighted in the primal quality of its infantile sound and its

printed with the return address: Administration/Mouvement

appropriateness as an emblem for

“beginning at zero.”20

Dada/Zurich/Zeltweg 83 . 26

23 BALL, Flight Out of Time, 98.

Entry for 10 February 1917. John Elderfield provides a comprehensive discussion of claims to the invention of

the word DADA. See his afterward, “‘Dada: The Mystery of the Word,” BALL, Flight Out of Time, 238 –251. BALL, Flight Out of Time, 63.

Entry for 18 April 1916. HUELSENBECK, “En Avant Dada,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters

19 20 21

HUELSENBECK, “Dada Lives,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 279 –281. BALL, Flight Out of Time, 63. Entry for 18 April 1916.

HUELSENBECK, “En Avant Dada,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 26.

The idea of branding emerged in the nineteenth century as the industrialization of goods moved to centralized factories; in an effort to familiarize a wider customer base beyond the reach of word

of mouth with their products, manufacturers adopted brand names and logos to reassure customers of the reputation and quality of their goods.

MARCEL JANCO Illustration on the cover of the journal Dada, no. 3, 1918

and Poets, 26.

BALL, “Dada Manifesto” (1916), reprinted in Ball, Flight Out of Time, 221.

MARCEL JANCO Poster for 1st Exposition Dada (First Dada Exhibition), 1917

CHRISTIAN SCHAD Poster for the Grand Bal Dada (Great Dada Ball), Geneva, 1920

staged the

“first public Dada evening,” 27 as Ball wrote, under-

scoring the word public, on 14 July 1916 at Zurich’s Waag Hall,

A first public event, a first manifesto, but also an ending, for despite its obscurity, the manifesto was intended and

As part of this effort to forge a broader identity, the group

received, Ball wrote, as a “thinly disguised break with

an old guildhouse on one of the city’s main squares. Hennings

friends.” 32 Ball soon distanced himself from the group

read poems, Arp offered a discussion of paper collages; Ball,

leaving Zurich for the Ticino in the first of several leave-

Huelsenbeck, Marcel Janco, and Tzara performed costumed and

takings and bringing to a close the period of his greatest

masked dances. The event also marked a movement away from

intellectual influence. 33

These included Tzara’s own La premiére Aventure céléste de Mr Antipyrine

(The First Celestial Adventure of Mr. Antipyrine), and Huelsenbeck’s Phantastische Gebete (Fantastic Prayers) and Schalaben schala-bai schalamezonai, the first with wood-cuts by Janco, and the latter drawings by Arp.

the margins of culture, seen in the shift within the topography

cabaret master of ceremonies into a role as a savvy media spokesman with grand ambitions. Tzara was

on bourgeois pieties all the more direct.

internationalist,” wrote Huelsenbeck in his 1920 history of

Along with the other offerings of the evening, the core members

efforts and writing that ideas about Dada were communicated

“the romantic

Dada.” 34 As a result, it was largely through the filter of Tzara’s

of the Museum of Modern Art, New York. BALL, Flight Out of Time, 73. Entry for 6 August 1916. LEWER, “From the Cabaret Voltaire to the

part of the potential audience. 28 Yet if it was a step toward a more mainstream identity, it also made the dadaist assault

A copy of this envelope exists in the collection

emerged as the new leader, converting Ball’s persona as

With Ball’s absence and the closing of the cabaret, Tzara

citizen would go, to a central area where the bourgeoisie was

of the city from the seedy Niederdorf, where no respectable

Since the seventeenth century manifestos

Kaufleutensaal,” in Dada Zurich, 52.

read manifestos, appropriating a traditional form of public and

to an audience outside of Zurich. While Ball had not articulated

political communication aimed at establishing principles. 29 But

a specific theory or program for Dada, Tzara’s writings marked

Ball’s text turned on the group itself, mocking its ambitions and

a certain shift, distilling concepts that had emerged at the

opposition, as most famously seen in Karl

Cabaret into discernible principles capable of being commu-

Marx’s Communist Manifesto.

nicated. Departing from the more mystical aspects of Ball’s thought with its religious and alchemical imagery, Tzara, as

BALL, Flight Out of Time, 83. Entry for 6 October 1916.

aration of resistance to various forms of social government.

In his widely distributed “Manifeste Dada 1918 ,” he wrote, “To impose your ABC is a natural thing, hence deplorable.”35

BALL, “Dada Manifest,” in Ball, Flight Out of Time, 220. BALL, Flight Out of Time, 73. Entry for 6 August 1916. Ball left for the first time at the end of July for Tessin, then for the village of Vira-Magadino, and then Ascona. In November, he returned to Zurich for several months.

HUELSENBECK, “En Avant Dada,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 24.

Very easy to understand…. To make of it an artistic tendency must mean that one is anticipating complications. Dada psychology, dada Germany cum indigestion and fog paroxysm, dada literature, dada bourgeoisie, and yourselves, honored poets, who are always writing with words but never writing the word itself, who are always writing around the actual point. Dada world war without end, dada revolution without beginning, dada, you friends and also-poets, esteemed sirs, manufacturers, and evangelists. Dada Tzara,dada Huelsenbeck, dada m’dada, dada m’dada dada mhm, dada dera dada, dada Hue, dada Tza. 31

discussed in the introduction to this volume, offered a decl-

Ball, “and the word a movement.”

suggesting a kind of “dada hubris.” 30 “Just a word,” declaimed

have been used as a genre for political

TZARA, “Dada Manifesto, 1918,” in Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets, 76.

DADA INTERNATIONAL Definitive changes occurred within the group between late 1917 and what might be seen as the demise of Zurich Dada around the end of 1919. The ending of the war allowed for the increased possibility of foreign travel, facilitating greater contact with the world outside of Zurich and offering the first real opening for an international expansion of Dada as a movement. The arrival in FrenchSpanish artist Francis Picabia and the German critic Walter Serner, was influential in these late stage developments, introducing a new cynically subversive tone. Having spent much of the war in New York working closely with

Marcel Duchamp and members of the Stieglitz circle, Picabia left for Europe in 1918 , staying in Barcelona and Paris, all the while publishing his journal 391, which had already become an international avant-garde forum. Both the journal and his own itinerancy made Picabia an important conduit for ideas. In 1918 he sought treatment for neurasthenia (and perhaps for alcoholism) in Switzerland, first at Gstaad, then in the spa town of Bex-les-Bains, where he received a letter from Tzara inviting participation in Zurich Dada, copies of Dada 3 , and books of poetry as gifts. 36 The exchange seems to have prompted Picabia and his wife Gabrielle Buffet to visit Zurich for three weeks at the beginning of 1918 , 37 and the encounter between Picabia and the Zurich group was one of mutual recognition and embrace. The group descended upon Picabia en masse in his Zurich hotel room. To their delight, he smashed an alarm clock (the symbol par excellence of Swiss efficiency and rationality) and dipped its inner workings in ink, pressing them on paper to make monoprints (Réveil matin I [Alarm Clock]). Thus was European dadaism introduced to the imagery of dysfunctional machines developed in New York during the war, bringing together the Zurich group’s critique of governing systems with New York’s subversion of icons of industrial capitalism. One of the clock images was feature on the cover of Dada 4 – 5, the last issue to be produced in Zurich. The inside pages offered

“Mouvement Dada”—a

another drawing by Picabia titled

diagrammatic rendering of the avant-garde network linking Zurich, New York, and Paris in which the movement of ideas was presented as a circuit of machinic forces. Already experi-

enced in publishing a journal, Picabia collaborated with Tzara in contributors including, along with Tzara and Picabia themselves,

in Zurich, Picabia also edited the eighth number of 391, which

CHRISTIAN SCHAD Indian Trepanning & Composition in M, 1920

Jean Cocteau, Pierre Reverdy, Raoul Hausmann, Huelsenbeck,

featured the activities of the Zurich Dada group.

in Dickerman, The Dada Seminars, 269 –293. WILLIAM A. CAMFIELD, Francis Picabia, 26 September 1918, in Michel Sanouillet,

Dada á Paris, 2 vols. (Paris, 1993), 469.

editing the issue, and it featured a truly international roster of

André Breton, Serner, Viking Eggeling, and Hans Richter. While

See MATTHEW S. WITKOVSKY, “Pen Pals”

BERLIN

JOHANNES BAADER

HANNAH HÖCH

OT TO DIX

RICHARD HUELSENBECK

GEORGE GROSZ

HANS RICHTER

RAOUL HAUSMANN

RUDOLF SCHLICHTER

JOHN HEARTFIELD

WIEL AND HERZFELDE

GEORG SCHOLZ

ADES, DAWN. Dada and Surrealism. London, 1974. ADES, DAWN. Dada and Surrealism Reviewed [exh. cat., Arts Council of Great Britain] (London,1978). ADES, DAWN. Photomontage. London, 1976. AIKEN, EDWARD A. “Reflections on Dada and the Cinema,” Post Script: Essays in Films and the Humanities 3, No. 2 (Winter 1984): 5–19. ARNAUD, NOËL. “Les Metamorphoses Historiques de Dada,” Critique 134 (July 1958): 579–604.

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