August Left Tribune by Labour Youth

Volume 6 Issue 3 – August 2011

USI: Reasserting their position in Irish Society Reflections on the Tragedy in Norway Pages 4, 10, & 18 100 Years on... The AlternaIreland The Remarkable tive to Govern- Economy, SoStory of the ment Austerity ciety, and the 1911 Strike in - Colm Lawless Future Wexford

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Interested in our ideas? Check out Irishlabouryouth.blgostport.com

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Table of Contents 3

Editorials and Message from National Chairperson

Fascism and the Far Right in Modern Europe

A Catalogue of Failure and a Basis for Hope

100 Years On - The 1911 Foundry Strike

A Tribute to Norway - Audrey Walsh

The alternative to Government Austerity

Our Branches 2011/12

Bring Back Questions and Answers

The Current Decline of Fascism in Europe

Poetry - Featured Artist Elaine Feeney

Ireland - Economy, Society, and Future

An interview with Mags Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Brien

Book Review - The High Society, Drugs, and the Irish Middle Class

Dispelling the Myths of the Dominant Ideology

NYE Profiles

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Message FROM THE CHAIR

On behalf of all members of Labour Youth,I would like to offer my sincere condolences to our young comrades in the AUF in Norway who were abhorrently targeted by a right-wing extremist on the island of Utoya in July. May their souls rest in peace. I hope the summer has been kind to everyone! We are approaching one of the most important parts of the year- that of the National Recruitment campaign. Over the last 4 years, the membership of Labour Youth has continued to soar, and this is in no small way due to the hard work of activists on the ground. Now, more than ever, Labour Youth offers a radical alternative for young people who have become disillusioned with failed conservative policies. Young Fine Gael and Ógra Fianna Fáil represent the ideas that have destroyed the prospects of an entire generation of people in this country. I am proud of the stances that we have taken on the critical issues of the day – third level fees, water charges and JLCs. Unlike the other youth wings, we have continued to advance progressive ideas and have stood up for ordinary people. We do not shy away from challenging and holding the Labour Party to account in government. In the midst of the worst economic recession in the history of the State, we persist in our determination to present an alternative to the austerity consensus that plagues Irish politics. I would encourage students to join Labour Youth during Freshers’ weeks across the country. Together, we can make a radical difference.

Comrades, It is hard to believe that a year has passed since the last recruitment issue of the Left Tribune was published. If you are reading this as someone new to Labour Youth then welcome! I hope that you take every opportunity to participate in every way that you can. If you are of a more ―seasoned‖ vintage then I’m sure you will agree what a landmark year it has been! Labour Youth played a very significant role in the General Election campaign and since then have consistently lobbied to ensure that promises that were made are being kept. On a personal note I think that credit is due to our Education and Policy Officer Dean Duke on this issue and for a hugely successful Tom Johnson Summer School. I would like to thank everyone who has taken the time to contribute to the Left Tribune over the past year, especially new writers as it is not always an easy thing to do. A huge acknowledgement as always, to the work of the National Executive especially to our Vice Chair Conor Ryan for all of his help on the Comms side over the year. Most of all however I wish to thank our Communications Officer Mick Reynolds for his tireless work. It has been an absolute pleasure to work with Mick on the Left Tribune and I think everyone will agree he has made a great success of the role. Finally, I would just like to say that it has been an absolute honour to work in this small role editing the Left Tribune. I have really enjoyed being involved and wish the best of luck to next years team. Yours, Audrey Walsh Deputy Communications Officer/Editor

Friends and Comrades, Welcome to the third edition of the 2011 Left Tribune. If this is your first time exploring the politics and policies of Labour Youth you are most

Colm Lawless,

welcome to our regular newsletter, which is put together by activists up and

National Chairperson, Labour Youth

writing in this edition is a credit to the hard work and imagination which our

down the country on a diverse range of topics. The quality and assortment of

members display all year round at debates, meetings, and a range of other activities. At this time of course we think of the tragic events which lead to the deaths of our comrades in the AUF. The sorrow and grief being felt in Norway is still very raw and it is still difficult to equate words with the sheer heartbreak

Editors: Audrey Walsh & Mick Reynolds Contributors: Noel Cullen, Luke Field, Elaine Feeney, Glenn Fitzpatrick, Paul Hand, Deirdre Hosford, Peter Kelleher, Colm Lawless, Mags O’Brien, Declan Meenagh, Hazel Nolan, Rory O’ Neill, Audrey Walsh

that those who were touched by the atrocities are feeling. It is perhaps best to note the words of the Norwegian leader Jens Stoltenberg; ―"No one will bomb us to silence. No one will shoot us to silence. No one will ever scare us away from being Norway. You will not destroy our democracy or our ideals for a better world.‖ I am as always indebted to the National Youth Executive, Audrey Walsh, and all in Head Office for helping to put the Left Tribune together. Throughout the year you have made me crazy and kept me sane so a big thank you to all who contributed throughout the year. This is your Left Tribune,

Thanks to: The NYE, Rory Geraghty

these are your visions, and it has been my honour to put them together.

Cover Design: Noel Cullen

Is Mise Le Meas, Mick Reynolds

Interested in writing an article? Email: lycommunications@labour.ie

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Fascism and the Far Right 17.79% of votes by the second round. “A defensive attitude towards the EU from those who fear for their sovereignty has fuelled a resurgence of nationalism in Europe. Nationalism is a core feature of the far-right and fascism”

Openly fascist parties have not had much electoral success in Europe, and understandably so. The fascist brand is forever tarred by the irreversible stigma of Nazism. However, the absence of a swastika and right-armed salute By Rory O’ Neill powers and that more and does not mean the absence more responsibilities will of racism or extremist nabe transferred to Brussels. tionalism. The BNP (who Rory O‟ Neill looks at It is therefore not surprising have a prominent fascist that euroscepticism has history) and the Front the threat of the far right in been one of the favourite National are typical of the Europe and flags up a grow- topics of the European farEurosceptic, antiing threat in the wake of the right. A defensive attitude immigration far-right in towards the EU from those Europe, whilst the National global economic crisis who fear for their soverDemocratic Party in eignty has fuelled a Germany have described resurgence of nationalism Barack Obama‟s election as in Europe. Nationalism is a “Africa conquering the Following recent events in core feature of the far-right White House”. Neo-fascist Norway, it is important to and fascism. The most parties have sprouted in review the dangers of farnotable examples of this Italy, Germany and Spain, right politics 3in Europe. may be the British National the three pillars of fascism We have seen how xenophoParty, and Jean-Marie Le in Europe‟s past. Although bic and ultra-nationalist idePen‟s Front National in a minority, they are a danals can have such a dangerFrance. Both have made gerous minority. Many Neo ous influence in society. breakthroughs in electoral -Nazis have taken to success recently. The BNP spreading their beliefs With the rise of the recently gained its‟ first through violence, just as European Union in recent county council and Hitler‟s Brownshirts and decades, many have begun European Parliament seats Mussolini‟s Blackshirts did to fear for their country‟s in 2009, gaining a record in the early 20th century. sovereignty. They are 1.9% of the vote. In the Examples of this are the concerned that the EU‟s 2002 French Presidential Russian Neo-Nazi paramiligrowing power will seep Election, Le Pen garnered tary forces which have into their government‟s Page 4

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In Modern Europe

formed since the fall of the Soviet Union. The conditions under which Neo-Nazism grew in Russia stem back to the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The “shock therapy” method of instilling radical free market policies in the former Soviet Union had catastrophic results. High unemployment and widespread poverty allowed fascists to prey on public discontent and disillusion with government. These conditions are not so different to the conditions in which Mussolini and Hitler came to power in the 20th century, in the wake of the First World War and Great Depression. Some parallels can be found between the current crisis from which Europe is emerging and the economic hardship endured by Europeans in the early 20th century. However, we in Ireland should be particularly wary. Our situation need only be compared with that of 1920s Italy and 1930s Germany. Following

the end of World War I, many Italians were outraged at Italy‟s humiliation at the Paris Peace Conference. The general opinion was that they did not receive ample reward for the huge sacrifice they made in the defeat of the Central Powers. A deflated sense of national pride allowed Mussolini to impress with ultranationalist rhetoric, promising a resurgence of Italy‟s past glory. As well as that, the economic situation was poor – high public debt and rising poverty. Many had little faith in corrupt officials. These are the reasons as to why so many turned to Mussolini and his Blackshirts. They promised to restore Italy‟s pride, they promised to restore law and order and they promised economic solutions. Indeed, the same can be applied to Germany when Hitler took power. This was just as the Great Depression was ravaging the German economy. Many felt Germany had lost its dignity when agreeing to the Treaty of Versailles which forced it to accept total blame for the War and took cheap shots at

its sovereignty. Since 2008, Ireland has endured similar hardship. Poverty has risen. Harsh austerity has been implemented, and many no longer maintain faith in what they see as a broken, corrupt political system. On top of that, many see the arrival of the IMF as the nail in the coffin of Ireland‟s sovereignty. Are these conditions really so different to that of Italy and Germany? The current social and economic conditions are ripe for a resurgence of nationalism and farright politics. The wave of Islamophobia and anger directed at immigrants across Europe leaves yet another opportunity for the far-right to prosper. It may be that the attacks in Norway will alienate many from supporting the far-right. Nonetheless, Europe should proceed with caution. Throughout history, the effects of allowing far-right extremism to breed have been shown to be catastrophic.

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A Catalogue of Failure nothing less than a rallying cry. Why? Because the left has buckled under the pressure of a catalogue of such „inevitabilities‟.

By Deirdre Hosford

TCD Activist Deirdre Hosford givers an analysis of the bleak financial situation and argues that it is time for a rethink on how to deal with our fiscal nightmares

As Michael D. Higgins tours the country in a bid to win the hearts and minds of the Irish people, he can often be heard quote a statement by Raymond Williams, to the effect that „when inevitabilities are questioned we take our first steps in a journey of hope‟. In the context of where Ireland finds itself today, poised as we are at the intersection of an international banking crisis and the economic and political crisis of the Euro zone, this statement amounts to Page 6

euros of private banking losses. Though the punitive interest rate charged on our IMF/ EU loans has been reduced, our debt remains inequitable and, arguably, unsustainable, and the extenWe have been told of the need to prioritize „stability‟ sion of maturities means over burden-sharing in the that the burden of repaywake of the financial crash, ment may extend to a future of the need for the state to generation of taxpayers, socialize losses and privat- many of whom will feel the brunt of spending cuts in ize assets, and of the prieducation before they ever macy of the private sector begin to pay their taxes. All over the public. We have this, not because of a public been told of the need to pursue austerity economics debt mountain, as in at full throttle, of the need Greece, where the public to dismantle the wages and have not contained their bargaining power of work- outrage, but because of a ers, and of the folly of sug- mountain of private banking debt that has been regesting that we can invest our way out of a debt crisis. branded as „public‟. Despite the best efforts of the many distinguished Meanwhile, a government commentators who have budget deficit of 18 billion dissented from this ortholooms, and we prepare once doxy, policy decisions at again to put down the pedal national and European level on austerity. When the have amounted to acts of housing bubble burst in faith in these inevitabilities. 2008, unemployment skyrocketed, domestic demand flat-lined and the bottom Every item in this catalogue fell out of our flimsy tax is a violation of the princi- base. None of these probples of social democracy. lems can be solved with spending cuts. Austerity has Senior bondholders remain and will continue to inflict hardship across society as a invincible, while current crude means of addressing and future taxpayers must foot the bill for billions of the budgetary consequence www.labouryouth.ie

And A Basis for Hope of our economic collapse, without confronting the root causes. Nor will it please the bond markets who, as the Euro zone has finally realised, are more concerned with overall debt levels than with the fine print of austerity budgets. In the words of Paul Krugman, „what sounds like hardheaded realism actually rests on a foundation of fantasy, on the belief that invisible vigilantes will punish us if we‟re bad and the confidence fairy will reward us if we‟re good.‟ Is it worth undermining our welfare, health and education systems, and selling off our assets in the name of such a blunt economic doctrine? And yet, when Krugman or, closer to home, Jack O‟Connor, claims that we must invest our way out of our crisis, even if this means a temporary increase in borrowings on the promise of a real return, we conclude that they are simply refusing to recognise the inevitable.

departments will be reduced to simply fighting over the crumbs. Deference to the private sector remains a consistent feature. To address the problem of a collapse in domestic demand, the government has responded by subsidizing the private sector through PRSI and VAT tax breaks that are not conditional upon outcomes for employees or consumers. More recently, it was announced that the bargaining power of workers under the JLC system is to be rendered subservient to considerations of „competitiveness‟ and unemployment levels. This ordering of priorities will enshrine neo-liberal solutions to a problem of demand within a lasting policy framework, creating a cycle of depressed wages, depressed demand and increased unemployment. And all the while the 12.5% corporate tax rate remains sacrosanct, despite the fact that it only reached its current low level when it was reduced from 16% in 2003.

So long as the architecture of our policy response to the banking crisis remains as such, and the efficacy and justifiability of austerity go We are living through ecounchallenged, government nomic and political convul-

“The Irish Labour Party finds itself in the grip of a titanic struggle between public and private interests, and an honest appraisal of the evidence suggests that we are fudging battles and losing the war”

sions of historic proportions, and the left, in Ireland as in Europe, has yet to prove itself equal to the new reality. In seeking to appraise our actions in the coming months and years, we must not resort to mock heroics or phony martyrdom. The circumstances are too serious for that. The Irish Labour Party finds itself in the grip of a titanic struggle between public and private interests, and an honest appraisal of the evidence suggests that we are fudging battles and losing the war. Such failure is not an inevitability, but it can only be overcome if we can call it by its true name, and refuse to settle for it.

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100 Years On docks, a substantial merchant population and steady industrialisation, and so was the ideal place for the formation of the newly formed ITGWU established a branch in Wexford in June 1911.

By Noel Cullen

Noel Cullen, Chair of Labour Youth in Wexford, tells the inspirational story of the Foundry Strike of 1911 in Wexford on the occasion of it‟s centenary In the coming decade, our party will celebrate important events which have shaped our society. The centenary of the foundation of the Labour Party in 1912, the Dublin lockout of 1913 and the Easter Rising of 1916 have grabbed the headlines and overshadowed another centenary which is being quietly remembered in Wexford. The history of Wexford is the history of Ireland in a condensed form. Every major war, political struggle and revolution have left deep scars in Wexford, the Labour movement is no exception. Wexford is different to many other provincial towns of its size across Ireland; it had a large agriculture hinterland as many did, however it also had thriving

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In late August, Jim Larkin dispatched one of the Unions top negotiators P.T. Daly, a socialist and trade union organiser who had worked for Connolly‟s newspaper „The Worker‟s Republic‟ to Wexford. NegotiaThe first to join the Union were tions immediately stalled as the foundry owners would not recthe Dockers, who won success ognise the ITGWU and the Unon a strike organised in early July. Encouraged by the Dockers ion would not accept the offer of victory of increased pay and rec- a local Wexford Union for Wexognition, the foundry workers of ford men as proposed by Pierce. Pierces, Star Works, and Selskar Larkin ridiculed the idea, and Ironworks joined also. The reac- asked Pierces if they would accept a local market for local tion of the managers was swift, products. all union members were dismissed and signs were posted On September 6, the conflict stating „No Transport Union took another turn, with 150 RIC need apply‟. In response to this, reinforcements arriving from the unionised Dockers „blacked‟ Dublin, followed shortly by the a shipment of coke, an ingredi„blacklegs‟ or imported press to ent vital to the work of the foun- the local press. Richard Corish, dries. In August, Pierces folleader of the Pierces worker lowed by the other foundries put claimed; „they‟re here to fight its entire workforce on one the battle for the bosses‟. This weeks‟ notice, a pre-emptive scab labour, mostly from Engmove to try and drive the union land was escorted daily to and from the factory. The three foun- from the foundries. These morndries between them employed ing parades became the setting over 1200 men, with Pierces the for some of the most turbulent biggest single employer in the scenes of the lockout, with stone town. The Wexford Free Press throwing and baton charges a reported that over 6000 people common occurrence. On one were dependent on the wages such evening march, a crowd of form the foundries, but that even union men „hooted and jeered‟ crying children could not end the the passing police, stones were standoff. thrown and a baton charge followed. A passing farm labourer, Michael Leary was attacked by

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The Foundry Strike of 1911 „unknown‟ RIC officers, he received „severe head wounds‟ and died the following day. The death of an innocent, „respectable working man‟ as the Wexford People described him, turned the population of the town against the police and the foundry owners also. Leary‟s funeral was described as „the biggest ever seen in the town‟, as in the tradition of Irish politics, became a turned into a demonstration in support of the locked out workers. The winter of 1911 was tough on the people of Wexford. The poverty of the families was described as appalling by the local clergy. However no one was left to starve, as many local shop keepers gave credit to the union men for the duration of the strike, the Union itself spent over £2,700 during the strike, and fundraisers saw money pour in from across the island. At a public meeting of Orangemen at Queens Island shipyard in Belfast a collection was stared and dispatched to Wexford. The Leinster Council of the GAA even donated the income from the Leinster final to the workers. Solidarity remained high, with P.T. Daly popularity among the people of the town soaring, the authorities set about removing the leader of the strike. On January 27 1912, Daly was arrested for „incitement‟ for remarks he made during a public rally in the Faythe. Daly stated

that „if people should go to jail, we should go for something‟ and that „we should establish a Workers Police Force.‟ Local folklore claims that this was the birth of the Irish Citizen Army. Daly was quickly sentenced to three months detention in Waterford Prison pending trial after a hasty trial convened in Wexford Court.

Whilst many felt that the loss of Daly would lead to the failure of the strike, the arrival of James Connolly from Belfast in February gave the entrenched conflict new impetus. Daly had sustained the dispute for over twenty weeks, yet his close personal involvement perhaps made it impossible for him to negotiate a settlement. Connolly, through delicate meetings however managed to create a formula that both sides would agree to. The foundries agreed to recognise a newly formed „Irish Foundry Workers Union‟ and to negotiate all disputes with the union. However Pierces had on stipulation in the agreement, it would re employ all staff except one, Richard Corish. The settlement was agreed, Corish was elected the first Secretary of the new Foundry Union, and the men of Wexford went back to work.

brations, Connolly declared that „I am here tonight to say to you, at the end of this long, this hard, this bitter and this glorious fight, you the working class of Wexford, have a reason to be proud of yourselves , and I believe that Ireland is proud of you today‟ The legacy of the 1911 lockout is still deeply felt in Wexford town. The solidarity shown by the shop keepers, the Dockers and the clergy to the workers turned into support for the Labour movement, so much so that in the 1921 Election, Richard Corish was elected as the first Labour TD to sit in Dáil Éireann. In 1920 Corish was also elected Major of Wexford, a position he would keep for the next 25 years until his death in 1945. The By-Election called to fill his seat was won by his son, Brendan Corish, the future leader of the Labour Party and Tánaiste 1973-77. Even to this day, Labour remains the strongest party in Wexford Town; currently holding 4 council seats and the Mayoral chains for the last two years. The Wexford constituency has returned a Labour TD for all but two terms, with the Minister of Public Reform and Expenditure, Brendan Howlin the current occupant of Wexford‟s Red Seat.

In his speech at the victory cele-

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A Tribute to Norway

By Audrey Walsh

Left Tribune Editor Audrey Walsh pays tribute to all those who died in the terrible atrocity in Norway on the 21st of July To paraphrase a writer on the attacks- I went to bed in a terrible world and woke up in a worse one.

ship in Ireland as well as through our sister parties all over Europe. To hear on the radio that a supposed Al Qaida bomb attack had struck Oslo‟s political nerve-centre was shocking but the reasoning from journalists and experts seemed to confirm that that was just what it was. To later hear muddled reports of a “possibly related” shooting on an island off the west coast added more confusion to the story but were unconfirmed...

shook me to the core. What had at first seemed like yet another bad news story had turned swiftly into one of those “do you remember where you were when...?” moments. There have been two other such moments in my life, moments that changed my perspective on the world; on politics and people. This was different to those however.

Radically more personal, more frightening and raw was hearing that our comI am not alone in saying rades, brothers and sisters that the events of Friday To wake the next morning of ours had been slaughthe 21st of July sent a tered in such a merciless and hear how bad the deep shiver through the and indiscriminate wayevents of the previous Labour Youth memberfor their politics. All that I evening had really been Page 10

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A Tribute to Norway â&#x20AC;&#x153;What was apparent from the reactions on social media and in the papers was just how personally the attacks were felt by all who heard about them. Because this was not just an attack on a youth camp, it was an attack on all of the ideals that we hold so dear. Social democracy, freedom of speech, tolerant and open society... The vicious attack on a generation who upheld these beliefs is unforgivable. â&#x20AC;&#x153;

could think of was the Tom Johnson Summer School mere weeks before and imagine those young people gathering to discuss with fervour and hope similar topics to us. What was apparent from the reactions on social media and in the papers was just how personally the attacks were felt by all who heard about them. Because this was not just an attack on a youth camp, it was an attack on all of the ideals that we hold so dear. Social democracy, freedom of speech, tolerant and open society... The vicious attack on a generation who upheld these beliefs is unforgivable. But in a way it

served to highlight and strengthen that most important of socialist principles- solidarity. We will grieve with the AUF for the loss of so many great young politicians. However let us not let their passing be in vain. Now more than ever it is evident that young people must engage in shaping their world. Through political engagement we can make sure that our ideals are enshrined in society- that this world does become a more tolerant and equal place and where the likes of such attacks are no more understood than tolerated.

Jens Stoltenberg, the leader of the Norwegian Labour Party spoke after the attacks 'To the young I would say this: The massacre on UtĂ¸ya was also an attack on the dreams that young people had of contributing to a better world. Their dreams were brutally shattered. Your dreams can be reality. You can carry the spirit of this evening out into the world. You can make a difference. Do it! My challenge is simple: Get involved! Care! Become members of a political organisation!'

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The alternative to

By Colm Lawless

National Chairperson Colm Lawless outlines his opposition to the austerity programme and suggests there is a better way Despite pre-election commitments to protect those on low incomes, Minister Phil Hogan recently announced that a new household charge of €100 will be introduced. In what could only be described as a cynical stunt to impose further stealth taxes on ordinary people, householders will be forced to once again pay for the mistakes of an errant system. This charge represents the first step towards introducing full-blown water charges and a property tax. The household tax is being marketed as a „mere‟ €2 a week. Page 12

Indeed, the most difficult task facing any government in this situation is desensitising working people to the idea of increased taxation. It is important that people do not roll over and accept the payment of this charge. A significant campaign will be launched by grassroots movements, opposing the concept of a double tax. Ten years down the line, every resident in the state will be paying an exorbitant rate for domestic water consumption unless we mobilise and voice our concerns over the proposal of a household tax. The arguments being put forward regarding the handling of the national deficit are baffling. While no considerable progress has been

made to tackle tax evaders and those on the highest incomes, workers and the unemployed are forced to accept extreme austerity measures that are crippling families across Ireland. We have become a silent people, afraid to protest against the injustices being perpetrated by government Ministers, who claim to act in our best interests. In various European countries, people have risen against the assault of the capitalist system on them. The demands of ordinary householders and families across the island are modest. It is simply alien to any rational thinker that imposing a harsh regime of austerity would lead to economic vibrancy. There were many opportunities for the Fine Gael/ Labour coalition to make a significant impact in reducing our borrowings. The idea of raising the top rate of income tax was dismissed, for fear of causing resentment among those who feel no societal attachment or obligation to contriwww.labouryouth.ie

Government Austerity ing people cannot afford to service the enormous debt inflicted by international Many of our public assets banks. Before examining look set to undergo a fire the matter of current and sale, to raise a sum of €2 bilcapital expenditure on a nalion. The idea that flogging tional basis, we must seek a off „non-strategic‟ assets in credible alternative to the the hope of getting a quick current EU/IMF plan. lump sum of cash to service Ironically, the Irish people our debt is utterly absurd. have been lashed by the Rather than challenge the ECB on economic mismanEU/IMF on their prohibiagement and hence ordered tively costly bailout deal, to service unmanageable inkey aspects of our national terest rates. Indeed, this criinfrastructure, including sis of capitalism is a direct Iarnród Éireann and ultimately An Post, are likely to result of the economic polbe targeted for revenue. The icy of the previous Fianna Fáil/Green coalition. It financial direction offered from Frankfurt suits the neo- would however, be remissive of the Irish government liberal agenda of Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy. to fail to tackle the ECB on The challenge for the Labour this matter. The regulation Party is to reject the terms of offered by the ECB in the area of banking over the last the deal negotiated with Europe and fight for a fairer 15 years has been utterly catastrophic. The attempts interest rate. While some by Frankfurt to exempt progress has been made to themselves from the Europe this end, our banks remain insolvent and our SME sec- -wide credit crisis is cynical tor is in a crippled state. In- in the highest order. Had the ECB correctly regulated ternational financiers must be taken to task on the issue European banks, the crisis of our bailout package. It is could have been limited. inherently evident that work- Bearing this fact in mind, it bute to the welfare of a vast majority of people.

“It is inherently evident that working people cannot afford to service the enormous debt inflicted by international banks. Before examining the matter of current and capital expenditure on a national basis, we must seek a credible alternative to the current EU/ IMF plan.”

is the duty of the government to demand that Ireland be treated as an equal partner in the European project, and not as a means of profiteering. Austerity has failed as a mechanism to increase economic productivity. The target of the Fine Gael/ Labour coalition ought to be to prioritise investment in key sectors of the economy and to place a focus on job creation. The idea of attacking the living standards of working people in the hope of securing a lower deficit is simply unjust. The move away from austerity must commence, starting with the introduction of a fair and equitable taxation system.

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Labour Youth Branches Trinity Chairperson : Ciaran Lyng Email : clyng@tcd.ie

Secretary : Eoghan Harney Email : harneye@tcd.ie

UCD Chairperson : Conor Quirke Email : conorquirke08@hotmail.com

Secretary : Lisa Connell Email : lisaconnell15@gmail.com

DCU Chairperson : David Healion Email : davidhealion@hotmail.com

Secretary : Jessica Owens Email : Jessica.owens7@mail.dcu.ie

IT â&#x20AC;&#x201C;Tallaght Chairperson : Adam Lonsdale Email : adamhlonsdale@gmail.com

Secretary : Roisin Cullen Email : thegooniesaregoodnough@hotmail.com

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2011/12 DIT Chairperson : Luke Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Rourke Email : lukeorourke@hotmail.com

Secretary : Lyndsay Copeland Email : lyndsaycopeland@hotmail.com

NUI Maynooth Chairperson : Eleanor McKenna Email : eleanor.mckenna@yahoo.com

Secretary : Ruaidhri Boland Email : ruaidhribolandlabour@gmail.com

UCC Chairperson : Dean Duke Email : deanduke89@gmail.com

Secretary : Siobhan De Paor Email : siobhandepaor@gmail.com

NUI Galway Chairperson : Eanna Mac Donnchadha Email : e.macdonnchadha1@nuigalway.co.uk

Secretary : Mark Glynn Email : markmacgroin@yahoo.co.uk

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Labour Youth Branches 2010/11 Longford/Westmeath Contact -

labouringyoungwans@hotmail.com

Clare Contact -

Contact : clarelabour.youth@gmail.com

Dublin South Central Chairperson : Peter Kelleher Email : pocpk1988@eircom.net

Secretary : Paul Hand Email : parkourpaul@gmail.com

Wexford Chairperson : Noel Cullen Email : noeljcullen@gmail.com

Secretary : Conor Quirke Email : conorquirke08@hotmail.com

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Bring Back Questions and Answers ample, the Lenihan Tape Affair in 1990 which cost Brian Lenihan Snr. the Presidency.

By Peter Kelleher Peter Kelleher mourns the loss of the seminal Questions and Answers, especially considering it‟s abject replacement fronted by Pat Kenny It ran for 23 years, from 1986 to 2009, lead the way in political analysis and debate, oversaw many political careers and even the vast majority of the life of the Progressive Democrats who were just a few months into their existence when Questions and Answers was first broadcast. Modelled on the BBC equivalent, Question Time, Questions and Answers did what it said on the tin. Audience member, a mixture of political and non-political alike, put forward questions to a panel of guests (usually one Government Minister/TD, one Opposition TD and another three from a mixture of backgrounds such as journalists, economists, academics or an Independent TD/MEP/Senator or a MLA from the North. All in all, a very simplistic format that worked for so long. Indeed it through up some controversies and memorable moments. For ex-

However, it was ended in 2009 because it was "well past it sell-by -date" and was replaced with the Frontline. The Frontline has, in my opinion, never come close to having the same informed debate as Questions and Answers. At best, it is car crash TV. At worse, it pits the most vulnerable people against one another. Look up the episode where special needs people and their carers were disgracefully compared to third world countries and the people in those countries who depend on foreign aid. To be fair to the audience that night, they did try to steer the debate onto the high earning bankers but that did not take away from the main theme of the show. There have been a number of incidents on both the Frontline and Tonight with Vincent Browne that, in my opinion, would never have happened on Questions and Answers, incidents such as that of one man who was escorted from the audience for his outburst against Pat Kenny and his salary, Pat Kenny‟s reaction over ICTU President, Jack O‟Connor‟s “Trophy House” comment, Vincent Browne‟s poor handling of Tom Cooney‟s disgraceful conduct on the issue of the Gaza Flotilla murders and his famous argument with Conor Lenihan. When compared to both Questions and

Answers and BBC‟s Question Time, both the Frontline and Tonight with Vincent Browne fall far short of the mark. Question Time has been on the air since 1979 and, like Questions and Answers, has had its famous moments as well. For example, the shows that were produced around the time of the start of the Iraq War and the MP‟s expenses scandal, as well as the appearance of BNP Leader, Nick Griffin, and he subsequent rightful dressing down by fellow panellists and audience members (which were far better controlled by David Dimbleby than they would have been by either Pat Kenny of Vincent Browne). The embryonic stages of the Liberal Democrats were played out on the programme when David Steel and David Owen, Leaders of Liberal Party and Social Democratic Party respectively, when the future of both parties were unknown. There is now a spin of show called Young Voters Question Time, which started in March 2010 hosted first by Dermot O‟Leary and then by Richard Bacon, on BBC Three to try and engage voters aged 18-25. Simply put, for a return to sensible, reasoned discussion on politics, Questions and Answers or something similar has to come back on the box. Considering the current state of the nation, it has to come back soon.

Page 17

The Current Decline of Facism in Europe shout out, defiant in the face of those that would attack our ideals.

but they are a growing threat as a political movement.

But what is that face? Where is it? Who is it?

This is occurring against a backdrop where European leaders, Angela Merkel, in Germany, and David In the UK the BNP has suffered Cameron, in the UK, are announcing crushing defeat after crushing dethat Multiculturalism is a failed profeat. They have been virtually wiped ject. In France too the response from out and are struggling for survival. By Hazel Nolan Nicholas Sarkozy trying to claw Traditional fascism is dying. It is back waning support for his UMP still around in pockets, but it hasn‟t party by hard-line measures such as Former International Officer been a major threat now since the banning the burqa shows that there of Layour Youth Hzel Nolan looks 1980‟s, maybe even since before at the new face of European Fascism is an uneasy growth in far-right then. and points out a channge in populism. Again we can see measemphasis may be necessary to The new threat now comes from ures such as this being emulated in comba it groups like the EDL. There is a shift Switzerland too with the staggerin the far-right, from racism to a mo- ingly high result for the referendum They have enjoyed electoral success tivation based on culture. That is a banning the building of minarets. new challenge, and it represents a even within so-called bastions of What will our response be? harder fight. liberal and open society such as Socialism is about more than upliftSweden and Finland. The picture is I‟ve done a lot of work with Hope ing people from their material povmuch the same across the rest of Not Hate, the campaigning arm of Europe too, with the far-right enjoy- anti-fascism magazine Searchlight. erty. It is about uplifting them from ing unprecedented success in Aus- I‟ve been to up and down the coun- their spiritual poverty too. We need to refocus on the latter, now more tria, the Netherlands and Francetry (in the UK) to Stoke, Leicester, than ever. where Front National poster-girl and Essex. I‟ve canvassed countless Marine Le Pen is getting dangerdoors. I‟ve met many people. The response from the Norwegian ously close to seriously contesting Labour Party is as crucial, as the These people aren‟t racist. They are the Presidency. attacks were horrifying. We need to traditional working class, formerbuild an alternative version of what So, why is this article titled the Labour supporting people. They are it means today to be Irish, British, “decline” of fascism? concerned with immigration though, French, Norwegian etc. We need to Norway‟s attacks sent a ripple down not just with regards to jobs, housreconstruct our national identity to the spine of many of us. What hap- ing and pressures on social services. give people something to be proud There is an unease with what they pened wasn‟t just a horrendous atof.It is no longer just a street fight tack on innocent people- for those of determine the invasion of a different against “fascist thugs”, it is one us on the left, it was more intimate. culture. That‟s harder to point-out, against ourselves- our mindset and As one member put it: “We are the to explain, it‟s harder to define and that of those around us. It‟s a fight it‟s harder to fight against. Racism sons and daughters of the same for our national psyche. has a face, culture is a feeling- an struggle, therefore they were our "The answer to violence, is even brothers and sisters”. In the wake of attachment. more democracy, even more humanthis atrocity many of us feel motiGroups like the EDL are thriving ity"-Jens Stoltenberg. vated and eager to react. We want to because they are tapping into this. stand up and fight back. We want to They may not be a political party,

Page 18

www.labouryouth.ie

Poetry: Featured Poet Elaine Feeney The inclusion of poetry in the Left-tribune, seeks to highlight the continuing legacy of The Left, Politics, Poetry and Ireland. All contributions are welcome and feedback appreciated; send to: Lmtduffy@gmail.com

By Elaine Feeney

Elaine Feeney is performance and page poet. She writes about the New Ireland, and won the Cúirt Grand Slam in 2008. Elaine has performed at many venues including the Edinburgh Fringe Festival and the Electric Picnic. She published a short chapbook in 2007 and her first collection was published by Salmon Poetry in 2010, „Where‟s Katie?‟ She was a guest at the 2011 Cúirt International Literature Festival.

Middle Ireland

Men’s women gulped hard on liquid apple cores As pips caught in horny epiglottis’,

He is a hard backed Oxford Concise Dictionary

They felt her breasts with thick sterile black gloves.

With a reinforced glass spine. Mens eyes ran salty sweat between her bone thighs, She is Cecilia Holman Lee in a tooth fairy

And held moisture behind her Estonian pupils

Costume on a sharp Brown Thomas window.

with fumbling childlike paws.

He is a cotton woven Kartel polo-shirt dipped in

I’d smash their heads in if she was my sister,

Baby blue, spruced with a classy cologne.

Even if she said she loved it, If she was my sister, I’d break their beaks for them,

She is the last ever produced

They could suck it through a straw,

Black Knight quiet Denby butter dish lid.

Cos I’ve an awe full temper, an awe full one. If she were my mother, I’d blow my own brains out.

He is Nano Nagles’ wet dream, She is Olivia Newton John stepping

So I weaved and waved like a lunatic, All encased in my social straightjacket,

On Saturday Night Fever

To the edge of reason,

With plimsoles and curtain song-sarong.

Where martyrs tipped their hats.

They are Sadam Hussein’s Shiraz guests,

They barred me.

Sipping from chipped Waterford crystal.

I lost my tenner, They locked their door, and hid inside away from me.

In Search of Katie Inside The Lap Dancing Pub I caught a conscience eye of a bouncer, beware boyo, I stumbled on the den,

It’s my home, that’s why I have these wings,

Peeled on my row face,

It was my place as this poet.

Smashed sweat clear

I caught their eyes, distracted, they’re so mistaken.

From beneath my weeping eyelids for a better view.

Caught a cold glimpse of Katie at night,

A couple of couples sat on the edge of their stools

If she were my sister I fucking knife them,

And sipped stale apples.

Inside this pathetic den there’s a glimpse

Waiting to share poles of Poles.

Of Katie in her night dress, and it’s raw purple.

But here she was, Moving like the boy in the bubble.

Page 19

Ireland - Economy, Society, and Future

“The terms „a rising tide lifts all boats‟ and the „trickle down‟ of wealth from big business to ordinary citizens were much lauded around this time. Most ordinary citizens did not gain from the boom and are now carrying the can for the mistakes of Fianna Fail.”

By Paul Hand

Paul Hand outlines the main causes of our current economic woes and points to some progressive solutions to get us out of the mess we‟re in The collapse of the Irish banking and construction sectors in the year 2008 has adversely affected the Irish economy and society in the intervening years. The causes of this can be traced back to the early parts of that decade. The right-wing, populist and neo-liberal ideology of Fianna Fail and the Progressive Democrats committed many mistakes between 2001 and 2008. These include lowering taxes, increasPage 20

ing public spending beyond economic growth, relying on fair weather taxes from consumer consumption and the construction industry, banking de-regulation, inflating a construction boom and the list can go on. The terms „a rising tide lifts all boats‟ and the „trickle down‟ of wealth from big business to ordinary citizens were much lauded around this time. The reality is none of this happened. Most ordinary citizens did not gain from the boom and are now carrying the can for the mistakes of Fianna Fail. Everything came crashing down like the house of cards the Irish economy was due to Fianna Fail‟s shoddy policies of Reganomics and Thatcherism. The purpose of this article is to show some positive ideas on how

to make Ireland a better place to live and how we can turn our economy around. In the last 4 years the Irish economy has undergone a severe contraction. Regardless of the banking problems, the Irish state should have been able to raise enough revenue and taxes to meet or be close to what we spend each year. The severe erosion of our tax base has meant that this was not the case, and as a result Ireland has ran large deficits over the past 4 years, in 2010 reaching 31% (11.5% without the cost of the banking bailout) according to the ESRI. In order to meet the conditions of the EU/IMF bailout the government will have to reach a deficit of 3% of GDP by 2015. In order to achieve this, Ireland should move from a low tax model, to a Nordic model. This will deal with the deficit through progressive taxation, where those who can afford to, pay the most. Bridging the deficit through taxes over spending cuts can get the economy growing quicker and has a less adverse reaction on the worse off in society. Labour Youth has recently put together a tax policy group. This group was set up due to www.labouryouth.ie

Ireland - Economy, Society, and Future the initiative of committed activists to propose progressive policies for the benefit of Irish society, to create dialogue within Labour Youth and to propose policies in order to get us out of our economic mess. Although in itâ&#x20AC;&#x;s infancy, the tax policy group will undoubtedly offer solutions straight from the various social democratic parties throughout Europe. Only through these types of solutions can Ireland become a sustainable economy and society to live in. Policies would include higher income taxes, particularly on higher earners. Raising the upper tax limit to 48% from 41% would undo the erosion Fianna Fail did over 14 years. In 1997 betting tax stood at 10%. The finance minister of the time, Charles McCreevy lowered this to 1% in a phased basis. Restoring the old rate could generate nearly 300 million euro for the exchequer. Another solution would be to implement a site valuation tax, in a progressive way. This would work by giving small family homes waivers, while progressively taxing higher the bigger the home and the bigger the site. Financial transaction taxes

are something PES parties have been advocating since the financial crisis. Such schemes would be a Tobin tax on currency exchanges and financial activities taxes. Other solutions would include environmental taxes on polluting individuals and industries amongst many others. Without these things and with further austerity, Ireland will be slower to get its deficit in order. According to the Department of Finance and the CSO, Ireland will have modest growth of 0.8% of GDP this year. Growth for the following years is 2.5% in 2012 and 3% for each year 2013-2015. Increased economic growth can reduce the deficit quicker; consumer confidence is very low, due to a disproportionate hit on the average person. Domestic demand

will continue to contract until 2013. When this picks up, coupled with progressive taxes and job creation programmes only then will the economy and society turn a corner. By following the Nordic model that has worked and abandoning the Anglo-American low tax model that has failed, Irelandâ&#x20AC;&#x;s economy and society can move forward in the medium to long term.

Page 21

An Interview With Maynooth and Dublin Activist Declan Meenagh was privileged to interview Labour activist Mags O‟Brien, who works for SIPTU and was on the MV Saoirse; the Irish Ship to Gaza

“We were of course upset and angry about the sabotage, but very much outraged that we had been prevented from sailing. The import of it did not really hit me until I came back as our over riding feeling at the time was anger rather than thinking about what would have happened if we had sailed.”

of friendship and solidarity to a beleaguered people. What is Trade Union Friends of Palestine?

Trade Union Friends of Palestine was set up in order to raise awareness those suffering because of of issues faced by Palesthe illegal blockade of tinians, especially workGaza. ers who are affected by How did you first lack of work, difficulties get involved in the cam- Tell me a bit about the in getting to work bepaign? Irish ship. How was it cause of checkpoints and funded? What kind of aid random closures, and I visited Palestine and Is- was on board? they have many hardrael as part of an ICTU ships as teachers, parahigh level delegation in The Irish ship was totally medics, doctors etc. 2007. While I knew intel- paid for by fundraising, Some trade unions here lectually what was hapthousands of Irish people have twinning links with pening, the ritual humilia- donated, organised fund Palestinian trade unions, tion of the Palestinian raisers, pub quiz, paraespecially in the health population was brought chute drops and even care area. TUFP would home to me on that visit. small children having have also raised signifiboot sales. cant funding for hospitals Why did you decide to go in Gaza and a maternity on the flotilla? We had a small amount of hospital in Bethlehem. medical aid on board and I decided to go on the flo- Trevor Horgan had kit The crew and passengers tilla because I felt that, and gear for rugby, we seem a very diverse apart from mobilisation were very clear though group. What was it like around Cast Lead, there that the cargo was not the working with them? was little awareness on main thing, it was to the ground of the daily reach Gaza and deepen We were a diverse group problems faced by Pales- contacts with groups but fortunately because tinians and especially there, extending the hand all of us were there with Page 22

www.labouryouth.ie

Mags Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Brien common cause we got on extremely well and the very diversity made for great debates and good natured slagging.

The Greek government were actively preventing ships from leaving the port, was there any indication that the Turkish government were under pressure to block the Irish ship? We did not experience any pressure from Turkey. The Turkish people in general were very supportive, especially because of the loss of Turkish lives on the Mavi Marmara. How did you find out about the sabotage? What was the reaction of the crew and passengers? We were of course upset and angry about the sabotage, but very much outraged that we had been prevented from sailing. The import of it did not really hit me until I came back as our over riding

feeling at the time was anger rather than thinking about what would have happened if we had sailed.

mon has not committed the government to backing Palestine's bid for UN recognition. Prior to this the Irish government As a member of the Lahas been one of the most bour Party, what do you progressive on the Palesthink of Labour's response tinian question. Further to this crisis? What would the actions of some you advise members of elected TDs and CouncilLabour to do about it? ors belies the stated position of the Labour Party. Prior to the flotilla I would have been reasonably What do you feel the fuhappy with the Labour ture of the flotilla movepolicy but frankly since ment is now? we encountered problems even having a meeting The flotilla group are dewith Eamon Gilmore as termined to keep going Minister for Foreign Afuntil the siege is lifted, fairs, and when he would we may have to rethink not publicly condemn the strategy but we are all Israeli blockade and make more than ever deterit clear that they were act- mined. ing illegally we were most concerned. Of further concern is that since then EaPage 23

Book Review - The High Society:

By Luke Field

Luke Field reviews The High Society - Drugs and the Irish Middle Class from 2007 It‟s interesting, in our current climate, to delve back into some of the books that Ireland produced during the boom years. In some ways, these books are almost like historical artefacts, documenting a longgone world that is very different to our own current reality. The High Society, documenting the abuse of drugs by Irish middle-class professionals during the boom, is one such book. Page 24

ted to being a regular cocaine user and suggested that there were many like him in the Dáil, was highlighted to garner publicity that money couldn‟t buy. The political classes certainly seemed rattled; Fianna Fáil‟s Mary O‟Rourke said the quote was a “porky”, while our own Pat Rabbitte described it as “a lamentable lapse of standards”. But perhaps those most unsettled by the book were the journalists – not only was this book written by a previously-unknown one of their own, it contained the story of another journalist who not only confessed to being reliant on cocaine to get through his workload, but who suggested that addiction was hugely commonplace amongst his colleagues. This elicited a strong backlash from some in the media (notably Ian O‟Doherty, whose article in the Irish Independent would later require an apology) seeking nuances with which to attack and undermine Delaney-Wilson.

Delaney-Wilson‟s work caused a furore when it landed with a thud in the Irish consciousness back in 2007, not least because the author seemed to come from nowhere. Despite many years working in broadcasting, she did not travel in the same circles as the glitterati of the fourth estate, seemingly more comfortable with the behind-the-scenes work of researching and production rather than grabbing limelight – a limelight that she was thrust into (and indeed embraced) very quickly upon publication of the book and its subsequent related RTÉ series. The first -time author showed great ability in getting her work into the headlines: a key quote that she claimed was provided to her by an unnamed government minister Within the book, Delaneyin Buswells Hotel in Octo- Wilson displays her skill ber 2006, wherein he admit- and experience as a www.labouryouth.ie

Drugs and the Irish Middle Class “Perhaps most startling of all is the evident fear and loathing of the working class that would fit comfortably into a Daily Mail editorial or a Kaiser Chiefs album. The hardcore snobbery of the middleclass cocaine addicts is shocking as it is distasteful”

researcher, with a high level of research evident and the findings structured well to paint the landscape of middle-class drug abuse. The canvas is, however, flawed; Delaney-Wilson‟s personal views on drugs shine through her words, often conceding neutral ground and occasionally slipping into alarmist rhetoric. This is most noticeable in the section near the book‟s opening wherein she describes drugs and their effects in detail: while she does not make any massive leaps of logic or fiction, she does tend to describe worst-case outcomes as common experiences, rules rather than exceptions. Perhaps it was simply that the author was so shocked by her own findings that it led to slight exaggerations, or possibly she was simply misinformed, but the fear that has dogged and impeded the debate on drugs in Ireland to date is all too palpable here. Far more interesting than the

landscape of the book are the individual portraits of each contributor. Delaney-Wilson interviews numerous drug users and abusers, and in some cases their family members, with a view to including both the unrepentant current users and the (often penitent) recovering users. Most are given pseudonyms, although then-Councillor now-TD Luke “Ming” Flanagan gives a characteristically blunt account of his own cannabis use. Certain common themes emerge throughout: cocaine is clearly the drug of choice for middle-class use during both work and play, and deception is a cornerstone of each person‟s life as an addict. Perhaps most startling of all is the evident fear and loathing of the working class that would fit comfortably into a Daily Mail editorial or a Kaiser Chiefs album. The hardcore snobbery of the middleclass cocaine addicts is shocking as it is distasteful, with many of them viewing working-class drug abusers as somehow “inferior” even when they themselves are at their lowest ebb. It is interesting to note, however, that those (few) addicts who recovered successfully were

typically those who overcame class barriers while attending Narcotics Anonymous meetings; at least one cites the more open and supportive nature of working-class NA attendees as a reason for his own recovery, and suggests that he would not have recovered in the more uptight and snobbish middle-class NA meetings. This suggests what fans of The Spirit Level already know: class division is bad for your health! The relevance of The High Society may have faded with the advent of the recession and the drop in spending power, but as an insight into middle-class abuses and prejudices during wealthier times, it is still worthy of interest.

Page 25

Dispelling the Myths

By Glenn Fitzpatrick

Glenn Fitzpatrick offers a firm defence of Trade Unions and puts paid to a few well worn out rumours about the public sector

RTÉ, most of the print media and the rest of the mainstream demand that to be considered normal, we believe a certain number of things. Firstly, trade unions are to the detriment of society. Secondly, the public sector is awash with useless, overpaid, lazy and incompetent wasters. These two statements are part of a larger dominant ideology that essentially aims to serve a few and screw the rest of us. As right wing policies continue to grow in popularity across Page 26

the world, I feel that it is im- governance of the previous portant to address these two regime. I'd urge everyone not to buy into the Sunday myths. Independent/Joe Duffy type journalism that dismisses We are supposed to believe them as a burden on everythat the trade union moveone. It's an incredible fact ment is outdated. Workers that over 600,000 workers in have all of the rights that this country are members of they need and the war has trade unions on a voluntary been won by the working class. Furthermore, the trade basis. This is incredible union movement‟s refusal to when one considers the incessant attacks perpetrated go away is to blame for the on them through the emwage spiral of the boom ployer owned media. It is years. The demand for ineven more incredible when creased wages by trade unions during the Celtic Tiger one realizes that they have no right to collective baryears was fuelled by propgaining and they cannot be erty prices as houses and homes became dearer. Due to compelled to join a union. Yet, the trade union movethe property bubble, Ordiment is the biggest single nary workers were being civic society body and is the priced out of the property only insurance policy that market, which led to them workers have against the exmaking demands of their cesses and greed of employtrade unions to increase ers. wages in order that they might get on the property ladder. Don‟t get me wrong, the public sector is not without Trade Unions will continue its problems. Like every to play a pivotal role in Irish other group of human besociety as long as Irish employment law continues to be ings, there are good, okay and bad elements. However, among the worst, the most regressive in Western civili- not only is it regrettable that zation. Yes, they need reform all of the public sector is themselves but it is the Trade lumped into one horrible Union movement alone who is looking out for the people generalisation, it‟s also an who are worst hit by this re- incredibly lazy point of view cession and the horrendous www.labouryouth.ie

Of the Dominant Ideology â&#x20AC;&#x153;The mark of any civilized society is the services that are made available to its citizens. Ireland spends a smaller proportion of its wealth on the public sector than almost all of its European partnersâ&#x20AC;?

that is regurgitated and subsequently swallowed by the masses. The reality is that there is a myriad of skills and commitment required in many parts of the public sector. While many private sector workers stayed in bed because of the bad snow earlier on this year, it was public sector workers (whether they be firemen, GardaĂ, the army, postal workers, nurses, doctors, teachers or bus drivers) who kept the country going despite a total lack of preparation from our political masters. The notion that putting more money into the public sector would be a total waste is also a farcical one which is repeatedly spun. Would people think that it's money down the drain if they end up sick in

hospital and they're depending on the public health service, the overworked nurses and harassed junior doctors to save their life? Or maybe they would prefer the American way where they check to see if they have insurance before they put them into the ambulance.

pean partners. Obviously we should demand and expect full value for money and for the investment that we put into our public sector but in blaming them for all our woes, we let the real culprits off the hook and whether we like it or not, the only public sector workers who bear any responsibility for our current economic plight were the politiYou never know what cians who were either asleep you've got until it's gone or compliant with their fellow and the people who would travellers from the private sechold a grudge against tor (i.e. the bankers, builders, these workers should be developers, speculators etc) careful what they wish for. who now lecture us about the The mark of any civilized importance of the private secsociety is the services that tor. It seems to me, we're folare made available to its lowing a policy of nationalizcitizens. Ireland spends a ing debt and privatizing profit. smaller proportion of its wealth on the public sector than almost all of its EuroPage 27

Your National Youth Executive

National Chairperson — Colm Lawless

Vice Chair/Campaigns— Conor Ryan

As National Chairperson, Colm is responsible for the smooth running of Labour Youth as a whole, along with acting as the public face of the organization. He is currently Labour Youth’s representative on the Central Council of the Labour Party.

As National Vice Chair and Campaigns Officer, Conor is primarily responsible for the formation and execution of Labour Youth National Campaigns. He also acts as Chair of the organization in Colm’s absence, and chairs the Campaigns Working Group.

Email: lychair@labour.ie

National Secretary — Martin O’ Prey As National Secretary, Martin is responsible for taking minutes at all Labour Youth events, and at NYE meetings. He is also responsible for correspondence, accounts and fundraising.

Email: lysecretary@labour.ie

Email: lycampaigns@labour.ie

International Officer—Mike Spring International - Mike Spring

Recruitment — Aideen Carberry

As International Officer, Mike is responsible for representing the organization at European level and beyond, looking at how Labour Youth can assist in international issues.

As National Recruitment Officer, Aideen is responsible for the recruitment and retention of new members. She is also the primary coordinator for the National Recruitment Campaign. Email: lyrecuitment@labour.ie

Email: lyinternational@labour.ie

Ed & Policy — Dean Duke As Education and Policy Officer, Dean is responsible for drafting Labour Youth Policy Documents, researching prospective Policy Positions, the Tom Johnson Summer School and Chairing the Policy Working Group. Email: lyeducation@labour.ie

As National Communications Officer, Mick is the Chief Editor of the Left Tribune, and is the admin of LY’s various Facebook pages. He is also responsible for managing the overall design strategy, and online presence of the organization. Email: lycommunications@labour.ie

The Youth & Development Officer, is a the Labour Party Staff Member responsible for the administration of Labour Youth. They are also a non voting member of the NYE. The current Youth and Development Officer is our former Chairperson Rory Geraghty. Email: youth@labour.ie

Communications —

Mick Reynolds

Youth & Development Rory Geraghty

Page 28