#43|Oct22|2010

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vol. 15, issue 43

October 22, 2010

Disasters Waiting To Happen B Y M A R K R AC H KEVYC H RACHKEVYCH@KYIVPOST.COM

The toxic sludge that has killed nine and injured 120 in Hungary and left large-scale environmental damage in its wake has reached the Danube River delta in Ukraine’s Odesa Oblast. The good news for Ukraine is that Hungary appears to have contained the harm of the orange-red alkaline spill before it reached far down the waterway. But the devastation left by the industrial pollution comes as a stark warning that Ukraine is home to dozens of potentially larger ecological disasters, many of which have not been properly addressed. “A hazardous situation could erupt in just about any Æ8

A rescue team searches for missing bodies possibly washed away by a flood of toxic chemicals near the village of Kolontar, Hungary, on Oct. 7. The flooding was caused by the rupture of a red sludge reservoir at a metals factory in western Hungary and affected seven towns near Ajkai, 160 kilometers southwest of Budapest. The flood of toxic mud killed nine and injured more than 100 people. (AP)

Fugitive ex-minister Will Ukrainians, English-speaking for Tymoshenko held soccer fans find common language? in Czech Republic ÆCops, doctors, others BY SV ITL A NA TUCH Y NSKA TUCHYNSKA@KYIPOST.COM

BY Y U R I Y O N YS H K I V ONYSHKIV@KYIVPOST.COM

Prosecutors are pushing for the extradition of a former economy minister detained in the Czech Republic, as Ukrainian authorities again use corruption allegations to put pressure on political enemies of President Viktor Yanukovych.

Inside: 234-6500: Kyiv Post main number

Bohdan Danylyshyn, who served in ex-Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko’s government, was detained in Prague on Oct. 18, two months after an international warrant for his arrest was first issued. Prosecutors accuse Danylyshyn of causing the state Hr 14 milion in losses as a result of state purchases he oversaw while in office. Æ12

The rush is on to make Ukraine more of an English-speaking nation ahead of the Euro 2012 football championship. Failing that, visitors will probably settle for a few more cops and doctors who are at least a little more conversant in the international language that most Ukrainians struggle with.

taking English courses

The idea of the European Unionfunded program is to make Ukraine more accommodating for the thousands of English-speaking tourists who will descend on the nation for the soccer matches in 2012.

News Æ 2, 8 – 10 – 13, 16 Opinion Æ 4, 5, 14, 15, 16 Employment/Real Estate/ Classifieds Æ 30, 31 Business Æ 6, 7 Lifestyle Æ 17 – 27, 32

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Thousands of police officers, emergency and customs workers, doctors and border and security guards are already attending classes – or will start soon. They are trying to train themselves to respond to likely Æ10


OCTOBER 22, 2010 Vol. 15, Issue 43 Copyright © 2010 by Kyiv Post The material published in the Kyiv Post may not be reproduced without the written consent of the publisher. All material in the Kyiv Post is protected by Ukrainian and international laws. The views expressed in the Kyiv Post are not necessarily the views of the publisher nor does the publisher carry any responsibility for those views. Газета “Kyiv Post” видається ТОВ “ПаблікМедіа”. Щотижневий наклад 25,000 прим. Ціна за домовленістю. Матерiали, надрукованi в газетi “Kyiv Post” є власнiстю видавництва, захищенi мiжнародним та українським законодавством i не можуть бути вiдтворенi у будь(якiй формi без письмового дозволу Видавця. Думки, висловленi у дописах не завжди збiгаються з поглядами видавця, який не бере на себе вiдповiдальнiсть за наслiдки публiкацiй. Засновник ТОВ “Паблік-Медіа” Адреса видавця та засновника співпадають: Україна, м. Київ, 01034, вул. Прорізна, 22Б Реєстрацiйне свiдоцтво Кв № 15261(3833ПР від 19.06.09. Надруковано ТОВ «Новий друк», 02660, Київ, вулиця Магнітогорська, 1, тел.: 559-9147 Замовлення № 10-6320 Аудиторське обслуговування ТОВ АФ “ОЛГА Аудит” Mailing address: 01034, Kyiv, 22B Prorizna Street Kyiv Post main number: 234-6500 Advertising: 234-6503 Subscriptions: 234-6503 Newsroom: 234-6300, 234-6310 Fax/Tel.: 234-3062 http://www.kyivpost.com Editorial queries: news@kyivpost.com letters@kyivpost.com Subscription queries: subscribe@kyivpost.com Advertising queries: advertising@kyivpost.com З приводу розмiщення реклами звертайтесь 234-6503 Відповідальність за зміст реклами несе замовник

2 News

www.kyivpost.com

October 22, 2010

Tomorrow’s News Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper waves at journalists after a meeting with French President Nicolas Sarkozy on June 4 at the Elysee Palace in Paris. (AFP)

European Union to discuss Ukraine, dangle prospect of visa-free travel European Union foreign ministers are to meet in Brussels and are expected to adopt an action plan for Ukraine, which contains a roadmap that needs to be implemented in order for Ukraine to receive visa-free travel, according to the European Union representative office in Kyiv. If adopted, the plan would formally be presented at an EU-Ukraine summit in the EU capital on Nov. 22. The European Commission meeting coincides with Foreign Minister

Kostyantyn Gryshchenko’s trip to Brussels. He’s scheduled to meet with Catherine Ashton, the European Union’s foreign minister and members of the European Parliament. He will also give a lecture at the Centre for European Policy studies, a foreign ministry spokesman said. “Gryshchenko’s visit to Brussels doesn’t correlate with the European Commission meeting,” Ukraine’s foreign ministry spokesperson said.

Oct. 25-26 Canada's Harper to visit Kyiv, Lviv to promote democracy Canada’s Prime Minister Stephen Harper will conduct a two-day official working visit to Ukraine at the invitation of President Viktor Yanukovych. Harper is scheduled to visit Kyiv and Lviv, the cultural capital in western Ukraine. The purpose of his visit is to promote democratic values and Euro-Atlantic integration, according to the Ukrainian Canadian Congress. “I look forward to my meetings with President Yanukovych and others, and to gaining a better understanding of Ukraine, the ancestral

homeland of so many Canadians, with its unique society and culture,” Harper said through his official government website. There are 1.2 million ethnic Ukrainians residing in Canada out of a total population of around 34 million. The last visit by a Canadian prime minister was in 1999 by Jean Chretien and the most recent visit by Canada’s governor general, the representative of Canada’s head of state, was Michaelle Jean’s visit in April 2009.

Oct. 25 Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kostyantyn Hryshchenko (Yaroslav Debelyi) Compiled by Mark Rachkevych

Putin visit raises speculation about gas deal to merge Gazprom, Naftogaz BY J O H N M A R ON E MARONE@KYIVPOST.COM

Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin is coming to Kyiv, and once again he’s got gas on his mind. Russia’s most powerful man will meet his Ukrainian counterpart, Mykola Azarov, during the seventh session of the Ukrainian-Russian intergovernmental committee on economic cooperation on Oct. 27. And although the official visit has received hardly any hype, the last time the two men met, during the sixth session of the same committee in Sochi, Russia, last April, Putin shocked financial markets and foreign governments alike by proposing a merger of the countries’ state oil and natural gas companies. This time, one of the subjects of talks will also be gas – in particular, changes to bilateral gas agreements, Russian Ambassador to Ukraine Mikhail Zurabov told journalists. Shortly after Azarov’s boss, the Moscow-friendly Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, came to power in February, Kyiv extended the Russian navy’s presence in Ukraine’s autonomous region of Crimea for another 25 years in exchange for a cheaper gas price, which nevertheless continues to climb. Then Putin began proposing all kinds of far-reaching integration projects such as the unification of the two countries’ nuclear industries, aviation sectors and, most importantly, their state gas companies – Gazprom and Naftogaz Ukraine. More recently, Azarov has publicly complained that Ukraine needs an

even lower gas price from Gazprom, leading to speculation as to what Kyiv would offer Moscow in return next. Ukraine depends on the Russian state-controlled gas giant Gazprom for the majority of the gas used by its export-oriented industry, some of which directly competes with Russian companies. Since Putin came to power in Russia, first as president in 2000 and now as premier, the Kremlin has done little to conceal its use of gas and oil exports to control former satellite countries and influence individual governments of the European Union. Despite fears that Gazprom, which accounted for 17 percent of world gas production in 2008, would swallow up its much smaller Ukrainian counterpart Naftogaz, officials in Kyiv have denied any intention of allowing this to happen. Instead, most of the statements coming out of Kyiv since Putin’s April proposal have suggested the creation of an “international” consortium to manage and invest in Ukraine’s international pipeline, which delivers about 80 percent of Russian gas exports to Europe. When asked for more details about Putin’s Oct. 26 visit to Kyiv, Naftogaz spokesperson Olena Yurieva said she could neither confirm nor deny whether any agreements were to be signed. A top official at Ukraine’s Energy Ministry, speaking on condition of anonymity, said no new gas deal would be announced. However, more than one Kyiv-based gas analyst told the Kyiv Post that Putin was not coming to Ukraine for nothing. Volodymyr Omelchenko, a gas

analyst at the Kyiv-based think tank Razumkov Center, said there is a 50 percent chance that Putin and Azarov will announce some kind of a deal. “The most realistic scenario is some kind of a joint venture to control Ukraine’s pipelines,” he said. Some kind of European entity would likely be involved to deflect criticism of a Russian takeover, he added. But the current authorities in Kyiv are divided in their attitudes toward greater Russian involvement in Ukraine’s gas sector. “If Azarov had his way, a merger deal would have already been signed,” Omelchenko said. But there are also the industrialists like [billionaire Rinat] Akhmetov and others who don’t want the Kremlin monopolizing pricing, and the gas-sector wing like [businessman Dmytro] Firtash and [Energy Ministry Yuriy] Boyko, who want to maintain control over sales and distribution,” Omelchenko said. Mykhailo Gonchar, a Ukrainian gas analyst, said more likely is a protocol of some kind being signed: “It wouldn’t have any legal force but it would be one step further than the unilateral declaration made following the last session in April.” As evidence that something is brewing, Gonchar noted that Gazprom has been on the prowl for a public relations company in Kyiv to promote the impending deal. “The Ukrainian public still feels negative about the idea of Gazprom controlling its gas pipelines, so the idea is to soften this position through PR,” he said. Serhiy Pashinsky, an opposition lawmaker who sits on parliament’s fuel

Ukrainian Prime Minister Mykola Azarov (R) and his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, in Kyiv on April 26. (AFP)

Oct. 27

Putin to visit as Azarov seeks cheaper natural gas imports Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin is scheduled to visit Kyiv on Oct. 27 to take part in the seventh session of the Ukrainian-Russian intergovernmental committee on economic cooperation. During the visit, Putin is scheduled to meet with his Ukrainian counterpart, Mykola Azarov, to discuss changes to bilateral gas agreements and other issues. Putin last visited Ukraine on July 24 when he commemorated Russia’s Navy Day in Crimea by taking part in a motorcycle rally. Moscow and Kyiv signed an agreement to extend the Russian lease of its navy base in Crimea by at least another 25 years, to 2042, in their initial gas deal.

and energy committee, said he doesn’t expect anything on Oct. 27 except more hype: “I think what we’re going to see is another witch-doctor dance by Putin

intended to dispel all the evil spirits from Ukrainian-Russian relations.” Kyiv Post staff writer John Marone can be reached at marone@kyivpost.com


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3

October 22, 2010 Advertisement

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he EBA are pleased to announce the launch of a brand new Public-Private Partnership and its first project to develop sports grounds in Kiev and around Ukraine. The ‘Health of the Nation’ initiative has been developed with the support of the Ministry of Sports Youth and family and supported by the President of Ukraine. It offers EBA member companies the chance to sponsor the development of a wide range of sports facilities and development projects. By supporting Health of the Nation, EBA members have the opportunity to provide financial support to the development of facilities in return for advertising and promotional space. We are delighted that a number of EBA member companies have already agreed to participate in the project and we hope that, with the support of many more businesses we will be able to contribute to the development of the city and to bring a much wider range of facilities to citizens. Anna Derevyanko, EBA Executive Director

"For the Association it is essential both to help our member-companies to implement the component of social corporate responsibility and to contribute to the ANNA Derevyanko efforts of government to improving the health of people living around the country. Investors are ready to commit provided that this is a two way traffic and the state will also do its best to improve the investment climate in Ukraine."

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Luhansk International Investment Forum will be held on 18-19 of November LIIF is to be held for the presentation of investment potential of the Luhansk region, one of the most advanced industrial regions of Ukraine. During forum major investment projects will be presented, conditions and prospects for investors will be discussed. Luhansk regional authorities created unprecedented conditions for the arrival of investors: • rental deposits for 50 years; • infrastructure for new businesses; • exemption from fees for permits and licenses; • investments from the budget to 20% of project cost; • tax benefits; • prospect of establishing a free economic zone To participate in the First Luhansk International Investment Forum are invited: major foreign and Ukrainian industrial enterprises, investment and venture funds, foreign and

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/FXT GSPN #SVTTFMT During the official visit of Ukrainian delegation to Brussels, on October 13-14, there was the Conference “UKRAINE: FROM CRISIS TO GROWTH. ECONOMY, INVESTMENTS, MARKETS� held where Mr. Azarov was the keynote speaker. Within his speech at the Conference Mr.Azarov underlined the key directions of investment climate improvement, such as political and financial stability in the country, and for sure economic reforms. Ukrainian Government works on establishment of attractive for business tax system that is extremely necessary for the stabilisation and further economic development. Predictable external policy, without “good� and “bad� neighbours is very important for growth of investments. Other key areas for the improvement are modernisation and technical development in compliance with European standards. Regarding FTA negotiation the Prime Minister said that the conclusion of an agreement on the free trade zone with the European Union needs more time and it is too early to talk about a concrete signing. Still the Government is open for dialog with business and the “Council of Investors� will be established soon. European Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighborhood Policy, Mr. Stefan Fule remarked within his report on the interface between the EU and Ukraine in the area of economic reform. He highlighted that Ukraine has enormous economic potential and business climate in Ukraine is very closely linked to growth, thus it deserves more attention. But at the same time there is still strong criticism of Ukraine by business and investors. Concerns include: the taxation system in particular as regards VAT; agricultural exports; customs procedures; non- respect of court decisions; slow progress in the fight against corruption; and a lack of transparency in the area of privatization. All of these factors contribute to a loss of confidence among the business community, and and drop in investments in Ukraine. He recommended to Ukrainian authorities to continue the dialogue with business about the regulatory environment, administrative procedures, the practical realities of import and export and about the labour market.

Ukrainian banks, central and local governments, embassies, international trade and economic missions. Rich and convenient format of the forum includes: plenary sessions, reports, round tables, a zone of exposure of investment opportunities presented by companies, the possibility of holding talks, informal chatting during breaks. All these will allow you to receive full information about the prospects of development in the region. Roundtables will focus on the features of work in the Luhansk region in 5 key areas: • extraction and processing of minerals; • engineering, chemical and light industry; • public utilities: water supply, power system, energy saving; • Agriculture; • Logistics. The event starts on 18 November, 2010, at 13:00 Detailed information on the website of the event http://www.invest-in-ukraine.net/

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4 Opinion Editorials

Socialist tycoons

“I wonder who folded my parachute…”

Earlier this month, the oligarch-dominated Party of Regions backing President Viktor Yanukovych raised eyebrows by inking a strategic cooperation agreement with the Party of European Socialists, the second-largest political grouping in the European Parliament. It is far from a match made in heaven. As one European Union official asked anonymously: “Is the Party of European Socialists so blind not to see” that the Yanukovych party’s main backers, who include billionaires Dmitry Firtash and Rinat Akhmetov, “are not socialists by nature?” This week, it became clear why the party of constitution-trampling Yanukovych rushed to form the odd alliance: They needed quick political support to prevent sharp criticism in Europe over their recent Kremlin-styled power grabs, media muzzling and democracy squashing – especially in the run-up to the local elections taking place on Oct. 31nationwide. Europe’s socialists proved successful counter-balancing strong backing that the Batkivshchyna Party of Yanukovych’s enemy, Yulia Tymoshenko, has received in recent years as a member of Europe’s largest cross-border party, the European People’s Party. Yanukovych's alliance paid off at crucial EU parliament talks on Ukraine held this week. Discussions focused on whether to issue a strong statement, warning Ukraine’s leadership about the consequences they could face by rolling back on democratic gains. The alternative is to give Yanukovych yet another benefit of doubt. On Oct. 21, lawmakers from the Tymoshenko-backing European People’s Party called for a strongly-worded statement slamming Yanukovych. Europe’s socialists were apologetic, insisting Yanukovych has brought stability and argued that a resolution should come after Ukraine’s elections. On Oct. 22, EU lawmakers decided to put off adoption of a resolution. European decision-makers fear that crticizing Yanukovych could push him further towards Russia. Thus, it’s understandable why a middle-ground position was expressed by the European Commission. In a carefully worded statement, commission leaders encouraged Yanukovych to focus on delivering economic reforms to bring Kyiv closer to free trade and “EU association” agreements. But they followed up saying that the “pace and depth of our rapprochement” will be determined by “respect” for human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law … principles that cannot be compromised.” If such basic principles are at jeopardy, and they clearly are, then a strong pre-election statement is due. The position of Europe’s Socialists is nothing more than unprincipled, empty partisanship. Yanukovych’s oligarch backers have demonstrated that their pockets are deep enough to buy the best law firms and lobbyists. Have they also bought cheap political capital from Europe’s socialists? European socialists to visit Ukraine and assess what is happening. While on the plane, they should study the annual press freedom index released this week by Paris-based Reporters Without Borders. Ukraine dropped 42 places to 131st, nine spots above Yanukovych’s strongest regionally ally, Vladimir Putin’s Russia.

Kings & peasants A popular saying goes that in Russia there are two problems: fools and roads. In Kyiv, the fools are those at the summit of power who think it’s OK for the presidential motorcade to clog up the capital’s roads almost every morning. President Viktor Yanukovych races from his suburban mansion to the center of Kyiv along a nearly 20-kilometer route. Cops stop traffic, leaving thousands of cars standing still up to 15 minutes waiting for the commander-in-chief to whizz by in his high-security convoy. The episode repeats nearly each morning as motorists struggle to make it to work on time. Presidential motorcades are permanent fixtures of any country’s traffic routine. But they happen on a less-than-regular basis abroad because presidents tend to live at their workplace. In many nations, the state’s money is spent on improving roads, rather than making sure the boss and his cronies live in luxury. Yanukovych, however, prefers to relax in his opulent out-of-town surroundings. While relaxing there, does he ever wonder about those that suffer from his motorcade, including a taxi driver that was killed earlier this year in an accident caused by it? Hanna Herman, the president’s deputy aid, said her boss may get a helicopter. There’s no rush, however. The new Gavansky Bridge connecting Obolon with central Kyiv is used exclusively by Yanukovych. Before it opens officially, other drivers have to go around it covering and extra five kilometers and getting more impatient in the jams. The problem goes beyond delays and inconveniences. It is rooted in the disregard for others, the division of Ukrainians into the haves and have-nots, the cans and can’ts, them and us. To Yanukovych, it seems, other drivers are only subjects. So until he finds enough money in the bare state coffers for a chopper, or to move downtown, his motorcade will send out the same message morning after morning: Out of the way, peasant, the king is coming!

Mohammad Zahoor, Publisher Jim Phillipoff, Chief Executive Officer Brian Bonner, Chief Editor Deputy Chief Editors: Katya Gorchinskaya, Roman Olearchyk Editors: Alexey Bondarev, Valeriya Kolisnyk, James Marson, Yuliya Popova Staff Writers: Tetyana Boychenko, Peter Byrne, Oksana Faryna, Natalia A. Feduschak, Olga Gnativ, Kateryna Grushenko, Nataliya Horban, John Marone, Olesia Oleshko, Yura Onyshkiv, Iryna Prymachyk, Mark Rachkevych, Nataliya Solovonyuk, Maria Shamota, Svitlana Tuchynska Photographer: Oleksiy Boyko. Photo Editor: Yaroslav Debelyi Chief Designer: Vladyslav Zakharenko. Designer: Angela Palchevskaya Marketing: Iuliia Lysa Web Project: Nikolay Polovinkin, Yuri Voronkov Sales department: Yuriy Timonin, Yulia Kovalenko, Maria Kozachenko, Ilya Lvov, Elena Symonenko, Olga Ryazanova, Sergiy Volobayev Nataliia Protasova, Subscription Manager Svitlana Kolesnykova, Newsroom Manager Anastasia Forina, Office Manager

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October 22, 2010

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“I wonder why I forgot Kim Jong-il. He would be good company.”

NEWS ITEM: During his visit to Ukraine on Oct. 18-19, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez offered to go parachuting with President Viktor Yanukovych by jumping out of a Ukrainian-made Ruslan cargo plane. Yanukovych suggested that Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, Belarussian President Alexander Lukasheko and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad should go with them as well. Critics immediately took to the idea, intrigued by the possibility that – should North Korean leader Kim Jong-il join them – many of the world’s dictators would be falling out of the same airplane together. (Drawing by Anatoliy Petrovich Vasilenko)

Ukraine’s rising radical right spells trouble for nation's democratic aims A ND REA S UML A ND

The year 2010 has seen a number of new, disturbing political developments in Ukraine. If these trends continue, they many undermine Ukraine’s international image as the only solidly pro-democratic oriented country in the former Soviet space. All major institutions and structures that make up a functioning democracy have suffered from worrying interventions by the new Ukrainian leadership: parliamentary procedures, the rule of law, mass media, civil society and even higher education. They have been widely reported in both the Ukrainian and international press. Another emerging problem for Ukraine’s future international reputation has, at the same time, remained largely ignored by most observers: the recent rise of the right-wing All-Ukrainian Association “Svoboda” (Freedom) of Oleh Tiahnybok, a physician and lawyer from western Ukraine’s largest city, Lviv. His ultra-nationalist party grew out of the clearly fascist Social-National Party of Ukraine (SNPU) found-

ed in 1991 in Lviv. The SNPU’s name deliberately sounds like Hitler's Nazi-inspired National-Socialist German Workers Party. Its symbol was the so-called Wolfsangel once used by the SS Division “Das Reich,” and today popular among various European neo-Nazi groups. In 2004, the Social-National Party renamed itself into Svoboda and abandoned the Wolfsangel. While Svoboda remained explicitly nationalistic, it has toned down its revolutionary rhetoric in recent years. It also embraced, in its front-stage statements, a nationaldemocratic discourse, and proclaims its adherence to the Ukrainian Constitution. Its leadership includes a number of articulate intellectuals such as Iryna Farion, a senior lecturer in Ukrainian philology at Lviv’s Polytechnical Institute, and Andriy Illyenko, son of the legendary nationalist film director Yuriy Illyenko (1936-2010) and a political science researcher at Kyiv’s Shevchenko University. They and, above all, Tiahnybok himself have recently become regular guests on Ukrainian TV shows, and soughtafter interviewees or authors of many Kyiv periodicals. As a result, Svoboda’s popularity has, especially in Western Ukraine, been constantly growing during the last year. It has also made inroads into the less nationalistic regions of central Ukraine. As Ukraine has a proportional electoral system with a relatively low 3 percent barrier for an entry into Æ16

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October 22, 2010

Undemocratic movements TOMA S VA L A S E K

In February, Ukrainians elected Viktor Yanukovych as the country’s new president. In his first month in office, Yanukovych declared that his country no longer wanted to join the NATO military alliance. Then, in April, he signed a deal with Moscow to allow Russia’s Black Sea Fleet to stay in the Crimean port of Sevastopol until 2042. The president’s first steps alarmed those who wish to see Ukraine move closer to the European Union. They seemed to suggest that Kyiv was returning to Moscow’s sphere of influence, or at least acquiescing in Russia’s attempts to draw it in. Ukraine is very important to the EU’s eastern policy; with a population of 46 million it is the second-largest country in Eastern Europe. Is it now becoming a Russian satellite? No. The new government in Kyiv is less beholden to Russia than its early decisions indicate. While Ukraine will be friendly to Moscow, it will also struggle with the Kremlin over control of key industries in Ukraine. Kyiv’s cooperation with the EU will stagnate but for reasons that have little to do with Russia: key EU capitals have lost appetite for further EU enlargement while European integration is not a priority for Yanukovych. The president is far more focused on reviving Ukraine’s economy and consolidating power. His early steps also suggest that he may be building a one-party state. This, rather than Ukraine’s Russia policy, should be the focus of EU capitals and institutions. They should use their influence to preserve democracy in Ukraine while supporting Yanukovych’s economic reforms.

Deficits, disagreements Yanukovych has inherited a country with deepseated problems. Ukraine’s economy remains highly dependent on exports of steel. In 2009, the country’s gross domestic product shrank by 15 percent, chiefly because steel prices collapsed. The government came close to defaulting, partly because of the economic contraction but also because of the country’s ruinous gas subsidies. Ukraine’s gas monopoly, Naftogaz, buys from Russia at close to West European average prices but, until recently, resold to companies and households at a heavy discount. The government, in turn, spends nearly 2 percent of gross domestic product annually subsidizing Naftogaz. Former President Viktor Yushchenko and former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko made things worse by publicly disagreeing on how to respond to the global economic crisis. This unnerved investors and prompted the International Monetary Fund to suspend lending. Despite the slump in economic activity and tax revenue, Ukraine increased social benefits in 2009. The combination of lower receipts and higher outlays nearly broke the treasury. The budget deficit ballooned to nearly 9 percent of gross domestic product in 2009, and Ukraine only met its debt obligations thanks to the $11 billion of loans disbursed by the IMF before it suspended aid later in the year. The country’s domestic woes extend beyond the economy. The judiciary is weak and discredited. Ukraine’s highest court, the Constitutional Court, has been known to reverse its judgments depending on the direction of the political winds. Petty corruption at the lower echelons of government irritates ordinary Ukrainians. The administration excels at creating arbitrary administrative problems which magically disappear once cash changes hands. Ukrainians steer clear of state authorities, including the tax office: Yanukovych’s economic czar, Iryna Akimova, estimates the size of the informal economy at 50 percent of Ukraine’s gross domestic product. Top-level corruption and red tape deter foreign investors. Ukraine has promising gas reserves under the Black Sea and under land (in shale, a type of organic rock) but foreign oil executives think the government too corrupt and unpredictable to invest in their exploration.

Opinion 5 VOX populi WITH SVITLANA KOLESNYKOVA

What’s the last book you have read? Dmytro Ocheretian, student at a technical university “ ‘Trohy Pitmy’ by Lyubko Deresh, a new Ukrainian author. It’s about one man’s journey and his encounters with youth subcultures – Punks, Goths, etc. It’s not fiction, quite specific literature, interesting, and I would advise you to read it.” Oleksandr Magirev, medical student “ ‘The Vampire Diaries’, by Lisa Smith, a fantasy story. I just came across this book by chance, opened it, read a couple of lines – and liked it. Generally speaking, fantasy is something I prefer – Tolkien, for instance.”

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev (R) and Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych shake hands, during their meeting in Gelendzhik, the Russian resort town on the Black Sea on Oct. 4. They reportedly discussed the possibility for energy and high-tech cooperation. (AP)

The country has recently failed the IKEA test: the furniture company, famous for its willingness to invest in newly emerging and risky markets, has stopped building new shops in Ukraine and sold its local factories. Officially, IKEA says this is because the downturn made economic prospects too bleak. But Ukrainian observers say that the company found the business environment too unfriendly. Ukrainians have come to abhor this mess, and they have elected Yanukovych to sort it out. While he is partly responsible for the state of affairs – he twice served as prime minister in the 2000s, and as opposition leader he proposed the disastrous legislation in 2009 that increased social benefits. Yanukovych won the presidential election by promising voters to pay more attention to the daily business of running the government than Yushchenko did. He has also vowed to spend less time on lofty and seemingly unattainable goals like EU membership, which has resonated with the population.

Æ Ukraine is neither turning toward Russia nor the West. It is turning inward and becoming increasingly authoritarian. Spring clean-up Yanukovych devoted the early months of his administration almost entirely to domestic policy. He browbeat lawmakers into ousting Tymoshenko as prime minister and replacing her with Mykola Azarov, one of his longstanding allies. For the first time since the heady days of the Orange Revolution, Ukraine has a president and prime minister of the same party and similar political philosophy, and the government enjoys a large majority in the parliament.

Yanukovych moved quickly to reform the economy. The government increased taxes on gasoline, tobacco and alcohol. It has raised the retirement age for women (male life expectancy is only a little higher than the official retirement age) and promised further gradual increases. Yanukovych has even trodden where the previous Orange government never dared to: it hiked gas prices in order to reduce the country’s budget deficit. Tymoshenko promised the EU to do so in 2009 but did not, fearing voter backlash. In July 2010, the Rada (parliament) also passed a law that would gradually break up Naftogaz, which the EU had been urging Ukraine to do. Even though the break-up remains in the planning stage, the EU has accepted Ukraine into its ‘energy community’. There have been missteps: the proposal for a new tax code won so little support in parliament that the government had to rewrite it. Yanukovych postponed many of the most difficult reforms, such as the introduction of a new pension system and measures to slim down the government, until 2011. There is a risk that they may never come to pass: Ukraine holds regional elections in late October and if voters reject the austerity measures implemented so far, Yanukovych may rethink future ones. In other ways, Yanukovych has disappointed: the new president has shown a worrying authoritarian streak. He has begun suppressing alternative views: journalists at TV stations in Ukraine complain that stories critical of the government are being withdrawn. Two outspoken TV stations have had their allocated frequencies revoked on a technicality. Yanukovych’s Party of Regions forced key legislation – such as the 2010 budget or the deal extending the Russian fleet’s lease – through the parliament without allowing for a debate. The country’s secret police have harassed foreign foundations and universities. The authorities have opened criminal proceedings against seven senior figures from the previous administration, including Tymoshenko. Yanukovych is right to suspect corruption in the highest circles of government. But corrupt figures close to the president appear to enjoy protection. The president seems to be using the anti-corruption drive as cover for a political witch hunt. Even more worryingly, in July, parliament passed a new law on local elections, which effectively prevents the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko, Ukraine’s largest opposition entity, from fielding candidates under the BYuT label. And in October the Constitutional Court, which Yanukovych has stacked with allies since coming to power, ruled to change Ukraine’s constitution towards a presidential-style system; this means Æ14

Dmytro Rudkovsky, accountant “Exactly a month ago, I was re-reading War and Peace by Lev Tolstoy … with my nephew. The book is a part of his curriculum. I like to read various books that I come across, random books during journeys, etc. Mostly detective stories, investigations, TV novels." Oksana Yazova, cook “I’ve read a lot of books lately. My last book was “Eat, Pray, Love,” the life story of American journalist Elizabeth Gilbert. I haven’t watched the film yet, but want to. I finally bought the book because I was searching for it in our office for 2 months. I started reading and understood that the story is very similar to my story. I haven’t finished it yet, but I enjoy it.” Yevhen Shpakovsky, retired “Dostoevsky’s ‘Idiot.‘ I was a young boy when I read it first. But while reading it again, a lot reminded me of recent passions, idiocies and the like. Most often I read newspapers, or take Agatha Christie from my wife. I sometimes read Dontsova, Ustinova, Marinina.”


6 Business

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October 22, 2010

Top economist latest to tell Kyiv how to fix economy

Yanukovych opens road connecting Ukraine with Europe

Nouriel Roubini (right), a world-famous economist, speaks with television presenter Andriy Kulykov (left), as Petro Poroshenko, a businessman and head of the national bank’s council, looks on at a Kyiv conference on Oct. 19 organized by Investment Capital Ukraine. The American professor of economics, one of the few to warn of the mortgage bubble building up before the financial crisis, told a packed audience that he expected a slow, U-shaped recovery in the world economy. Ukraine’s recovery from the crisis, he said, depends on global economic conditions as well as the government’s economic and financial policies. Roubini recommended that the government reduce the budget to prevent a fiscal crisis, clean up its banks, improve the business climate to attract foreign investment and push through structural reforms to the tax system and public administration. (UNIAN)

Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych opens a renovated 200-kilometer stretch of highway from Kyiv to Chop, a town on the border with Hungary, on Oct. 19. The highway is the main route from the capital to the west of the country and which leads into the European Union. The improvements are part of the preparations for the Euro 2012 soccer tournament. The road connects Kyiv with Lviv, the largest city in western Ukraine and a tournament host city, as well as Poland, which will host games. Volodymyr Demyshkan, head of Ukravtodor, the state road service, said 1,000 kilometers of roads would be renovated in 2011. The European Bank of Reconstruction and Development said it expects by the end of the year to agree on a loan of 450 million euros to Ukravtodor to finance the renovation of roads approaching Kyiv. (Andriy Mosienko)

ÆOn the move ANNA SHARYKINA has joined the international arbitration practice of Kyiv-based law firm AstapovLawyers as an associate. In her new post, Sharykina will lead the international arbitration and litigation department in Kyiv, the firm’s head office. AstapovLawyers also has offices in Odesa and Moscow. Prior to joining AstapovLawyers, Sharykina worked as in-house counsel to the Kharkov State Aircraft Manufacturing Company. She also gained legal experience during an internship at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Sharykina holds a master’s with honors in law from Yaroslav the Wise National Law Academy of Ukraine and a Master of Law, specializing in international commercial law, from the University of Hertfordshire in the United Kingdom.

Send On the Move news to gnativ@kyivpost.com, or contact Olga Gnativ at 234-6500. Send business photos and press releases to: news@kyivpost.com, or contact the newsroom at 234-6310.

MICHAEL BEDWELL has

NATALIA BULBUK was

become a teacher at Kyiv-based Key Language School (KLS). Bedwell possesses extensive experience in preparing students to take the Graduate Management Admission Test (GMAT). He holds a master’s in mechanical sciences from the University of Cambridge and a master’s in decision analysis from London Guildhall University. He has also obtained a Teaching English to Students of other Languages Certificate (TESOL) from Trinity College. Bedwell has been a tutor in statistics and management science at the International Christian University and Wisconsin International University in Kyiv. He taught classes at City University in Bratislava and at the Anglo-American College in Prague. He is listed as an occasional teacher with the British Council, the Business English Company, and the European University in Kyiv.

UWE KLENK-ZILLI has

appointed general director of media agency MPG Ukraine, part of the ADV Group Ukraine, an advertising company. Bulbuk is a manager with 10 years of experience leading local and international companies’ media communications and advertising campaigns. She began her career in the media in 2001 as a media analyst at Linea 12/McCannErickson. Then she worked purchasing television advertising at ZenithMedia and as media manager and strategic planning director at media agency IPY Ukraine. Bulbuk’s clients have included Exxon Mobil, Nestle and Kyivstar. Bulbuk graduated from Kyiv National Economic University and Kyiv Technical University in 2001. She also holds a Master of Business Administration from Vienna University of Economics and Business Administration, obtained in 2005.

become chief executive officer in Ukraine for the retail division of Foxtrot Home Appliances. Prior to joining Foxtrot, Klenk-Zilli, an Austrian citizen, led UK&Partners, a global management consulting company. He remains a co-owner of the group. Klenk-Zilli has 25 years of consulting experience, working with retailers and fast-moving consumer goods customers around the globe. He has managed mergers and acquisitions, startups and international expansion, as well as provided support in human resource management. Uwe’s clients have included Walmart, the global retail giant, food-processing company Zentis International and Daimler Chrysler Austria.

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Business 7

October 22, 2010 Advertisement

Business Sense

Editor’s Note: Business Sense is a feature in which experts explain Ukraine’s place in the world economy and provide insight into doing business in the country. To contribute, contact chief editor Brian Bonner at bonner@kyivpost.com

WITH DARIO MARCHETTI DARIO.MARCHETTI@DANONE.COM

Helping milk-producing ‘babushkas’ organize Historically, the majority of milk in Ukraine has been produced by private producers that we endearingly call “babushkas,� grannies who own fewer than three cows. These small dairy producers are not only part of the nation’s business and economy, they are also an element of Ukraine’s culture. If small villages were deprived of their private farms, they might simply disappear. Research shows that more than 80 percent of Ukraine’s milk is produced on these private farms by families whose income is among the lowest in Ukraine – about 60 percent of the income of the average individual worker. Much of Ukraine’s milk doesn’t meet today’s quality standards because it is being produced and handled using yesteryear’s methods. Milking by hand can result in bacterial infection, as can udders that have not been properly sanitized. Milk that has been placed in buckets or cisterns without proper cooling, or that has been transported in unrefrigerated vehicles also carries a high risk of infection. The key to obtaining the quantity and quality of milk that the dairyproducts industry needs in order to develop is through supporting these small agricultural producers as well as big farms. Two strategies need to work in tandem: investing in the development of private producers with two or three cows and in commercial dairies with herds of 4,000 or more cows. Both of these sources – big and small – provide us the amount of milk needed and deserve support. It is clear that new kinds of relationships need to be built, reinforced and strengthened by the actions of private companies, state bodies and producers themselves not only in order to develop the industry, but also to help ensure that the private farm way of life remains a part of the Ukrainian culture for generations to come. Organizing cooperatives for small private producers can benefit the producers themselves and the industry as a whole. Danone, for example, has embarked on an initiative that aims to unite more than 1,000 private farmers in five regions by establishing 20 nonprofit agricultural service cooperatives. Each will involve more than 50 fami-

A farmer milks a cow in Kharkiv Oblast. (UNIAN)

lies, and will receive institutional support and equipment, including large refrigerator baths, and milk quality analyzers. Modern milking units provided to 250 families will enable them to make milking quicker, easier and provide higher-quality milk. Training in animal care, organic agriculture and the fundamentals of business planning will help to further improve quality and quantity on the producers’ side in the future, which is good for everyone. The project, which costs more than 1 million euros, is implemented in cooperation with Heifer Project International, a charitable foundation and assistance from regional governments. There are two major risks to projects such as this one. The first risk is people’s mentality in the beginning. Imagine asking for a business plan or even asking that an individual invest in buying iodine so that utters can be disinfected producing higher quality milk and hence fetching a higher price. This requires

continual and constant conversation. But time and experience can convince producers that this is the right path. The second risk is government policy. Today through value-added tax the government indirectly helps such individuals through a small subsidy. The new tax code as well as government policy states that this will disappear from Jan. 1 next year. This would be a great pity for Ukraine. The government needs to play its part. The situation for babushkas and their small farms has been very difficult. In Russia they use the term “the lost generation� for this layer of society. Improving their lot is a great challenge for our society, and can only be achieved by coordinated efforts from businesses, the government and producers themselves. If all those ingredients come together, it’s a win-win for everyone. Dario Marchetti is chief executive officer of Danone Ukraine. He can be reached at dario.marchetti@danone.com.

In case you missed them, read the last five Business Sense columns by experts online at kyivpost.com Oct. 1 with Leonid Antonenko and Nikolai Sorochinskiy, senior associate and an associate with Asters: “Judicial overhaul: Good news for investors or not?�

Oct. 15 with Nataliya Mykolska, senior associate at Kyivbased law firm Vasil Kisil and Partners: “Businesses should be more proactive to benefit from WTO�

Oct. 8 with Michael Willard, chairman of Willard, a public relations and advertising company: “Paying for news only feeds corruption�

Sept. 17 with Natalia Pakhomovska, senior associate at the Kyiv office of DLA Piper: “Revised permit law could help business, but needs more work�

Sept. 10 with Volodymyr Vorobey, partner at CSR Ukraine Community: “Companies catching on to corporate responsibility�

#64*/&44"%7*4&3 NEW LAWS PUT A SPOTLIGHT ON TAX COMPLIANCE IN PERSONNEL MATTERS What recent changes in tax laws are of particular importance for employers? 2010 so far saw a number of changes in taxation which will have profound effect on employment relations in the country. The Law of 16 June 2010 authorized the tax authorities to ARMEN audit compliance not only with tax but also with employment KHACHATURYAN laws. The Single Social Insurance Contribution Law of 8 July senior partner, Asters 2010 envisages a simplified, although not necessarily less fiscally burdensome, system of administering payroll-related contribution to the mandatory social insurance funds. The Law Introducing Amendments to State Budget and Pension Insurance Contributions, which was also adopted on 8 July 2010, definitively required the payers of the single tax to also make contributions to the Pension Fund. Finally, the draft Tax Code, which is likely to take effect on 1 January 2011, would also seriously limit the use of the simplified single tax system in many key sectors. Employee taxation and payroll taxes are one of the most dynamic areas of tax law today. The consequences of these changes will be quite negative for many employers, not least those who use private entrepreneurs in their tax planning strategies. Even those employers which do not engage in various efforts at payroll tax optimization may face heightened scrutiny of their employment policies from the tax authorities. What causes these changes? It is quite clear that the serious deficit of the Pension Fund and the growing inability of the government to fund the country’s pension and other social security commitments are behind these changes. The fact that such fundamental factors drive these changes means that these changes are here to stay. They will not be easily undone and businesses should prepare themselves for the government’s likely effort to vigorously enforce the new, tougher, laws. Will employment matters be subject to heightened tax scrutiny under new laws? Yes, this risk is quite clear. The 16 June 2010 Law on Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts authorized tax inspectorates to audit employers' compliance with employment laws, the competence previously exercised almost exclusively by the special inspectorate of the Ministry of Labour. Now a more efficient tax service is authorized and encouraged by the new amendments to thoroughly look into employment matters. This new function of the tax administration is further reinforced by the new powers granted to the tax police to conduct unannounced inspections of the premises and documents of the employer if "information that the particular employer is engaged in tax evasion becomes available to the authorities". Authorities are not required to disclose the source of such information and to notify the employer about the date of the audit. What business practices are at risk? The Law of 16 June 2010 points at a specific situation in which these extraordinary powers can be used, which is tax avoidance resulting from employers' failure to enter into a formal employment agreement with the employee. Apparently the new law targets those employers who receive services from individuals without formally hiring them as employees. These norms can have an impact not only on those employers who fail to have any record of employment but also those who classify individuals working for them as civil law contractors rather than as hired employees under labour law. Currently many employers use the labor of individuals registered as private entrepreneurs and thus benefiting from the simplified tax system that used to allow employers to cap their tax burden at UAH 200 of a monthly payment per each such quasi-employee. Now, such individuals would not only have to pay a mandatory contribution to the Pension Fund under the Law of 8 July 2010 (and, from the 1 January 2011, continue to pay the new single social insurance contribution) but may also be subject to greater scrutiny by tax authorities as to whether they are genuine independent contractors as opposed to employees. In the past many individuals registered as private entrepreneurs and paying the single tax used to be treated as employees for all practical purposes: they were subject to the fixed workday requirements, were entitled to regular annual leaves, and received a fixed monthly fee rather than fee depended on the quantity and quality of services performed. Because of these similarities with hired employees, the tax authorities may now take the view that such private entrepreneurs are in fact hired employees without a formal employment agreement rather than independent contractors under civil law and assess additional payroll taxes. Add to this the elimination of the single tax system in many sectors under the draft Tax Code and it becomes clear that the tried and true practice of tax optimization through private entrepreneurs is coming under intense pressure. What to expect from the new Tax Code for self-employed individuals paying single tax? Besides raising the single tax itself and besides adding the requirement to pay the single social insurance contribution on top and in addition to the single tax, the new Tax Code is likely to eliminate the simplified single tax system for private entrepreneurs in many sectors. Under the draft Tax Code approved by the Parliament in first reading in October 2010 the single tax system would not apply to many business sectors, including, to name just a few important examples: t SFBM FTUBUF USBOTBDUJPOT t XIPMFTBMF PQFSBUJPOT t JOUFSOBUJPOBM USBEF DSPTT CPSEFS PQFSBUJPOT FYDFQU GPS TPGUXBSF EFWFMPQNFOU BOE TPNF *5 TFSWJDFT t QSJWBUF TFDVSJUZ t BEWFSUJTJOH t TUBGG SFDSVJUNFOU TFSWJDFT t SFUBJM TBMFT PG TFDPOE IBOE HPPET t SFUBJM TBMFT PO UIF XFC t SFUBJM TBMFT UISPVHI WFOEJOH NBDIJOFT t MFHBM TFSWJDFT BVEJU BDDPVOUJOH TFSWJDFT NBOBHFNFOU DPOTVMUJOH How can employers adapt to these changes? Given these major changes, all employers will have to look closely at their personnel policies to check whether they comply with tax laws. The new laws have the potential to dramatically change the level of attention which employment law issues receive and deserve to receive from employers and their legal advisers.

ASTERS Leonardo Business Center, 19-21 Bohdana Khmelnytskogo Str., Kyiv, 01030 Ń‚el. + 380 44 230 6000, fax + 380 44 230 6001 info@asterslaw.com, www.asterslaw.com


8 News Potential Ukrainian environmental disasters in waiting Name

Description

Mykolayiv Alumina Plant

Twenty million cubic meters of aluminum byproduct is being stored and should an accident happen, it could end up in the Black Sea via the Buh River.

Zaporizhya Aluminum Plant

Has 5-6 million cubic meters of waste in a frozen sludge depository. A pipeline that pumps sludge burst in 2008 flooding four city streets. The plant is near the Dnipro River, Ukraine’s largest.

Stebnytsky Potassium Plant

The potassium salt plant isn’t in operation because of an environmental disaster in 1983 when a dam burst at the reservoir emitting more than 5 million cubic meters of salt solution into the Dnister River, Ukraine’s second largest.

Kalush Potassium Salt Mine

Potassium salt and mineral fertilizer production factory has three mines, located in the vicinity of Kalush, a mine pit, two tailings dams and a mining waste dump, all of which negatively impacts the environment and which are hazardous facilities.

Sites with tailing ponds containing industrial or hazardous waste Located in Kalush, Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast, this giant 40-year-old potassium salt mining and mineral fertilizer factory has posed a serious environmental trans-boundary danger to the region as it may cause the subsidence of ground, sinkholes, landslides, water and ground contamination. Kyiv finally shut down the salt mine in 2001 and has started removing 11,000 tons of a hazardous chemical from the factory’s waste dump this year. One thousand three hundred houses in five villages are immediately threatened by the open mine fields. (Ukrinform)

Environmental disasters may strike Ukraine Æ1 oblast,” said Dmytro Skrylnikov of the Bureau of Environmental Investigation, a Lviv-based nongovernmental organization. The Hungarian disaster erupted on Oct. 4 when 757 million liters of sludge burst through a crack in the wall of a 10-hectare storage reservoir at an aluminum plant 160 kilometers southwest of Hungary’s capital of Budapest. This is the same amount of crude oil that spilled into the Gulf of Mexico during the British Petroleum crisis that lasted four months until it was capped on July 15. The caustic mass – an aluminum production by-product – in Hungary has coated 50 square kilometers in red slurry wiping out fish, microorganisms and wildlife along its path, and also destroying 300 homes and properties. Crop production for human con-

sumption will not be seen for quite a while. The spill, described by officials as a man-made accident triggered by negligence, is now considered Hungary’s worst-ever environmental disaster. But experts say the challenges facing Hungary with this accident are miniscule compared to the scale, risks and aftermath Ukraine would face in dozens of potential environmental tragedies.

Toxic dumping ground The accident is a wake-up call about the region’s legacy of crumbling Sovietera heavy industry. In Ukraine’s case, it’s also a reminder about the nation having been the toxic dumping ground of the Soviet Union. Though Ukraine’s surface area made up 3 percent of the total area of the former Soviet Union, it possessed 25

Potential radioactive hotspots in Ukraine Name of site

Description

Pripyat River flood plain within the Chornobyl Exclusion Zone

The hottest spot in the Chornobyl-affected area along the Pripyat River is the contaminated flood plain upstream from the Chornobyl nuclear power plant that exploded in 1986.

Chornobyl cooling pond

Covering an area of 23 square kilometers, a potential breach of the pond as a result of erosion could send the contaminated water into the Pripyat River.

Chornobyl shelter in the event of its collapse

Built hastily in 1986 to prevent further escape of radioactivity, it is not considered acceptable as a permanent solution to the problem of containing the residual fuel.

Chornobyl Exclusion Zone Radionuclide concentration in some water bodies exceeds the maximum permissible levels. Closed lakes and ponds outside the CEZ

202 bodies of water in Kyiv, Zhytomyr, Rivne and Volyn Oblasts have elevated levels of contamination.

Sites in Ukraine where uranium was processed

Estimates of waste generated from these activities vary because of the mixing of radioactive and non-radioactive waste.

Radioactive waste storage/disposal facilities.

Rivne nuclear power plant, Khmenytsky nuclear power plant, Zaporizhya nuclear power plant, South Ukraine nuclear power plant; Prydniprovsky chemical plant at Dniprodzerzhinsk shut down in 1991 and the hydrometallurgical plant at Zhovti Vody.

Source: International Atomic Energy Agency 2006 Report “Radiological Conditions in the Dnipro River Basin”

percent of its industrial potential and, therefore, a quarter of its industrial pollution, according to the Environment and Security Initiative, a joint effort of international organizations. Under the Soviet system, the economy of Ukraine used 1.3-1.5 billion tons of raw materials every year. Most of which returned into the environment as waste. By 1991, 17 billion tons of waste had accumulated in Ukraine on a surface area of 53,000 hectares, according to the Environment and Security Initiative. A study conducted by the World Health Organization released in 2007 rated Ukraine 47 out of 53 European countries in the number of deaths caused by environmental factors – 155,000 deaths per year. Ukraine placed ahead of Belarus and Russia in the study, the latter having placed last. According to the environmental protection ministry, more than 2.6 billion tons of hazardous waste was present in Ukraine in 2009. Approximately 35 billion tons of accumulated waste occupies 165,000 hectares of land. The majority of hazardous waste is located in three oblasts: Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhya all of which have behemoth, Soviet-era heavy industrial plants and factories. As of Jan. 1, there was approximately 20,500 tons of pesticides requiring disposal. The environmental ministry said this was an approximate figure since there could be other unknown pesticide storage sites. By comparison, Hungary generated a little over 1 million tons of hazardous waste in 2007, whereas Ukraine generated more than 2.5 million tons of hazardous waste. Skrylnikov from the Bureau of Environmental Investigation warned that significant dangers exist across the country. “This is because proper control isn’t exercised over the outer parts of reservoirs and equipment, negligence in assessing the impact of new Æ9

Name

Waste, byproducts

Ilyich Iron and Steel Works of Mariupol

Salts, organic matter

Zaporizhstal and Zaporizhya Coke Plant

Share a joint tailing pond located in the Kapustyany Gorge that seven other companies use (Dniprospetstal, Zaporizhya Titanium-Magnesium Plant, Zaporizhya Aluminum Making Plant, Kremniypolimer, and others).

Seven tailing ponds containing industrial and radioactive waste in an area of 2.43 million square Prydniprovsky Chemical meters. All seven of the ponds are considered to Plant (Dniprodzerzhynsk) be in unsatisfactory condition based on safety standards and Ukrainian legislation. Lviv Experimental Lubricant Factory

Acidic sludge has been seeping into local water reservoirs for 30 years just 10 kilometers outside Lviv.

Azovstal

Salts, organic matter

Lenin Donetsk Metallurgical Plant

Residual tailing and by-products.

Petrovsky Dnipro Metallurgical Plant

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Dnipro Metallurgical Residual tailing containing sludge. Plant (Dniprodzerzhynsk) Alchevsk Metallurgical Plant

Residual tailing containing sludge.

ArcelorMittal Kryvy Rih

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Residual tailing containing sludge. Yenakiyiv Metallurgical Plant and Yenakiyiv Coke Plant Yasynivsky Coke Plant

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Avdiyivsky Coke Plant

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Makiyivsky Coke Plant

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Nikopol Pipe Plant

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Lysychansky Soda Plant

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Slavyansky Soda Plant

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Rubizhansky Production Association Barvnyk

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Severodonetsk Azot

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Titan (Armiansk)

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Production Association Azot (Rivne, Cherkasy)

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Crimea Soda and Perekopsky Bromide Plants

Residual tailing containing sludge.

Kyiv metropolitan area Name

Waste, by-product(s)

Radical Factory

Factory floor is polluted with mercury and electrolysis and requires immediate dismantling and removal. Mercury has also settled several meters underground at the factory site. Dangerous chemical matter in tailing ponds requires immediate disposal.

Zakhid enterprise

Containers with the toxic chemical beryllium require disposal.

Kyivryba Refrigerating Plant

An accident happened here several years ago that discharged ammonia.

Radon Special Plant

Radioactive byproducts.

Cold Storage Facility N4

Uses ammonia in production.

Cold Storage Facility N2

Uses ammonia in production.

Dniprovska Water Station

Uses chlorine and ammonia to purify water, has worn out equipment.

Desnyanska Water Station

Uses chlorine and ammonia to purify water, has worn out equipment.

Bortnychyvska Aeration Station

Contains sludge in the settling tank, which is a breeding ground for typhus and dysentery due to its chemical makeup.

Institute of Physical Chemistry

By-products from cobalt, a radioactive substance.

Source: Bureau of Environmental Investigation, Lviv


www.kyivpost.com

News 9

October 22, 2010

Disasters could hit Ukraine much harder than Hungary Æ8 sites as well as corruption when issuing permits, during privatization or bankruptcy proceedings of enterprises. The new owners use any means to acquire valuable sites and land while leaving local governments with sites containing industrial waste,” he added. The risk is considered high enough for First Deputy Prime Minister Andriy Klyuyev to sign an order on Oct. 8 that formed a government commission charged with inspecting potential environmental hot spots in Ukraine to prevent a catastrophe.

Local hot spots Ukraine’s environmental ministryand the Bureau of Environmental Investigation have named two plants whose industrial waste ponds, if breached, could cause a disaster similar to the one in Hungary: Mykolayiv Alumina Plant and Zaporizhya Aluminum Plant. They have a combined 25 million cubic meters of waste in storage. The environment ministry confirmed that it has started inspecting industrial, hazardous and toxic waste storage sites across the nation. In 2008, a pipeline that pumped waste byproduct sludge burst at the Zaporizhya plant and ended up flooding four streets. The cause of the pipeline burst was human error. A giant potassium salt mine in Kalush, Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast is also a disaster waiting to happen, environmentalists warn. More than 40 years ago a factory was built there to mine the deposits of potassium salt and produce fertilizers. The factory has three mines, a mine pit, two industrial waste dams and a mining waste dump, all of which negatively impacts the environment and which are hazardous facilities. The industrial waste dams are close to overflowing, which could wreak havoc on the regional waterways – one of them has cracks already. “The water contains practically every element in the periodic table, including radioactive heavy metals,” said Skrylnikov. Former President Viktor Yushchenko designated the site an environmental

Æ The World Health Organization estimates that 155,000 Ukrainians prematurely die each year because of pollution disaster zone in February. Recently, the Ukrainian government has started removing toxic waste from the dump, Europe’s largest site of hexachlorobenzene, a hazardous chemical. It plans to remove 8,500 tons of it by the end of 2010. Altogether there’s 11,400 tons of it underground. The total cost to prevent an environmental catastrophe in this area alone, is estimated at Hr 3.5 billion, or more than $400 million. The carcinogens located underground had eroded the steel barrels in which they were stored and have been seeping into the ground water. They’ve been “underground” for 30 years. The waste is being taken to an Odesa port where it is treated and then shipped to the United Kingdom for further utilization. Acidic sludge has been seeping into local water reservoirs just 10 kilometers outside of Lviv city from a lubricant factory for 30 years, the environmental ministry said. The ministry said it needs to immediately assess the environmental situation at the bankrupt factory to avert an environmental catastrophe. Local villagers in the area have been suffering from polluted water wells and air. Prydniprovsky Chemical Plant in Dniprodzerzhynsk on the Dnipro River also doesn’t meet environmental safety standards, according to environmentalists. Processing enriched uranium from 1949 to 1991, the plant has accumulated seven tailing ponds containing industrial and radioactive waste in an area of 2.43 million square meters, 250,000 square meters of which has

uranium waste. All seven of the tailing ponds are considered to be in unsatisfactory condition. But the largest tailing pond along Ukraine’s section of the Dnipro Basin is a 73-hectare pond containing 12 million cubic meters of non-radioactive and radioactive waste, which is located just one kilometer from the right bank of the Dnipro Reservoir. The dam lacks proper filters, security and safety checks, among other bare necessities. Another site requiring immediate clean-up action is the Stebnytsky Potassium Plant in Lviv Oblast. Mining has halted, but it still remains one of Ukraine’s largest deposits of potassium salts. The plant isn’t in operation because of an environmental disaster in 1983 when a dam burst at the reservoir. As a result, more than 5 million cubic meters of salt solution entered the Dnister River, Ukraine’s second largest. The Chornobyl zone still poses a threat and contains several potential radiological hot spots, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Not officially closed until 2000, Chornobyl still leaks to this day. Construction of a confinement shelter over the ruins of the Chornobyl nuclear power plant’s containment unit finally re-started this year, after 25 years. The current shelter isn’t seen as a permanent solution but for years Ukraine and international donors mulled an implementation plan. Enough money was finally raised and an American company was given the go-ahead to

Built hastily in 1986 to prevent further escape of radioactivity into the environment and to protect personnel working on the site, the Chornobyl shelter isn’t considered a permanent solution to containing 200 tons of nuclear fuel. Already there are defects in the structure and the possibility of collapse cannot be excluded, a 2006 International Atomic Energy Agency report states. Recently, an American concern was commissioned to finish building a new containment unit whose construction was first started by a French concern in 2003. (UNIAN)

build a 108-meter tall sliding arch structure, which will take five years to build and which is expected to last for 100 years and cost $1.4 billion. Until the structure is built, it is at risk of leaking radioactive fuel. Five million people, including the resi-

dents of Ukraine’s capital and largest city, Kyiv, live nearby. If a big leak breaks out, the entire region could be contaminated. Kyiv Post staff writer Mark Rachkevych can be reached at rachkevych@kyivpost. com


10 News

www.kyivpost.com

October 22, 2010

English-speaking tourists present local challenge Æ1 questions – such as help with directions, requests for documents and explanations of medical problems. The classes, made possible with money from the European Union, make for an interesting reversal of roles in some cases. Traffic cops are now sweating over their English skills, rather than making drivers they’ve pulled over sweat over the size of their potential traffic fines. Most of the student professionals admit that their English lessons in schools or in universities were not very successful. “Ask me how to get to a subway station and I will explain,” a police officer said to his colleague in Ukrainian. “How can I get to….to…underground?” his partner stumbles and hesitates in English. On their left another two officers are struggling with their dialogue: “How do you say ‘Palats Sportu’?” asks one in Ukrainian. “Palace Sport,” replies the other. “I am lost!” “I am help you!” The class enjoys a short movie, which shows a British police officer helping a foreigner find a certain street. One scene shows an officer inviting a man into his car to take him to his destination. “No way!” shouts one sergeant skeptically. Traffic police officers started their English classes on Sept. 10 at the Interior Academy in Kyiv. Police officers who conduct criminal investigations will start studying in 2011. “Around 4,000 policemen will attend classes in Kyiv. These are police officers who will be on duty in the city center and crowded places in Kyiv during the championship – the airport, the city center and the stadium,” said Volodymyr Dmytrenko, deputy head of Kyiv’s police information center. Special attention is paid to good manners. “If somebody thanks you, you should reply ‘It’s all part of my job!’” the teacher reminds the officers several times during the lesson. “Can I just say ‘It’s my job’?” asks

Æ Despite schooling, most Ukrainians still struggle with basic English

In order to prepare for an influx of English-speaking tourists expected for soccer matches during the Euro 2012 championship, Kyiv police officers have started English-language classes. With help from European Union money, a three-month program was launched by the Interior Ministry’s academy. (Oleksiy Boyko)

one sergeant, who glows with pride when the teacher tells him his shorter version is fine. “Why make it harder?” he beams. Teacher Tetyana Filipovych says she tries not to give homework. She reveals that some struggle to pick up the language. “While some memorize words at once, others forget the simplest things all the time,” she says. Sergeant Ruslan Shevchuk says his small knowledge of English already helps him: “When on duty in city center, foreigners often come up to me and ask for directions. Usually they are trying to find their hotel, restaurant or pub.” Dmytrenko says several of his colleagues speak conversational English,

even before classes: “Mostly they are young people just out of college. It’s a good sign.” Police officers are also taught at the Linguistic University, as well as emergency workers, doctors and customs and border guards. “The pilot project started on Sept. 22 and currently we are teaching 105 people,” says Iryna Sieriakova, vice rector for international affairs at the university. They also are preparing a book for students who will start their course in early 2011. Around 33,000 state employees will take a three-month English course before Euro 2012. “In the summer of 2012 we plan to hold an exam for all of

them. But we have not decided exactly how their knowledge will be tested,” says teacher Vasyl Ivanchuk, who is working on a book for Euro 2012. Back in class, students from the Emergency Situations Ministry are being tested on their homework – learning 130 words and phrases. “What does ‘prepare your documents mean?” asks the teacher. “Show your driving license?” one student hesitatingly responds. All 15 students are present in the class. Doctors, however, are not as good at attending – only three were present when a Kyiv Post reporter attended class. The doctors’ morbid sense of humor

didn’t leave them even outside the hospital walls. Two doctors are reading their own dialogue: “My legs are killing me!” complains one, pretending to be a suffering tourist. “Don’t worry, we will cut them out!” the doctor “consoles” him. “Both of them!” the other says, as the class erupts in laughter. The atmosphere is much more serious at a class for state bodyguards, who provide security for homegrown and visiting VIPs. Five serious men in suits sit at their desks. Three are watching a video on a laptop while the others are reading texts. “There is a difference in their levels and we aren’t able to hold separate lessons, so I have to make up different tasks for them,” says their teacher, Larysa Ignatenko. The university says that students attend more or less regularly. “We keep track of each lesson and send information to each ministry. As for the police, they check on their men regularly themselves,” says Sieriakova, the vice rector. However, some do skip classes. Teachers complain that students from the prison service have come to classes just twice, and at the last lesson only one person showed up. Perhaps they’re expecting all the soccer fans to be on their best behavior. Kyiv Post staff writer Svitlana Tuchynska can be reached at tuchynska@kyivpost.com

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October 22, 2010

11


12 News

October 22, 2010

Tymoshenko ally detained in Prague may seek asylum Æ1

In a September interview with the Kyiv Post, Danylyshyn, a career academic who entered politics in 2007, denied the accusations and said he had nothing to fear. Tymoshenko’s opposition faction in parliament, the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko, called the allegations political persecution, accusing Yanukovych of creating “a police state.” Following the February presidential elections and the replacement of Tymoshenko’s government by allies of Yanukovych, prosecutors have pursued an anti-corruption campaign aimed exclusively at the former government. Four high-ranking officials from Tymoshenko’s government remain in detention and under investigation for alleged corruption and abuse of office. The pressure hit a new high on Oct. 14, when three U.S. firms presented a report commissioned by the Ministry of Finance alleging that Tymoshenko’s government had misused hundreds of millions of dollars. Tymoshenko’s allies denounced the allegations as a “witch hunt.” Danylyshyn’s lawyer Stepan Ukrayinets told the Kyiv Post on Oct. 20 that the former economy minister had been detained after meeting with Ukrainian investigators in Prague. “Danylyshyn was not hiding, but was getting medical treatment in Germany due to liver and spine problems,” Ukrayinets said. “Ukrainian prosecutors asked him to meet them at the Ukrainian Embassy in the Czech Republic. When he showed up at the embassy, they simply handed him over to the Czech police.” Ukrayinets said this was in violation of mandatory procedures. Yuriy Boychenko, spokesman for the General Prosecutor’s Office, denied the allegations. He said Ukrainian prosecutors were not there and did not take part in Danylyshyn’s detention. Deputy Prosecutor General Yevhen Blazhivsky told reporters in Kyiv on Oct. 19 that the General Prosecutor’s Office had begun the process of extraditing Danylyshyn. A Czech court will now decide the

merits of the order for the former Ukrainian minister’s extradition, which could take several months, a Czech police spokesperson told the Associated Press. Ukrayinets said the process might take up to six months due to numerous procedures including the translation of documents. Serhiy Vlasenko, a lawyer and parliamentary deputy in Tymoshenko’s BYuT faction, said his colleagues would try to prevent Danylyshyn’s extradition by proving to the Czechs the case is political in nature, not criminal. This could cause an uncomfortable political standoff between Kyiv and Prague, because if the Czech court considers this case to be politically motivated, then extradition will simply not take place and Danylyshyn will be granted the right to remain in the country, Vlasenko said. Ukrayinets, Danylyshyn’s lawyer, could not say whether his client would apply for asylum in the Czech Republic. In the September Kyiv Post interview, Danylyshyn denied seeking political asylum. If he returns to Ukraine, Danylyshyn will probably land behind bars along with four other senior officials from the former government. Tymoshenko has described all the arrests as “political repression.” Former customs head Anatoliy Makarenko, former deputy chief executive of state-run Naftogaz Ihor Didenko, and the former chief of regional energy customs Taras Shepitko were detained earlier this year on charges of damaging Ukraine for the allegedly illegal seizure of gas that the state under Yanukovych now says belongs to Swiss-based gas trader RosUkrEnergo, not the Ukrainian government, as Tymoshenko contended. As much as $5 billion in gas and fines is at stake for the Ukrainian taxpayers. Valeriy Ivashchenko, a former deputy defense minister, is also in detention on charges of abuse of power. All four deny the charges. Kyiv Post staff writer Yuriy Onyshkiv can be reached at onyshkiv@kyivpost. com

www.kyivpost.com

Former Tymoshenko officials who face legal troubles under Yanukovych administration BY ROMA N F ESH CH ENKO A ND PETER B Y R N E FESHCHENKO@KYIVPOST.COM AND BYRNE@KYIVPOST.COM

Bohdan Danylyshyn served as economy minister under ex-Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who left office on March 4. He is alleged to have abused his official powers, incurring Hr 14 million in losses to the state during a tender for building a parking lot for Terminal D of Kyiv Boryspil Airport. Only one company bid for the contract. Danylyshyn is also accused of illegal purchases of fuel for the army in 2008. In August 2009, law-enforcement authorities asked Interpol to put out an international warrant for his arrest. The Czech police on Oct. 20 said that they had arrested Danylyshyn. Anatoly Makarenko headed the State Customs Service under Tymoshenko. He is currently being held in pre-trial detention, accused of abuse of authority resulting in losses to the state. His alleged crime is wrongful appropriation of 11 billion cubic meters of natural gas, seized for the state from gas trader RosUkrEnergo. As much as $5 billion in gas and fines is at stake for Ukrainian taxpayers. After President Viktor Yanukovych took power, an international arbitration court ordered Ukraine to return the gas to RosUkrEnergo, whose Ukrainian co-owners have close ties to the presidential administration. Makarenko has been held by police since June in Kyiv’s Lukyanivsky pre-trial detention facility. Ihor Didenko is the former first deputy head of Naftogaz Ukraine, the state’s oil and gas monopoly, under Tymoshenko. He is also held in connection with the ownership dispute over the same 11 billion cubic meters of gas. Didenko has been held in pre-trial detention in Kyiv since July.

Taras Shepitko worked as the deputy head of the energy department of the State Customs Service and is also involved with allegedly abusing his office by customs clearing the transfer of 11 billion cubic meters of gas. He has been held in pre-trial detention since July.

Mariya Kushnir, the former acting director of the accounting department at Naftogaz Ukraine, is the fourth suspect in the criminal case involving the disputed Russian natural gas. She is accused of using her position to benefit third parties. She

was detained in September in the Russian city of Volgograd and is awaiting extradition to Ukraine. Oleksandr Turchynov, former first deputy prime minister for Tymoshenko, is a witness in the case involving the disputed 11 billion cubic meters of imported gas. Turchynov has been summoned on numerous occasions for questioning by the Security Service of Ukraine, or SBU.

Valery Ivashchenko, the former acting head of Ukraine’s armed forces under Tymoshenko, is accused of illegally selling state property belonging to the Feodosiya Ship Repair Factory. The property was transferred to private entities. State prosecutors claim Ivashchenko’s activities resulted in the loss of Hr 17 million. He has been held in pre-trial detention in Kyiv since August. Tetyana Hrytsun occupied the post of first deputy head of the State Treasury while Tymoshenko was prime minister. She is accused of misappropriating Hr 800 million worth of tender fees for the privatization of the Odesa Portside Plant from September 2009 to April. She has been held in pre-trial detention since July.

Tatyana Slyuz is the former head of the State Treasury. She is accused of abuse of office during the privatization of Odesa Portside Plant. A warrant for her arrest was issued in July. Meanwhile, she remains No. 10 on Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchyna Party election list for the Khmelnytsky Oblast council.

Yuriy Lutsenko Ukraine’s Interior Ministry announced on Oct. 21 that it is investigating possible abuse of office by Yuriy Lutsenko, who headed the ministry from 2005-2009. A source within the ministry quoted by the daily Segodnya newspaper said investigators are looking into the payments of Hr 165,000 to Lutsenko’s driver while he was minister. Lutsenko has denied any wrongdoing. Kyiv Post staff writers Roman Feshchenko and Peter Byrne can be reached at feshchenko@kyivpost.com and byrne@kyivpost. com.


www.kyivpost.com

News 13

October 22, 2010

Kuchma, Lytvyn implicated anew in Gongadze murder BY P E T E R B Y R N E BYRNE@KYIVPOST.COM

A lawyer closely involved in the case of Georgiy Gongadze, the hard-hitting journalist murdered in 2000, said former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma and current parliament speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn are implicated in ordering the crime. Kuchma and Lytvyn have repeatedly denied involvement in Gongadze’s murder, but a rising amount of evidence points to their involvement in both the crime and in the subsequent cover-up orchestrated by subordinates. Oleh Musienko, the former lawyer for ex-police general Oleksiy Pukach, said Kuchma and Lytvyn should stand trial for the killing. Pukach, who has been in jail for more than a year without trial in the case, allegedly admits taking part in the actual murder of Gongadze. But the suspect also said he did so at the order of the nation’s highest officials at the time, according to his testimony. In an interview published on Oct. 21 on Ukrainska Pravda, the website that Gongadze founded a decade ago, Musienko revealed fresh details about the case, which triggered an international scandal that turned Kuchma into an international pariah in the last years of his corruption-riddled, decade-long tenure. The interview was published days after the General Prosecutor’s Office announced that Musienko had been removed as Pukach’s lawyer. It’s a move that Musienko is disputing and could still challenge. The Gongadze case was thrust back to the nation’s attention last month after prosecutors revealed that they had completed pre-trial investigations. Prosecutors said that Pukach got the order to kill Gongadze from Yuriy Kravchenko, the former interior minister who was killed by two gunshot wounds to the head in 2005 – the same day Kravchenko was supposed to give testimony in the investigation. The

death is highly suspicious with many doubting official claims of suicide. Despite testimony by Pukach and other evidence that pointed to involvement by Kuchma and other top officials, prosecutors initially insisted they did not have enough evidence to pursue a case beyond Kravchenko. But international and domestic pressure forced prosecutors not to end their investigation by blaming Kravchenko. So the investigation – long sidetracked by cover-ups and stonewalling – remains open. The possible involvement of Kuchma, Lytvyn and other top officials at the time appear to be the hottest leads. Based on Pukach’s testimony, Musienko joined others involved in the case in telling Ukrainska Pravda that enough evidence exists to indict Kuchma, Lytvyn and other top officials. But investigators may still be trying to protect the former and current officials, including Kuchma, from being indicted, Musienko told journalist Serhiy Leshchenko of the online news site. Musienko says Pukach told him that Lytvyn, Kuchma’s presidential chief of staff in 2000, former deputy Interior Minister Mykhailo Dzhiha (now governor of Vinnitsa Oblast), former Interior Ministry generals and current state prosecutors were also involved in the conspiracy. Describing his former client as a simple village man, Musienko said Pukach initially refused to follow Kravchenko’s orders to kill Gongadze. But the interior minister pressured Pukach, Musienko said. At one heated moment while Kravchenko was pressuring Pukach, the former interior minister’s office phone rang. It was, allegedly, Kuchma on the other end of the line. Kravchenko was heard by Pukach as saying: “Yes, of course, Mr. President. We will execute it.” Upon finishing this conversation, Kravchenko allegedly turned back to

Verkhovna Rada speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn and ex-Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma are shown on Dec. 7, 2002, more than two years after the murder of journalist Georgiy Gongadze. (UNIAN)

Pukach and said: “You see who is calling?” Musienko also cited a suicide note left by Kravchenko as pointing to Kuchma’s involvement. The note allegedly read: “I fell victim to the political intrigues of Leonid Kuchma.” According to Musienko, testimony given by Pukach about events that followed the murder also implicates other Kuchma loyalists. He said that Pukach gave testimony saying: “Kravchenko gave the order [to Pukach] to rebury Gongadze after the murder. He did this after [Lytvyn] met with Kravchenko in his office. It happened this way: Lytvyn, Dzhiha, and former police general Eduard Fere met in Kravchenko’s office in the fall of 2000 for drinks. They summoned Pukach, and told him around 11 p.m. on that evening to re-bury Gongadze,”

A golfing Halloween Golf Center Kiev hosted its annual preHalloween party for kids on Oct. 17. About 300 guests, children and parents, came for the fun and enjoyed a lot of “scary” activities, such as playing golf with Halloween targets, decorating pumpkins and making Halloween-themed jewelry. Visitors dressed in bear and gorilla costumes also paid a visit. The next Halloween party will take place Oct. 31 at 4:30 p.m. More information can be found at http://www.golf-center.com. ua/?lng=en. Golf Center Kiev is located at 10-D Heroiv Stalinhrada Ave. (Courtesy),

Musienko recalls in the interview. The revelation of such new details strengthen the long and widely held belief by many that Kuchma’s administration was heavily involved in Gongadze’s abduction, murder and subsequent cover-up of the case. Snippets of secretly made recordings of conversations in Kuchma’s office made during the summer of 2000 implicated the president, Lytvyn, Kravchenko and former State Security Service head Leonid Derkach. In several recordings, a man with a voice resembling Kuchma’s orders Kravchenko to do away with Gongadze. Other recordings tie in the other aforementioned officials as having been involved to various degrees. Musienko says that documents in the case that he studied show that tests of the so-called Melnychenko recordings

verify the voices to be that of Kuchma, Lytvyn and other officials. But, he said, tests cannot rule out that the recordings may have been doctored. Some questioned Musienko’s motives for coming out with the information. Yuriy Boychenko, the spokesman for the General Prosecutor’s Office, told the Kyiv Post on Oct. 21 that Musienko’s revelations represent a clear violation of the law, which prohibits divulging information before cases go to trial. Valentyna Telychenko, who represents Gongadze’s widow Myroslava in the case, agreed with Boychenko’s view. After reading the interview with Musienko, Telychenko, who has been involved in the case since 2000, added that it appeared to her that Deputy Prosecutor General Rinat Kuzmin, who in September replaced Deputy Prosecutor General Mykola Holomsha in overseeing the case, has a different political agenda than his predecessor. “Whereas Holomsha seemed to be going for indictments of Lytvyn and Kuchma, Kuzmin looks to be trying to protect both,” she said. In the interview, Musienko also speculated that Kuzmin may be trying to create the appearance that he is serious about solving the Gongadze case, while not doing so in action, in order to win support for his candidacy to be the next General Prosecutor. The tenure for current General Prosecutor Oleksandr Medvedko expired this year. According to constitutional rules, President Viktor Yanukovych is to either extend his tenure for another five years, or appoint a new lead prosecutor. Both Medvedko and Kuzmin have declined recent Kyiv Post requests for an interview. With their lips tight and vested interests apparently high, it appears political intrigues are further tangling up the 10-year old Gongadze investigation. Kyiv Post staff writer Peter Byrne can be reached at byrne@kyivpost.com


14 Opinion

www.kyivpost.com

October 22, 2010

Valasek: Retreat of democracy Æ5 that the current president and his successors will have sole right to appoint the government in the future. Yanukovych argues that the change is needed to bring political stability to Ukraine. But skeptics rightly point out that the concentration of power in the president’s office, along with the disenfranchisement of BYuT, attacks on independent media, universities and Tymoshenko and her associates, look suspiciously like a concerted campaign to turn Ukraine into a one-party state. Ukraine’s polarized nature – with many oligarchs and political parties competing for power – used to serve as a barrier to authoritarianism: no single clique had enough influence to usurp power. That is now changing. Virtually all major Ukrainian oligarchs have lined up behind Yanukovych. And their influence on politics is as strong as ever: one person, Valeriy Khoroshkovsky, chairs the country’s spy service, owns one of the largest media groups and sits on the council that nominates judges to Ukraine’s courts. The president faces no substantive opposition. He also seems determined to make sure that it remains that way. People familiar with Yanukovych’s thinking say that he talks about “power” fondly and frequently. While Yanukovych says he believes in democracy, the president’s understanding of it “is shallow and commitment to it questionable,” James Sherr of the London-based Chatham House observes.

Foreign policy secondary Foreign policy has been a second-order priority to Yanukovych in his first half year in power. Ukrainians in general, including the elites, spend little time contemplating their country’s place in the world. Ukrainians from the Russophone east and south, like Yanukovych, generally want to stay on good terms with Russia, while those from the west of the country prefer a close relationship with the West. Yanukovych’s predecessor, Yushchenko, went against the grain when he called for Ukraine to join NATO and sided with Georgia in its war against Russia in 2008. The east of the country disagreed strongly, and even those in the centre and west, who are not particularly pro-Russian, felt uncomfortable with the abrasiveness of Yushchenko’s Russia policy. Yanukovych capitalized on this anxiety: his decision to abandon the pursuit of NATO accession and to cozy up to Russia was popular. But he is not bidding to turn Ukraine into a satellite of Russia. He is seeking to restore Ukraine’s longstanding policy of quasineutrality. There is no doubt that he has a special relationship with Russia: Yanukovych is a native Russian speaker and, like Vladimir Putin, the Ukrainian president seems to recall fondly the country’s Soviet past. The key foreign policy decision of the new administration so far – the extension of the Russian Black Sea fleet lease in Sevastopol – has deceived many in the West into thinking that Kyiv sought a new strategic alliance with Moscow. But the agreement was largely driven by domestic reasons. In exchange, Russia agreed to a 30 percent discount on the price at which it sells gas to the country. Yanukovych may have been protecting the interests of the governing party’s financial back-

ers. Many of Ukraine’s richest men are in the steel business and benefit from cheap energy. Indeed, there are signs that Ukraine’s newly warm relations with Moscow are coming under strain. While Yanukovych simply wants Ukraine to enjoy better relations with Russia than it did under Yushchenko, Moscow appears to want a broader strategic alliance. The Kremlin has proposed a long list of industrial tie-ups to Kyiv, including the merger of the two countries’ airplane manufacturers, as well as their key gas suppliers (Gazprom of Russia and Naftogaz of Ukraine), and other strategic industries. The proposed gas merger in particular seems to have surprised the Kyiv government, which initially denied that any such deal was in the offing (it is now talking about a joint venture rather than merger). Some analysts believe that Moscow’s bid for Ukrainian assets may yet prompt Kyiv to become friendlier to the EU. The rich businessmen behind the Party of Regions view Russian oligarchs as competition. “Eight out of the top 10 richest Ukrainians are in the steel business,” Andrew Wilson of the European Council on Foreign Relations points out, “and they do not take kindly to the prospect of having their business taken over by their Russian rivals.” Overall, there is little evidence of any consistent foreign policy strategy in Kyiv. Yanukovych appears to think that consolidation of domestic power, not diplomacy, is the main business of the government. This order of priorities will continue to befuddle Western observers and make Ukraine a difficult and unpredictable partner.

EU aspirations dashed Ukraine’s turn inwards should prompt the EU to rethink its Ukraine strategy. The United States under Bill Clinton and George W. Bush took a close interest in Ukraine, but Eastern Europe has ranked low on Barack Obama’s list of priorities. The EU does not have the luxury of being able to downplay Ukraine. It is a large country, a neighbor to four EU member-states and it

Up to 5, 000 private entrepreneurs gathered in front of Verkhovna Rada on a rainy Oct. 21 to protest against the new Tax Code that is being pushed by President Viktor Yanukovych’s government. Experts and oppositionists say that if adopted, it would increase the tax burden on small and medium-sized businesses, cutting taxes only for big business. Parliament adopted the tax code in a first reading last month. Officials said a final vote is to be held in November. (Oleksiy Boyko)

raise gas prices and reform Naftogaz (which, in 2010, the Yanukovych government promised to do). Even more importantly, a new EU association agreement with Ukraine, which has been under negotiation since 2007, contains a novel deep free trade clause: this would not only remove tariffs but non-tariff barriers too, for example by harmonizing technical standards. The EU and Ukraine are also talking about introducing visa-free travel (EU citizens can already travel to Ukraine without visas), and the European Union has offered Ukraine 800 million euros in financial assistance to weather the economic crisis. Some EU member-states, especially the newer ones, want the EU to say clearly that Ukraine is free to join if and when it meets criteria for accession. But others, like Germany and the Netherlands, want the EU to hold off enlarging for a while.

Æ Yanukovych has taken steps to muzzle independent media, harass critics and sideline opposition in the name of governance transports 80 percent of Russian gas destined for EU markets. Mutual trade reached a peak of S40 billion in 2008 before the crisis. The EU has given Ukraine 2.5 billion euros in assistance since 1991, for programs such as the training of government workers, and cleaning up after the Chornobyl nuclear disaster. The EU has also played a key role in encouraging the Kyiv government to reform the country’s energy market: in 2009, the European Commission talked several financial institutions into offering Kyiv 3 billion euros in low-interest loans for modernizing the country’s aging pipeline system – on the condition that it

The rise of Yanukovych spells trouble for several EU goals. EU officials say that talks on the new association agreement – particularly its deep free trade provisions – have run into trouble. When the EU team went to Kyiv in late May for scheduled talks, the chief Ukrainian negotiator failed to attend the first day of the meeting. Even though he did appear a day later, the Ukrainian team was badly prepared. At subsequent talks in July, negotiators made equally little headway. In an internal communication to EU governments in late September, the European Commission warned that it would suspend free trade talks with

Ukraine unless Kyiv showed more flexibility soon. EU officials see the hand of certain Ukrainian oligarchs in the slowdown of the talks. “The previous government did not prepare the oligarchs for the costs that a free trade agreement would entail,” one commission official complains. “The new Ukrainian government is now practically run by the oligarchs.” Like his predecessor, Yanukovych has repeatedly stated that EU accession is a top priority. But in order to qualify for membership, Ukraine would have to rewrite many of its laws and restructure its economy. Accession is not a foreign policy decision; it requires a full commitment to key EU principles such as pluralist democracy, freedom of speech and judicial independence. There is little evidence that Yanukovych is willing to supply the necessary leadership. Some of his actions, such as measures to restrict independent media reporting, seem designed to emulate Russia rather than the EU. Although the president has launched serious economic reforms he has done too little to comply with other EU demands, such as the adoption of measures against corruption. Despite his rhetoric on EU membership, Yanukovych does not seem to be taking that objective seriously.

Phantom pains Although EU-Ukraine relations seem to be heading for a stagnant and unproductive period, it should not be forgotten that the two sides were getting on badly before Yanukovych’s election. The biggest reason is that the Yushchenko-Tymoshenko tandem, like Yanukovych, paid far more attention to domestic political considerations than to building closer ties with the EU. This is probably inevitable for a country that only gained independence in 1991 and is still forming a political identity. Ukraine was always going to be more difficult to integrate with the EU than the countries that joined in 2004-2007, such as Poland and Hungary. The Ukrainians – and citizens of other former Soviet republics – spent far longer under communist rule, and have a more ambivalent

attitude to the West, than the Poles or Hungarians. Ukraine’s top politicians, businessmen and bureaucrats do not wake up in the morning asking what they can do to prepare the country for EU membership, like many of their counterparts in Warsaw or Budapest did all through the 1990s. However, the EU is partly to blame for Ukraine’s halfhearted pursuit of accession. Too many EU countries oppose further eastward enlargement. The Ukrainians follow European debates closely, and they have found the EU’s vacillation hurtful. Most would still like to join the EU but they have grown cynical about the prospect of Ukraine ever being let in. They have also been irritated by the EU’s refusal to lift visa requirements, although EU citizens have been free to travel to Ukraine without visas since 2006. This sense of frustration has been growing for years, but Yanukovych’s government has given it full voice. Like Turkey, which after years of difficult accession talks appear to be turning away from the EU, Ukraine is adopting a tougher, more nationalistic rhetoric. Ukraine’s ambassador, Konstyantyn Yeliseyev, to the EU said in April: “The EU does not know what to do with Ukraine. It has no vision for where it sees us in the next ten years, or 20 years. It cannot clearly decide that, together with Ukraine, the EU would be more stable and more prosperous. When it finally decides this, it may be too late.” He is right on substance but wrong to speak to EU governments in such a tone; Ukraine needs to cultivate them as friends, not alienate them.

What is the EU to do? Yanukovych’s early actions have already prompted the EU to change course. The top official responsible for Ukraine – enlargement and neighborhood commissioner Stefan Fule – has started to emphasize the immediate benefits that Ukraine stands to gain from cooperating with the EU. His office even produced a matrix listing quid-pro-quos such as membership of the energy community (now a reality) if Ukraine adopted gas laws that Æ15


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Opinion 15

October 22, 2010

Valasek: Ukraine sours on European Union membership Æ14 comply with the EU’s legislation. Füle has rightly recognized that Yanukovych is a pragmatist who will pursue closer cooperation with the EU where he sees the potential for practical benefits. But there are risks to the EU in developing a purely transactional relationship with Ukraine. The EU lacks the carrots to induce Kyiv to make serious reforms. Unlike Russia, the EU cannot offer the Ukrainian oligarchs the cheap gas that they desire. While the EU has some things that Ukraine wants, such as the ability to offer visa-free travel, these are not enough to inspire the comprehensive political change of the sort that the EU’s new members from Central and East Europe underwent. A membership perspective for Ukraine could provide a sufficient impulse for deep reforms, but many EU governments are unwilling to offer it. The debate on Ukraine’s membership has obscured a more important point: EU governments, regardless of whether they favor Ukraine’s accession, have a collective interest in prodding the country to safeguard basic freedoms: nobody wants another Russia on the EU’s eastern border. EU governments also have reasons to want to improve the country’s business environment: this would open new opportunities for Western companies, while growing trade would lift living standards in those EU countries that border Ukraine. To make progress on these goals, the EU needs to rethink its approach to Ukraine. Its strategy should consist of two baskets of measures. These include, above all, steps to pressure Ukraine to preserve basic freedoms, but also measures to support reform of the country’s gas sector. More broadly, the EU needs to think of new ways to give Ukraine more reasons to continue on the path of economic and political reforms. These

are first and foremost the Kyiv government’s responsibility. But reforms require tough choices, which alienate entrenched constituencies. Elsewhere in Central Europe, the prospect of EU membership helped governments to make the case that unpopular reforms are necessary because they served a greater purpose. Without an agreement on whether to admit Ukraine, EU governments cannot credibly make such a case in Kyiv. Ideally, the EU would state clearly that Ukraine will be accepted when and if it meets the accession criteria; this would dramatically raise the opportunity cost to Yanukovych of not seriously pursuing membership in the European Union. But EU countries are not likely to do any such thing: the economic crisis has made the Europeans more reticent than ever about competition from cheap Eastern European workers. So as a minimum, EU capitals should not do more harm: they need to avoid a conflict with Kyiv over the wording of the association agreement. The Ukrainians say they want the document to contain a clear membership perspective but they will settle on a compromise. In practical terms, the EU’s new strategy should consist of the following steps:

Measures to support democracy in Ukraine This should be the EU’s top priority for the near future. EU officials should be ready to raise the stakes. Senior EU representatives visiting Ukraine should give interviews to the media most hounded by the state. And they should invite the key opposition leaders to meetings and public events in the EU to give them visibility. The more that Ukraine’s opposition leaders are seen as isolated and forgotten, the more vulnerable they become to persecution.

Support reforms in the gas sector The EU already has the right energy policy for Ukraine: it has offered to lend money to modernize Ukraine’s gas pipelines, in exchange for greater transparency and reforms in the Ukrainian gas sector. It should continue to make the case that such reforms are in Ukraine’s interest, and support Kyiv’s plans to break up Naftogaz. The Yanukovych government, under pressure from Moscow, seems set to engineer some sort of tie-up, either a partial merger or joint venture, between parts of Naftogaz and Russia’s Gazprom. Ukrainian diplomats have on various occasions also called on European energy companies to buy a stake in such a future company, and have received some support from Ukraine watchers in the EU. However, there is a risk that EU companies would only serve to legitimize a corrupt arrangement: Naftogaz is notorious for its opaque contracts, and its most controversial deals involve Gazprom as a partner. The EU’s interest lies in making Naftogaz into a transparent and commercially viable company.

Expanding people-topeople contacts The EU needs more allies in Ukraine because those with most influence on the government – Ukraine’s oligarchs – have turned out to be less interested in EU membership than many in the West had assumed. Some of the country’s richest and most influential businessmen are rent-seekers, who rely on the government to close its eyes to their dubious sources of income. They rightly fear that the EU’s demand for more transparency would ruin their business model. The oligarchs’ influence has only increased with Yanukovych’s arrival. The EU governments and institutions need to cultivate those who favor accession. But they should also start

European Council President Herman Van Rompuy (R) and Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych (L) give a joint press after their meeting at the EU headquarters in Brussels on Sept. 13, 2010. (Andriy Mosienko)

looking beyond the oligarchs. Students and other Ukrainians with personal ties to the EU are the West’s natural friends in Ukraine: they have the most reason to pressure the Kyiv government to adopt the EU’s norms. To expand their ranks, EU governments should accelerate plans to remove visa requirements for Ukrainians. Visas deter students, businessmen and researchers from travelling to Europe and building friendships and partnerships. The EU should also offer more scholarships to Ukrainians and encourage universities to charge Ukrainians the home fees that universities reserve for students from EU countries, as Jana Kobzova of the European Council on Foreign Relations has proposed. Ukrainian students and researchers often fail to win EU scholarships or research grants because their poor language skills and the sheer complexity of the EU’s application forms prevent them from lodging a successful bid. The barriers to success are so high that numerous non-governmental organizations, often American, specialize in helping Ukrainian (and other East European) students and researchers to fill out EU application forms. The EU should simplify the application procedures for research grants and scholarships. None of these proposed steps are revolutionary. But if adopted, they could have an important cumulative effect in the long run. They would strengthen the constituency in Ukraine that will pressure the Kyiv government to stay on the path towards EU integration.

Conclusion The EU’s objectives in Ukraine will be harder to achieve now that its credibil-

ity and influence in the country have declined. Ukraine was never Europe’s to lose. The country is big and selfabsorbed, and its elites are primarily focused on political power and personal enrichment. But the EU should have done more to change their political calculus: it should have clearly offered the perspective of accession, thus putting pressure on the government to reform the country’s politics and economy in order to qualify. The EU’s failure to do so is detrimental to its own interest: that of turning Ukraine into a stable and prosperous neighbor. The EU, too, has helped create the Yanukovych government, with its cynical and defensive attitude to EU membership. Moscow has less influence on what the Ukrainians think of the EU than some in Western Europe imagine. The main reasons for the cooling off of the EU-Ukrainian relationship lie with the insular nature of the political elites in Kyiv, and with the EU’s reluctance to offer Ukraine a clear prospect of membership. Neither of these two factors will change overnight, and relations between the two sides are bound to remain tricky under the new president no matter what the EU does. But with patience and sensible policies, the European Union can retain some of its existing influence and gradually expand it, thus preparing the ground for more active cooperation if and when circumstances in Ukraine change. Tomas Valasek is director of foreign policy and defence at the London-based Centre For European Reform. He can be reached at tomas@cer.org.uk


16 News/Opinion

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October 22, 2010

Umland: Nation at low point in post-Soviet era

Operation Provide Hope U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine John F. Tefft (left) inspects equipment donated to a hospital in Simferopol on Sept. 29, alongside Tetyana Umrikhina, Crimea’s deputy prime minister and Ihor Koltok, the hospital’s director. Equipment provided by the U.S. Department of State was shipped to nine hospitals in Simferopol, the capital of Crimea, with the support of International Relief and Development, a nongovernmental organization. The aim is to help Ukraine’s Ministry of Health to improve the technical capacity of the state and emergency hospitals. (Courtesy)

Yanukovych looks for compromise with global steel leader Kyiv Post Staff – Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych said on Oct. 21 that he and ArcelorMittal chief executive officer Lakshmi Mittal would look for a compromise solution to solve the company's investment commitments in Ukraine. “I think we can discuss these issues and find a compromise,” Yanukovych's office quoted him as saying at a meeting with Mittal in Kyiv. Mittal’s view of the talks was not immediately clear. ArcelorMittal is considered the largest investor in Ukraine and owner of the nation’s largest steel mill, which was acquired in 2005 for $4.8 billion in a privatization sale that was the nation’s most transparent. But the investor has run into trouble in Ukraine this year, and raised fears that its investment could be at risk, prompting Mittal to make the visit to Ukraine.

Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych and ArcelorMittal chief executive officer Lakshmi Mittal meet on Oct. 21 in Kyiv. (Courtesy)

Prosecutors launched a criminal case this autumn alleging that ArcelorMittal’s investment obligations at the Kryviy Rih steel factory it acquired in 2005 were not being fulfilled. The case was, however, dropped without explanation this month after Yanukovych pledged that ArcelorMittal’s investment in Ukraine would be protected. But the world-leading steel pro-

ducer also complains that Ukrainian authorities are wrongfully investigating its coal imports into the country. Ukrainian officials claim the imports are being done at below market prices. ArcelorMittal denies this, and claims that imports are necessary because domestic steel and mining groups have refused to sell coal, unless at artificially inflated prices.

Æ4 parliament, it seems likely that Svoboda will have a faction in the next Verkhovna Rada. That will mean additional damage for Kyiv’s already dented international reputation. Svoboda is a racist party promoting explicitly ethnocentric and anti-Semitic ideas. Its main programmatic points are Russo- and xenophobia as well as, more recently, a strict anti-immigration stance. It is an outspoken advocate of an uncritical heroization of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists – an interwar and World War II ultra-nationalist party tainted by its temporary collaboration with the Third Reich, as well as its members’ participation in genocidal actions against Poles and Jews, in western Ukraine, during German occupation. Although Svoboda emphasizes the European character of the Ukrainian people, it is an anti-Western, anti-liberal, and anti-EU grouping. It belongs to the international so-called Alliance of European National Movements. This radically right-wing pan-European party association includes, among other groupings, France’s Front national, The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik) and the British National Party – three of Europe’s most prolific and extreme nationalist parties today. Tiahnybok’s most prominent new political friend on the international scene is, incongruously, the Frenchmen Jean-Marie Le Pen who also used to be friendly with Vladimir Zhirinovskii – an aggressively anti-Ukrainian Russian imperialist politician. Svoboda is a phenomenon not untypical for contemporary Europe. Several EU member countries had or have politically significant parties and, sometimes, parliamentary factions with ideologies comparable to that of Tiahnybok’s association. However, a country as domestically unconsolidated and internationally non-integrated as Ukraine, a prominent ultra-nationalist party in parliament would be a dangerous luxury.

November 6, 2010 The Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (33 Velyka Zhytomyrska Street)

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Æ Radical right will spoil ties between nation, EU Svoboda will, as a Verkhovna Rada faction, further estrange many Ukrainians in the country's east and south as well as a number of international partners from the Ukrainian state. It will contribute to the already high geographical polarization within the Ukrainian electorate. Svoboda’s presence in the national legislature would undermine the development of a Ukrainian political nation, and of a trans-regional, pan-ethnic patriotism. Public opinion in countries like Poland, Israel and Germany would become more skeptical towards the Ukrainians as a European nation. Svoboda’s further rise will help cementing its current under-institutionalization in the European security structure. The entry of ultra-nationalists into Ukraine’s political establishment will be an alienating factor between Kyiv and Brussels. It will thus, oddly, make Ukraine more vulnerable to Russian attempts to undermine this post-Soviet state’s independence and integrity. Though many observers think that Ukraine is now already at the lowest point of its post-Soviet development, even more bad news might be in store for the largest country of Europe. Andreas Umland was formerly a fellow at Stanford, Harvard and Oxford. He currently teaches within the Master in German and European Studies program at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and edits the scholarly book series “Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society” (www.ibidem-verlag.de/spps.html) published in Stuttgart, Germany.

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Lifestyle Play | Food | Entertainment | Sports | Culture | Music | Movies | Art | Community Events

October 22, 2010

Molodist is back with cuttingedge films

Editor’s note: Eating out in Ukraine is a gamble. To bring you honest food reviews, Kyiv Post writers go to restaurants unannounced, pay for their own meals and never accept favors from restaurateurs.

Meat nirvana at BarBQ Bar Grill offers wide choices

A scene from ‘Cartagena’ with Sophie Marceau and Christophe Lambert. These actors are expected to present their film in Kyiv as the opening of the Molodist film festival. (Courtesy photo)

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B Y A L E X E Y B O N DAREV

Molodist film festival has reached middle age. When the 40th edition of the Kyiv-based festival, which translates as “Youth,” opens on Oct. 23, it will be under the title Molodist XL, to emphasize its age and size. The quality of this year’s offerings certainly makes the festival a big deal. The jury, chaired by Marc Caro, a French director famous for “Delicatessen” (1991) and “The City of the Lost Children” (1995), will have a tough choice to make from the 13 feature-length films. Æ20

Ukraine’s top voice, Ani Lorak, shares her life story

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Some visitors to the BarBQ Bar Grill might find the new steakhouse’s décor a bit too funky for their tastes, but few are likely to argue with the quality of its meat. Thick, juicy and cooked just right, BarBQ has some of the best beef I’ve ever tasted in Ukraine. That is no small feat in a country filled with restaurants that tout their special grilled shashlyk, pork and beef and too often disappoint. Located on Gorodetskogo Street, just steps away from the Khreshchatyk metro station, BarBQ offers a wide selection of foods for every palate. Its main courses include chicken wings with two sauces, calamari with homemade aioli and tomato tartar, and salmon with estragon sauce. It is its steak, however, grilled to near perfection, which is likely to win the eatery a solid reputation and woo customers back again and again. BarBQ offers rib-eye, New York and tenderloin steaks, all for Hr 347 for 400, 350, and 250 gram servings, respectively. I opted for the less expensive burger, which was really a 350 -gram steak in a bun that runs for Hr 97, fries included. When I asked for the meat to be cooked medium rare, the waitress smiled knowingly, and finished my sentence for me. When the burger arrived, it took only one bite to realize nirvana. The meat was cooked medium rare as ordered and melted in my mouth. Served with tomatoes, green lettuce and a creamy sauce, it was one of the most unusual burgers I’ve ever tried in my life. Not a huge bread eater, I had initially toyed with the idea of scrapping the bun altogether, but that one bite convinced me otherwise. If there was one criticism, it was that there were two tiny bites in the middle of the burger that were a tad undercooked. Otherwise, this burger, which comes with the restaurant’s home-made and absolutely delicious french fries, was perfect. The meal was washed down with the restaurant’s least expensive red wine – french for Hr 130 a bottle. BarBQ’s burger menu isn’t only about beef. The restaurant offers a vegetarian burger, burgers with tuna and turkey and a royal burger that includes foie gras, a detail that immediately grabbed Æ23


Oct. 27

(Oleg Nachinkin)

18 Seven Days

October 22, 2010

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Legendary classic musicians

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Nov. 3

Godkitchen Urban Wave is a world famous dance festival that for 10 years has been traveling around the world, visiting every continent. Two out of three headliners of the show – Markus Schulz, Sander Van Doorn – are ranked in the world’s top 10 DJs by DJMag, a monthly magazine specializing in electronic music. The third one, James Zabiel, is known for his turntable skills. In February 2009, the festival gathered a recordbreaking number of 15,000 people in one hall, making it the largest festival ever in Ukraine. Oct. 23, 8 p.m., Mizhnarodnyi Vystavkovyi Tsentr, 15 Brovarskyi Prospect. Tickets: Hr 190-350

Farewell to Scorpions Oct. 23

More concerts

The winds of change will soon blow away the legendary German band. Soon you’ll only be able to hear Scorpions in your stereo as they have decided to retire. As part of the worldwide tour to promote new album “Sting in the Tail,” they will come to Kyiv one last time to “rock you like a hurricane,” as they sing in one of their songs. The band considers this album to be their best work. Scorpions have had a huge impact on global rock history. During their 45-year long career they released 19 albums and sold over 100 million copies. Their powerful ballad “Wind of Change” is still in the top 10 best-selling singles of all time in Germany. Nov. 3, 7 p.m., Mizhnarodnyi Vystavkovyi Tsentr, 15 Brovarsky Prospekt. Tickets: Hr 390- 4990

Nino Katamadze is a jazz singer from Georgia. Her songs are written in Georgian, but reach far beyond the Caucasus. She started singing at the age of four. In 2000, Katamadze joined jazz band Insight, which was her gateway to fame and non-stop concerts and invitations. To share her fortune, she founded an organization to help underprivileged and disabled artists. Oct. 22, 24, 7 p.m., 3 Instytutska St. Tickets: Hr 50-1000

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For clubbers out there

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Two classical music heavyweights are getting together on one stage in Kyiv. Hailing from Russia, Yury Bashmet and Denis Matsuyev will play with the National Symphonic Orchestra New Russia on Oct. 27. Yuriy Bashmet is a Grammy-winning Russian violist and conductor. He grew up in Ukraine but studied and gained prominence in Moscow. His mother wanted her son off the streets, and so she sent him to a musical school to play violin, as it was the cheapest instrument to buy. Later Bashmet has also learned viola. His artful playing has won him many awards and plaudits, as well as the opportunity to play with artists such as Stevie Wonder, Elton John and Isaac Stern. Russian virtuoso piano player Denis Matsuyev is booked out for years to come. He circles the globe playing frequently with such famed orchestras as the New York Philharmonic and London Symphony Orchestra, to name but a few. Don’t miss this unique collaboration. Oct. 27, 7 p.m., Palats Ukraina, 103 Velyka Vasylkivska St., Tickets: Hr 300-1500

Introduction to the Orchestra is a concert of the British chamber music. The first piece in the program "A Young Person's Guide to the Orchestra" is about intricate workings of the orchestra: a host will explain how instruments, musicians and other parts blend together. The last piece "Fantasia of British Sea Songs" is famous for being played at the Last Night of the Promenade Concerts, one of the most popular British festivals of classical music, attended by mainly young people. Oct. 22, 7 p.m., Master Klass, 34 Ivana Mazepy St., 594-1063, www.masterklass.org/eng. Tickets: Hr 50

Splin is a Russian rock band from St. Petersburg. It all started when Aleksandr Vasilyev, then a seventh grader and now front man of the band, decided to trade his good grades at school for guitar music on the streets. The band grew in popularity and is now immensely popular in post-Soviet countries. Oct. 23, 7 p.m., Crystal Hall, 1 Dniprovsky Uzviz, www. crystalhall.com, 288-5069. Tickets: Hr 320-1500

Moroccan music will be performed by two bands Alwane and Jazz Gnawa. Alwane is a band that composes its music based on Arab classics. Jazz Gnawa needs a bit more explanation. The word “gnawa” is used to refer to the descendants of black slaves brought to Morocco in medieval times. They were believed to have some magical powers and make hypnotizing music. The band, therefore, combines modern jazz with the mystical rhythms of old gnawa melodies. Oct. 28, 9 p.m., Sullivan Room, 8 Prorizna St., www. jazzkassa.kiev.ua. Tickets: Hr 50-100

Lara Fabian, a Belgian singer with a powerful four octave voice, and Igor Krutoy, a famous Russian composer, present their joint project titled “Mademoiselle Zhivago.” They are a win-win combination: with her powerful vocals, Fabian can get across every sensual emotion that Krutoy puts into his songs. Oct. 28, 29, 7 p.m., Palace Ukraina, 103 Velyka Vasylkivska St., Tickets: Hr 200-2150

Oct. 24

Japanese jazz According to the Japanese tradition, whatever you start in June you will succeed at. It held true for Keiko Matsui, who was sent to music school in June at the age of five. Now she is a world-famous jazz musician. Matsui, Doi by her maiden name, studied at the Yamaha Music Foundation where she was offered her first contract as a recording artist. At the age of 19, Doi traveled to the U.S to record a debut album. There she met her future husband, Kuzu. Although they divorced in 2008, she kept his last name. Matsui has 20 albums of her own jazz music spiced by oriental flavor from her native Japan. Oct. 24, 7 p.m., Palats Ukraina, 103 Velyka Vasylkivska St., Tickets: Hr 90-750

Compiled by Nataliya Horban


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Movies

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A scene from ‘The Limits of Control’ (www.4.bp.blogspot.com) THE LIMITS OF CONTROL Language: English with Ukrainian subtitles Crime/Drama/Mystery /Thriller. USA/Japan (2009) Directed by Jim Jarmusch Starring Isaach De Bankolé, Alex Descas, Jean-François Stévenin, Óscar Jaenada A solitary man who does not speak Spanish travels across Spain plotting an unusual crime. He’s instructed by a mixture of odd characters, one of whom gives him a matchbox with a tiny piece of paper. The traveler eats it washing it down with a double espresso. His total concentration on the job makes him decline offers of sex from a woman he meets several times. Although his journey follows a specific route, it seems more like a dream. Film director Jim Jarmusch is a fourtime Cannes Film Festival winner. SUNSET BOULEVARD Language: English with English subtitles Drama/Film-Noir. USA (1950) Directed by Billy Wilder Starring William Holden, Gloria Swanson, Erich von Stroheim, Nancy Olson Young screenwriter Joe Gillis tries to find his place in Hollywood, but his work remains unacclaimed. At one point, he accidentally finds himself in a mansion on Sunset Boulevard, hosted by former star of silent films Norma Desmond. Aging Desmond does not want to admit that she is completely forgotten by the public. Gillis gets romantically involved with her. But by the nature of the genre, it will result in murder and total madness. A SERIOUS MAN Language: English with Ukrainian subtitles Drama/Comedy/USA. UK/France (2009) Directed by Ethan Coen, Joel Coen Starring Michael Stuhlbarg, Richard Kind, Fred Melamed, Sari Lennick Larry Gopnik is a Jewish professor in Minnesota in 1976. He starts to reexamine his life when

Lifestyle 19

October 22, 2010

he discovers that his wife wants to divorce him. His children steal money from his wallet, and his immature brother seems to be living with him forever. On top of it all, his student wants to bribe him in return for a good grade; somebody sends denunciation letters to his directors in college; and a nice neighbor likes to sunbathe next to his home naked. He tries to figure it all out with rabbi’s help but God’s way is pretty hard to fathom. The film was nominated for the Academy Award in the Best Motion Picture and the Best Screenplay. FANNY Language: French with Russian/Ukrainian subtitles Comedy/Drama. France (1932) Directed by Marc Allégret Starring Raimu, Pierre Fresnay, Orane Demazis, Fernand Charpin Young sailor Marius leaves on a scientific expedition around the world. On the shore, he leaves his father and girlfriend Fanny, who soon finds out that she is having his child. Succumbing to her mother’s pressure, she decides to marry Honore Panisse, a man 30 years her senior. Panisse wants to raise the child as his own and asks Fanny to keep the true identity of the father secret. “Fanny” is the second part of a trilogy based on the plays by Marcel Pagnol. Following big success in French theater, Pagnol adapted his plays to big screen. OCEANS Language: French with Ukrainian subtitles Documentary/Drama. France/Spain/ Switzerland (2009) Directed by Jacques Perrin, Jacques Cluzaud A breathless and unrivalled documentary about oceanic life is a must-see work of the year. The film crew shot “Oceans” in 54 locations across the world over four years. Menacing sharks, odd-looking schools of fish, and cute turtles, among other sea

ZHOVTEN 26 Konstyantynivska St., 205-5951 www.zhovten-kino.kiev.ua The Limits of Control Oct. 22 at 5:35 p.m. A Serious Man Oct. 22 at 7:40 p.m. Oceans Oct. 22 at 12 p.m., 1:50 p.m., 3:45 p.m., 5:40 p.m., 7:35 p.m., 9:30 p.m. Oct. 23 at 1:10 p.m., 3:05 p.m. Oct. 24 at 1:15 p.m. Oct. 23-24 at 11.20 a.m., 5:40 p.m., 7:35 p.m., 9:30 p.m. Oct. 25-26 at 12:10 p.m., 2:05 p.m., 5:45 p.m.. 7:40 p.m. Oct. 26 at 9:30 p.m. Oct. 27 at 12:10 p.m. Oct. 27-28 at 2:05 p.m., 5:45 p.m., 7:40 p.m., 9:35 p.m. Oct. 28 at 12:40 p.m. I Served the King of England Oct. 22, 23, 25 at 3:45 p.m. and 7:30 p.m. Oct. 24 at 12:15 p.m. and 7:30 p.m. Oct. 26, 28 at 4:10 p.m. Oct. 27 at 4:30 p.m. THE MASTER CLASS CLUB 34 Mazepy St., 594-1063 www.masterklass.org/eng Fanny Oct. 26 at 7 p.m. Sunset Boulevard Oct. 28 at 7 p.m.

CINEMA

creatures may look suspiciously graphic and too real onscreen. But believe it or not, the underwater kingdom is authentic without any image enhancement.The film is so visually stunning that you don’t need to know French or Ukrainian to enjoy it. I SERVED THE KING OF ENGLAND Language: Czech with Ukrainian subtitles Comedy/Drama/Romance/War. Czech Republic/Slovakia (2006) Directed by Jirí Menzel Starring Ivan Barnev, Oldrich Kaiser, Julia Jentsch, Marian Labuda Starting out in a small suburban hotel, Jan Dite is an ambitious young waiter. Soon hired by a big hotel in the heart of Prague, he discovers the taste of wealth and women. Right before the city is captured by the German forces, he falls for a German lady called Lisa. The story is told by old Dite himself, as he’s trying to rebuild his life after 15 years in prison. The film was nominated for an Oscar as the Best Foreign Film in 2008.

Singer and writer, Irena Karpa enjoys the stage (www.qarpa. com)

ART CLUB 44 44B Khreshchatyk St., 279-4137, www.club44.com.ua Concerts traditionally start at 7 – 10 p.m. Oct. 22 Qarpa, Hr 70 Oct. 23 Kolya Serga, Hr 50; MJ Project, Hr 50 Oct. 24 Misha Luzin and Kasablanka Band (Russia), Hr 40 Oct. 25 Alexei Bogoliubov Jazz Band, free admission Oct. 26 Autumn Jazz Nights Workshop, Hr 50 Oct. 27 Geyser, free admission Oct. 28 Balkan Party, Hr 20 DOCKER’S ABC 15 Khreshchatyk St., 278-1717, www.docker.com.ua Concerts traditionally start at 9-10 p.m. Oct. 22 Ot Vinta, Mojo Jo Jo, Hr 70 Oct. 23 Antitela, Animals Session, Hr 70 Oct. 24 Vostochny Express, free admission Oct. 25 Partizanskie Vytivky, free admission Oct. 26 More Huana, Hr 20 Oct. 27 The Magma, Hr 30 Oct. 28 Mr Och & His Root Boys, Hr 30 DOCKER PUB 25 Bohatyrska St., metro Heroyiv Dnipra, www.docker.com.ua Concerts traditionally start at 9-10 p.m. Oct. 22 Tabula Rasa, Red Rocks, Hr 70 Oct. 23 Mad Heads XL, Angie Nears, Hr 70 Oct. 24 Kukryniksy (Russia), Tex-Mex Company Oct. 25 Lemmons, free admission Oct. 26 Tres Deseos Latino Party, free admission Oct. 27 Rockin’ Wolves, free admission

Oct. 28 Partizanskie Vytivky, free admission BOCHKA PYVNA ON KHMELNYTSKOHO 4B-1 Khmelnytskoho St., metro Teatralna, tel. 390-6106, www.bochka.com.ua Concerts traditionally start at 9-10 p.m. Oct. 22 Photo Music Show: The Pollock, Hr 30 Oct. 23 Milkovski Zhenya, Hr 30; True Colors, Grazhdanin Topinambur Oct. 26 Bochka Jack Pot, 1/8: Syur Band, My 100, Hr 30 Oct. 28 Kuka ta Banda, Hr 30 PORTER PUB 3 Sichnevoho Povstannya St., tel. 280-1996, www.porter.com.ua Concerts traditionally start at 7.30 p.m. Oct. 22 Shubin Band, Oct. 24 Yuhym Dym Oct. 27 Ivan Bliuz Oct. 28 Maks Tavricheski Other live music clubs: PIVNA NO.1 ON BASEYNA 15 Baseyna St., tel. 287-44-34, www.pivna1.com.ua JAZZ DO IT 76A Velyka Vasylkivska St., tel. 599-7617, www.jazz-doit.com.ua DRAFT 1/2 Khoryva St., metro Kontraktova Ploshcha, 463-7330. KHLIB CLUB 12 Frunze St., www.myspace.com/xlibclub CHESHIRE CAT 9 Sklyarenko St., tel. 428-2717. O’BRIEN’S 17A Mykhaylivska St., tel. 279-1584. DAKOTA 14G Heroyiv Stalinhrada St., tel. 468-7410. U KRUZHKI 12/37 Dekabrystiv St., tel. 562-6262.

Compiled by Alexandra Romanovskaya and Svitlana Kolesnykova


20 Lifestyle

www.kyivpost.com

October 22, 2010

Molodist, a youth festival in middle age, going strong Æ17

Only two of them have already had huge international success: Woody Allen’s “You Will Meet a Tall Dark Stranger” and “My Joy” by Sergey Loznitsa. Both were in the Cannes Film Festival official program earlier this year. There’s plenty more to watch besides these hits, playing

in their original language. The films will be screened in Kyiv, Zhovten and Kinopanorama theaters through Oct. 31. Here is our pick of the five movies that you shouldn’t miss during Molodist. Kyiv Post news editor Alexey Bondarev can be contacted at bondarev@kyivpost.com

‘Stricken’ (2009) The Netherlands

Directed by Reinout Oerlemans There have been lots of movies about people with cancer and other deadly diseases. This one shows what happens when that is coupled with a lack of love and support in a seemingly happy marriage. Stijn and Carmen are a happy couple raising a child. They are young and successful, but their perfect world is ruined when Carmen is diagnosed with breast cancer. We see her in hospital going through radiation therapy before one of her breasts gets amputated. She is lost in her grief and finds little support from her husband who is coping in his own way, by starting a second life, spending nights in alcoholic journeys and sexual adventures with other women. Carmen knows her husband is unfaithful, but she can’t do anything about it until she starts recovering. Now it’s the time to fix their broken marriage and start building a happy family once again. But is it really possible after all that happened?

Directed by Kasper Holten Juan is every woman’s dream. He is charming, sensitive and sexy. But Juan is restless in his constant search for new victories on the sexual front, using women, then casting them aside. That makes him the perfect choice for his friend Leporello, who wants to create a true masterpiece – a

filmed database of all the women Juan has conquered. Danish director Casper Holten re-imagines Mozart’s opera “Don Giovanni” to portray a modern playboy, who uses women to live life to the full. This movie has not been released yet, so Molodist visitors will be the first to see it.

‘Sound of Noise’ (2010) Sweden-France

Directed by Ola Simonsson, Johannes Stjarne Nilsson “Sound of Noise” is the first musical cop film ever, according to its directors. The plot is certainly unique. Amadeus, a police officer, was born to a family of famous musicians. No wonder he hates music. The fun begins when he faces the worst case he could ever imagine. A group of eccentric drummers has decided to launch a musical attack in the city using the city itself as an instrument. The hapless band is using the buildings to produce unbearable noise. Amadeus is in a desperate hunt for the crazy musicians. But everything changes when he finds out that the girl he is in love with is in charge of the criminals.

‘My Joy’ (2010) Ukraine-GermanyNetherlands Directed by Sergey Loznitsa

This film is Ukraine’s pride and pain at the same time. Not often can we see a movie at least partly made by Ukrainians that impresses the audience in Cannes. The gritty film “My Joy” is made by Ukrainian filmmaker Loznitsa. It shocked the world’s most respected movie festival this spring with its harrowing depiction of a descent into madness and murder. It depicts the journey of a truck driver through contemporary Russia. A few days in his life seem to be a never-ending nightmare: He is sucked into the everyday madness of Russian reality. His mental health deteriorates and he turns into a killer. His journey towards madness is depicted with scenes of violence and corruption with some flashbacks from the past, some from World War II.

‘Juan’ (2010) Denmark

‘Tehroun’ (2010) Iran Directed by Nader T. Homayoun

Russia is a world of degradation, says the movie. Some critics describe it as a poetical portrayal of ugliness, while others say it makes a bad name for Ukraine.

More information and movie showings at www.molodist.com/en

Modern Iran is a branch of hell. That’s the message you’ll most likely take from the powerful and shocking “Tehroun.” Ibrahim has left his village, family and pregnant wife to try his luck in Tehran. But as soon as he gets to the asphalt jungle, his dreams become a terrible nightmare. He soon finds himself involved in the trafficking of new-born children. He wanders the streets of Tehran with a stolen baby he claims to be his own. This is not what Ibrahim imagined Tehran to be, but that’s all his city of dreams can offer him now. And the question is whether he will be able to remain human in a city where there is no place for anything human.


www.kyivpost.com

Lifestyle 21

October 22, 2010

Lviv ranks high in work of hit Polish crime novelist BY N ATA L I A A . F E D US C HAK FEDUSCHAK@KYIVPOST.COM

LVIV, Ukraine – One day Lviv police officer Edward Popielski may become as popular in Ukraine as the Wroclawbased detective Eberhard Mock is in Poland. Both are the literary creations of Marek Krajewski, an award-winning and best-selling Polish writer whose gritty crime novels have taken his homeland and Europe by storm. Often dark and sordid, Krajewski’s novels focus on a period between the two World Wars when detectives regularly bedded prostitutes, where opium was abundant, and where old-world manners and social hierarchy ruled. “Yes, these are dark noire detectives,” said Krajewski, 44, laughing heartily. “I look jolly, but inside I am very noire.” Krajewski has drawn a considerable following in Poland and in Europe for his pentalogy that features detective Mock. Borderline alcoholic but erudite, Mock navigates Wroclaw’s criminal underworld at a time when the city was called Breslau under German rule. “The Minotaur’s Head,” the first in the Ukrainian-based series, takes Mock to

The Phantoms of Breslau book cover

Lviv, a western Ukrainian town with rich in architecture and was long ruled by Poland, to investigate a murder of a young girl. There he meets Lviv policeman Popielski. Krajewski’s books have been translated into 18 languages. Tourists in Wroclaw regularly take city tours dedicated to Mock’s hangouts as they appear in novels. And on a recent promotional visit to London, the writer arrived to find a huge banner announcing his appearance at the famous British bookseller Waterstone’s. Not bad for a Polish crime writer who was a one-time classics professor. Krajewski began developing the theme for his novels while still a lecturer of Latin at the University of Wroclaw. “This literary genre was a hobby,” he said. “After my lessons and lectures at the university, I returned home and read… I began thinking about this [a novel] in 1992 and over five years I didn’t have the time to write, so the only thing I did was I developed the subject, the psychological portrait of the hero.” The budding author eventually put pen to paper and merged his two loves – the detective novel and the city of Wroclaw – into a book. That book, “Death in Breslau,” was published in 1999 to rave reviews. Since then, over half a million copies of his books have been published in Poland alone, allowing him to start writing full-time in 2007. Literary enthusiasts are now predicting Lviv-based crime novels may be in store for the same popularity. An honored guest at September’s publisher’s forum, the writer said he was drawn to Lviv because of family roots. His mother was born outside Lviv, while his grandfather spent 20 years working in the city as a waiter. As a youngster in Poland, Krajewski would peruse his uncle’s library, which had a vast collection of books related to Lviv. “He told me about this charming city,” said Krajewski, who first visited Lviv in 2007 when he attended that year’s book forum. “Lviv was a city of parks, a green city where Poles, Jews,

Marek Krajewski talks with readers of his novels in Wrocław, Poland, on May 6, 2009. (www. marekkrajewski.pl)

Ukrainians and Armenians lived peacefully. This city had an ideal picture.” Since then, he has returned to the city several times for research trips. Krajewski is methodical in his research and writing, often punctilious in his accuracy to time and place. For background, he reads period newspapers and books, and consults with experts when needed. He begins his day at 5 a.m., writes for five hours, then reads the newspaper, runs or takes his beloved dog for a walk. His afternoons are spent reading the classics; he recently finished Moby Dick. In many ways, Krajewski is an archetypal Renaissance man – something he readily admits to. He wrote his first two books by hand and only recently switched to a computer. He still refuses to use email. His wife, who is his manager, handles his correspondence. “I am old-fashioned. I am a Latinist and live in an antiquated world,” he said. Krajewski admits, however, that he is

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about to take the plunge into the electronic age. He is preparing to buy his first electronic reader, in part because his home already houses a library of 3,000 hardcopy books.

Plots, characters, style World War II was a “terrible tragedy” for his homeland, literarily speaking Krajewski says he is interested more in the Poland that existed before the war – “the multicultural country where Jews, Ukrainians and other nationalities lived.” Undoubtedly, the Popielski series will give readers a feeling of Lviv on the eve of World War II, said founder of the publishing house Urbino, Anatoliy Ivchenko, which produced Krajewski’s latest books, “Erynie” and “The Phantoms of Breslau,” in Ukrainian. “His language isn’t easy,” Ivchenko said, adding that Krajewski often uses idioms – the “Lvivsky balak,” popular before the war.

Along with paying homage to his roots, Krajewski wants to use the Lviv-based series to “gracefully” part with Mock. A special assignments policeman who on the surface appears quite different from his Breslau counterpart, Popielski will help him with that. Unlike Mock, Popielski is attentive to his appearance, right down to his choice of cravat. He is, however, no less determined in his search for the truth. And Lviv’s pre-war underworld is no less intriguing. Three books of the Popielski series will be set in Lviv, with others taking place in Wroclaw after the war, noted Kajewski. “Popielski will move from Lviv to Wroclaw as many Poles did,” he revealed. There, Popielski will open up a private detective agency and readers will be able follow his next exploits. Kyiv Post staff writer Natalia A. Feduschak can be reached at feduschak@ kyivpost.com.


22 Lifestyle

www.kyivpost.com

October 22, 2010

The amazing Ani Lorak story

BY I RY N A P RY MAC H YK PRYMACHYK@KYIVPOST.COM

At first glance, Ani Lorak’s life touring the world singing and hosting television shows may seem like a golden ticket. But the singer, famed for her performance of “Shady Lady” that gained her second place in the 2008 Eurovision song contest, took a tough road to the top. Raised in a children’s home, she wrote her first lyrics when her brother was killed in Afghanistan. But Lorak, whose real name is Karolina Kuyek, says she wouldn’t change a thing. With a bright music career spanning over a decade and Whitney Houston-strong vocals, Lorak has become a household name in Ukraine. Achieving second place in Eurovision marked another step up the musical career ladder by opening up the world stage. The petite 32-year-old sneaked into a restaurant one recent afternoon to meet a Kyiv Post reporter without waiters identifying her. With her natural curly hair tied in a modest ponytail, she wore a simple T-shirt, skinny jeans and little make-up. “You know, stars are in the sky and people should be on the ground, so I behave accordingly,” she said gazing into the window. The woman famous for her “Shady Lady” Eurovision song seems anything but shady. Often quoting the Bible, she comes across as a calm, sensitive and charming person. Lorak recalls that she was a lonely child. Born in the small town of Kitsman in Chernivtsi Oblast, she was raised by a single mother, Zhanna Linkova. Her father left the family before she was born, and the family struggled to make ends meet. When Lorak turned six, Linkova sent her along and her two elder brothers to a children’s home. “With my hair cut short, I was

brought up like one of the boys. Soccer and fishing were among my daily tomboy routines. I had no time to get bored,” Lorak said. They all had to wear second-hand clothes left over from the older children in the boarding home. “I learned how to be quick to choose something better than what we had,” Lorak said. It was her first big survival test, but she said she held no grudge against her parents, despite missing them terribly.

ÆA lonely child born into a single mother's home in a small town of Chernivtsi Oblast, Lorak spent part of her childhood in a state home “God gave me many secret signs to make me understand where I belong. My task was only to read them properly and understand that I should be where the stage, applause and loads of love are,” Lorak said. She said the first sign was that she was born in the same town and house as Volodymyr Ivasiuk, a popular composer in 1970s. His song “Chervona Ruta” has evolved into a legend that no wedding, party or that folk concert goes without. “I could have been born in any other village or any other house. It was definitely not a coincidence that I was lulled to sleep in Ivasiuk’s own pram when I was taken from the maternity

hospital,” said Lorak who has no family ties with the Ivasiuks. She started singing at the age of four, pulling out a chair onto the street and performing Russian songs. During one such street concert, an old woman gave her a coin saying that she would “earn much more for her talent soon.” She soon enrolled in an entertainment school to practice singing professionally. At 13, she met her music producer Yuriy Falyosa, 33 at the time. He took her to Kyiv four years later, and at 19, she already earned Ukraine’s biggest award in the art world – the Honored Artist award. Falyosa left his family to see his budding star rise Lorak has toured the world and recorded 12 albums to date, in which many of the songs she composed herself. Her first language is Ukrainian but she also sings in Russian and English. She’s also become a popular TV host and sometimes voices cartoons. When she had met hotelier Murat Nalcacioglu in Antalya in 2005, the geography of her concerts and personal life expanded to Turkey. They got married five years later. “In my family life I use a mixture of Russian and English, but I pray in Ukrainian,” she said, drawing attention back to religion again. She said that Nalcaciouglu, a Turkish Muslim, didn’t ask her to convert. Today Lorak’s portraits hang in some Turkish hotels that belong to the Nalcacioglu family. “When guests ask who the lady is, hotel managers say that this is the modern Ukrainian Roksolana who stole our Murat,” she said recalling a historic event when Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent of the Ottoman Empire captured a Ukrainian girl Roksolana in the 15th century, who later became his wife. For more information on Ani Lorak, see www.anilorak.com Kyiv Post staff writer Iryna Prymachyk can be reached at Prymachyk@kyivspot. com.

Ani Lorak performs during a concert in Kyiv on Sept. 13, 2009. (UNIAN)

Ani Lorak with her husband, Murat Nalcacioglu, on Oct.13, 2009 during the presentation of her video ‘Infatuation.’ (www.tabloid.pravda.com.ua)


www.kyivpost.com

Lifestyle 23

October 22, 2010

Best gallery picks Michel Comte’s personal photo exhibition at Brucie Collections presents portraits, action shots and nudes of world-famous celebrities, including Mickey Rourke, Naomi Campbell, and Robert Downey Jr., among others. Comte learned photography all by himself while studying to be an arts restorer in Switzerland. He made his name taking pictures of actors, models, artists and sports stars for various glossy magazines. Working for the International Red Cross, Comte shot in war zones around the world. Photographs featured are available for sale. Brucie Collections, 55B Artema St., 353-1234, www.bruciecollections.com, Oct. 20-Dec.13

Artist Nikita Kadan is mad about advertising cluttering city streets in Ukraine. In the Collection Gallery, he presents a series of paintings and collages “On the Surface.� The project highlights landscapes and architecture you are missing because of ads. Collection Gallery, 8 Pankivska St., tel. 287-3766, www.collectiongallery. com.ua, until Nov.7 (closed Monday)

M17 Contemporary Art Center looks at interior design in its retrospective exhibition “Design.� Exclusive decorations, lamps, sculptures, pottery, glass work and antiques from the 1900s to the 1970s as well as Art Deco, vintage and constructivism periods furniture are on display. The collection will be auctioned off on Oct. 30. M17 Contemporary Art Center, 102-104 Gorkogo St. (Antonovycha), 5962030, www.m17.com.ua, until Oct. 30 (closed Mondays)

Step inside the “Ideal World� of Ihor Karpenko in the Karas Gallery. His version of utopia includes bright photographs of smiling people having time of their life out of town and out of work. Escape the autumn blues with these summer shots and coffee in one of many nearby cafes. Karas Gallery, 22A Andriyevsky Uzviz, 238-6531, www.karasgallery.com, Oct. 28-Nov. 16

“Lightness� art project in the Tsekh Gallery is dedicated to Juliette Binoche. Painter Mykola Bilous met the famous French actor in April and decided to put his emotions on canvas. Check out his impressions of Binoche inspired by the film “The Unbearable Lightness of Being,� an adapation of Milan Kundera’s novel. Tsekh Gallery, 69 Frunze St., 068-118-5157, www.zeh.com.ua, until Nov. 20 (closed Sunday, Monday)

Kyiv Museum of Russian Art presents three unique svetavras of Galyna Moskvitina. A svetavra is a light oil painting without a traditional horizon line. The action unfolds in heaven, where there’s no gravity. The exhibition is called “Angels. Gods. Buddahs� in reference to a mixture of Eastern and Western Traditions in Moskvitina’s work. Kyiv Museum of Russian Art, 9 Tereschenkivska St., 234-6218; www. museumru.kiev.ua, until Oct. 24 (closed Monday, Thursday)

Carnivores should add this restaurant to the list of places they frequent. (Oleksiy Boyko)

Great meat, service all in the heart of Kyiv at BarBQ grill Æ17 my dinner-mate’s attention. The burgers range from Hr 67 to 187. There are also a wide variety of soups, appetizers and salads that run from Hr 37 to 127, and breakfast, which is served until noon. Dessert was flan, covered in raspberry sauce and the right amount of powdered sugar for Hr 57. Rich and creamy, the portion was large enough for two people. Staff had no problem in bringing another plate and spoon for a desert to be shared. In terms of service, BarBQ stands ahead above other establishments I’ve visited in Kyiv over the years. Three people – a waitress, a waiter and a manager – all came up to ask about the food and if other help was needed. The ka

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The Small Gallery of Mystetsky Arsenal displays Zoya Orlova’s vision of kindergartens in Ukraine. The artist takes a hard look inside brick gazeboes – a permanent feature of children’s playgrounds. Their walls, covered with naive and creepy paintings copied from cartoons and children’s books, bring no calm to those crossing the threshold. Teenagers hang in them at night drinking, swearing and sometimes taking drugs. In the morning, they leave for children from the kindergarten to come in and play. Orlova sees the gazeboes as a stage for the absurd theatre of life. The Small Gallery of Mystetsky Arsenal, Lavrska 12, 288-5140, www. artarsenal.in.ua, Oct. 21-Nov. 15

BarBQ Bar Grill

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A steak, done to perfection.

food itself arrived at the right intervals and was hot. Needs, whether they were another bottle of water or a shot of vodka for an accompanying friend, were immediately met. Maybe this is because the restaurant – which way back in the early years of Ukrainian independence was a pool hall – is still new, and personnel are trying extra hard to impress. I hope the great service will continue because I plan to return in the very near future to try the restaurant’s new Grill All Inclusive, which is essentially an all-you-can eat grill fest for Hr 160. BarBQ, 10/1 Horodetskogo St., tel. 279-3355 Kyiv Post staff writer Natalia A. Feduschak can be reached at feduschak@ kyivpost.com

Hosting a party or an event? Have a lifestyle tip for us ? Have an opinion to express about what’s going on in Kyiv? The Kyiv Post welcomes tips and contributions. Please e-mail your ideas to Lifestyle Editor Yulia Popova, at popova@kyivpost.com. Please include e-mail address and contact phone number for verification.


24 Paparazzi

www.kyivpost.com

October 22, 2010

InterContinental Hotel, Kyiv Post host party to honor nation’s ‘most successful’ foreigners

American Christina Pendzola-Vitovych (L), country manager of the American Councils for International Education, was rated as the 19th most influential foreigner in Ukraine. At right is Kyiv Post chief executive officer Jim Phillipoff.

American James T. Hitch, managing partner of Baker & McKenzie law firm, made the list of richest expats.

Sean Carr (L), ex-Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko's son-in-law, celebrates with Bose Adelaja (C), the wife of Pastor Sunday Adelaja (R). Carr, a rock musician and restaurateur from Great Britain, was named the ninth most influential expat while the religious leader took the 16th spot.

Jorge Zukoski, president of the American Chamber of Commerce in Ukraine (C), is the third most influential expat. His wife, Courtney, is at right.

Morgan Williams, president of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council in Washington, D.C., looks over the Oct. 8 “Most Successful Expats” special edition of the Kyiv Post.

Gintz Zalitis, sales director of Delta Airlines (L); Kasper Ditlevson, chief executive officer of UK & Partners; and Oleg Nezboretsky, director of Amoterra.

A good time was had by all at the Intercontinental b-hush lounge, including this guest.

Winner Ford’s two top executives in Ukraine, Petro Rondiak (front) and Bohdan Kulchyckyj (behind, right) are the 20th most influential foreigners.

Rizzy Andani, general Director of D*Lux club in Kyiv (L) and Benoit Kuborn, general manager of the Opera Hotel in Kyiv.


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Paparazzi 25

October 22, 2010

Bose Adelaja (L), Kyiv Post staff writer Olga Gnativ (C) and Pastor Sunday Adelaja socialize.

Daniel Sweere, co-owner of Atlantic Farms in Kyiv (L), and his wife, Zhanna (C). Sweere and his father, David, are Americans who succeeded in agribusiness. Eric Schultz, deputy chief of mission for the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv, is at right.

Guests enjoy hors d’oeuvre in the InterContinental Hotel’s b-hush rooftop bar lounge.

Philip Griffin (L), an American political consultant for President Viktor Yanukovych, talks with Walid Arfush, vice president of the National Television Company of Ukraine.

Æ Andrey Astapov, managing partner of AstapovPartners, and the law firm’s communications director, Elena A. Karchova.

Ray McRobbie, managing director of Ray MC concert and event agency, attends with his wife.

Ambassador Ahmad Nawaz Saleem Mela of Pakistan.

The InterContinental Hotel’s b-hush rooftop lounge bar was the scene of an Oct. 15 party co-hosted by the Kyiv Post to honor Ukraine’s most successful foreigners. Nearly 100 guests came to the hotel at 2A Velyka Zhytomyrska St. to socialize, network and receive their awards. The Kyiv Post, in an Oct. 8 special edition, ranked Kyiv’s most successful expatriates in two categories – 18 richest and 20 most influential. It was the firstever ranking of its kind in Ukraine. Estimates of the richest foreigners’ net worth were done in partnership with Phoenix Capital investment bank in Kyiv. The richest spot went to Kyiv Post publisher Mohammad Zahoor, owner of ISTIL Group and a United Kingdom citizen. The newspaper named TV political talk show host Savik Shuster, a dual Canadian-Italian citizen, as the most influential foreigner. The entire series and profiles of the winners can be found online in English at http://www.kyivpost.com/news/nation/detail/85494/ and in Russian at http://www.kyivpost.com/ua/news/society/detail/86150. (Vitalyi Pavlenko)

DJ Pasha (L) greets Jorge Intriago, partner of Ernst & Young accounting in Kyiv.

Alina Chernysh, manager of European sales for ISTIL Studios (L) and UkrainianAmerican Alexa Chopivsky.

Reno Domenico, president and executive director of the Sterling Business School in Kyiv.


26 Paparazzi

www.kyivpost.com

October 22, 2010

Myron Spolsky, founder of the New Generation International Charity and Ukraine’s first pizzarestaurant

New Generation charity ball

Ukrainian folk groups Dubrovoika and Pryznanky from Volyn

Æ European Union Ambassador to Ukraine JosÊ Manuel Teixeira (L) and writer Andriy Kurkov

A model presents designer Oksana Darchyk’s collection

New Generation International Charitable Fund held its third annual gala fundraiser and silent auction in Kyiv on Oct. 16 at Allegro Concert Hall. Many guests donned their vyshyvanksas – embroidered Ukrainian shirts, to honor the ball’s theme of Vechornytsi, a traditional Ukrainian party. Lead singer of popular Mandry band, Foma, performed among the great line-up of artists. All donations collected will be used to fund Winter Camp 2011 in the Carpathian Mountains for orphans and other needy children. (Yaroslav Debelyi)

Argentinian Ambassador Lila Roldan Vasquez de Moine

TV host Ihor Slisarenko (L)

Architect and radio host, Roman Shwed

If you want Kyiv Post Paparazzi to cover your event, please send details or invitations to news@kyivpost.com or contact photo editor Yaroslav Debelyi at 234-6500

Sterling Business School, Kyiv, and Rowan University, USA Present:

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www.kyivpost.com

Lifestyle 27

October 22, 2010

Disney comes to Ukraine BY O K S A N A FA RY N A FARYNA@KYIVPOST.COM

Mickey Mouse has arrived in Ukraine. A local version of the Disney Channel was launched on Oct. 16, bringing a range of famous U.S. children’s television shows to viewers in Ukrainian, Russian and English. The arrival of the world-famous Disney brand is a landmark event for Ukrainian television, which suffers from a lack of programming dedicated to children.

With help from Mickey and Minnie Mouse, Disney top managers Katarzyna Westermark (C) and Maciej Bral push a red button symbolizing the launch of the Disney Channel in Ukraine at Kyiv’s Puppet Theater on Oct. 16.

The channel’s management said in the future it could produce Ukrainian content with local actors and crews, as they do in other markets. “The market has been developing, and the arrival of such giant is remarkable,” said Iryna Kostyuk, head of Media Resources Management, a media consultancy. Disney Channel has been broadcasting in Ukraine since August after the termination of Jetix channel, which is also owned by Disney. At the official launch on Oct. 16,

Multiple Olympic champion in gymnastics, Lilia Podkopaeva, with her children

TV newscaster Alla Mazur with her son Artem. (Courtesy photo)

Mickey Mouse and his girlfriend Minnie greeted guests – including television stars and their children – at the Kyiv Academic Puppet Theater, decorated with balloons for the event. Disney Channel targets young children, from ages 2 to 14, and their families. The channel intends to conquer this broad audience with its content. Disney Channel will offer Ukrainian viewers live studio favorites such as “Hannah Montana” and “Sonny With A Chance,” as well as hit animated series “Phineas and Ferb,” and movies such as “Camp Rock 2: The Final Jam.” The channel will also feature a daily Playhouse Disney schedule with a range of entertaining, learning-focused programming for preschoolers, including “Mickey Mouse Clubhouse” and “Handy Manny.” “The huge success of Disney

Channels across Central and Eastern Europe has proved there is a great demand for the channel and we hope our smash-hit programming will help us become the leader of the kids’ TV market in Ukraine,” said Maciej Bral, vice president of Disney Channels in Central and Eastern Europe. The company has marked huge expansion across Central and Eastern Europe and emerging markets with 60 channels launched over the last 10 years in the region. “Do you think somebody could really compete with Disney?” asked Volodymyr Kmetyk, founder of the only Ukrainian channel for kids Malyatko TV. “I think it’s possible, but hard. Most important is that Disney should work according to Ukrainian legislation.” By law, no less than 75 percent of programming should be in Ukrainian and 25 percent in languages of other

national minorities. At the moment Disney Channel is broadcast with one audio track with a mix of content in English, Ukrainian and predominantly Russian. By the end of the year, it supposed to have two separate audio versions, one in English and another in Ukrainian and Russian. Apart from Malyatko TV, which was launched only a year ago, other rivals of Disney Channel in Ukraine are big international networks Nickelodeon, Cartoon Network, Baby TV and Russian channels Teleniania, Detsky Mir and Znaniye. In general, in European countries there are at least twice as many channels for kids and teens. One of the reasons why the kids’ television market in Ukraine is underdeveloped is the high production costs and restrictions in advertising. Kyiv Post staff writer Oksana Faryna can be reached at faryna@kyivpost.com


28

October 22, 2010

www.kyivpost.com


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www.kyivpost.com

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A.B.C.World Languages Center (23/35 Patrisa Lumumby St.) AC Legal Group (10 Grushevskogo St.) Aksonova & Associates (29E Vorovskoho St.) American Chamber of Commerce (12 Amosova St.) American Medical Center (1 Berdychivska St.) Beiten Burkhardt (38 Turhenivska St.) Belgravia Business Club (18/1G Prorizna St.) British Council Ukraine (4/12 Hrihoria Skovorody St.) Ciklum (12 Amosova St.) Clifford Chance (75 Zhylianska St.) DHL (9 Luhova St.) European Business Association (1A Andriyivskiy Uzviz) Grant Thornton Ukraine (4A Dehtiarivska St.) Grata (9A Mykhailivskiy Lane) Hudson Global Resources (19/21E Nyzhniy Val) KPMG (11 Mykhailivska St.) Manpower Ukraine (34B Predslavynska St.) MBA Strategy (32 Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St.) SC Johnson (19B Moskovskiy Prosp.) Senator Apartments (6 Pirohova ST., 62/20 Dmitrievska St.) Staff Service Solution (1-3 Frunze St.) Student Travel International (18/1 Prorizna St.) Ukraine-Europe Linguistic Centre (20B Kominterna St.) UkrAVTO (15/2 Velyka Vasylkivska St.) Ukrsibbank (14 Pushkinska St.)

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2ESTAURANTS Al Faro (49A Velyka Vasylkivska St.) Antresol Art-CafĂŠ (2 Taras Shevchenko Blvd.) Amber (30A Lesi Ukrainki Blvd.) Arizona Barbeque (25 NaberezhnoKhreshchatytska St.) ATZUMARI (17/52 Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St.) AutPab (3/25 Kominterna St.) Babai beer Club (4 SoďŹ ivska St.) Bar BQ (10/1 Horodetskoho St.) Baraban (4A Prorizna St.) BeerBerry (17/52 Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St.) Belle Vue (7 Saksahanskoho St.) Belvedere (1 Dniprovsky Uzviz) Bierstube (20 Velyka Vasylkivska St.) Bochka Pyvna (3B Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St.; 19A Khreshchatyk St.; 128 Borshchahivska St.; 19 Mezhyhirska St.) Bulvar Cafe/Shaliapin (44 Velyka Vasylkivska St.) Cabaret 'Paradise' (5-7/29 Taras Shevchenko Blvd. ) Coffee Life (22 Yaroslaviv Val St., 40 Uritskoho St., 2 Turhenevska St.) Concord (L.Tolstogo sq. BC ÂŤKievDonbassÂť 8 oor) Dim Kavy (15 Khreshchatyk St., Passage) Dom Bergonie (17 Pushkinska St.) DOUBLE COFFEE (42 Bohdana Khmelnytskoho; 34B Moskovskyi Avenue St., 6 Mykhailivska St.; 1/2 Konstantynivska St.) Dubki (1 Stetsenko St.) Dva Bobra (91 Komarova St., village Mila) ETNO (23A Prorizna St., 25 Pushkinska St., 8/14 Velyka Zhytomyrska St.) Fellini (5 Horodetskoho St.) Fish Market (24A Volodymyrska St.) Fluger (18D Artema St.) Fridays (5A Besarabska Square) Goodman Steak House (75 Zhylians'ka St.) Grandal (24B Polyova St.) Hameleon –5 (82 Turhenevska St.) Himalai (23 Khreshchatyk St.) IQ bar (25 L.Tolstogo St.)

IL Patio (112 Saksahanskoho St., 5A Besarabska Square, 5/13 NaberezhnoKhreshchatytska St., 57/3 Velyka Vasylkivska St.) IZUMrud (15/3 O. Gonchara St.) Izumi (24A Mykhailivska St., 46/2 Moskovska St.) John Bull Pub (36 Saksahanskoho St.) Kaffa (3 Shevchenko prov., 22 Saksahanskoho St.,5 Skovorody St.) Klovsky (16A Mechnykova St.) Korifey (6 Horodetskoho St.) Kraina Kavy (5 Spas'ka St.) La Bodeguita del Medio (21/20 Yaroslaviv Val St.) La Casa Del Habano (13 Klovskiy Spusk) Le Cosmopolite (47 Volodymyrska St.) Le Grand CafÊ (4 Muzeiniy Lane) Leo Club (20 Parkova Doroha) Leonardo (2 Besarabska Square) Luciano (33V Dehtiarivska St.) Lun Van (26 Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St.) Marokana (24 Lesi Ukrainki Blvd.) Marmaris (40 Hlybochyts'ka St.) Monako (20A Velyka Zhytomyrska St.) Natßrlich (3 Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St.) Neopolis (19 Skovorody St.) New Bombey Palace (33A Druzhby Narodiv Blvd.) News cafÊ (6 Hetmana St.) O’Brien’s (17A Mykhailivska St.) O`Connor`s (15/8 Khoriva St.) O’Panas (10 Tereshchenkivska St.) Oliva (34 Velyka Vasylkivska St., 25A Druzhby Narodiv Blvd., 5 Kominterna St.) Panda (76 Saksahanskoho St.) Panorama (3 Sholudenko St.) Pantagruel (1 Lysenko St.) Pizza Vezuvio (25 Reitarska St.) Planet-Sushi (41 Sahaidachnoho St., 12 Khreshchatyk St., 57/3 Velyka Vasylkivska St., 8/14 Velyka Zhytomyrska St.) Potato House (6/5 Zhytomyrska St.) Repriza (40/25 Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St.; 38 Velyka Zhytomyrska St.; 26 Chervonoarmiyska St.) Route 66 (87/30 Zhylianska St.) Schnitzel Haus (51 Saksahanskoho St.) Shastra (126A Chervonozorianiy Prosp.) Shokoladnitsa (53/80 Saksahanskoho St., 48 Velyka Vasylkivska St., 1/2 Baseina St., 4 Lunacharskoho St., 33 Dniprovska Naberezhna, 12 Luhova St., 58/2A Artema St.) Shooters (22 Moskovska St.)

Soho (82 Artema St.) Stina (2 Besarabska Square) Suare (11 Artema St.) Sunduk (22A Prorizna St.) Sutra Bar (3 TymoďŹ ivoi St.) Svitlytsia (13B Andriivskyi Uzviz) Tike (31A Sahaidachnoho St.) Timeout (50 Horkoho St.) To Dublin (4 Raisa Okipna St.) Trans Force (34B Moskovsky Prosp.) Tsarske Selo (42/1 Ivan Mazepa St.) Under Wonder (21 Velyka Vasylkivska St.) Varenichna Pobeda (14 SoďŹ ivska St.) Videnski Bulochky (25B Sahaidachnoho St., 14/1 Instytutska St., 14 Mechnykova St., 1-3/5 Pushkinska St., 107/47 Saksahanskoho St., 34 Lesi Ukrainki Blvd., 20 Esplanadna St.) Viola’s Bar (1A Taras Shevchenko Blvd.) Warsteiner Pub (4B Horodetskoho St.) Wolkonsky Keyzer (15 Khreshchatyk St., 5/7-29 Taras Shevchenko Blvd.) Yakitoria (27A Taras Shevchenko Blvd.; 27 Lesi Ukrainki Blvd.)

3PORT #LUBS 5 Element (29 Elektrykiv St.) Favorit (6 Muzeiniy Lane) Kiev Sport Club (5 Druzhby Narodiv Blvd.) Planeta Fitnes (10 Kropyvnytskoho St.)

(OTELS Adria (2 Raisa Okipna St.) AttachĂŠ Hotel (59 Zhylianska St.) City Park Hotel (20 Vorovskoho St.) Diarso (5 Velyka Kiltseva Doroha) Domus Hotel (19 Yaroslavskaya St.) Express (38/40 Taras Shevchenko Blvd.) Gorniy Ruchey (66 Michurina St., village Gora, Boryspil region) Hotel Dnipro (1/2 Khreshchatyk St.) Hyatt (5A Alla Tarasova St.) Impressa Hotel (21 Sahaidachnoho St.) Intercontinental (2A Velyka Zhytomyrska St.) Kozatsky (1/3 Mykhailivska St., 2/32 Antonova St.) Kozatsky Stan (Boryspilske Shose, 18 km) Khreschatyk hotel (14 Khreshchatyk St.) Lybid (1 Peremohy Prosp.) Opera Hotel (53 Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St.) Oselya (11 Kameniariv St.)

To inquire about distribution of the Kyiv Post, please contact Serhiy Kuprin at kuprin@kyivpost.com or by phone at 234-6409

President Hotel (12 Hospitalna St.) Premier Palace (5-7/29 Taras Shevchenko Blvd.) Radisson Blu (22 Yaroslaviv Val St.) Riviera (15 Sahaidachnoho St.) Rus (4 Hospytalna St.) Salyut (11B Sichnevogo Povstannia St.) Senator Apartments (6 Pirohova St., 62/20 Dmitrievska St.) Slavutych (1 Entuziastiv St.)

%DUCATIONAL ESTABLISHMENTS Business School MIM-Kyiv (10/12B Shulyavska St.) British International School (45 Tolbukhina St.) British skylines (16 Khreshchatyk St., 10G Larysy Rudenko St.) DEC school (19 Obolonska Naberegnaya) International Institute of Business (8A Brest-Litovskyi Highway) Kyiv International School (3A Sviatoshynsky Lane) Master Klass (34 Ivan Mazepa St.) Pechersk International School (7A Viktora Zabily St.) Runov school (30 Velyka Vasylkivska St.) Speak Up (14 Kotsiubynskoho St. 25B Sahaidachnoho St., 4 Lunacharskoho St., 136 Peremohy Prosp., 14 Vasylkivska St., 26 Lesi Ukrainki Blvd., 3-a Gryshka St.) Sterling Business School (7 Nesterivskiy prov.) The London School of English (39 Polytehnichna St.) Valerie’s school (14 Mykhailivska St.)

"USINESS #ENTERS Arena (2A Baseina St.) Artem (4 Hlybochytska St.) Cubic Cente (3 Sholudenko St.) Diplomat Hall (59 Zhylianska St.) Eurasia Ukraine (73-79 Zhylianska St.) Evropa (4 Muzeiniy Lane) Evropa Plaza (120 Saksahanskoho St.) GOOIOORD B.V. (34/33 Ivana Franka St., 36 Ivana Franka St.,11 Mykhailivska St., 52B Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St.) Horizon Park (12 Amosova St., 4 Grinchenko St.) Illinsky (8 Illinska St.) Khreshchatyk Plaza (19A Khreshchatyk St.) Kiev-Donbass (42/4 Pushkinska St.) Podol Plaza (19 Skovorody St.)


30 Employment/Education

Looking for an exciting international career in Hospitality or qualified personnel for your Hotel? Please, contact us now at:

www.richmondra.com

careers@richmondra.co.uk

&INANCIAL -ARKETS !NALYST 2ECENT GRADUATES LAST YEAR STUDENTS ARE INVITED TO APPLY FOR A JUNIOR ANALYST POSITION IN A +IEV BASED HEDGE FUND 2EQUIREMENTS o /UTSTANDING NUMERICAL AND ANALYTI CAL SKILLS o 3TRONG UNDERSTANDING OF ECONOMY AND FINANCE o &LUENT %NGLISH o 7ILLINGNESS TO WORK HARD AND LEARN FAST 1UALIFYING CANDIDATES SHOULD SUBMIT THEIR #6 TO VACANCY SEP GMAIL COM

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Our Global Business is now offering exciting opportunities for Commercial Trainees to join our Oilseeds operation in a number of our key European locations.

Commercial Trainee The Role

At ADM, we actively foster employee development at every career stage. Our traineeship programme facilitates an understanding of all aspects of our business in preparation for a future management role in our Commercial team. During your development, you will spend time in at least two of our European locations (which could include Germany, Holland, Poland, Ukraine and the UK) following a structured learning plan, while gaining practical experience in the trading business. Throughout your traineeship, you will be provided support by a dedicated mentor from our senior commercial team. Your challenge will be to prepare yourself for further career advancement within the organisation by learning all facets of our Oilseeds trading business, including the development of customer needs, the financial implications of trading decisions, contract law and risk management. The program also includes cross-departmental exposure, allowing you to gain insight into commercial links with other business units.

The Requirements

• A degree in a Business / Commercial discipline ideally with an agricultural focus. • Internship or some work experience up to two years ideally in commodity trading or production company. • Good communication and presentation skills; fluent in English, with German a strong asset. • Eager to work for a professional and international organiіation with a focus towards Trading coupled with a drive for success and continuous improvement. • Well developed personal skills: self motivated, result oriented, flexible, convincing, customer oriented, enthusiastic and a team player. • Willingness to travel and relocate We offer great career opportunities with a competitive remuneration package in a very international environment. Every day, the 29,000 people of Archer Daniels Midland Company (NYSE: ADM) turn crops into renewable products that meet the demands of a growing world. At more than 240 processing plants, we convert corn, oilseeds, wheat and cocoa into products for food, animal feed, chemical and energy uses. We operate the world’s premier crop origination and transportation network, connecting crops and markets in more than 60 countries. Our global headquarters is in Decatur, Illinois, and our net sales for the fiscal year ended June 30, 2010, were $ 62 billion. For more information about our Company and our products, visit www.adm.com. If you are interested in this position, please e-mail your application and your CV to Oleksandra.Gulakova@adm.com. For more information please call +38 048 7965722

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www.kyivpost.com

October 22, 2010

THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS OF THE AUTONOMOUS REPUBLIC OF CRIMEA is seeking qualified candidates for the following positions in the Regional Development Agency in Simferopol: 1. DIRECTOR OF THE AGENCY 2. DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF THE AGENCY 3. CHIEF ACCOUNTANT 4. ANALYST OF THE STRATEGIC PLANNING AND ANALYTICAL DEPARTMENT 5. HEAD OF THE PROJECTS’ DEVELOPMENT DEPARTMENT 6. SPECIALIST OF THE PPP DEPARTMENT 7. HEAD OF THE MARKETING AND PR DEPARTMENT 8. HEAD OF THE FOREIGN INVESTMENTS’ DEPARTMENT 9. HEAD OF INVESTORS’ SERVICE UNIT Job descriptions for these positions can be found on the following site: http://www.ark.gov.ua/ blog/2010/10/11/vnimanie-konkurs/ Interested candidates should submit their APPLICATION FORM (see the link above) and CV via e-mail: vacancy@rda.crimea.ua with reference to the vacancy you are applying for in the subject line of the email. DEADLINE FOR APPLICATIONS IS 26 OCTOBER 2010

We are pleased to announce that Willis office in Ukraine is expanding its activity and seeks to grow the office by recruiting quality personnel for the following positions:

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The Conference Board of Canada – Project Consulting Opportunities in Kyiv The Conference Board of Canada is undertaking a five year project funded by the Canadian International Development Agency to build capacity in Evidence-Based Economic Development Planning (EBED) in Ukrainian oblasts and municipalities. The EBED project’s purpose is to have regional and municipal governments institutionalize an evidence-based economic development planning process that is aligned at all three levels of government. Accomplishing this purpose should have the long term impact of increasing the economic well being of Ukrainians and reducing regional economic disparity through the better economic performance of oblasts and municipalities. EBED is seeking part time qualified candidates to join its regional team based in Kyiv as

Consultant on Economic • Project Analyses

– Econometric and data analysis in economic, and fiscal forecasting

Consultant on Statistical • Project Analyses

– Data and survey analysis, as well as economic report writing

• Website Administrator • Editor Information Materials the EBED project website

Willis is recognized as a leading global insurance broker, handling risk management, insurance and reinsurance across a wide range of service areas and industries, having stainless reputation by the best client service.

– Manage and administer

–Write and edit project information materials for newsletters, booklets and information for the EBED website

Interested candidates should send their detailed curriculum vitae and covering letter in confidence by October 29, 2010 to the following email address: careers@conferenceboard.ca We thank all candidates who wish to apply, however only short-listed applicants will be contacted.

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Ukraine THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS OF THE AUTONOMOUS REPUBLIC OF CRIMEA AND THE EU/UNDP SUPPORT TO THE REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT AGENCY OF THE AUTONOMOUS REPUBLIC OF CRIMEA are seeking qualified candidates for the following positions in the Regional Development Agency in Simferopol:

1. EXPERT/(DIRECTOR) OF THE ANALYTICAL AND STRATEGIC PLANNING DEPARTMENT 2. EXPERT/(DIRECTOR) OF THE PROJECTS DESIGN AND IMPLEMENTATION DEPARTMENT 3. EXPERT/(DIRECTOR) OF THE INVESTMENT PROMOTION AND INVESTORS RELATIONS DEPARTMENT Job descriptions for these positions can be found on the following sites: http://www.undp.org.ua/en/jobs (in English - on this site the positions are referred to as "Experts of Departments") http://www.ark.gov.ua/blog/2010/10/11/ vnimanie-konkurs/ (in Russian) As these positions will be contracted for the next two years by the United Nations Development Programme (RDA Support Project), all interested candidates should complete the UN PERSONAL HISTORY FORM* (P-11) and attach it to the on-line application on http://www.undp. org.ua/en/jobs (instead of CV). Failure to disclose prior employment or making false representations on this form will be grounds for withdrawal of further consideration of his/her application or termination, where the appointment or contract has been issued. Personal History Form can be downloaded from http://www.undp.org.ua/en/jobs DEADLINE FOR APPLICATIONS IS 26 OCTOBER 2010


Classifieds 31

October 22, 2010

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32 Photo Story

www.kyivpost.com

October 22, 2010

1

2 Ukrainian Fashion Week, a biannual event, kicked off its 27th showcase of Ukrainian-designed clothes at Kyiv’s Acco International exhibition center on Oct. 14. In typical fashion, Ukrainian socialites gathered to the weeklong event to do more than see the clothes of 40 designers. They also came to mingle with politicians, sports stars and other celebrities. Those attending included Olena Pinchuk (center, 5), daughter of ex-President Leonid Kuchma and the wife of billionaire Victor Pinchuk, Olympic gymnast Lilia Podkopaeva, supermodel Snizhana Onopka, singer Valery Kharchyshyn of Druha Rika band (3), TV hosts Alla Mazur and Yulia Litvinenko (4), Ok and Zefir magazines publisher Iryna Turbayevska (4), restaurateur Mykola Tyshchenko with his wife, Miss Ukraine 2008 Iryna Zhuravska, and actor Anton Mukharsky with his wife-actress Snezhana Yegorova (6). Some Ukrainian top designers were setting a leap back into time, such as the variegated fluffed skirts a-la Elizabeth Taylor design of Victoria Gres (1). Designer Olena Burenina (2) spiced her collection with vegetables. Natalia Kamenskaya and Olesya Kononova dressed their models in scarlet and virgin white and skillfully matched the lipstick with the skirts (7). – Story by Iryna Prymachyk – Photos by Yaroslav Debelyi, Burdiga Dima, Ukrainian photo

5

3

Glitz, glamour at Ukrainian Fashion Week

4

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