Kyle Wing - Oikonomikos / Polis - CMU BArch Thesis - 2018 by Kyle Wing

Oikonomikos/ PolisÂâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; The new politics of living today

T F

Kyle J. Wing

A R

Carnegie Mellon University B.Arch Thesis, 2017-2018 Mary-Lou Arscott Stefan Gruber Matthew Huber Jonathan Kline Christine Mondor Noah Theriault

Oikonomikos/ PolisÂâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; The new politics of living today

T F

Kyle J. Wing

A R

Carnegie Mellon University B.Arch Thesis, 2017-2018 Mary-Lou Arscott Stefan Gruber Matthew Huber Jonathan Kline Christine Mondor Noah Theriault

CONTENTS

Contentsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; 01. The Neoliberal Neophyte

The reluctant convert, the unknowing subject, the indoctrinated, passive soul

02. On Politics, On Utopia, On Architecture, On House

A thesis manifesto

03. The Contemporary City

A discursive (abbreviated) history of what happened

04. From Magie to Maggie

Or, We donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t heed our own warnings

05. The Atlas

A catalogues of maps, charts, case studies

06. The Corporation

138

Form follows finance

07. The Oikos, The Polis Speculations on a prefigurative architecture for a new future

146

OIKONOMIKOS / POLIS

“Economics are the method; the object is to change the heart and soul.” MARGARET THATCHER

The Neoliberal Neophyteâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; The reluctant convert, the unknowing subject, the indoctrinated, passive soul

THE NEOLIBERAL NEOPHYTE

London, England — A small girl is learning to count with coins from a daycare instructor. She could, of course, be learning this from her parents at home while she is still not old enough to attend school, but daycare frees them up to work (so they can pay for the daycare), and she enjoys the time with others her age. Both her parents work; they have good, fulltime jobs. They went to university, they’re earning far above the average salary for London, let alone England. The couple is well into their 40s, but this is the 23rd house they have lived in, and they still lack any sort of security. Forced out of subpar conditions by rent increases, choosing between affording to live or putting their kids in the right catchment area for schools and giving them their own rooms, this couple describes their condition as “middle class poverty.” They’re not alone.

a pullout mattress underneath line the walls of the bedroom, two more bunk beds sit next to the kitchen. Their sleeping arrangements are decided based on their sleeping schedules. Those with night shifts, sleep in the kitchen, those working during the day have the bedroom. Four of the members in the bedroom head to the train at 4am and start making their way into Brooklyn. They’re part of a work crew, they paint, install toilets, move furniture, repair showers that electrocute the person trying to turn it on. They’re putting on bandaids, putting spackle in the cracks of the housing system, without any ability to mend the mechanisms that resign them to their current state of debt.

His three kid’s college tuition, he and his wife’s retirement, their entire financial security–their entire lives–are staked in the value of those 2100 sq. ft.

Across the Atlantic, in Brooklyn’s Bed-Stuy, at a similar daycare, an instructor is reading someone else’s daughter an Eric Carle book. This instructor is a bartender on nights and weekends, but calls himself a freelance graphic designer. He does his work on a Macbook, talks to clients on an iPhone, but is 2 months behind on his rent. He lives with 5 others in a 3 bedroom apartment, two neighborhoods over in Flatbush. They keep a pair of gloves next to their shower, if they try to turn on the water without putting on the rubber gloves, the handles will shock them. They’ve called their landlord about it three times, but fear if they call again they’ll get evicted. Instead, they’ve hired out for the repairs on their own.

Three thousand miles across the US in a California State college classroom, a droopy-eyed student is presenting their epic poem, the adjunct English professor at the back of the room is supposed to be grading this presentation, but her mind is elsewhere. She’s trying to figure out which McDonald’s bathroom sink she and her husband will turn into their shower for the evening, where they’ll park their car and recline their driver and passenger seats for the night, what they’ll eat. She’s an English professor without a place for her books, only keeping her signed first edition of All the Pretty Horses. Down the hall, her tenure-tracked colleague is holding office hours for his students, in his own office, the walls lined with books. This evening, this colleague will drive just 2.5 miles to his 4 bedroom ranch-style home. The value of which has more than sextupled in the only 15 years since he bought it. His three kid’s college tuition, he and his wife’s retirement, their entire financial security–their entire lives–are staked in the value of those 2100 sq. ft.

They’re putting on bandaids, putting spackle in the cracks of the housing system, without any ability to mend the mechanisms that resign them to their current state of debt. Two and a half hours away by train, deep in the Bronx, a one-bedroom apartment is home to 13 migrant workers. Three bunk-beds, each with

Just two hours after both of these professors have gone, both to their “homes,” the fleet of Aramark 11

THE NEOLIBERAL NEOPHYTE

Price/Rent ratio (x) indicates number of years of rent required to buy the same apartment

THE NEOLIBERAL NEOPHYTE

Price/Rent ratio (x) indicates number of years of rent required to buy the same apartment

THE NEOLIBERAL NEOPHYTE

“All wage workers can be turned into capitalists without ceasing to be wage workers.” FRIEDRICH ENGELS

THE NEOLIBERAL NEOPHYTE

workers that will empty the trash, clean the urinals, and polish the floors begin their three hour commute. Unable to live anywhere close to where they work, they’re forced to walk miles, take a combination of buses and trains, and rely on friends and relatives with cars to shuttle them around from job to job, in and out of the city. Their kids are left to fend for themselves, attending schools underfunded because of the low property taxes, returning home just in time to catch their parents running out the door to work. As their kids heat up the McDonald’s left out for them, they spray out the sink with a petrochemical laced solvent.

home to their children, in cities hours away. In Monaco, the Carvers are at a McDonald’s, the two Carver kids refuse to eat anything other than McDonalds. The two nanny’s (one for each child, of course) are at the counter ordering two Happy Meals. Back at the table, the two kids are playing with the Troll dolls they’ve already collected from previous Happy Meals this month. The parents, although technically on vacation, are on their phones, emailing, reading financial reports, making calls, every second thousands of dollars are flying in an invisible network of various short and long-form deep-space radio waves. The kids eat their french fries and they return to their beachfront condo, another quality family outing.

Two thousand miles southeast, deep inside Cancer Alley, on the border between Louisiana and Texas, a father sits with his daughter, as she inhales her asthma medication through her nebulizer. They live in Carver Terrace, one of a couple housing projects in Port Arthur, Texas, a town of just over 50,000 people. The town is surrounded on all sides by petrochemical refineries–Chevron, Valero, Total Petrochemicals USA, Motiva Enterprises–there’s no escaping, no fresh air. The plants in Port Arthur alone are responsible for 4 million pounds of toxic air pollutants a year. Most of the residents in the town work at the plants, or, if they’re living in Carver Terrace, don’t have the access to any other housing, and lack the economic or political agency to change their situation. They’re trapped.

This global population, they are the Neoliberal Neophytes. The couple in London, the day laborer in New York, the professors in California, from Guangzhou to Petrograd, Los Angeles to Rio de Janeiro, people are living with the realities of late capitalism. For some, these realities are not something to cope with, the neoliberal ideology driving global policy directly produces their lifestyle, for others, the very opposite is true. This ideology that has resigned them to varying states of debt. This global population, they are the Neoliberal Neophytes.

Halfway around the globe, in Chang’an, China, hundreds of employees snap the limbs of barbies together and mold the toys for next month’s Happy Meal promotion. The 4,200 employees work at a plastic toy factory, utilizing the processed petrochemicals from Port Arthur. Making just under a dollar for 12 hour days, the workers are subjected to disorder-causing repetitive tasks, extremely hot working conditions, and hazardous chemicals. At the end of the day they return home to dormitories with 11 other roommates. Entire floors of one hundred people share one communal bathroom, forced to walk up three floors to access hot water. They endure these conditions in order to be able to send money 16

THE NEOLIBERAL NEOPHYTE

Thw 2016 #VENTYOURRENT campaign by the non-profit organization Generation Rent.

1846 Printing telegraph invented

1841 Gas-fired kitchen stove in London

1833 William Forster Lloyd coins the phrase and term â&#x20AC;&#x153;commonsâ&#x20AC;?

1814 British troops burn the White House

1792 In home gas lighting in England

1778 First flush toilet in London

1735 Buckingham Palace is built

1678 The first expansion to the Palace of Versailles is completed

1615 City of London establishes a city wide clean water supply

1604 The first enclosure Act is passed concerning the enclosure of land at Radipole in Dorset

TIMELINE

The first mail ordering system is set up in the UK

1899 Construction on the Asonia apartment hotel is completed in New York

1892 Francois Hennebique patents his reinforced-concrete construction system

1887 Marshall Field Store opens in Chicago

1882 Electric lighting along all of Pearl Street in New York

1880 First house with electric lighting

1877 First telephone in Massachusetts

1871 The Great Chicago Fire

1867 Frank Lloyd Wright is born

1864 Construction on Longwood is completed

1861 Mrs. Beetonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Book of Household Management is published

TIMELINE

1926 Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky designs the Frankfurt Kitchen

1925 Construction begins on first public housing project in “Red” Vienna

1924 Berlin Siedlung is completed

1923 Le Corbusier publishes Vers une architecture

1920 First broadcast radio station in Detroit

1919 The US Government begins its “Own Your Own Home” campaign

1917 Thomas Edison files a patent for a special concrete construction method

1912 The first youth hostel is established in Germany

1909 The first commercial airline is established in Germany

1906 The great San Francisco earthquake

TIMELINE

Hannes Meyer’s Co-op Zimmer is exhibited

The first modern shopping mall is opened in Ohio

Virginia Woolf publishes A Room of One’s Own

Irma Rombauer publishes The Joy of Cooking

The first of FDR’s “fireside chats” are broadcast across the US

1937 The US establishes the Housing Authority

1936 Home Owners Loan Corporation redlines black neighborhoods in US cities

1934 First commercially produced television in Germany

1933 FDR passes the New Deal

1931 Construction on Villa Savoye completed

1929 Stock market crashes in the US

1928 Buckminster Fuller designs his Dymaxion House

TIMELINE

OIKONOMIKOS / POLIS

“Maybe what’s missing today is some paradigm of the good life.” BRUCE STERLING

Politics, Utopias, Architecture, Homeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; A thesis manifesto

Broadly speaking, this thesis is about the city and the people that reside within its bounds. Globalization and Western cultural imperialism have made it such that the ability to talk about any global city in isolation is not only futile, but irresponsible. This is not

to dismiss the importance and power of context, however, the interconnected network of problems that contemporary neoliberal governance present make it such that both proposals and critiques alike must be all encompassing and holistic in nature.

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

1. On Politics

neoliberal ideologies, policies, and programs have only strengthened and deepened in their reach. Instead, the neoliberal project, which has been aptly named “neoliberalism 2.0,” has sharpened its talons and sunk them deeper into every disparate part of public life; continuing to structurally alter society, politics, economics, culture. Through markedly aggressive power grabs by the private sector, the project wages on, removing and restructuring whatever is left of social democratic institutions and services.

While the critiques of capitalism present in this thesis are not done without a measured amount of intention, it is not the goal of this project to perform a calculated and targeted critique of capitalism. However, the topic is necessarily unavoidable. Robert Reich’s 2015 book Saving Capitalism, takes the position that capitalism can work for many and not the isolated few that it increasingly serves. This thesis does borrow from this writing, and does not stand in opposition to that hypothesis, but centers its attention and energy on the present form of late capitalism and the neoliberal ideology, suggesting there is no “return” to some foregone past, only a gaping desire for a new radical politics.

Governmental, non-governmental, and corporate power are all encompassing of the Right, and continue to creep and leech into the crevices of social life, due, in part, to the ineffectual malaise of the Left. The past four decades of ideological imperialism by the Neoliberal State have set the Left into a spiraling paralysis, unable to conceive and engender new and radical thinking. Guised as an effort to look back to look forward, the popular methods of the Left simply look back, projecting a return to Keynes, neoclassical economics, and the glory of post-war social democracy. Presently overwhelmed by increasingly divisive identity politics, a Neo-Keynesian economy seems improbable at best.

“In this paralysis of the political imaginary, the future has been cancelled.” The very title of Reich’s book is representative of the present brand of Western politics. On both sides of the political spectrum, there is a considerable amount of nostalgia that longs for a fictitious moment when “America was great” or when “capitalism worked for everyone.” In the face of such impending climactic crisis, economic volatility, extreme resource depletion, and an unprecedented state of constant war, the necessity of a new politics becomes imperative. Today’s politics are stuck, unable to generate new ideas or modes of civil organization that can propel society forward. In the words of Williams and Srinicek, “In this paralysis of the political imaginary, the future has been cancelled.”

Times are decidedly different, industrial-Fordism, familial female subjugation, segregated suburban utopias, and an international landscape rife with colonies, empires, and imperialist hold-over, are not the context du jour. Though recent neo-socialist revolutions have gained traction for short periods of time, they remain incapable of imagining any alternative beyond the neo-Marxist normative of mid-Twentieth Century socialism. The neoliberal project continues to hollow out and devalue the power of labor. Without any fundamental and structural changes to contemporary modes of thinking, labor will remain without a collective power.

D espite the precipice society teeters on, neoliberalism has remained the dominant global political ideology. Since the late 1970s, in one form or another, neoliberalism has been persistent in much of the global north. Almost in spite of deep cultural, societal, and structural challenges (most recently the global financial crisis of 2008)

Even the most recent movements, most prevalent in the wake of the 2008 housing bubble, have been 25

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

“There is no progress—like a crab on LSD— culture staggers endlessly sideways.” REM KOOLHAUS, Junkspace

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

2. On Utopias

unable to devise a new political future. Instead, what we see is an over reliance on local, grassroots organization. How, or when, growing your own vegetables or establishing a narrowly localised, grassroots distribution network became a radical ecological praxis, escapes me. The “folk politics” of localism, direct action, and relentless horizontalism are entirely incapable of confronting a force that is abstract, non-local, and deeply rooted in our everyday infrastructure. If the forces are global, so too, must be the response. These efforts move towards disengagement, making no attempts to address the complex webs of relations that constitute the spaces of a globalised world, and consequently lack a plausible path from this world to theirs. What then, of the future?

There is an almost infinite abundance of material in the theoretical space of architecture and utopia. Lest we go five minutes without mentioning the word. We embrace projects for being utopian (read also “dystopian”), we also find it all too easy to dismiss on the basis of dystopia (again—read also “utopian”). As such, we oft fail to properly engage with such narratives. Understandably characteristic of a discipline so often physically anchored into the ground via piles, slabs, or concrete perimeters, architecture finds it difficult to suspend realities in order to imagine new ones. Or, conversely, ignore potential because of reality. The future must still live on. The future comes in two flavors—utopian and dystopian. So quick, we are, to form dichotomies, easy for categorization, easy on the mind. The space in between is not only muddy and complex, it’s necessarily boring—stuck in the middle of two shiny and defined ends. This is, however, the space where we so often exist. Heaven forbid we admit this to ourselves. By all accounts, utopias are categorically “good” in nature and operate in opposition to a proposed “bad.” Always held on a pedestal, utopias simply exist—a distinct disregard for how or why we transform and progress. This is, no doubt, the entire point of creating utopias, but a new understanding of the word itself, may yield a more fruitful relationship.

What then, of the future? While this thesis borrows considerable framing from the writings of Williams and Srinicek and #ACCELERATE politics, it is not directed at a techno-utopian, transhumanist, post-work, future. The brash polemic vision of #ACCELERATE entirely disregards the human condition and social relationships, framing them almost as challenges to overcome in order to reach a new technological potential. The critiques of accelerationism are many, but one thing is clear, the future contains people. The notion that the accelerated advancement of technology will somehow save the human condition lacks nuance and any sort of technological understanding. Present technology situates itself to connect and bridge gaps, but only functions as another arm of the machine of capital, trapping us further in ourselves. This thesis moves to produce an architecture in which prefigurative and performative politics can gestate. For what potential lies beyond our alienated ways of working together and through each other is unknown. What is for certain, however, is that we must move, and move with urgency towards a future of potential.

The future comes in two flavors— utopian and dystopian. The etymology of the word is traditionally known to be Thomas More’s seminal writing on the subject. Widely regarded as a critique of 16th century Catholicism, the writing itself is split into two books. The first book directly critiques the ills that plagued Europe at the time of writing, framing the present as a moment of deep strife and struggle. The second book stands to offer an alternative. Imagining a fictitious place, the island of Utopia, no private 28

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

Map of the Island of Utopia, by Abraham Ortelius, as seen in Thomas Moreâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s De optimo rei publicae statu deque nova insula Utopia

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

Jacques Tati, Play Time, 1967; Traffic, 1971; Tati in New York, 1958

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

property, no war, free hospitals and communal meals. The two books stand in purposeful opposition to each other. The most important of the writing however is an addendum in which More addresses the historically confused etymon of the word.

Emphasis on precedent study as the de facto pedagogical model further promotes the notion that we can look back to look forward. The present practice of this model is not a generative praxis, rather a REgenerative one. Instead, we repeat, we COPY-PASTE. Architecture has rendered itself useless as a model to imagine a future. Wherein lies the problem? The popular narrative holds Architecture, or architectures, as the de facto answer to a problem. This is not a reference to the notion that architecture is powerless, rather the opposite. Architecture is not, itself, the problem. The practice can become new again.

The common pronunciation of the word in English renders the popular definition of utopia as an imagined, perfect place. However this is not the original use and meaning of the word. What we are used to saying is “eutopia,” swapping out the original “ou–” prefix for “eu–”, meaning “good.” But looking to the Greek root (the prefix “ou-”, meaning “not”, and “topos”, “place”, with the suffix -iā), it becomes apparent there is no tinge of moral evaluation in the word—no good, no bad. In fact, the most direct translation would be “noplace,” or “nowhere.” Indicating the fictitious nature of the imagined world, not necessarily the evaluative speculation of a “good” world.

Architecture has hitherto buried its collective head in the sand. Architecture is not, in and of itself, political, it may merely be “Architecture.” We, of course, are speaking in dialogue with the work of Chantal Mouffe and the broader distinction between politics, non-institutional engagement, and the political, the democratic attempt at consensus. Pier Vittorio Aureli’s work makes the most direct application of this framework to architecture. First, he explains that architecture is never political. Since the time of Vitruvius, architecture has been used to pacify the citizenry and avoid conflict— the built form a manifestation of consensus resulting from the coalescence of the disparate interests of developers, governments, users, et al. Hence Corbusier explaining the choice is between “architecture or revolution.” Aureli then adds that architecture is also always political in that it is an expression of hegemonic orders, and the ever present authoritarian structures of society. In this manner, architecture cannot avoid being political. This is the dichotomy of architecture—”the ideology of consensus versus the reality of conflict.”

This new (or, rather, old) framing of the term allows the utopia to live on as a positive informing model, rather than as an absolute, restrictive, and impossible one. It is here that this thesis finds itself.

3. On Architecture Architecture has hitherto buried its collective head in the sand. It has turned its back on the world to face a series of -ism’s in a futile attempt to escape direct or even indirect confrontation with the pressing matters of the modern world. The conversations of architectural praxis move as an unfounded speed, with new found agility, dodging and swerving, camp to camp—parametricism, functionalism, environmentalism—whatever. It’s all talk. It’s all bullshit. Discourse, in some mildly haphazard estimation, is an overabundance of opinion unfortunately deprived of reason. What happened to people? What happened to the city? Architecture has successfully avoided progress for nearly the last century.

This framework purposefully rejects the notion of a meliorist architecture to save the world, but rather seeks to expand the relevance of architecture in society by operating directly on the cities of 31

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

Jacques Tati, Play Time, 1967

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

“A chair is still a chair, Even when there’s no one sitting there But a chair is not a house And a house is not a home When there’s no one there” BURT BACHARACH AND HAL DAVID, A HOUSE IS NOT A HOME

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

today. Architecture must be repositioned not as The Solution, or even a solution, but a venue in which both critique and speculative futures can manifest in a prefigurative manner. The project of architecture must serve as a means to find answers, not as the answer in and of itself. It is clear that the model of architect as skilled craftsman is obsolete, increasingly irrelevant, and effectively marginalized. Architects should not exist as the stArchitect, individual genius, or the popular turn of phrase “public intellectual,” but rather as a producer. A producer that is conscious of their position to modify structurally the condition through which architecture today is produced.

envelopes,” instead, it has more to do with the extended notion of home. As Dionne Warwick’s song, “A Home is Not a House,” suggests, the domestic sphere is so much more than sum of the functions it performs. Rather, it has much more to do with the complex overlap of cultural references, daily rituals, unspoken desires, and lofty aspirations—an ever evolving domestic milieu converging in space. Reyner Banham’s 1965 critique of the techo-fetishization of the home renders an “environment bubble” with all the latest technological bells and whistles of the time. Despite its considerably radical appearance, the domestic is more or less unchanged.

The ends to which this architecture will tend cannot be known—yet. But rather, they must be found. The future ordering of the city lies not in infrastructural intervention vis-à-vis Robert Moses or contemporary landscape urbanism-as-such, but rather through the operative potential of architecture to define the urban experience. This thesis moves to expand the effective realm of the architectural project by eschewing rear-garde discourse on computational form, sustainability, technics, in favor of a discourse on the city and the life we live inside.

We still cook in kitchens, sit at tables, rest on sofas, sleep in beds, wash in bathrooms, play in yards, just as we have done for centuries.

The function of the house and what constitutes home has necessarily shifted drastically in the last century. No longer is the house simply a place for living—that living is also considerably different. New technological practices have decoupled the dichotomous view of the house and the workplace. As such, the home proceeds today without any functional monism—if one ever did exist. A new plurality of life, however, is met with an unchanging, immutable domestic form. We still cook in kitchens, sit at tables, rest on sofas, sleep in beds, wash in bathrooms, play in yards, just as we have done for centuries. What is this shift—this crisis of housing?

For hundreds of years, the house has found marginally new and variant forms, without consideration to changes of the home. For nearly the last century, science-fiction authors have painted dystopic images of the city and the changes it would undergo. Almost all changes revolved around the technology that would shape the physical of the city, the architecture—skyscrapers stretching for the moon, flying cars, autonomous everything— without much consideration for the life of the city. In the future, life seems to go on as it always has— the dystopian, as well as the utopian (much more entertaining) strangely more plausible than reality. The speculative futures of present make it difficult to imagine a possible future that renders everyday life as new, the architectural envelope, and rarely anything else, is the only presently manipulated object. Today, the market scarcely even requires this—the house of today, and of the future, in so far that it has been imagined, is one of financial speculation.

This thesis is less about the house as a physical envelope, so-called “self-contained atmospheric

Everybody needs a home. Most people can get by in life, without engaging with other asset classes—they

4. On Home

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

don’t need cellars of vintage wine, collections of art, classic cars—but everybody needs a home. In Vers une architecture, Corbusier predicted “A house will no longer be this solidly-built thing which sets out to defy time and decay, and which is an expensive luxury by which wealth can be shown; it will be a tool as the motor car is becoming a tool.” Ironically, the houses have become tools in today’s neoliberal market, and as such, they certainly don’t need to be solidly-built. As the house increasingly becomes a financial asset vessel, used extremely infrequently, if at all, its necessity to withstand the wears of use and time evaporate. You don’t need quality construction to accumulate wealth.

became obsessed with standardization, modularity, and efficiency, all taylored around the “average” or “normal” body—the house as a machine for living. This machine got replicated the world over, and is still, today, the vessel through which the social elements of life are produced and reproduced. There is an urgency to break this relationship and demand more of the home. As Engels explains, “it is not that the solution of the housing question simultaneously solves the social question, but that only by the solution of the social question, that is, by the abolition of the capitalist mode of production, is the solution of the housing question made possible.” Understood this way, housing is a topological rather than a typological question—as is the city itself. For we are not speaking of archetypal figures stored in the memory palaces of culture; we are speaking of scaled measurements, statistically derived norms, and regulatory parameters stored in charts, databases, filing cabinets, and hard drives. In these, the apparatuses that formerly distinguished inside from outside, house from city, oikos from polis, “housekeeping” from politics, have been abolished. A universal, frictionless urbanization, with no absolute inside or outside, has taken their place as the governing hegemony. Grasping its topology means tracing the nestings, linkages, networks, inversions, erasures, inclusions, and exclusions through which the new, thoroughly urbanized “household” is being assembled. It is only then that a return to the polis becomes possible.

In our era of informal labor and immaterial production, the house and the factory have merged into the same space. As the market narrows housing’s focus to generating profit, the market has also created a work environment that asks more of the house. In our era of informal labor and immaterial production, the house and the factory have merged into the same space. The bifurcation of the factory as the site of proletarian struggle and the house as the site of bourgeois reform as initially questioned in Friedrich Engels “The Housing Question” is even more pressing today. The house becomes the central site in an increasingly global network in the political topology. Throughout the 19th century, housing has largely been studied typologically, whether in reference to the building itself—the house—or the social conditions that are contained within the house— the home. The house, the domestic space, even in the theories of Marx, is not considered to be a political battleground to claim power over the city. Even Engels, despite his critique of approaches to the German housing crisis, engaged with housing as a typology, not as a topology. Shortly after his writing of “The Housing Question,” approaches to housing 37

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

Jack Self, Home Economics, British Pavilion at the 2016 Venice Biennale

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

Jack Self, Home Economics, British Pavilion at the 2016 Venice Biennale

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

Stepney London, 1981, Sir William Davenant

POLITICS, UTOPIAS, ARCHITECTURE, HOME

Britain’s Mass-Observation program is established

Buckminster Fuller patents his prefabricated bathroom

Philip Johnson constructs the Glass House

1950 France establishes HLM public housing system

1949 Legos go to production in Denmark

1948 The Palestinian exodus during the Palestine war

1947 Mary Kay and Johnny airs on network television

1945 John Entenza launches the Case Study Houses program

1944 Sir Abercrombie writes the Greater London Plan

1943 IKEA opens its doors in Sweden

1941 The first TV commercial airs

1940 John Cage composes “Living Room Music”

1937 Frank Lloyd Wright completes Fallingwater

TIMELINE

Monsanto constructs their Home of the Future

GE introduces the first self cleaning oven

1963 Betty Friedan publishes The Feminine Mystique

1961 The first contraceptive pill is approved for use in the US

1960 Creation of Singapore Housing and Development Board

1959 Nixon and Khrushchev have their famous Kitchen Debate

1958 The first adult films are made for home market

Lucio Costa designs Brasiliaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Superquadras

1957 Sputnik 1 is launched

1956 Alison and Peter Smithson design their House of the Future

1953 Dissent movements begin in the USSR

1952 The Unite dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Habitation is completed in Mardseilles

TIMELINE

Ruth Glass coins the term “gentrification”

Sweden launches “Million Program” to build 1 million public housing units

Garrett Hardin publishes the Tragedy of the Commons

1968 CCTV is used to monitor public activity for the first time

1967 Archigram designs their House for the Year 1990

The Provo movement begins in Amsterdam

1965 John Lilly completes his “Living with a Dolphin” experiment

1964 Segregation officially stops in the US with the signing of the Civil Rights Act

1964 Richard Hoggart founds the Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies in Birmingham

TIMELINE

MLK is assassinated in Memphis

The Prague Spring unfolds in Czechoslovakia

John Baudrillard publishes The System of Objects

The Stonewall Riots in New York

Neil Armstrong walks on the moon

Videophone in the US

Disney World opens in Orlando, Florida

1971 Intel releases its first microprocessor for commercial use

1970 Salvador Allende becomes president of Chile

The first ATM is installed in the US

1969 The Boeing 747 sets flight for the first time

The US passes the Fair Housing Act

TIMELINE

THE CITY

â&#x20AC;&#x153;What remains of modernity is only a spectral sense of our existence, in which we wrestle with the barely perceptible and unsolid echoes of an architectural past that cannot be recovered, and a future that will not arrive.â&#x20AC;? MANFREDO TAFURI, Architecture and Utopia: Design and Capitalist Development

The Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; What happened?

THE CITY

The Ancient Greeks believed there were two models of rule: democracy and tyranny. They were perpetually locked in an alternating cycle — one system would rise, swell, peak and eventually recede, leaving room for the other to rise and swell and so on. When democracy prevailed, the interests of the people, or the polis, were upheld, this was known as politics. But when aristocrats, autocrats, or mafia-like families rose to power, the state suffered in a period of oikonomikos, or the success of the klan interest, the individual household. This was economics. In the Greek city, civilization was not a given — it was tenuous and fragile. There persisted a constant struggle to preserve civilization. Always a struggle to triumph over a private, individual interest, in order to achieve civilization through politics and through city interest. Though Aristotle and Plato provide different nuanced reasoning, they generally agree that democrats promote stability and unity, avoiding mob rule and suppressing private privilege. While tyrants pursue private wealth, land ownership, and control by military force. Because these two forces are irreconcilably opposed, the shift in power produced a civil war, a moment of stasis — pausing civilization in order to resolve power disputes.

progressivism, one is a set of economic theories, the other is a social philosophy.) Contemporary public behavior such as xenophobia or intolerance, nationalism or racism is positioned as political talking points, political problems. Yet they arise when one group feels its status and power, its prosperity, is being critically threatened. These attitudes should be understood, then, as forms of tyranny - prioritising the private power, private profit (oikonomikos/economics), over the collective public and the common good (polis/ politics). If the contemporary moment can be understood this way, one would conclude that the current state

of global civilization is entering an instance of stasis. The period of mass political reform, collective enfranchisement, social democracy, the period of politics, long ago gave way to an era of profit driven greed and inequality, the rise of economics. Political impulses are gone and neoliberalism has become naturalized as the ‘only’ choice available to cities in the United States and elsewhere (Hackworth, 2007).

Economics and Politics By the 1990s neoliberalism had become tenuously linked to an equally pervasive form of social conservatism. However, understanding this liberalism and conservatism as two parts of the same whole would be a mistake. The former finds its roots in the individual, the market and the non-interventionist state — economics. The later is fundamentally rooted in nostalgia, an effort to resurrect a past set of social conditions — politics. While the two can often be indistinguishable from each other in contemporary American politics, we should instead understand economics and politics as ideological opposites. (The same goes for the conflation of Keynesian economics and

Neoliberalism and Capitalism Neoliberalism emerged as a salve in the early 1970s to the political and economic unraveling of the city. Government failures have become the central justification for the rollback of intervention, while the notion of market failures have virtually disappeared from policy debates. Even in a post-

THE CITY

Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, 1982

THE CITY

Neoliberal City

2008 recession United States, a “good” government is largely defined as one that, for all intents and purposes, looks and functions like the corporate community that it claims to regulate. While the operation of the city and its government under neoliberalism is heavily intertwined with a specific form of capitalism, this thesis is not a critique on capitalism. It is important to note, that Marx never uses the word ‘capitalism.’ He refers to ‘capital,’ ‘capitalists,’ and the ‘capitalist mode of production,’ capitalism, however, emerges as shorthand for what ‘capitalists’ do — strive to accumulate capital. The meaning of ‘capitalism’ continues to develop into its contemporary understanding, what Marx refers to as “the capitalist mode of production.” This throws an umbrella over an entire ensemble of social relationships, institutions, practices, ideological mechanisms, and so on. These, sometimes discreet, but often interconnected elements become the tools and puppet strings from which a certain brand of capitalists bend and sway social conditions, crafting a state as favorable to their accumulation of capital as possible. The contemporary moment provides a context in which it is incredibly difficult to distinguish between capitalism and neoliberalism. Neoliberalism is the most pro-capitalist ideology and it has become the default ideology of almost all capitalists (Hackworth, 2007, Harvey, 2005). Neoliberalism and capitalism are not the same thing, and as Jeremy Gilbert emphasises, they are not the same kind of thing. Capitalism is an economic practice. Neoliberalism is a philosophy - an “ideology of no ideology” (Gilbert, 2015) None of this is to say that the economic practice of capitalism and the philosophy of neoliberalism are not intertwined. As Jason Hackworth writes, “It [neoliberalism] is not everything related to business and capitalism, but it is changing the way that both work.”

In the last four decades, the boundaries of urban governance have shifted dramatically. In part due to structural constraints placed on governments in the capitalist world, but also due to a related ideological shift toward neoliberal governing practices (Goonewardena 2003). This new ideology of governance has made a sport out of attributing market failures to generalized failures of government (Meier 1993, Chang 1997). Whatever the failures of the market, whatever moments of chaos or instability, whatever ‘crashes’ are quickly hidden in the shadow of governmental “inefficiency, inequity, and corruption” that tries to regulate outside of a market mechanism (Hackworth, 2007). Neoliberal policies seek to dismantle Keynesian artifacts (public housing, public space, city commons), policies (redistributive welfare, food stamps, healthcare), institutions (labor unions, HUD), and agreements (Fordist labor arrangements, federal government redistribution to states and cities). Neoliberalism replaces these policies and artifacts with practices and ideas (government-business consortia, workfare) that more proactively promote the future of neoliberalism (Hackworth, 2007). While neoliberalism is neither a monolithic or static phenomenon, its evolving forms have been playing out in cities across the US and across the world for decades.

THE CITY

“Economics are the method; the object is to change the heart and soul.” MARGARET THATCHER

Detroit, MI, USA

Entire dissertations can be written about Detroit’s collapse, but their most recent state of debt should be seen as a form of, what Christopher FosterSmith (2015) calls, “neoliberal governmentality,” where debt is used as a mode of discipline, exacerbating racialized political and economic inequality, leaving the city more vulnerable to “increasingly authoritarian forms of control.” Detroit’s neoliberal intervention—represented by emergency management, the bankruptcy and the Plan of Adjustment—has kick-started a ‘recovery’ of sorts, the development process will continue to be highly unequal in spatial, class and racial terms. 54

Hamtramk, Michigan, an innerburb of Detroit, Michigan

New York, NY, USA

Neoliberal policies were quickly implemented directly following New York Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s financial crisis of 1975. While global capitalism rolled into New York, industrial work moved to the global south, significant cuts were made to social services, publicly funded institutions were privatized, union agreements repealed, and the state no longer felt a responsibility to assist the materially disadvantaged. As manufacturing moved out, finance, insurance, and real estate moved in. The cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s position as a global stage for specialized services transformed its economic base as well as its spatial and social relations. New York was the global focal point of the 2008 financial crisis (however widespread the effects of it were), and it was physical home of the 2011 Occupy Movement, but today, it remains the epicenter of neoliberal economic practices. 56

E 125th, Harlem, NY

London, England

Margaret Thatcher was elected Prime Minister in 1979. The depression-era system of bank regulation was dismantled in Britain in 1986. She slowly implemented neoliberal policies crushing union power, eroding class-consciousness, and sharply increasing the capitalist profit sharing (though not really in the level of capital accumulation). It turned the state away from Keynesian corporatism close to the “classical” function of the state, as Marx says, “the executive board of the bourgeoisie.” Maggie Thatcher’s “national awakening” was supposed to be the broom which would clear the space for the expected benefits of “free market” capitalism. It didn’t, London today is the result.

Grenfell Tower, London, England

Beijing, China

China faced a similar turn in 1978, just after the death of Mao’s death, under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, announced a program of economic reform. Why China’s turn happened to coincide with the similar neoliberal turn in the United States and Great Britain is certainly up for debate, irregardless the turn resulted in a certain market economy that incorporates neoliberal elements interconnected with authoritarian centralized control. Deng made the argument that individual initiative had to be unleashed in “order to increase productivity and spark economic growth” (Harvey, 2005). China went on to reabsorb Hong Kong, along with their capitalistic notions, in 1997, and joined the WTO in 2001, neoliberal thought has only continued to grow in the further globalizing China. Beijing is just one example across China.

CCTV, Beijing, China

Singapore

Singapore has been both removed from the neoliberal turn and deeply engrained in this global shift. In the absence of natural resources, Singapore developed itself as a harbor, banking center, gambling magnet, transportation up, tourist attraction, and US military ally. While their odd mix of authoritarian rule and social policies that emphasize communitarianism have afforded them a high quality of life without the large inequities that other nations and cities are experiencing, their participation in the globalized, neoliberal economy has afforded them this success as a city-state.

Dubai, United Arab Emerites

Dubai is not dissimilar from Singapore, a strange autocratic government with neoliberal economic tenacity. The most recent manifestation of neoliberalism in Dubai is the exploitation of migrant workers as the city continues to grow and develop its urban landscape for affluent consumers (Buckley, 2013). However, recent developments of private worker welfare initiatives and a string of illegal worker protests are starting to shift the dynamic. These new developments have offered a temporary â&#x20AC;&#x153;spatial fixâ&#x20AC;? to the limitations of autocratic rule in a neoliberalizing city.

THE CITY

Hannes Meyer, Co-op Zimmer, 1926

THE CITY

Neoliberalism — Housing These cities are as diverse as the problems that neoliberalism presents there. Neoliberalism is not monolithic nor homogenous, and neither are its problems. There’s a certain depth and certain nuance that must be investigated in order to critically respond. It is within this context that this thesis investigates the space in which neoliberalism has so strongly reared its head in the contemporary city — housing.

A return to Home The market-driven development of the city, and more particularly, the housing stock, has perverted the idea of house, redefining housing as commodity, discarding the social function of home and house. Whether in the form of mortgages or rent, the general public has been consigned to living in conditions of perpetual debt. Describing the current housing situation as a crisis implies that it is temporary, that it is abnormal and there is a normal, well-functioning housing system to return to. There isn’t. Housing will always been in crisis under contemporary neoliberalism. This thesis hypothesizes that living spaces can promote more communal understandings of property and space, lessening the cultural conflation of house and commodity, subverting the power given to real estate by market driven economies, in pursuit of a more equitable and just form of housing.

NEW YORK

LONDON

HONG KONG

MONACO

SYDNEY

MAGIE TO MAGGIE

From Magie to Maggie The game Monopoly had a predecessor: “The Landlord’s Game.” It was created at the turn of the 20th century in response to and as a way to educate players about the prevalent system of land-grabbing and its usual outcomes and consequences. Instead of the typical system of taxing income, trade, or purchases (as we are familiar with now), the game promoted Georgism or the single tax–taxing based on the value of land and its natural resources, not the buildings or goods produced on it. As it was developed, The Landlord’s Game had two sets of rules. The anti-monopolist, or Georgist rules in a version called “Prosperity” and leveraged taxes on properties held, redistributing the taxes to the board. Then there was the monopolist version,

MAGIE TO MAGGIE

the Monopoly that we know, a version of the game that privileges those who buy property first, over time pushing newcomers into nomadic states of renting and debt. The inventor said that “it might as well have been called the ‘Game of Life,’ as it contains all the elements of success and failure in the real world, and the object is the same as the human race in general seems to have, i.e., the accumulation of wealth.” While things have changed significantly since the days of single tax Georgism, from Magie to Maggie (the first Magie - Elizabeth Magie, inventor of the “Landlord’s Game” and the latter, of course, our beloved Margaret Thatcher, the Queen of neoliberalism), the rules of the game have not changed. There persists a struggle between economics and politics, between the oikinomikos and the polis.

MAGIE TO MAGGIE

A page of the patent for “The Landlord’s Game,” as filed by Elizabeth Magie in 1904.

MAGIE TO MAGGIE

A page of the patent for the board game “Monopoly,” as filed by Charles Darrow in 1935.

MAGIE TO MAGGIE

Elizabeth Magie with her two versions of “The Landlords Game,” 1936

MAGIE TO MAGGIE

Margaret “Maggie” Thatcher with a copy of her Conservative Manifesto, 1979

Reyner Banham publishes Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies

Pruitt-Igoe is demolished in Chicago

Alex Comfort publishes The Joy of Sex

The Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries declares an oil embargo

The world population reaches 4 billion

Richard Nixon resigns as President of the United States

1974 Democracy is restored in Portugal

1973 The US official withdraws from Vietnam

Australia passes equal pay for women

1972 The Nakagin Capsule Tower is completed in 30 days

1972 Atari releases Pong

1971 The Bretton Woods monetary system ends

TIMELINE

VHS technology is introduced

Bill Gates and Paul Allen found Microsoft

IBM releases the first commercially available portable computer

Lester Brown introduces the idea of the “environmental refugee”

Margaret Thatcher is elected Prime Minister of England

1979 The first episode of This Old House premieres

1978 Georges Perec publishes La Vie mode d’emploi

1977 The first film released on VHS/Betamax hits stores

1976 Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak and Ronald Wayne found Apple Computer Company

Telenet network capabilities in major US cities

1975 JG Ballard’s High Rise is published

TIMELINE

Ronald Reagan is elected President of the United States

The first clinical observation of AIDS by the CDC

IKEA opens its first store in the US

1987 The world’s population passes 5 billion people

1986 The “Big Bang” deregulation of financial business in London

Microsoft releases Windows

1985 The Jebel Ali Free Zone is established in Dubai

1984 Motorola releases the first mobile phone

1982 Dolores Hayden publishes The Grand Domestic Revolution

1981 Fannie Mae issues the first mortgage-backed security

1980 Thatcher leads “Right to Buy” policy in England

1979 The Iranian Revolution plays out

TIMELINE

John Williamson introduces the concept of the “Washington Consensus”

HUD announces HOPE VI

The Kowloon Walled City is demolished

Amazon.com is founded

1995 eBay is founded

1994 Pizza Hut launches the first online ordering of delivery

1993 Rachel Whiteread unveils her sculpture, “House”

The first “nanny cams” are marketed to the US

1992 Los Angeles riots after the verdict in the Rodney King case is announced

1991 Saskia Sassen publishes Global City

1989 Commercial internet connectivity, the World Wide Web

1988 Bruce Sterling publishes Islands in the Net

TIMELINE

The Atlasâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Maps, charts, case studies

THE ATLAS

Housing has long been the crux city life. In the contemporary city, this is no different. Housing is the arena in which all of the social, political, cultural and economic forces that affect an individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life play out. It affects where your kids go to school and how much funding that school gets, it affects access to the city, its services and amenities through proximity and transportation, it affects economic stability, social stability. Housing has been the most clearly affected by neoliberalism.

THE ATLAS

Income Growth Over the previous 34 years

Income Growth

Over previous 34 years

+6%

99.999th percentile

99.99th

99th

1980

2016

5th

99th

10th

20th

Lower Income

30th

40th

50th

60th

INCOME PERCENTILE

This chart has taken two snapshots of income distribution, one as neoliberalism was just sinking its teeth in, and one long after it had drawn blood. While this thesis is not arguing for a return to the exact distribution of 1980 or 1950, or any specific decade, nor is it taking a position on the ideal distribution of income, it is unwavering in its stance against this uneven distribution and the continued exacerbation of this extreme inequality; it is confident in saying this is the result of neoliberal economics (although the need for some reasoning and empirical evidence is noted).

70th

80th

90th

Higher Income

NOTE: Inflation-adjusted annual average growth using income after taxes, transfers and non-cash benefits

SOURCES: NYTimes.com

100th

THE ATLAS

Productivity and Wage Index G20 Advanced Economies

PPP$ 120

Labor Productivity Index 115

110

Wage Index 105

100

95 1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

NOTES: Labor productivity is defined as GDP per employed person and uses GDP in constant 2005 PPP$ for all countries. G20 advanced economies include: Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Republic of Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Both indices are based on a weighted average of all the countries in the group that takes into account labor productivity and the size of paid employment.

This chart maps the productivity of the contemporary worker in all the G20 advanced economies against each countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s wage index, using 1999 as 100. Essentially, GDP is going up, countries are moving more money, why are wages not increasing? There are many assumptions to be drawn from this chart, but the question to ask is where is this money going? This question can be answered by the previous graph. 95

SOURCES: ILO Staff estimation, using data from the ILO Global Employment Trends report and the ILO Global Wage Database

THE ATLAS

Share of Global Wealth, 2010-2015

Share of Global Wealt 2010 - 2015 56%

Other 99% 54%

52%

50%

48%

This chart looks at global wealth this time, as opposed to income. The richest 1% now controls half the wealth of the world. That richest 1% is 62 people (Oxfam, 2016). This class is included in the bigger group of “Ultra High Net Worth Individuals” (UHNWI), or those who have over $30 million in wealth. This population’s relationship with housing is interesting, 79% of them own two or more houses, 53% own three or more, 27% own 4, 10% own 5+. These secondary residences are 45% more valuable, twice as large, and average 10 acres of land. Luxury residential real estate grew 2% faster than the general real estate market in 2016 (Sotheby’s, Wealth-X, 2016)

46%

Richest 1% 44% 2010

2011

THE ATLAS

2012

2013

2014

2015

SOURCES: Oxfam.org.uk

THE ATLAS

Gini Index

Income Disparity, By Country - Where 0 is perfect equality, 100 is perfect inequality

Gini Index - Income Disparity - By Country Where 0 is perfect equality, 100 is perfect inequality

BRA

AUS 50

CHI USA MEX IND

GBR FRA

CAN NOR 20

0 1950

1960

1970

1980

The Gini Index maps income disparity. An index of 0 would be perfect equality, everyone earning the same income, and a score of 100 would be perfect inequality. Without getting in the nuances of the statistics (because, frankly, I have little knowledge of stats), neither end of the spectrum is ideal.

1990

2000

NOTES: The Gini index is the Gini coefficient expressed as a percentage, and is equal to the Gini coefficient multiplied by 100.

SOURCES: World Bank, Nationmaster, and the US Census Bureau

THE ATLAS

Gini Index - Income Disparity - By Country Where 0 is perfect equality, 100 is perfect inequality

BRA

AUS 50

CHI USA MEX IND

GBR FRA

CAN NOR 20

0 1950

1960

1970

1980

This chart takes the information from the last and simply plots a trend line, a best fit line. The general global trend is obvious, nations are becoming increasingly more unequal (with the exception of a few nations).

1990

2000

NOTES: The Gini index is the Gini coefficient expressed as a percentage, and is equal to the Gini coefficient multiplied by 100.

SOURCES: World Bank, Nationmaster, and the US Census Bureau

THE ATLAS

Wealth Distribution By type of asset, 2014, U.S.

Wealth Distributio

By type of asset, 2014, U.

100

78%

22%

REAL ESTATE INVESTMENTS

This graph plots the steady climb (and relatively tiny bust) of global housing prices against the rate of inflation. The naive economist in me would assume they would climb together. When you map the inflation of housing prices against the inflation of milk, or a car, the graph looks incredibly similar. 100

THE ATLAS

.S.

26% 41%

74% 59%

TOP 10% BOTTOM 90% PRIMARY RESIDENCE

DEBT SOURCES: Bank for International Settlements, European Central Bank, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Savills, and national sources

101

THE ATLAS

Global House Price Index vs. Inflation Rate

Global House Price Ind

Since 1980

135

125

115

105

1980

102

1990

THE ATLAS

dex vs. Inflation Rate

16%

House Price Index

14%

12%

10%

Inflation 2%

0% 2000

2010

2015

SOURCES: Bank for International Settlements, European Central Bank, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Savills, and national sources

103

THE ATLAS

Inflation Rates

If a 5-lb. chicken infl in London, it would

A gallon of milk wou

The average workin $337,600.

NOTES: These numbers are based off of the highest rate of inflation for housing, London. Housing as inflated at a rate of 48.1% in London. Average US inflation is less severe, as is the global trend. However, the most drastic instance is used to illustrate the point. The use of Londonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rate of inflation does not indicate an isolated problem. SOURCES: US Census Bureau, USDA, National Chicken Council, New York City Department of Finance, Furman Center, Prudential Douglas Elliman

104

THE ATLAS

flated at the same rate as housing cost $90.

uld cost $50.

ng wage for a year would be

105

THE ATLAS

Rent/Buy

The 20 most expensive cities in the world to rent and buy a home

London, GBR $6,856 - 48x

New York, USA $6,553 - 23x Paris, FRA $5,501 - 28x

Bermuda $5,597 - 21x

Geneva, SWZ $4,737 - 32x

Amsterdam, NLD $5,501 - 28x Toronto, CAN $3,047 - 27x

Grand Cayman, CYM $3,018 - 14x

Tortola, BVI $3,071 - 35x

NOTES: Price per month to rent a 120 sq m flat ($) Price/Rent ratio (x) indicates number of years of rent required to buy the same apartment

Rome, ILA $3,208 - 26x

SOURCES: All data from Global Property Guide, aggrigated by TransferWise

106

THE ATLAS

Monaco $10,099 - 53x

Moscow, RUS $6,277 - 26x

Tokyo, JAP $6,341 - 18x

Helsinki, FIN $3,320 - 28x

Hong Kong $6,198 - 33x

Kiev, Ukraine $3,443 - 11x

Tel Aviv, ISR $3,280 - 29x Singapore $4,276 - 41x

Sydney, AUS $3,472 - 22x Aukland, NZL $3,052 - 18x

107

THE ATLAS

Gloabl Real Estate Capital Flows - EUR

Breakdown of global money investing in European Real Estate

$26.4bn (52% )

NA $50.2bn

E $

3bn (2%) $1.

) >1% n ( b 4 .0 $0

SA $0.76bn

NOTES: Transactions included in this analysis relate to office, retail, industrial, leisure (including hotels), mixeduse, and residential property. Simple purchases of land are excluded. While development funding does not fall within this definition of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;investment,â&#x20AC;&#x2122; property that is still under construction is included.

SOURCES: Real Capital Analytics, Knight Frank Research, CBRE Group

108

THE ATLAS

$18.47bn (31%)

EUR $59.6bn

$7. 1b n

$0. 65b n ( 1%) ) 3% (1

AS $11.2bn

ME $0.1bn AFR $0.2bn

AU/NZ $8.6bn

109

THE ATLAS

Gloabl Real Estate Capital Flows - NA

Breakdown of global money investing in North American Real Estate

$29.1bn (61%

$13.1bn (27% )

NA $50.2bn

$5.5bn (1 1%)

E $

bn .2 $0

$0. 2bn (>1 %)

) 1% (>

SA $0.76bn

$0.1bn (>1 SOURCES: Real Capital Analytics, Knight Frank Research, CBRE Group

110

THE ATLAS

EUR $59.6bn AS $11.2bn ME $0.1bn AFR $0.2bn

AU/NZ $8.6bn

1%)

111

THE ATLAS

Gloabl Real Estate Capital Flows - ASIA

Breakdown of global money investing in Asian Real Estate

$8.1bn (70%)

NA $50.2bn

E $

SA $0.76bn

SOURCES: Real Capital Analytics, Knight Frank Research, CBRE Group

112

THE ATLAS

)

$0.8bn (7%)

EUR $59.6bn 6bn (23%) $2.

AS $11.2bn

ME $0.1bn

$0 .0 n 3b

%) (>1

AFR $0.2bn

AU/NZ $8.6bn

113

THE ATLAS

Global Real Estate Capital Flows - Total Investment

Top 20 Cities by total real estate investment (US $ Billion)

New York, USA $40 bn

San Francisco, USA $16.5 bn Los Angeles, USA $19.5 bn Chicago, USA $9.5 bn Washington, D.C., USA $9.5 bn Seattle, USA $6.0 bn

Boston, USA $6.5 bn

Dallas, USA $5.5 bn

Alanta, USA $7.0 bn

Denver, USA $4 bn

Miami, USA $6.5 bn

Phoenix, USA $4.5 bn

Houston, USA $4.5 bn

San Diego, USA $4.0 bn

Orlando, USA $3.5 bn

NOTES: Transactions included in this analysis relate to office, retail, industrial, leisure (including hotels), mixeduse, and residential property. Simple purchases of land are excluded. While development funding does not fall within this definition of ‘investment,’ property that is still under construction is included.

SOURCES: Real Capital Analytics, Knight Frank Research, CBRE Group

114

THE ATLAS

London, GBR $19.5 bn

Paris, FRA $6.5 bn

Tokyo, JAP $7.0 bn

Hong Kong, CHN $5.0 bn

Sydney, AUS $3.5 bn

115

THE ATLAS

Global Real Estate Capital Flows International

Top 20 Cities by international real estate investment (US $ Billion)

New York, USA $7.5 bn

Frankfurt, GER $1.25 bn Washington, D.C., USA $1.75 bn San Francisco, USA $1.1 bn

Hawaii, USA $1.25 bn

SOURCES: Real Capital Analytics, Knight Frank Research, CBRE Group

116

Dublin, IRE $1.0 bn

Houston, USA $0.75 bn Miami, USA $0.8 bn

THE ATLAS

London, GBR $14.0 bn

Paris, FRA $2.5 bn Milan, GER $1.5 bn Munich, GER $1.5 bn Prague, CZE $1.5 bn

Hong Kong, CHN $2.25 bn

Tokyo, JAP $1.0 bn Shanghai, CHN $1.0 bn

Sydney, AUS $2.5 bn

117

Case Studiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;

A look at housing across the spectrum

THE ATLAS

119

CASE STUDIES

Caracas, Venezuela » 1994

Centro Financiero Confinanzas

02.

01.

WHERE, WHAT, WHEN

PLAYERS

TYPE

Height / Floors: 190 m (620 ft) 45 floors

Architect: Enrique Gómez and Associates

Financing: The project is popularly known as Torre de David, named after the building’s main investor, David Brillembourg. Brillembourg died in 1993.

Floor area: 1,310,410 sq ft (121,741 sq m) Number of Occupants: ± 5,000 at peak occupation Dates: Construction began 1990 and halted in 1994, building remains unfinished today

Developer: J. David Brillembourg Owner: Corpolago C. A

Type of housing: Torre David is a stalled skyscraper, concieved as a hotel, office space, and an aparthotel. During the Venezuelan banking crisis of 1994, the government took control of the building. Housing shortages in the early 2000s led to the occupation

120

of the unfinished structure. Without elevators, running water, or electricity, residents have improvised basic utilities reaching the 28th floor. At the height of occupation, the building was home to nearly 5,000 residents, with communal services and shops, including numerous bodegs, laundry services, even an unlicensed dentist. In 2014, the government launched a program to relocate the residents. By 2015, all of the residents had been relocated to new homes south of Caracas.

CASE STUDIES 01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06.

Exterior elevation view Overall view of Torre David U-TT interior intervension Central core view North-South Section East-West Section

03.

04.

06.

05.

121

CASE STUDIES

Zurich, Switzerland » 2014

Kalkbreite

01.

02.

WHERE, WHAT, WHEN

PLAYERS

TYPE

Floor area: 24,6493 sq ft (22,900 sq m)

Architect: Müller Sigrist Architekten AG

Units: 89 units

Developer/Client: Genossenschaft Kalkbreite

Financing: The council granted the cooperative a lease to the land until 2070. This land allowed the co-op to put down 6% of the total construction costs when getting loans from various banks and financial instituations. The council also financed the pre-development costs and the running of an architectural competition. Final construction costs ran £42 million.

Number of Occupants: 256 occupants Dates: Construction 2012-2014

122

Type of housing: The Kalkbreite co-operative is a mixed-use, residential housing complex. In addition to 89 units, a public courtyard, and roof garden, are numerous public amenities including: a cinema, three cafes/ bistros, nine independent shops,nince offices, five medical clinics, and a children’s daycare. The Kalkbreite project is typically described as being integral to the starting the global conversation around collective living and the co-operative renaissance in Zurich.

CASE STUDIES 01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06.

Exterior elevation view Overall view of Torre David U-TT interior intervension Central core view North-South Section East-West Section

03.

04.

123

CASE STUDIES

New York, New York Âť 2015

432 Park Avenue

02.

01.

WHERE, WHAT, WHEN

PLAYERS

TYPE

Location: 432 Park Avenue, New York, NY

Architect: Rafel Vinoly

Height / Floors: 1,396 ft (425.5 m) 85 floors + 3 below grade

Interiors: Deborah Berke, and Bentel & Bentel

Financing: The project came in at $1.25 billion, all privately financed by CIM group.

Floor area: 412,637 sq ft (38,335 sq m)

Developer: CIM Group / Macklowe Properties

Number of Units: 140 Condiminums Dates: Construction 2011 - 2015

Type of housing: 432 Park Ave is a luxury residential skyscraper, with entirely private ownership. By the end of 2015, 90% of the units had been sold, with almost every owner being a foreign citizen. It is estimated 50% of the units will remain vacant 10 months out of the year.

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CASE STUDIES 01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06.

Exterior elevation view Overall view of Torre David U-TT interior intervension Central core view North-South Section East-West Section

03.

04.

05.

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CASE STUDIES

New York, New York » 2014

One57

02.

01.

WHERE, WHAT, WHEN

PLAYERS

TYPE

Location: 157 West 57th Street, Manhattan, New York City

Architect: Christian de Portzamparc

Financing: The project came in at $1.5 billion, all privately financed by the developer, Extell Development Company.

Height / Floors: 1,005 ft (306 m) 73 floors + 2 below grade Floor area: 853,567 sq ft (79,299 sq m) Number of Units: 92 condiminums 210 hotel rooms

Developer: Extell Development Company Structural Engineer: WSP Group Main Contractor: Lend Lease

Type of housing: Nicknamed the “Billionaire’s building,” One57 is a luxury residential skyscraper, with entirely private ownership. It took over 15 years to secure the proper property and air rights to the land. The building itself is ugly, and a true testament to the contemporary moment of late

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capitalism. Despite its looks, it is home to the most expensive residence ever sold in New York City.

CASE STUDIES 01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06.

Exterior elevation view Overall view of Torre David U-TT interior intervension Central core view North-South Section East-West Section

04.

03.

05.

06.

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CASE STUDIES

Dubai, United Arab Emirates Âť 2012

Princess Tower

01.

02.

WHERE, WHAT, WHEN

PLAYERS

TYPE

Location: Marina district of Dubai, UAE

Architect: Eng. Adnan Saffarini Office

Height / Floors: 1,356 ft (413.4 m) 101 floors + 6 below grade

Developer: Tameer Holding Investment LLC

Financing: The project came in at $2.17 billion, all privately financed by the developer, Tameer Holding Investment LLC.

Floor area: 1,842,512 sq ft (171,175 sq m) Number of Units: 763 units

Structural Engineer: Syed Majid Hashmi Main Contractor: Arabian Construction Company (ACC)

Type of housing: The Princess Tower is a residential-only skyscraper. It is the third tallest building in Dubai, whatever that counts for. It countains eight luxury retail outlets.

Parking: 957 underground parking spaces

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CASE STUDIES 01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06.

Exterior elevation view Overall view of Torre David U-TT interior intervension Central core view North-South Section East-West Section

03.

04.

06.

05.

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CASE STUDIES

Mumbai, India Âť 2018

World One

02.

01.

WHERE, WHAT, WHEN

PLAYERS

TYPE

Location: Lower Parel, South Mumbai

Architect: Pei Cobb Freed & Partners

Height / Floors: 1,356 ft (413.4 m) 101 floors + 6 below grade

Developer: Lodha Developers

Financing: The project came in at $2.17 billion, all privately financed by the developer, Tameer Holding Investment LLC.

Floor area: 1,842,512 sq ft (171,175 sq m) Number of Units: 763 units

Structural Engineer: Leslie E. Robertson Associates Main Contractor: Simplex Infrastructures

Type of housing: The Princess Tower is a residential-only skyscraper. It is the third tallest building in Dubai, whatever that counts for. It countains eight luxury retail outlets.

Parking: 957 underground parking spaces

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CASE STUDIES 01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06.

Exterior elevation view Overall view of Torre David U-TT interior intervension Central core view North-South Section East-West Section

03.

04.

05.

06.

07.

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Ireland enters the “Celtic Tiger” period

EU air travel is deregulated

Shigeru Ban constructs his Curtain Wall House in Tokyo

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The Tamagotchi is released in Japan

Netflix is founded in California

Naomi Klein publishes No Logo

2000 Sims, the video game, is released

1999 The world’s population passes 6 billion

1997 The first PalmPilot is released

1996 The real estate bubble begins to build in Spain

The World Trade Organization is established

1995 26 European nations establish the Schengen Area

TIMELINE

LG releases the first internet capable domestic appliance

The world is introduced to the term â&#x20AC;&#x153;Anthropoceneâ&#x20AC;?

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Alan Greenspan begins to cut US interest rates

Fiber optic connectivity in Milan

The terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in New York City

The USA PATRIOT Act passes

MS The World sets sea

2002 The Roomba vacuum hits store shelves

Foreigners are allowed to purchase real estate in Dubai for the first time

2001 Napster peaks in activity

The dot-com bubble matures

TIMELINE

Elemental completes their Quinta Monroy Housing Project in Chile

Subprime mortgage lending rapidly increases in the US

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Thomas Friedman publishes The World is Flat

YouPorn launches

Mike Davis publishes The Planet of Slums

2006 Berlin real estate prices begin to rise

Hurricane Katrina hits New Orleans

2005 Osama bin Laden builds his own home in Abbottabad, Pakistan

2004 The Indian Ocean tsunami displaces more than 1.5 million people

Didier Faustino erects his One Square Meter House

2003 The US invades Iraq

TIMELINE

WikiLeaks.org is initiated

Twitter launches

Apple releases the first iPhone

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Urban population surpasses rural population

Lehman Brothers collapses

CityCenter, the largest private development in US history, opens on the Las Vegas Strip

2009 The documentary â&#x20AC;&#x153;We Live in Publicâ&#x20AC;? premieres at Sundance

The US housing bubble bursts

2008 Airbedandbreakfast.com launches to become Airbnb a year later

2007 Google begins its Street View project in the US

Facebook opens to the general public

TIMELINE

OIKONOMIKOS / POLIS

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OIKONOMIKOS / POLIS

“The problem is not architecture. The problem is the reorganization of things which already exist.” YONA FRIEDMAN

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The Corporationâ&#x20AC;&#x201C; Form follows finance

THE CORPORATIONS

Global Systems - Local Problems

benefits could be provided without authoritarian governments and censorship. This external forces kept democracy’s economic model of choice, capitalism, in check, devoid of most of its excesses. However, with the first hammer taken to the Berlin Wall and the tentative opening of the Iron Curtain, capitalism has shed it’s training wheels and ridden off into a neoliberal sunset. The market has entered every facet of public policy—health care, utilities, roads and highways, and housing. Public goods are no longer human rights, instead, they are privately traded commodities. While most forms of neoliberal governance begin to operate with a corporate profile, a class of corporate entities have replaced the basic functions of government. These corporate bodies are in the business of creating and promoting the widespread social inequity of neoliberal policies—these ideals are directly in contrast to the social interests of democratic societies. This corporate class and its corporate constituents, must therefore, necessarily operate outside the social confines of our democracies. For the corporate constituents, this has meant the “aggressive pursuit of tax havens and non domicile status” (Jack Self, Shadow State). Essentially, to be stateless, global citizens—highly mobile, existing in the regulatory deadzone of the “shadow state.” For the corporation, this has meant finding an existence within special economies, not subject to comprehensive laws and regulations— pseudo-autonomous privatized districts. These corporations have created their own zones, simultaneously existing physically within nationstates, but completely unaccountable to the regulatory laws of that state.

The widespread global move towards the privatization of the housing stock over the last half century has drastically shifted the way the supply of housing is thought of. The notion that the present day housing “crisis” is caused by an imbalance of supply and demand, popularized by privatized governments attempting to deregulate and “liberate” the housing market even further as a means of correcting the supply half of the housing problem. Thomas Picketty’s description of the rise of inequality when the rate of return is greater than the rate of economic growth explains the reasons why. While simple economic markets operate this way, the globalized housing market does not. It becomes less advantageous, less profitable to labor, to socially contribute to society, than to own and move capital. Global capital flows are not the local set of circumstances, the pure market constraints, that these principles rely on. Increasing the supply of housing in London won’t shift the flow of money into the real estate market from the Middle East, and it certainly won’t lead state-less investment firms to stop inflating the housing market in New York. The increasing global market will only continue to distort housing markets, ensuring and maintaining the existing supply imbalance in favor of investors. The rise of the development corporation alongside transnational investment firms created a business out of real estate speculation. Hundreds of billions of dollars are traded every year. Global capital flows have only showed a propensity to climb, as real estate is further seen as a financial asset, “a safety deposit box” for the growing class of ultra wealthy. As indicated, this hasn’t always been the case.

“A territory without sovereign, without borders, without notion of nationality, and for want of a better term to describe this incomprehensible complexity and clandestine operation, we should call this global network of fiscal ideology, The Shadow State.” Jack Self

Socialism - Nationalism

The rise of the Soviet Union and entire states built on social welfare put competitive pressure on the United States, the UK and other governments of the West. The battle of capitalism (today it’s neoliberalism) against communism (today it’s socialism) arguably kept both in check, but most certainly forced capitalism to lean towards the interests of the people. The democratic nationstates of the West wanted to prove that these same 139

The foreclosure crisis hits the US

Sou Fujimoto completes House NA

140

The Egyptian Revolution begins in Tahrir Square

The UK introduces the “bedroom tax”

The world’s population passes 7 million

Hong Kong-based Megaupload is shut down

2012 600 million are affected in India by the largest blackout in history

An earthquake and tsunami lead to a nuclear meltdown in Japan

2011 The Occupy Movement begins on Wall Street and spreads to 82 countries

The Antilia is completed in Mumbai

2010 Instagram is launched on mobile devices only

TIMELINE

Evictions in Rome lead to housing rights protest

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The Dow Jones Industrial Index reaches an historical high

Ireland becomes the first nation to legalize same-sex marriage

Greece enters a deep debt crisis

2015 Two gunmen attack the headquarters of Charlie Hebdo

London’s average housing price passes £400K

Citizens in San Francisco protest Google Buses

Google acquires Nest Labs

2014 The fifth IPCC report on climate change is publishes

Edward Snowden discloses the NSA’s global surveillance program

2013 The Gezi Park protests begin in Istansbul

TIMELINE

SpaceX lands the first reusable rocket

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Rio de Janeiro hosts the Summer Olympics

Donald J. Trump is elected as the 45th President of the United States

The UN condemns Israeli settlements in Palestinian territories

Demolition of Robin Hood Gardens begins

The Paradise Papers are published in a German newspaper

The US announces its going to leave the Paris Climate

2017 Millions protest the inauguration of Donald J. Trump

Pokemon Go is realized on smartphones

2016 The UK votes to leave the EU

2015 Cuba and the US reestablish full diplomatic relations

TIMELINE

The Walt Disney Company acquires most of 21st Century Fox

SpaceX launches a red Tesla convertible into space for absolutely no reason

An autonomous Uber kills a pedestrian in Arizona

2018 China announces the creation of the first monkey clones

A fire at Grenfell Tower in London kills 71 people

Agreement

TIMELINE

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OIKONOMIKOS / POLIS

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OIKONOMIKOS / POLIS

â&#x20AC;&#x153;In a sense life in the high-rise had begun to resemble the world outside - there were the same ruthlessness and aggression concealed within a set of polite conventionsâ&#x20AC;? J.G. BALLARD, High Rise

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The Oikos, The PolisÂâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Speculations on a prefigurative arrchitecture for a new futurue

ACT I

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ACT I

Act I VACANCY/EXCHANGE

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ACT I

The Tower exists in a precarious space, as much a producer of capital as a product of capital itself. Inside its walls, the wealth is in the air—literally. The lobby, as tall as it is wide, is a frictionless space, scarcely welcoming those who own. The domestic is a stage for luxury, optimized for display. Redundant in every regard, it is laced with hidden, anonymous, idiosynchronicity. Spaces of recreation are facadist and distinctly private. Nothing makes sense, but that doesn’t matter. The tower is not a space for people, it’s empty afterall, it is a space to be owned by people.

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ACT I

151

ACT I

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ACT I

The lobby is a space without friction, where the wealth is in the air

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ACT I

154

ACT I

The domestic space is relentless in its repitition and redundancy. The unoccupied spaces are generic and trite, only differentiated by the wash of textures and materials laid over the top, a fruitless pursuit for individualism.

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ACT I

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ACT I

The tower is everywhere, but nowhere, found in every global city of today.

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ACT I

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ACT I

The people that own are known as the Owners.

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ACT II

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ACT II

Act II OCCUPANY/USE

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ACT II

The Tower does not simply exist. The absence of the Owners, is not the absence of consistent maintenance. Akin to the financial advisor, the maintenance done by the Workers is crucial to the continued generation of wealth. Inside the Tower, the vacancy is palpable. Increasingly marginalized by the housing market, the Worker families begin to fill the void.

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ACT II

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ACT II

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ACT II

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ACT II

The Worker community inside the Tower quickly grows, constantly reorganizing the space within. The extralogical systems organization of the high rise lends itself to the redivision of space, crafting multiplicity in the plan of the single unit floors. Discrete, private recreation spaces, are slowly rebuilt based on community need. Workers quickly organize, collectivizing their floor groupings around specific responsibilities within the larger community of the Tower. Decisions are made democratically. The Tower is functioning and being used for the first time ever. Workers around the city follow suit, and begin to occupy other towers.

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ACT II

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ACT II

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ACT II

Hoping to liquidate their financial asset, the Owner returns to discover the occupation.

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ACT II

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ACT II

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ACT III

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ACT III

Act III STASIS/WAR

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ACT III

A highly mobile team of legal representatives, asset managers, property brokers, and personal assistants discretely descend on the Tower to assess the situation for the Owners. A call goes out to warn similar communities in Towers across the globe. Exercising discretion, the assembled team immediately moves to cut water and power to the Tower. Already near utility self sufficiency, the Workers adds to their solar panel arrays and begin to erect makeshift water tanks on the roof. The management team returns to find the Tower still occupied, seeing no choice but to take back the property with force, they cut off access to the circulation core with armed guards.

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ACT III

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ACT III

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ACT III

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ACT III

Inside, the Workers only have as much time as remaining supplies and farming efforts can sustain them. They quickly begin to hobble together circulation and supply networks on the exterior of the building. Incensed, the Owner exercises extralegal, private might, to forcefully evict the Worker community.

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ACT III

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ACT III

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ACT III

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ACT III

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ACT III

As tensions rise, governmental force is required to maintain civility.

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ACT IV

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ACT IV

Act IV THE OIKOS/THE POLIS

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ACT IV

With control of the Tower back, the Owners immediately begin to disassemble informal features associated with the functional use of the building and start to reassemble and restore the value of the property. This disfiguring and refiguring of the Tower, however, proves futile. The escalation of this global conflict and continuous threat of an empowered class of workers has alienated the global class of property traders. Effectively, the luxury real estate market has crashed, erasing the wealth of the Owners.

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ACT IV

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ACT IV

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ACT IV

Unable to liquidate their property asset, the Owners abandon the property and the Tower enters foreclosure. Almost overnight the Tower is reoccupied. The Workers collectively cobble together the little money necessary to purchase the property, forming a cooperative. Having never occupied the upper floors, the collective rent these spaces out as market rate units. Seeing vast investment potential in the technology of the Workers, a previous owning class occupy these units, if only to feel a sense of ownership over the technology by proximity.

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ACT IV

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ACT IV

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ACT IV

The Tower is now home to two disparate populations, forms of living, and value systems. However, both populations have found use for the Tower, no longer so irreconcilable.

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ACT IV

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ACT V

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ACT V

Act V POLITICS/FRICTION

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ACT V

Today, the Tower looks nearly identical to the Tower of yesterday. The built form is ostensibly what it has always been, however it is not without traces of its history, most evident inside it’s gridded walls. Today, the Tower is an arena for friction. Hoards of seasonal luxury furniture found in the Tower’s sublevels flood the lobby space—a maze of oratory, conflict, and social tension. Forums are scattered around the building, formal spaces to conduct informal debate. A network of communal spaces and uses promote interaction and discussion. Most of all, the Tower can be seen all around the city, a new City of Friction.

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ACT V

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ACT IV

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ACT IV

The renters of the upper floors are constantly invited to participate in socially democratic processes of decision making within the collective. Most remain resistant, but this is changing.

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ACT IV

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ACT IV

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ACT IV

Overtime the Cooperative erodes the identities of the Worker and the Owner. Differences persist and the population doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t always agree, but it is precisely this social contrast that moves them forward. To what exact ends, to what future they move towards, that is to be determined, but determined by the collective.

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ACT IV

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Garb, Margaret. City of American Dreams: A History of Home Ownership and Housing Reform in Chicago, 1871-1919. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY: Aravena, Alejandro. Elemental: Incremental Housing and Participatory Design Manual. Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz Verlag, 2012.

Goonewardena, Kanishka, Stefan Kipfer. “Urban Marxism and the Postcolonial Question: Henri Lefebvre and ‘Colonization.’” Historical Materialism 21, no. 2 (2013). doi:10.1163/1569206X-12341297.

Aue, Stefan, Jesko Fezer, Martin Hager, Christian Hiller, Nikolaus Hirsch, Anne Kockelkorn, and Reinhold Martin, eds. Housing after the neoliberal turn: international case studies. Leipzig: Spector Books, 2015.

Jeremy Gilbert, “‘Neoliberalism’ and ‘Capitalism’ - what’s the difference?,” jeremygilbertwriting, July 14, 2015, https://jeremygilbertwriting.wordpress. com/2015/07/14/neoliberalism-andcapitalism-whats-the-difference/

Aureli, Pier Vittorio. The Project of Autonomy: Politics and Architecture within and against Capitalism. New York: Buell Center, 2008.

Hackworth, Jason. The Neoliberal City: Governance, Ideology, and Development in American Urbanism. Ithica: Cornell University Press, 2007.

Aureli, Pier Vittorio, Martino Tattara. “Barbarism Begins at Home: Notes on Housing.” In Dogma: 11 Projects, edited by Architectural Association, 86-90. London: AA Publications, 2013.

Hirt, Sonia. Zoned in the USA: The Origins and Implications of American Land-use Regulation. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015.

Aureli, Pier Vittorio, Martino Tattara. “Production Reproduction: Housing beyond the Family .” In Harvard Design Magazine, edited by Harvard Graduate School of Design, no. 41. Cambridge: Harvard GSD, 2016.

Holcombe, Randall G., and Benjamin Powell. Housing America: Building out of a Crisis. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2009.

Bergdoll, Barry. Foreclosed: Rehousing the American Dream. New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2012.

Jacobs, Harvey Martin. Who Owns America?: Social Conflict Over Property Rights. University of Wisconsin Press, 1998.

Bose, Shumi, and Jack Self, eds. Real estates: life without debt. London: Bedford Press, 2014.

Low, Setha M., and Erve Chambers. Housing, Culture, and Design: A Comparative Perspective. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989.

Bratt, Rachel G., Michael E. Stone, and Chester W. Hartman. A right to housing: foundation for a new social agenda. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2006.

Maak, Niklas. Living complex: From Zombie city to the New Communal. Munich: Hirmer, 2015. Madden, David J., and Peter Marcuse. In defense of housing. London: Verso, 2016.

Briggs, Xavier De Souza., Susan J. Popkin, and John M. Goering. Moving to Opportunity: The Story of an American Experiment to Fight Ghetto Poverty. New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.

Maltzan, Michael. Social transparency: projects on housing. New York: Columbia Books on Architecture and the City, 2016.

Brown, Adrienne R., Valerie Smith, and Kim Lane Scheppele. Race and Real Estate. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016.

Martin, Reinhold, Jacob Moore, and Susanne Schindler. The Art of Inequality: Architecture, Housing, and Real Estate: A Provisional Report. New York: Temple Hoyne Buell Center for the Study of American Architecture, Columbia University, 2015.

Deamer, Peggy. Architecture and Capitalism: 1845 to the Present. New York: Routledge, 2014.

McCamant, Kathryn, Charles Durrett, and Ellen Hertzman. Cohousing: A Contemporary Approach to Housing Ourselves. Berkeley: Ten Speed Press, 2003.

Foner, Eric. The story of American freedom. New York: W.W. Norton, 1998. Franck, Karen A., and Sherry Ahrentzen. New Households, New Housing. 1991.

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Meyer, Hannes, Aristide Antonas, Pier Vittorio Aureli, and Raquel Franklin. Co-op Interieur. Leipzig: Spectormag, 2015. Milton, Anna. Big Capital: Who is London For? London: Penguin Books. 2017.

COLOPHON

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book is one portion of a larger body of work for a Bachelors of Architecture Thesis at Carnegie Mellon University from 2017-2018. The work was exhibited at the Miller Gallery April 19-25, 2018.

Mary-Lou Arscott, words to not begin to describe how much of this project is in your hands. You’ve provided moral, intellectual, emotional, just to name a few modes of, support. This project, Thesis, and this school owes you a great deal of gratitutde. Very simply, in all regards, this project would not exist as it does without you, your mentorship, and your guidance. Thank you.

EDITED (Kind of) Jonathan Kline, John Spurlock, Noah Theriault, Kyle Wing

Muse, Project, Lawrence R. Jacobs, Theda Skocpol, and Lawrence R. Jacobs. Inequality and American Democracy: What We Know and What We Need to Learn. Russell Sage Foundation, 2005.

IMAGE RIGHTS Forthcoming... DESIGN AND LAYOUT Kyle Wing TYPEFACES Freight Text Pro Office Code Pro

Reich, Robert B.. Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few. First edition. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2015.

PAPER Whatever Brian had in that room this may or may not have printed this book in PRINTED Undisclosed PrintBoyz, LLC, Pittsburgh, PA

Ronald, Richard, and Marja Elsinga. Beyond Home Ownership: Housing, Welfare and Society. London: Routledge, 2012.

PRINT MANAGER AND ASSISTANT Juan Aranda

Jonathan Kline, you’ve been the guiding pillar for this body of work. The formulation of the narrative, your knowledge of image, and of the much more functional structures of housing, and really the world, were always a grounding force to my chaotic, floundering ideas. Beyond this, you’ve been a pillar in my career as a student as well, and much of the reason I arrived at this project is due to that. Noah Theriault, despite your late addition to the advising team, you have provided invaluable support and guidance. Your extreme intellect and love for all neoliberal critiques were fun to engage with. Your engagement with this text specifically was a breath of fresh air in an space of architecture disinterested in the power of the written word. Matthew Huber, a true intellectual, your breadth of knowledge never surprised me, but always amazed me. I true treat, it was, to simply engage in these conversations with you.

Saunders, William S. Commodification and Spectacle in Architecture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005.

Stefan Gruber, in many ways this project stands in critique of some of your modes of working, which, outside of the context of this project, I am much more sympathetic towards, but this frictional opposition was always fruitful, always challenging, and always a treat.

Schindler, Susanne. “Housing and the Cooperative Commonwealth.” Places Journal: October 2014. Accessed 19 Sep 2017.

Christine Mondor, you frustrated the hell out of me, but thanks.

Seegers, Jesse. “Uncanny Valley: Considering Late-Capitalist Tech Aesthetics.” Pin-Up, no. 19. New York: FEBU Publishing LLC, 2015.

Jack Self, we never made contact, but your body of work has not only been the foundation of much of this project, but is extremely important in the world it shapes for us tomorrow.

Schwartz, Alex F. Housing policy in the United States. New York: Routledge, 2010.

Ty Van De Zande, the Screen Print Mastermind, thank you for your embrace of this ridiculous project and late night hours to get this done.

Faith Kaufman, Vinyl Queen, thank you for everything.

Juan Aranda, the Print Guru and “brother,” this project might have happened without you, but it certainly wouldn’t have been printed.

Spencer, Douglas. The Architecture of Neoliberalism How Contemporary Architecture Became an Instrument of Control and Compliance. London: Bloomsbury, 2017. Print.

John Spurlock, thank you for your music suggestions, your perfunctory edits of my text, and your intellect as an inspiration for us all. Sinan Goral, well, you know.

Szylvian, Kristin M. The Mutual Housing Experiment: New Deal Communities for the Urban Middle Class. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2015.

Mom and Dad, I guess this is the culmination of five years of architecture school, I hope it looks like it amounted to something, it is certainly starting to feel like it might have. Your never ending support and trust in me, I’m truly grateful for the parents you have been.

Tafuri, Manfredo. Architecture and utopia: design and capitalist development. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1976.

And lastly, all those unnamed who have played a role, the group of thesis students I am, for better or for worse, constantly surrounded by, those I’ve had conversations with, no matter how small, that have shaped this body of work, thank you.

Tighe, J. Rosie., and Elizabeth J. Mueller. The affordable housing reader. London: Routledge, 2013. Wolf, Martin. “Capitalism and democracy — the odd couple.” Financial Times: 19 Sep 2017. Accessed 12 Oct 2017. Wolff, E. N. (2014). Household Wealth Trends in the United States, 1962-2013: What Happened Over the Great Recession?. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research.

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