Architecture Thesis Research Document by Kelsey Howard

AHST5110 - THESIS BOOKLET | KELSEY MCCALL HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD | NOVEMBER 25, 2014

Densifying the Inner Block:

Ameliorating Displacement Caused by Gentrification

AHST5110 - THESIS BOOKLET | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract + Thesis Statement..................................................4-5 Essay............................................................................................6-16 Works Cited...............................................................................17 Precedent as Inspiration..........................................................18-23 Diogene.......................................................................................................20

House on Bacon Street.............................................................................21 Kungshatt Summer House.......................................................................22 60k House....................................................................................................23

Precedent as Research............................................................24-35 Backyard Homes.........................................................................................26-29 Airbnb...........................................................................................................30-31 Quik House..................................................................................................32-33 LV Series Homes.........................................................................................34-35

Program Analysis......................................................................36-45 Stay St. Claude............................................................................................38-41

Laneway Urbanism.....................................................................................42-45

Site + Program Research........................................................46-57 Citywide Data Mapping............................................................................48-49

Site Selection Criteria................................................................................50 Local Attractions + Boundaries................................................................51 Zoning Requirements............................................................................... 52-53 Program Narrative.......................................................................................54 Lot Size Analysis + Program Distribution...............................................55 Context Diagrams......................................................................................56 Site Narrative...............................................................................................57

Annotated Bibliography.........................................................58-59

AHST5110 - ABSTRACT + THESIS STATEMENT | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

Image Above: Democratizing architecture, Source: www.publicinterestdesign.org/tag/alastair-parvin

AHST5110 - ABSTRACT + THESIS STATEMENT | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

ABSTRACT Forbes listed New Orleans as the number one fastest growing city in 2012. Last year alone, over nine million people visited the city. This large amount of tourism can be partially attributed to the cultural â&#x20AC;&#x153;authenticityâ&#x20AC;? people say this city has. Because of this, there is a displacement of locals occurring in New Orleans. The rise in popularity of certain areas causes property value to rise and forces locals out of their homes. This is ironic because the people that first attracted tourists to the area are forced to relocate. These long-term residents are being replaced by short-term visitors. This sort of displacement is occurring in growing cities across the country, such as Harlem and San Francisco. I believe there is a way to solve this issue by intertwining permanent living with temporary visitation so that the culturally authentic experiences are maintained and residents can maintain control over their land and community. Alastair Parvin discusses how architecture is for the people and therefore should be by the people. He states that the fastest growing cities are the self made ones, not the skyscraper cities. By open-sourcing architecture, we allow people to build low cost, high performance solutions themselves with no necessary tools. This democratization of production puts the power back in the hands of the user. Adapting this concept of open-source architecture, I believe we can create a system where users that are in danger of being displaced can design their own modular housing additions or select one from a catalogue of prototypes, send the file to a local CNC milling machine, and then build these modular units themselves on their land. This solution offers a systematic densification of struggling communities throughout New Orleans. This solution gives the power back to the landowner and allows them to take control of their property, readapting it for their economic benefit. This would allow them to rent out space to tourists seeking an authentic experience, thereby increasing their monthly income and allowing them to avoid displacement. In the event that they no longer want to rent space, they can readapt the modular unit to be an extra bedroom, a home office, or even just a storage space. If they no longer want the unit, it can also have the potential to be easily deconstructed and recycled locally. This allows the property to swell and shrink as the needs and financial situation of the user change. In tourist driven urban economies, the delicate balance between accomodating visitors and maintaining the authentic culture they have come to experience is often contingent upon avoiding population displacements from desireable parts of the city. An important contribution to this balance is the possibility of increases in residential density without extensive capitol or wholesale building stock replacement. In the older neighborhoods of New Orleans, this concept can be deployed by exploiting the advantages of light, open source architecture, relatively empty block interiors, and anomalous urban lot characteristics to create a new inner block density.

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY| KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

THESIS ESSAY

Figure 1: Geography of “hip” places to live in New Orleans Source: map and analysis by Richard Campanella

[GENTRIFICATION: THE PROS & CONS] When gentrification is discussed in general terms, it is referencing a shift in an urban community towards wealthier residents and increasing property values. This can be viewed in a positive light or a negative light. On the plus side, gentrification brings into neighborhoods people who are financially better off than those already living there. It is a way to increase density and make land more valuable. It means that you have made your city more attractive so more people want to live there. But on the flip side, the size of urban neighborhoods is fixed; there’s no room to grow. If new people come in, other longtime residents get pushed out. Mayor Mitch Landrieu talks about how back in the day, people thought isolation and distance were going to give them happiness, but what’s happening now is that people want to be with other people. With the new growth of cities comes the problem of gentrification. We’ve seen this happen in New Orleans in a number of neighborhoods and we’ve seen the resulting clash of cultures, such as in the battles over live music at neighborhood venues (Persica). Many people argue that one way to deal with the issue of gentrification is to build up. This allows you to increase the possible residents on a single lot while still allowing densification to occur. This is not always possible though, especially in historic, residential neighborhoods where zoning prohibits it. Large, intrusive residential towers are also generally frowned upon in quaint, residential areas because it greatly alters the community aspect of a neighborhood and commercializes it as well. [GENTRIFICATION IN NEW ORLEANS] The issue of gentrification is particularly relevant to New Orleans because last year nine million people visited the area and spent a record six billion dollars, the highest spending in the city’s

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY| KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

history (Waller). Forbes also listed New Orleans as the number one fastest growing city in 2012 (Kotkin). 77% of the visitors surveyed were in New Orleans for vacation or pleasure (nola. gov). This influx is due in large part to the cultural “authenticity” of the city and its people, places, and events. Historically, this cultural production started out as informal, spontaneous events that democratized society, but became increasingly rationalized and commoditized to increase tourism and to protect socially and economically elite groups. Today, “tourism gentrification” has affected important neighborhoods of the city, pushing out longtime residents and replacing them with short-term visitors and transplants. As population and tourism continue to grow, they have the potential to affect many more residents. While these shifts are harmful to the people being displaced because it affects their ability to create and maintain a sense of community, it also has negative impacts for the city and the tourists, because by pushing out long time residents, it removes the cultural producers responsible for making the community what it is. At the same time, the popularity and growth of the sharing economy present new tools for grassroots economic development. Through peerto-peer networks, people can leverage existing, underutilized assets and profit from what they already have control over. Companies such as Airbnb, for example, provide ways to rent space that you already own or control to someone looking for a place to stay. This decentralized approach to tourism has the potential to provide people with agency by giving them tools to monetize their assets and reclaim control over their space (Satterlee, 7). [THE WAVE OF TRANSPLANTS: TOURIST DRIVEN URBAN ECONOMIES] In 2012, New Orleans was named

Figure 2: Graphs of visitors and expenditures in New Orleans Source: University of New Orleans

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

Figure 3: Hot spots (marked with red stars) of post-Katrina gentrification in New Orleans, shown with circa-2000 demographic data and a delineation of the “white teapot.” Bywater appears at right. Source: map and analysis by Richard Campanella

America’s fastest growing city (Waller). As geographer Richard Campanella explains, the city’s population waves can be seen as two post-Katrina surges. The first wave immediately followed the storm as groups of relief workers and professionals looking to help rebuild took up residence in the city. After federal money started running thin, driving away some of those transplants returning to other cities and school or careers, a second, more long-term group rolled in. Even after the storm, boosted by frenetic rebuilding activity, New Orleans had a relatively strong regional economy. More importantly, the city offered a sense of “purpose” or belonging to young people looking for a more authentic lifestyle. This wave of transplants tends to be well educated and skilled, and bring with them outside influences from other places. This influx is changing communities both physically and culturally. While it should be noted that New Orleans has a long history of cultural shifts due to an influx of “outsiders”, the city seems to be in a current steady increase (Campanella). First of all, the population boom means that neighborhoods are adjusting to reflect different demographics and the amenities they require. This means that gentrification is, in fact, occurring. While the population shifts usually center around levels of education and income, race is also an issue. For example, between 2000 and 2010, the population of whites in the Bywater area grew by 20%, while the population of African-Americans fell by almost 50% (economist.com). These dropping populations are usually comprised of long-time residents of neighborhoods who slowly became priced out due to rising rents or to increasing property taxes accompanying the rising property values. While the gentrification seems to be happening quickly, some see shifting families around to different parts of the city as part of normal and expected urban activity. Rising property values are

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

generally good for a city, and lead to further development. There is, however, an interesting irony in this present condition: the transplants moving into culturally significant neighborhoods looking for “authenticity” are in some ways contributing to uprooting the older families who have been in the neighborhood the longest and have been a part of producing the very “culture” they are seeking (Satterlee, 10). In tourist driven urban economies, the delicate balance between accommodating visitors and maintaining the authentic culture they have come to experience is often contingent on avoiding population displacements from desirable parts of the city. An important contribution to this balance is the possibility of increases in residential density without extensive capitol or wholesale building stock replacement. In the older neighborhoods of New Orleans, this concept can be deployed by exploiting the advantages of light, open source architecture, relatively empty block interiors, and anomalous urban lot characteristics to create a new inner block density. [THE SHARING ECONOMY] In the midst of an increasingly centralized and commoditized world, a relatively new system is becoming popular as a revolutionary alternative. The “sharing economy,” is based around the idea of unlocking the idling capacity of resources. Everyone has untapped assets that other people need, the sharing economy tries to find a way to share these benefits with everyone (economist.com). Rachel Botsman, author the book, Collaborative Consumption, defines collaborative consumption as “maximum utilization of assets through efficient models of redistribution and shared access” (Botsman.) This movement is characterized mostly by relatively new tech startups, much like Airbnb, a service that allows people to rent out their space (home, apartment, parking

Figure 4: Concept of a Sharing Economy Source: “The Shared Economy Lacks a Shared Definition”, Rachel Botsman

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

space, etc.) to someone else looking for a place to stay. Airbnb helped 2.5 million people find places to stay in over 190 countries in 2012 alone (airbnb.com). Hosts can list their place on Airbnbâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s website, along with photos, an availability calendar, desired price, house rules, and other information. Guests can then browse a variety of listings by location, space, amenities,

the bios of the hosts, and more. The concept of the sharing economy is about helping people leverage what they have and take control over their situation. This type of company is relevant to the issue of gentrification because it is one possible way to help ameliorate this issue. If the victims of displacement had a way to regain power and control over their land and their financial situation, they would not be forced out of their homes. Furthermore, Airbnb has become so successful that it is having a significant effect on the hotel industry, making this concept economically viable.

Figure 5: Example of search results on Airbnb. Source: airbnb.com

VISITOR

HOST DISPLACED

VISITOR SHARED

SHARED VISITOR

HOST

VISITOR

HOST HOST SHARED

Figure 6: Diagram of possible rented/owned space configurations Source: by author

[THE NEW ORLEANS HOUSING TYPOLOGY] A look into the typologies of New Orleans houses and the urban fabric helps identify underutilized space to work within while also helping to understand how the shotgun typology lends itself to the expansion and contraction of space. Currently, 80% of the houses in New Orleans are double shotguns (Bernhard). Historically, the shotgun typology is manipulated in a variety of ways to allow for the subdividing of houses into separate rentable spaces. These subdivisions change over time. While the semipermanent transition is not easy or inexpensive, shotguns can be expanded into L-shaped units, or doubles can be joined into one unit, when owners desire more room and are more financially stable. Alternately, when more income is desired over space, the house can be subdivided into more rentable units. The traditional New Orleans housing block with long lots and

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

accessory buildings, as well as the practice of expanding and contracting living spaces lends itself to adapting houses to accommodate additional short-term rentals. The challenge lies in crafting a process for doing so that does not discourage longer-term rental of existing units, which would decrease neighborhood densities. Additionally, there is a challenge to create

modular units that sit lightly on the land and have a simple, self-built construction process. Accessory structures are becoming a topic of increasing interest in the architecture world because of their potential to densify under-utilized or suburban space. One of their advantages is their potential for incremental, resident-led development, since deployment is entirely optional and in the hands of each individual homeowner (as opposed to large scale developer-driven projects). This incremental approach makes sense especially when viewed in the context of spatial agency (Satterlee, 14). [ACCESSORY DWELLING UNITS & QUIK HOUSES] In cityLAB’s project “Backyard Homes,” accessory dwelling units are explored as a way to incrementally increase the density of post-war neighborhoods. One of the advantages the project team found to deploying these prefab units was that the “retail transaction” experience of obtaining a unit was an easier and more accessible experience than the expensive, complicated, and often bureaucratic process of constructing a one-off addition or accessory unit (citylab.aud.ucla.edu). This concept involves the densification of urban cores as a way to make living more affordable. By simplifying the process, it enables more people to participate, regardless of their background or education level. This differs from Airbnb in that it proposes constructing additional space on your existing land as a means of supplementing income. This is particularly useful for lots

Figure 7: Image of placement of accessory dwelling units Source: http://citylab.aud.ucla.edu/files/publications/2010_Backyard_Homes. pdf

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

in New Orleans that are not the double shotgun typology and therefore cannot be transitioned into rentable space. This builds upon the concept of Airbnb to become even more potentially useful as a way to ameliorate displacement

Figure 8: image of existing Quik House Source: http://www.quik-build.com/quikHouse/QH_main.htm

in New Orleans. A concept similar to that of cityLAB’s, Adam Kalkin’s Quik House involves a prefabricated kit house made from recycled shipping containers that can be assembled on site in one day, and fully functional within three months (quikbuild.com). In this instance, customers are able to customize the prefabricated unit, have it built off site and shipped to them, and then finished on location. This concept is useful to the issue of gentrification because it allows landowners to participate in the design process, customize a unit that meets their needs, and have it erected on their lot in a short period of time. Additionally, the Quik House uses recycled materials, making it a greener process as well as reducing the initial investment. By allowing the displaced to join in on the design process, they are given back a sense of ownership and control over their land and how to make the most of it. [A RIGHT TO BUILD: THE BOTTOM-UP SOLUTION] These various examples offer a formal approach to solving the issue of displacement, but Alastair Parvin’s work on opensource architecture and the housing crisis in the U.K. offers a conceptual solution to the issue of displacement. Parvin starts off by talking about how since the Industrial Revolution, it has been accepted as normal that houses, like many other market commodities, are mass-produced by professionals and mass-consumed by citizens. Over the last few decades, the gap between those who produce housing and those who use it has undergone a massive concentration. In other words,

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

over time, more and more of us live in homes produced by fewer and fewer companies and organizations. In this respect, housing supply roughly follows what economists refer to as the ‘Pareto Principle’, whereby a minority of a population carries a majority of the weight. Parvin proposes a case that our almost total dependence on the ‘big-provider’ model is no longer rational or realistic and a rethink is needed if we are to meet the housing needs in the coming decades. He speaks of a housing industry which is focused on growing the housing supply not by extending the narrow ‘peak’ of big providers, but by growing the ‘long tail’ of small groups and individuals who seek to find a plot of land and provide homes for themselves. Although they might not know it yet, these individuals and small groups collectively form a growing, emergent, bottomup, mass house building industry: self-provided housing. All the indications are that in fact, a huge number of us want to build our own homes but we don’t because it is just too difficult. The organizational challenge, financial risk, and the difficulty of obtaining land, finance, and planning permission seem insurmountable to most of us. What is odd is that just as we are encountering the social and economic liabilities of our heavy dependence on a ‘big-producer’ model in housing, we are also witnessing a ‘prosumer’ (producer-consumer) revolution in so many other sectors of the economy: music, film, journalism, home improvement, and even some public services. Driven largely by the Internet, these mini industrial revolutions have all been propelled by a single phenomenon: a new capacity to liberate the ‘long-tail’ as a productive force. In other words, to make it easier for ordinary people to produce things for themselves. The huge multitude of amateur ‘prosumers’, once equipped with tools and the

Figure 9: image of prototype house built from open-source architecture Source: “A Right to Build”, Alastair Parvin

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

ability to aggregate their knowledge and their collective purchasing power, form a powerful, high-volume sector of producers. YouTube, Wordpress, Airbnb and Kickstarter are all examples of this. What is strange is that this transition from the ‘consumer’ paradigm to the ‘prosumer’ one has yet to occur within the housing sector, where it is so badly needed.

Figure 10: image of open-source design and building process Source: “A Right to Build”, Alastair Parvin

Parvin claims that self-provided housing is intrinsically more capable of delivering housing of high quality, affordability, sustainability, and resilience (Parvin, “A Right to Build”). What makes Parvin’s work in “A Right to Build” different from other examples previously mentioned is that his concept involves the user taking on the largest involvement in the housing process yet. By granting users access to a server that contains basic plans for housing units, they are able to obtain files from the prototypical house on the server, or modify that file to their specific needs using the software, then bring the final file to a local CNC miller in their area and have the pieces cut for them, including the necessary tools, so that they could return home and assemble the unit themselves that very day. This eliminates the middleman in the house-building process and grants the landowner the most control over the process. The fastest growing cities are not skyscraper cities, they are self-built cities. Architecture is for the people so it should be built by the people, or the people should be intrinsically involved in the process at the very least. Though this concept is revolutionary, it has the ability to drastically change the housing market, the house-building process, and tourism in New Orleans while also ameliorating displacement from gentrification. [DENSIFYING THE INNER BLOCK TO AMELIORATE DISPLACEMENT] Because of the rising number of tourists New Orleans receives each year and the influx of people into

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

“culturally authentic” neighborhoods throughout the city, gentrification is a growing problem. The double shotgun typology lends itself to the expansion and contraction style living that locals need in New Orleans. The modularity of shotgun houses allows residents to expand when they are well off and contract when times are tough. Businesses like

Airbnb prove that temporarily renting out space to tourists is a viable and economically beneficial process. Concepts like the Quik House prove that housing can be done using recycled materials and in a cost and time efficient manner. Opensource architecture allows the landowner to become part of the design and build process in housing and create modular units that respond to their specific needs. By combining certain aspects of these various successful concepts, we can ameliorate gentrification in New Orleans. Though there are legal and zoning issues with these concepts that prevent them from occurring in New Orleans, the land neighboring ‘key lots’ in New Orleans would allow emergency vehicles and temporary users street access to the rentable units, thereby satisfying those issues. Furthermore, inserting a system of alleyways into the relatively empty block interiors creates a system of circulation between these deployed secondary units. These alleys help to solve an issue that many New Orleans residents are having by enhancing circulation in residential areas, thereby attempting to understand why certain zoning laws exist in the first place and offering a viable solution to the issues. In an attempt to solve the issue of gentrification in New Orleans without extensive capitol or wholesale building stock replacement, this thesis offers the possibility of an increase in residential density. In residential neighborhoods throughout New Orleans, such as the Bywater, this concept can be deployed by exploiting the advantages of light, open source

Figure 11: image depicting densification of inner urban block through secondary dwelling units and a system of alleyways connecting them Source: by author

AHST5110 - THESIS ESSAY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

architecture and relatively empty block interiors to create a new inner block density and increased circulation system of alleyways. CURRENT STATE OF SELECTED AREA

POTENTIAL INCREASED DENSITY

POTENTIAL INCREASED TRANSPORTATION ROUTES

Figure 12: diagram series showing potential increased density and circulation system Source: by author

AHST5110 - BIBLIOGRAPHY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

WORKS CITED “All Eyes on the Sharing Economy.” The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, 09 Mar. 2013. Web. 14 Oct. 2014. “Backyard Homes.” CityLAB. UCLA, n.d. Web. 14 Oct. 2014. Botsman, Rachel. “The Sharing Economy Lacks A Shared Definition - Collaborative Consumption.” Collaborative Consumption. N.p., n.d. Web. 14 Oct. 2014. Campanella, Richard. “Gentrification and Its Discontents: Notes from New Orleans.” Newgeography.com. N.p., 01 Mar. 2013. Web. 14 Oct. 2014. Kalkin, Adam. “Quik Build LLC - Quik House.” Quik Build LLC - Quik House. N.p., n.d. Web. 14 Oct. 2014. Kotkin, Joel. “America’s Fastest-Growing Cities Since The Recession.” Forbes. Forbes Magazine, 18 June 2013. Web. 13 Oct. 2014. Landrieu, Mitchell J. “New Orleans Achieves 9.28 Million Visitors in 2013.” Nola. gov. N.p., 22 Apr. 2014. Web. 14 Oct. 2014. Parvin, Alastair. “A Right to Build.” Issuu. N.p., n.d. Web. 14 Oct. 2014. Parvin, Alastair. “WIKIHOUSE.” WIKIHOUSE. N.p., 23 May 2013. Web. 14 Oct. 2014. Persica, Dennis. “Gentrification Hits New Orleans Neighborhoods.” The Advocate. N.p., 18 July 2014. Web. 14 Oct. 2014. Satterlee, Sarah. Stay St. Claude. Thesis. Tulane University, 2014. N.p.: n.p., n.d. Print. Waller, Mark. “New Orleans Hits Second-highest All-time Visitor Count, 9.01 Million in 2012, Tourism Officials Announce.” NOLA.com. N.p., 12 Mar. 2013. Web. 14 Oct. 2014.

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS INSPIRATION | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

PRECEDENT AS INSPIRATION 1

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS INSPIRATION | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

“The next big thing...will be many small things...” -Alastair Parvin

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS INSPIRATION | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

DIOGENE

Weil am Rhein, Germany | Renzo Piano + Vitra

Renzo Piano long dreamed of building a micro-house. Now, with the help of Vitra, Piano has constructed a prototype for simple, off-the-grid living. Diogene is a minimalist, single-occupancy living unit which functions in total autonomy as a self-contained system, independent of its environment. It is an 81 square foot transportable cabin designed not as emergency housing, but as a ‘voluntary place of retreat’. The saddle-roofed cabin measures 8.2ft by 9.8ft, with a ridge height of 7.5ft. It weighs 1.2 tonnes. Diogene is built in cross-laminated timber panels, whose meticulously joined planes give a warmth to its interior, but on the outside it is entirely clad in riveted brushedaluminium panels, which serve to reflect the heat and give it a wholly contemporary feel. These panels are interrupted only by the triple-glazed windows. Inside, the space is divided into two areas: a living space and, beyond a partition, a shower, toilet and kitchen. Sufficient energy to meet all the cabin’s needs is produced by solar panels. Rainwater is collected, filtered and reused – heated where necessary by a roof-top boiler. Careful choice of materials and triple glazing ensure insulation, enabling efficient use of natural ventilation.

All images from: http://www.rpbw.com/project/97/diogene/

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS INSPIRATION | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

HOUSE ON BACON STREET Bethnal Green, London, UK | William Russell, Pentagram Design

The house on Bacon Street fills a formerly vacant site near Brick Lane, the location of a popular street market since the eighteenth century. Since the mid-1990’s, this part of Bethnal Green, East London, has seen steady gentrification, as vacant lots and unused buildings have been reappropriated by creative industries and apartment dwellers. The site measures 32 feet by 31 feet. Two of the site’s boundaries were faced with existing brick buildings, with the eastern side facing a new playground. Russell’s intention was to restore the street fabric, infilling this hole with a substantial structure that would continue the building line while addressing the playground to the east. Because of monetary constrictions, a modular construction program was necessary, and Russell selected a strucutral frame of reinforced concrete that could be developed over time. The total floor area is approximately 2150 square feet. The external wall finishes switch from press-formed galvanized steel panels on the first two stories to clear and obscured structural glazing above. This glazing is arranged to a separate rhythm from the structure, overlaying two patterns and hinting at the house’s two double-height voids, one in the ground and one in the sky. A key element to the south-facing facade is a large double-glazed panel (18x6 feet) that can be slid across to open up one wall of the living room. In a district that throbs with energy and still houses a large proportion of London’s garment workshops, small multi-purpose businesses were once common-place. The Bacon Street house is a modern interpretation of an indigenous building type, the live/work space, but also responds to urban site conditions. In modern cities, such cramped sites are often all that remain, too small for commercial development and requiring careful planning to satisfy close neighbors and local authorities. This house fills its site and restores streetscape without shrinking from a very modern idiom.

[A] living room, [B] bedroom, [C] kitchen, [D] studio, [E] terrace

All images from: 21st Century House by Jonathan Bell

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS INSPIRATION | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

KUNGSHATT SUMMER HOUSE Lake Malaren, Sweden | Peter Hesselgren + Gunvor Larsson

Peter Hesselgren constructed this house on the densely wooded island of Kungshatt on Lake Malaren for his own personal use. Modest in scale and ambition, the house nonetheless makes use of standardized industrial components. He says his inspiration was the Charles and Ray Eames case study houses. The summer house is similarly flexible in form, drawing on the Swedish tradition of maintaining a separate summer house, merging it with the themes of international Modernism. Hesselgren describes the house as a prototype of industrially constructed summer living. Him and his wife built the house over several holidays from 2000 to 2004. The summer house uses a modular system, with a square structural steel frame (23x24 feet), into which panels have been fixed to form rooms. Arranged within this frame are six room ‘modules’ on two floors, divided by partitions, sliding glass doors and walls. There is no central circulation space. Each bedroom has a low-placed window to allow the morning sun to wake the occupants. On the first floor is a broad southwest-facing terrace running the full width of the house, a space where the occupants can be up in the tree canopy to catch the evening sun. The exterior of the house is clad with specially treated plywood and the interior finish is Finnish birch. All the finishes are left exposed throughout. Divested of the need to function as a day-to-day home, the ultra-compact footprint allows for minimal yet not minimalist living arrangments. Fixtures and fittings were chosen for pragmatic reasons. The house has a bolted-together quality which respects the island’s topography and flora and celebrates the Modernist optimism in the prefabricated house, built from off-the-shelf components that could be arranged in a variety of ways.

All images from: 21st Century House by Jonathan Bell

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS INSPIRATION | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

60K HOUSE London, UK | Project Orange

Project Orange was invited by the London Evening Standard for their response to the Government’s call for ‘£60k homes’. They designed an Urban Cottage constructed from solid, structural timber panels and worked with contractor Eurban to provide a realistic proposition on budget. Their starting point for this project was the terraced house, one of the most common forms of housing stock in London. It has the advantage of being efficient to build as each property shares walls with its neighbors. They designed a modern version of the terraced house constructed from timber. The walls for the house could be brought to site in one piece and pre-drilled ready for services to be fitted. The finish is timber and therefore there was no need to add further decorative surfaces. The front and back façade are glazed walls with double-glazing to ensure a very high level of insulation. The layout is recognizable as a ‘two up, two down’. From the street the house is very open. A small balcony from the first floor forms a simple porch to the brightly painted front door. They believe their prototype for the 60K House is a viable solution to the problem of building economic housing that is urban, sophisticated and cozy.

All images from: http://www.projectorange.com/projects/view/60k-house

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH 1 2

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

“As the ends, so the means. If we take care of the means we are bound to reach the end sooner or later.” -Mahatma Gandhi

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

BACKYARD

cityLAB | UCLA Architecture + Urban Design

HOMES alley access

cityLAB conducted research on the urban conditions of Los Angeles suburburbia and presented options for restructuring the sprawl. Their response was to propose innovative, flexible, environmentally sensitive and affordable dwelling units that would serve to infill Southern Californiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s iconic single-family residential fabric. These units could be implemented incrementally, making existing homes more flexible, affordable, and responsive. Neighborhoods could then control the rate of development and densification. The Backyard Home would be purchased in a retail-like transaction, unlike the typical home buying or construction process, and the unit would be fully customizable. The units would then be built to incorporate sustainable strategies that would improve the existing community. This proposal deals with densification in a successful way because with this concept, rather than unwanted, large-scale development, homeowners and neighborhoods can incrementally make their own homes more flexible and more affordable.

street access

Image from: http://citylab.aud.ucla.edu/files/publications/2010_Backyard_Homes.pdf

Image: by author

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

Analysis of neighborhoods in Southern California shows how many of the existing lots can accomodate a secondary dwelling unit. These units can provide neighborhood benefits as well as household benefits. The units can provide an important source of affordable rental housing. Neighborhoods with second units can also be more walkable with more public transit oppoortunities and more local services because more local people live nearby. Backyard Homes help stabilize communities by providing flexible housing alternatives. Second units can provide families with the kind of flexibility that allows them to stay in their houses for decades. The potential rents from second units can make it easier for young or middle class households to own single-family homes in good locations. They can provide flexible space for growing families or they can provide a smaller unit for households that seek to age in place and do not need all the space afforded by the primary unit but may need the supplemental income that comes from renting the larger front house.

Images from: http://citylab.aud.ucla.edu/files/publications/2010_Backyard_Homes.pdf

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

The new additions can help make greener, more livable neighborhoods by creating new housing that is resource-efficient, reducing environmental impacts while at the same time reducing resource and energy demand. The way a Backyard Home is configured on the property can improve the micro-ecology.

Images from: http://citylab.aud.ucla.edu/files/publications/2010_Backyard_Homes.pdf

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

An instrinsic part of Backyard Homes is its incremental implementation. cityLAB envisions this happening one willing household at a time. The true potential of Backyard Homes lies not in custom-built, one-off solutions, but in the potential to make the experience of providing a Backyard Home a retail-like experience. To most homeowners, the idea of engaging an architect remains a foreign one. Even hiring a general contractor to undertake the construction of the second unit would be considered a rare notion. The negotiations necessary to build an architect-designed home remain financially and legally complex. Nevertheless, cityLAB believes that the continuing industrialization of home construction and the benefits that may accrue to that process through the adoption of practices like mass customization may be leverage to vastly simplify the process of delivering secondary units to homeowners. Eventually, it could be as easy to purchase a Backyard Home as it is to purchase a new car. Once it becomes possible to deliver flexibly-designed, site-adaptable second dwelling units, other possibilities arise. For example, a private home-builder could decide to go into the Backyard Homes business. Or a non-profit housing developer could decide to include second units as part of making newly-constructed homes more affordable. Backyard Homes is currently in talks with groups like Habitat for Humanity, who are purchasing foreclosed single-family dwellings that are perfect candidates for an additional rental unit, making the entire property more affordable.

Images from: http://citylab.aud.ucla.edu/files/publications/2010_Backyard_Homes.pdf

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

AIR BNB

Rent Unique Places to Stay from Local Hosts in 190 Countries Founded in August of 2008 and based in San Francisco, California, Airbnb is a trusted community marketplace for people to list, discover, and book unique accommodations around the world â&#x20AC;&#x201D; online or from a mobile phone. Airbnb connects people to unique travel experiences, at any price point, in more than 34,000 cities and 190 countries. Users have the option to rent space for just one night, a week, or even a whole month. And with world-class customer service and a growing community of users, Airbnb is an easy way for people to monetize their extra space and showcase it to an audience of millions.

Airbnb allows people to rent out their unused space to tourists and visitors. Hosts can create a listing with information, maps, available amenities, a calendar and more, and visitors can browse listings and reserve online. The unique system of renting our personal space to a stranger relies largely on trust, so a review system is used to communicate about the reliability of hosts and peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s past experiences with them. Airbnb also offers insurance to cover every host from damage or stolen goods. This system is popular because of its relatively inexpensive rates (compared to conventional hotels) and its ability to provide visitors with unique experiences of cities apart for typical tourist areas.

Images from: https://www.airbnb.com/

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

AIRBNB STATISTICS NEW ORLEANS, LA

$174.8 MILLION

AMOUNT SPENT BY TOURISTS ON AIRBNB

100,000

TOTAL NUMBER OF TOURISTS USING AIRBNB

1,700

NUMBER OF LISTINGS IN NEW ORLEANS

$993

AVERAGE AMOUNT OF MONEY SPENT PER STAY

AVERAGE NUMBER OF NIGHTS STAYED

Image from: https://www.airbnb.com/

VISITOR

HOST DISPLACED

VISITOR SHARED

SHARED VISITOR

HOST

VISITOR

HOST HOST SHARED

Spatial Configuration of Rentals: by author

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

QUIK HOUSE Architecture + Hygiene | Adam Kalkin

The Quik House is a prefabricated kit house designed by Adam Kalkin from recycled shipping containers. It has three bedrooms and 2.5 baths in its 2,000 square foot plan, but they also offer 1,000, 3,000 and 5,000 square foot models. The shell assembles within one day on site, at the end of which the building is fully enclosed. From start to finish, it takes no longer than three months to complete the house. The Quik House can be delivered anywhere in the U.S. ten weeks from the time of order. During that time, they recommend that building permits be obtained and the foundation be built. Depending on which package you buy, the Quik House will cost between $150,000 and $175,000 finished plus taxes. This translates into a per square foot cost of between $73 and $90, about half the cost of a conventional house. The Quik House is 75% recycled materials by weight. Further green options include solar and wind energy sourcing, a green roof system and a super-insulating R-50 system. The Quik House is a standardized product. However, it can be customized for an additional cost based on time and materials.

Images from: http://www.quik-build.com/quikHouse/QH_main.htm

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

b. overhead with side doors

a. overhead

c. vertical lift

d. pivoting glass panels

Images by author

Images from: http://www.quik-build.com/quikHouse/QH_main.htm

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

LV SERIES HOMES

LVM150: 693 SF

Rocio Romero

The LV Series is a line of modern homes designed and manufactured by Rocio Romero, LLC. Each of the four LV models has been thoughtfully designed to enhance a modern lifestyle and connect its owners to the outdoors. The kit homes are affordable, easily built, and highly customizable. From their headquarters in Missouri, they craft a prefabricated Kit of Parts that makes up the exterior shell of the LV Home, then deliver this Kit anywhere a new owner requests. The LV Home employs traditional construction materials and techniques, so any general contractor can build one. Their designs maximize living space and provide well-lit, clutter-free environments. Rocio Romero’s LV Series includes the LV, LVL, LVM, and LVG, as well as exclusive addon modules. The add-ons are custom connections between LV Series models and include the LVC (courtyard), the LVT (tower), and the LV2 (two story). All LV models have a standard width of 26’-0”, but vary in length. Rocio built the first LV in 1999 in Laguna Verde, Chile, as a vacation home for her parents. Since then, 163 LV models in 29 states and three countries have been purchased. LV: 1344 SF

LVM: 693 SF

PRIVATE PUBLIC LVG: 693 SF

LVL: 1669 SF

Add-ons:

Images from: http://www.rocioromero.com/ , Program Analysis: by author

AHST5110 - PRECEDENT AS RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD | SEPTEMBER 30, 2014

Design Options: FOUNDATION- There are three standard types of LV foundation plans: crawlspace, basement, and slab on grade. All have been pre-engineered for the standard LV Series Kit Home. EXTERIOR SIDING- The exterior siding of the LV Series comes in 30 different colors of Kynar 500 coated galvanized steel. If you would like to use something other than the Kynar siding, you can omit the exterior siding from your Kit package. OPTIONAL UPGRADES- Rocio Romero has designed the LV Series to be easily structurally upgraded. Colder-climate owners, for example, have increased their LV’s snow load from 20 psf to 50 psf, while owners in hurricane-prone areas have increased their LV’s wind load from 120 mph to 150 mph. CUSTOM DESIGN SOLUTIONS- Rocio Romero provides a wide range of custom design services, from reconfiguring interior layouts to combining and stacking LV models to create a larger home or compound. Images from: http://www.rocioromero.com/

Construction Process The LV Series’ exterior shell kit package includes the following: post and beam, exterior wall panels, faux wall panels, roof framing, select connectors, and siding material. Any good general contractor can build an LV Series Home. Their Kit makes the process of building easy, and they are available for construction-related questions throughout the entirety of the process. All contractors are supplied with a free LV Kit Help Line. On average, the LV Series Home costs owners $120-$195 per sq. ft. to build. This includes all the construction costs associated with the LV Home. Specifically it includes the LV Kit, Kit shipping, Kit assembly, foundation, windows, roof, and all the interior finish costs. This average does not include costs outside of the LV Home build, such as the cost of land, landscaping, or infrastructure (wells, driveways, septic, landscaping, etc).

AHST5110 - PROGRAM ANALYSIS | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

PROGRAM ANALYSIS 1

AHST5110 - PROGRAM ANALYSIS | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

“The city’s laneway systems are recognized as a legitimate and potentially vast urban ‘resource’ offering a new, incremental urbanism.” -Brigitte Shim

AHST5110 - PROGRAM ANALYSIS | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

STAY ST. CLAUDE PROGRAM ANALYSIS Sarah Satterlee | Thesis Spring 2014 | Director: Roser-Gray

Sarah Satterlee’s thesis investigates how to help locals deal with the gentrification that occurs because New Orleans attracts so many tourists and people looking to move to the city because of their “culturally authentic” experience. She studies gentrification hotspots and neighborhoods that are close to popular attractions. She then looks at lot sizes on St. Claude Avenue and compares those lot sizes to the total square footage of the houses in the area. She also discusses how she would apply for an accessory structure permit in order to satisfy zoning requirements in the area. Her final design involves three different prototypes that are prefabricated off site and then delivered to the specific locations. These modules are deployed in the backyards of houses in the Bywater as an attempt to reinforce the historical street edge and push outsiders inside and away, giving landowners the priority.

AHST5110 - PROGRAM ANALYSIS | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

Here, Satterlee analyzes specific lot sizes of neighborhoods along St. Claude Avenue, pointing out their various widths. Next she uses this data to compare those lot sizes to the total size of the previously existing houses on each lot. This reinforces her concept because it proves that many landowners in New Orleans have plenty of backyard space that they are not using and could turn into economic assets to help them escape displacement. She also looks at the function and dependencies of service buildings in New Orleans and how this could affect the form of her modular dwelling units.

AHST5110 - PROGRAM ANALYSIS | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

Here Satterlee delineates the different types of units available for purchase. Type 1 consists of a guest room and space for a possible carport or storage for the host. Type 2 consists of two guest rooms and space for a carport. With both of these units, the guest must share a bathroom with the primary resident. Type 3 consists of two guest rooms plus a dining area and a private bath. All of these units are derived from the same architectural form and language: one that is very geometric, tectonic, and modern. The footprint of each unit is the same, building up to attain more space, rather than out. This is crucial because of the presence of so many small, irregularly shaped available spaces in the backyards of many New Orleans homeowners. This allows landowners to make use of the existing space in their backyards, regardless of their small size, and use them to increase their monthly income. It is important to note that even the tallest and largest unit does not exceed the typical building height of the existing homes on each lot. Because of this and the placement of the units on the insides of city blocks, the pods are able to fit within the context more seamlessly, protecting the historic facades of New Orleans blocks and pushing the more modern interventions towards the back. Desipte this effort, the modular units are still incredibly modern looking and therefore draw attention to themselves in the context of traditional New Orleans architecture and this is one possible criticism of Satterleeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s thesis.

AHST5110 - PROGRAM ANALYSIS | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

LANEWAY URBANISM PROGRAM ANALYSIS Site Unseen | Thesis Studio, Toronto | Brigitte Shim + Donald Chong

Site Unseen is the realized efforts of an integrated team of collaborators involved in a Masters option studio at the University of Toronto School of Architecture, led by Brigitte Shim and Donald Chong. The publication intends to act as a catalyst for emergent possibilities of intensification. In the last decade, the laneway (alley) has demonstrated the opportunity to generate thoughtful and regenerative architectural insertions in Toronto. Here, the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s laneway systems are recognized as a legitimate and potentially vast resource offering a new, incremental urbanism. The exploration of this resource is embedded in a morphological and typological understanding of urban form as well as consciousness of current housing practices and public policy. Site Unseen argues for a heightened awareness of the laneway as a vibrant, viable and innovative addition to the public realm of the North American city.

AHST5110 - PROGRAM ANALYSIS | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

By the early 19th century, Toronto outgrew its prescribed boundaries, extending north and west. As irregular expansion broke the 10-square grid, a ‘park lot’ system developed. Land was systematically divided into long and narrow parcels 600 feet wide. These parcels were conceived as large estates for the military and the wealthy. They were to be independent of urban development. By the mid-1800s, however, landowners abandoned these guidelines and began selling their land to respond to Toronto’s increasing urban growth. Land was subdivided and sold wholesale to developers. This ad hoc practice of real estate and planning resulted in diverse lot divisions within the rectangular park lot boundary. As these parcels developed, housing types evolved in relationship to the lot. As the city grew, land was further divided to accomodate housing. The single-family detached house was highly promoted and home ownership became a political goal.

Morphologically, Toronto blocks have demonstrated their ability to readily accept more density to accomodate urban growth. The quintessential Toronto house was the typological result of this evolution. Although laneways were originally planned to compliment the urban block, servicing arteries were already an essential component of larger estates. By concentrating servicing behind houses, Toronto’s characteristically ‘textured’ streets flourished: ideal street frontage was maintained, and the loss of valuable, outer-block frontage was kept to a minimum with precise aperatures to the interior of the block.

AHST5110 - PROGRAM ANALYSIS | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

The formation of laneway sites are generally a product of severance and/or consolidation. Typically, Toronto urban lots terminate with a garage structure at the final 20 feet of its depth. The depth of the lot, even with the absence of this last 20 feet continues to provide ample natural light to the backyards and to the interior-block oriented rooms of the house. As a result, the continuity of partial-depth lots, running along the laneway perpendicular to the length of the regular lot, becomes highly achievable. The typical Toronto residential block affords an array of lots where the cumulative depth for a street front, a sizeable dwelling, and well-lit backyard still allows for a final zone available for general use or for severance. This is particularly true with the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s increasingly more progressive stance with on-street parking, relieving the inner block of the exclusive use of garage structures.

AHST5110 - PROGRAM ANALYSIS | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

Here, the group discusses the different classifications of laneways and the different typologies of housing they create. Laneways may be identified as public, private, or right-of-way. Public laneways are recognized and maintained by the city. Servicing includes garbage pick-up, street signage, street lighting, and snow clearance. Typically, public laneways are wider than private ones. Private laneways can be created by neighborhoods, developers, or individuals, but are not officially recognized by the city; therefore, they are not typically serviced. Right-of-ways are also created by neighborhoods and individuals and are also not recognized by the city. Right-of-ways typically exist in locations where property owners have allowed access across their property. From there, they go on to discuss the different kinds of laneways that exist in Toronto, the frequency with which they occur, their length in miles, and their form.

This project is particularly relevent to my thesis because of the research process they go through and their use of the uniquely sized lots that exist in Toronto but also exist here in New Orleans. Their study of how laneways can provide access to secondary units on lots corresponds to a possible way secondary dwelling units could be employed in New Orleans.

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH

CNC MILL

PROPOSED ALLEYWAYS EXISTING ALLEYWAYS PROPOSED UNITS

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

“Many of the antebellum townhouses have been subdivided into pied-à-terre condominiums vacant most of the year; others are home to peripatetic professionals or aging couples living in guarded privacy behind bolted-shut French doors. The historic streetscapes bear a museum-like stillness that would be eerie if they weren’t so beautiful.” -Richard Campanella

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

GENTRIFICATION HOT SPOTS

0-25% African American 25.1-50% African American 50.1-100% African American Post-Katrina GentriďŹ cation Hot Spots

POVERTY CONCENTRATIONS

Maps adapted from data by Richard Campanella and US Census data

+40% (greater than concentrated poverty) 25.7-40% (between NOLA average and concentrated) 14.3-25.7% (between U.S. and NOLA average)

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

COST BURDENED RENTERS

RENTERS SPENDING 30% OR MORE OF INCOME ON HOUSING

+63% (greater than NOLA average) 51.6-63% (between U.S. and NOLA average) -51.6% (less than U.S. average)

LOW-WAGE WORKERS

PERCENT OF WORKERS EARNING >$1250/MONTH

-24% (greater than NOLA average) 20-24.1% (between U.S. and NOLA average) -20% (less than U.S. average)

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

SITE SELECTION CRITERIA

1 The site is adjacent to an existing

GENTRIFICATION HOT SPOTS GENTRIFICATION HOTSPOTS

alleyway or there is the space to create an alleyway that runs through the innerblock

2 The site is located in an area where

displacement is a significant problem (Property taxes are rising and there are a large number of vacancies).

3 The site is centrally located (near

0-25% African American 25.1-50% African American BYWATER NEIGHBORHOOD

50.1-100% African American

various tourist attractions).

Post-Katrina GentriďŹ cation Hot Spots

4 There is sufficient backyard space

on individual parcels within the site location where secondary units can be deployed.

5 There are multiple parcels within the selected area where secondary units can be deployed, creating a system.

POTENTIAL SITES + ALLEYWAYS

6 The site is within the proper residential zoning area.

7 There is a CNC machine available locally, or space to build one nearby.

CNC MILL

PROPOSED ALLEYWAYS EXISTING ALLEYWAYS PROPOSED UNITS

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

LOCAL ATTRACTIONS 6

3 5 1 2

12 11

1 MIKE’S FOOD STORE

7 KATRINA HOUSES

2 MARDI GRAS ZONE

8 RIVERSIDE PARK

3 CAPTAIN SAL’S

9 THE JOINT BBQ

4 GREATER LIBERTY BAPTIST CHURCH

10 TRAYVON WALL

5 ST. CLAUDE TIRES

11 PIZZA DELICIOUS

6 ST. VINCENT DE PAUL CEMETARY

12 PIETY STREET SNO-BALLS

BARS + RESTAURANTS shake sugary suis generis saturn bar sugar park markey’s bar maurapas foods bud rip’s old 9th ward bar satsuma cafe booty’s street food oxalis the country club

BOUNDARIES

NEIGHBORHOOD BOUNDARIES

ART + ENTERTAINMENT euclid records dr. bob folk art bon castor bargain center studio desire webb’s bywater music press st. antenna gallery mickey markey playground alvar library yoga bywater piety st. recording

PERC

PHYS I

CAL B

OUN

ST. CLAUDE

pizza delicious piety st. sno-balls stewart’s diner mandich restaurant and bar gabbi’s daquiri cafe rosalita’s st. coffee jim’s frady’s one stop food store hank’s super market wagner’s

DAR IES

LOCAL ATTRACTIONS

EPTU AL B

OUN

CEN

DAR Y

BYWATER

SUS

BOU

NDA

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

NEIGHBORHOOD ZONING ANALYSIS

RD-3 RESIDENTIAL

4.6.1. Purpose of the District: The RD-3 Two-Family Residential District is intended to provide for two-family or town house development on smaller lots in older, more densely populated sections of the City, as well as in the outlying areas of the City. The district provides for such development to be mixed with single-family dwellings; also provided for are uses such as churches, recreational facilities and accessory uses as may be necessary and compatible with residential surroundings. 4.6.2. Uses Authorized in the District: Only those uses of land listed under permitted use, accessory use or conditional use provisions of this section are authorized within this zoning district. Supplementary use standards, which are set forth in Article 11, apply to any permitted, accessory or conditional use designated with an asterisk (*) in the use lists appearing in this section. 4.6.3. Permitted Uses: The following uses of land are authorized as permitted uses in the RD-3 Two-Family Residential District except that timeshare buildings and transient vacation rentals are prohibited

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

ZONING REQUIREMENTS REQUIREMENTS Minimum lot area per dwelling unit or non-residential site area Minimum lot width Minimum lot depth Maximum height Minimum depth of front yard Minimum aggregate width of side yards (% of actual lot width) Minimum width of each side yard Maximum required aggregate width of side yards Minimum depth of rear yard

One-Family 3,600 SF 30 FT 90 FT 40 FT

STANDARDS TYPE OF DEVELOPMENT Two-‐Family Town House Non-‐Residential

1,800 SF 30 FT 90 FT 40 FT

2,000 SF 18 FT 90 FT 40 FT

20,000 SF 100 FT 100 FT 40 FT

Average of block per Section 15.5.8.5; otherwise 20 FT 20%

20%

See Note 1 20%

3 FT

10 FT

12 FT 20 FT

20 FT 20 FT

ACCESSORY STRUCTURE PERMIT Classification: Building/Construction

Category: Location

An Accessory Structure permit is required for construction of any improvements that serve a primary use located on the same piece of land as a main structure, but is intended for secondary use. For example, a house may have a detached garage or storage shed as accessory structures. Other examples of accessory structures include gazebos, generators, picnic pavilions, boathouses, storage sheds, and similar buildings. Accessory Structure permits are generally issued on the same day as application following review by a permit analyst. However, if the department determines that complete plans are required for your job, the plans are sent through a plan review process, which involves reviews to verify compliance with the City’s amendments to the International Building Code and the City’s zoning ordinance external link. You can look up your zoning here external link. Depending on the specifics of your project, this review may also include or require approvals from other entities (Historic Districts Landmark Commission, Vieux Carré Commission, City Planning Commission, etc.). A building permit will only be issued after the plan review process is completed and compliance with all applicable regulations is verified. It should be noted that the goal of this thesis is not to apply for an accessory structure permit for each deployed unit but rather to attempt to understand why this zoning exists and work around it by satisfying the complaints and needs that aren’t being met for current residents. This zoning exists in order to regulate additional small and unsafe structures being built in backyards but this thesis seeks to employ a number of alleys in an attempt to create a circulation system and a connection between all the secondary units deployed. This system allows emergency vehicles access to the units while also creating a visual and physical connection between each unit, tying them together as a whole and increasing the density of the area.

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

SHOTGUN TYPOLOGY ANALYSIS

Req’d Front Yard Depth: 20’ max, in most instances avg of block can be used to build as close to edge of property as possible

PROGRAM NARRATIVE

Open-source architecture will be used to help control density in the Bywater where displacement is being caused by gentrification. A shared base file will contain construction drawings for a standard and luxury secondary dwelling unit, which include the necessary files for CNC production of the building components. The standard dwelling unit will be fairly small to accomodate many of the irregular sized lots in New Orleans. Because of spatial restrictions, this unit will only have room for sleeping and lounging. The bathroom and kitchen will be shared with the primary residential building on the lot. The luxury dwelling unit will be larger to attract many of the locals who have much larger lots. This unit will be completely selfsufficient in that it can function entirely isolated from the primary residence. It will contain room for sleeping and lounging for more than two people, plus a private kitchen and two bathrooms. Both units are able to be completely customized using the open-source software to alter the building components to the user’s specific needs and desires. Therefore, cost will be based moslty on materials and the cost of CNC production. These secondary dwelling units can be employed for many various needs, such as: transient visitors to the city, long term extended family living situations, home-office or storage needs, children returning home after college, or can be disassembled and recycled locally.

MARTINIQUE ALLEY AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

LOT SIZE ANALYSIS- LOCAL ALLEYWAYS MARTINIQUE ALLEY

less than 30’ wide 30’-35’ wide more than 35’ wide

ROSALIND ALLEY

less than 30’ wide 30’-35’ wide more than 35’ wide

Standard Prototype: less than 30’ wide

Average Lot Square Footage: 1407 SF 30’-35’ wide

Minimum Lot Size: 312 SF

more than 35’ wide

Maximum Lot Size: 3840 SF

500 SF basic secondary dwelling unit Sleeping/Lounge Area, shared bath and kitchen with primary unit Luxury Prototype: 1200 SF self sufficient secondary dwelling unit, 2 Bedrooms, 2 Bath Sleeping (400SF), Kitchen+Dining (300SF), Bath (100SF), Living Area (280SF)

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

CONTEXT DIAGRAMS CURRENT STATE OF SELECTED AREA

POTENTIAL INCREASED DENSITY

POTENTIAL INCREASED TRANSPORTATION ROUTES

AHST5110 - SITE + PROGRAM RESEARCH | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

SITE NARRATIVE

CNC MILL

PROPOSED ALLEYWAYS

SELECTED SITE

EXISTING ALLEYWAYS PROPOSED UNITS

SAMPLE IMAGES OF CURRENT UNUSED BACKYARD SPACE ON SITE

The site that has been selected is located in the Bywater, one of the gentrification hotspots in New Orleans. It is a twoby-one block area bounded by N Rampart St and Burgundy St on the long sides, and Clouet St and Piety St on the short sides. It is located just one block off St Claude Ave which is a main thoroughfare, and is in an area full of various tourist attractions related to food and entertainment. This area is populated by a large quantity of vacant backyards, on squareblocks that could accomodate an inserted alleyway system. These alleyways could help to enhance the overall circulation of the neighborhood, creating a system of interaction between the deployed secondary units and their users and owners. This site is located in a RD-3 Residential Zoning Area and therefore would require applying for an Accessory Structure Permit. However, the potential benefits to the area in terms of densification and increased circulation would only add to the aid it would provide with the current issue of displacement.

AHST5110 - ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY Campanella, Richard. “Gentrification and Its Discontents: Notes from New Orleans.” Newgeography.com. March 01, 2013. Accessed September 15, 2014. doi:003526. This article serves as a starting point for me, and also identifies the Bywater as a place of odd cultural exchange where gentrification is rampant. Campanella talks about how the newcomers to the area tend to be gentrifiers, and gentrifiers today are overwhelmingly transplants. He breaks the influx of transplants into two waves. The first wave came to New Orleans post Katrina, to be a part of something important. This cohort largely moved on around 2008-2009, as recovery moneys petered out. Then a second wave began arriving, drawn to the city by the robust regional economy compared to the rest of the nation. These newcomers were greater in number, more specially skilled, and serious about planting domestic and economic roots here. Campanella claims that it is primarily these second-wave transplants who have accelerated gentrification patterns. He goes on to discuss how gentrification in New Orleans is spatially regularized and predictable. Two things must first be in place for gentrification to occur: the area must be historic and must be close to a neighborhood that has already gentrified. He shows in Figure 1 the “hot spots” for gentrification in New Orleans. He also discusses the four phases that gentrifiers usually go through over a period of five to twenty years. Finally, he discusses how the Bywater elders and families have gone from being the norm to the exception. The black population has declined while the white population has increased and become the majority. This article is key to my research process at this point because it identifies clearly the area where gentrification is having the largest effect and goes on to describe how, why, and when it occurs. Henn, Steve. “What’s Mine Is Yours (For A Price) In The Sharing Economy.” NPR. November 13, 2013. Accessed September 15, 2014. doi:244860511. Steve Henn discusses how thousands of people have started to rent out their assets online to earn extra cash. This is called the Peer-to-Peer economy and it is all possible partly because of technology but also because many people are coming to terms with scarcity in their lives. When the economic crisis hit, there were many people in desperate need of alternative solutions. He discusses how Airbnb allows you to rent your place out to visiting tourists and is competing with the hotel industry. For some people, this pays their entire morgage. The decision to do this is a decision driven by necessity. This is known as our culture’s “blue dye moment”. It allows us to see the waste in the excess of our lives more clearly. We can eliminate what is not being used in our lives and turn that into value. The government needs to adapt to peer based businesses because they are more efficient, they eliminate waste, and provide opportunities for us to make a little extra money. But most importantly, these businesses help connect us to each other. This podcast is helpful to my research because it sheds light on the growing trend of renting out your own living space for extra income and how this can actually serve to bring us closer to one another. Kotkin, Joel. “America’s Fastest-Growing Cities Since The Recession.” Forbes. June 18, 2013. Accessed September 15, 2014. The Great Recession and subsequent economic malaise changed the geography of America. Suburbs, particularly in the Sun Belt, were becoming the “new slums” as people flocked back to dense core cities. Yet an analysis of post-2007 population trends reveals something both very different from the conventional wisdom and at the same time very familiar. Virtually all of the twenty cities that have added the most residents from 2007 to 2012 are in the Old Confederacy, the Intermountain West and suburbs of larger cities. The number one city on the list, New Orleans, fits this picture to a degree as a quintessentially Southern city, but it’s a bit of an anomaly. Its fast growth is partially a rebound effect from its massive population loss after Katrina, but is also a function of a striking economic revival.

AHST5110 - ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY | KELSEY HOWARD | DIRECTOR: BERNHARD

This data tells us that Americans continue to move decisively to both lower-density, job-creating cities and to those less dense areas of major metropolitan areas particularly where single-family houses, good schools and jobs are plentiful. The key to growth in this city in the next decade may depend largely on whether these rising municipalities can continue to create the jobs, a good educational environment and amenities necessary to attract more newcomers in the future. This article legitimizes my research because of the data it provides on the recent growth of New Orleans, compared to other cities in the U.S. and the fact that part of this growth is due to an economic revival that we are currently experiencing in New Orleans. Gotham, Kevin F. “Tourism Gentrification: The Case of New Orleans’ Vieux Carre (French Quarter).” Urban Studies 42, no. 7 (September 2004): 1099-121. Accessed September 15, 2014. This paper examines what affects the tourism industry has had on the urban landscape of the French Quarter. Gotham discusses the various strategies used by the city, after World War II, in an attempt to increase economic development. Because of commodification and standardization, the city attracted more visitors, and this displaced native residents. He discusses how gentrification is a strategy for economic development in rapidly growing cities, but it is also a cultural practice related to conspicuous consumption. Therefore, the cities where this is happening are standardized in an attempt to achieve a broader reach. This paper pertains to my research because it discusses the economic side of gentrification. Deamer, Peggy, and Phillip Bernstein. Building (in) the Future: Recasting Labor in Architecture. New Haven: Yale School of Architecture, 2010. The book is a collection of essays by industry leaders, theorists and academics organized into two main sections titled “Working and Making” and “Collaboration”. It is a close look at technology’s role as a catalyst for change on the larger issue of how the profession and all the players in it want and need to reposition themselves for the future. The essays highlight a single core theme: technology (in its many forms) is forcing a restructuring of traditional labor barriers and relationships, whether we’re ready for it or not. Phil Bernstein, for instance, reminds us that an estimated 90% of building projects in the U.S. are finished without the use of an architect. The book concludes by challenging architects to take a leading role in the changing landscape of the building industries, not through formal exploration, but in answering the call to reposition the profession as a leader in the push for a more sustainable building delivery process, and more sustainable building overall. A selection of these essays will be helpful during my research because of the discussion they have about the changing nature of the architectural profession and more specifically, the relationship between the architect and the client. Barry, Joseph, and John Derevlany. Yuppies Invade My House at Dinnertime: A Tale of Brunch, Bombs and Gentrification in an American City. Hoboken, NJ: Big River Pub., 1987. This book is a collection of letters printed in The Hoboken Reporter newspaper over a period of four years. In their own words, the people of this community tell what happens in a city undergoing several years of intense gentrification. It is a first hand account of a community in transition, of discovery and displacement. Through their letters, recent and longtime inhabitants of Hoboken portray both sides of urban revival in the United States, where once-dying cities face a “renaissance” that obliterates as much as it renews. This book is helpful during this exploratory period of my research because it shows gentrification that happened in a city that is totally different from New Orleans and it explains that experience through first-hand accounts.