Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms by alberto meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms by Luis Alberto Meouchi Vélez Bachelor of Architecture Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey, 2013 Submitted to the Department of Architecture in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Architecture Studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology June 2021 © 2021 Massachusetts Institute of Technology. All rights reserved The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created.

Signature of Author: ____________________________________________________________________ Department of Architecture May 19th, 2021 Certified by: __________________________________________________________________________ Lorena Bello Gomez Visiting Professor in Architecture and Urbanism FAUP, Porto University Lecturer in Architecture and Urbanism, MIT Thesis Supervisor Certified by: __________________________________________________________________________ Nicholas de Monchaux Professor of Architecture Department Head Thesis Supervisor Accepted by: __________________________________________________________________________ Leslie K. Norford Professor of Building Technology Chair, Department Committee on Graduate Students

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms by Luis Alberto Meouchi Vélez Submitted to the Department of Architecture on May 19, 2021 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Architecture Studies ABSTRACT

Thesis Supervisors Lorena Bello Gomez, PhD Visiting Professor in Architecture and Urbanism FAUP, Porto University Lecturer in Architecture and Urbanism, MIT Nicholas de Monchaux, MArch

Professor of Architecture

Professor, Department Head

and reader Diane E. Davis, PhD Charles Dyer Norton Professor of Regional Planning and Urbanism Department of Urban Planning and Design, Harvard Graduate School of Design

Established by constitutional decree in 1917, ejidos were considered one of the most successful outcomes of the Mexican Revolution’s fight to redistribute land back to indigenous populations in a collective land tenure system or ‘commons.’ After decades of operation in which neoliberal critics claimed that ejidatarios were insufficiently productive, the Mexican authorities reformed the constitution to allow privatization of ejidal lands. The 1992 NAFTA agreement further incentivized the commodification of such lands, and many ejidos were dismantled or transformed into private property. While ejidos have been studied by many disciplines, from agrarian law or social-economics to ethnography, urban scholars who have examined their impact on urbanization have focused primarily on ejidos in the periphery of large cities, arguing that ejidal transformation is a key determinant of urban sprawl and intensifying metropolitan inequality. In “Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climateaction platforms” I argue that ejidos, have and are still playing a major role in the urbanization and development of more rural settings in Mexico, particularly in regions with small towns. I further argue that ejidal dynamics in such regions have their own peculiarities – particularly in terms of the potential impacts of ejidal privatization on the natural and built environment—and thus that urban designers and planners need special tools to manage and guide the impact of ejidal production on urbanization in such settings. More specifically, I hypothesize that ejidos—which still comprise 52% of Mexico’s land—could play a major role in Mexico’s fight to confront climate change in the twenty first century, in a manner that is fair and equitable to its common owners, particularly if the question of water supply is solved. To support this claim, my thesis uses mapping as a critical device to first spatialize and visualize the different outcomes of ejido privatization. Using the case of Apan, Hidalgo—in the Pachuca sub-basin region—I propose a series of measures to guide ejidal development in quasi-rural settings. After developing the Latourian concept of a critical zone to guide such processes, I propose the development of “common platform” for stakeholder engagement that could help visualize different scenarios and accommodate common interests to ensure water sovereignty for all. Thesis Co-advisor: Lorena Bello Gomez Title: Visiting Professor in Architecture and Urbanism FAUP, Porto University Lecturer in Architecture and Urbanism, MIT Thesis Co-advisor: Nicholas de Monchaux Title: Professor of Architecture Department Head

COLLECTING IDEALS RE-ENVISIONING EJIDOS AS CLIMATE-ACTION PLATFORMS COLECCIONANDO IDEALES

UNA NUEVA VISIÓN DE LOS EJIDOS COMO PLATAFORMA DE ACCIÓN CLIMÁTICA

ALBERTO MEOUCHI

MASTER OF SCIENCE IN ARCHITECTURE STUDIES - URBANISM MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY

Agradecimientos

Acknowledgements

First, I would like to express my gratitude to my thesis committee. Nicholas de Monchaux’s insightful suggestions and advice, at key moments of the research, helped me take important decisions in the direction of my work. Thank you, Diane, for constantly challenge me to think about this research topic on a broader scale and to acknowledge the foundations of the issues addressed on this thesis. Thank you, Lorena, not only for your guidance through this thesis, but also for your critical thinking, tenacity, generosity and unconditional commitment, which have been an inspirative support since my first moments at MIT . I would like to thank all the professors and colleagues that helped me shape this research. Zachary Lamb and Susanne Schindler, for helping me formulate the initial questions and critical positions in the early stages of the research. Rodrigo Diaz and Surella Segu, for their insights on land development and urbanization in Mexico. Gustavo Madrid and Charlotte Chambard´s constant insightful comments about rural, urban and environmental development in ejidal land in Apan. This research would not have been possible without the support of the Julian Beinart Research Award, the Harold Horowitz Research Fund, the Jose Miguel Bejos Fellowship, the Fondo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes (FONCA), the Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACYT) and the UK Pact Program for climate action. I am also thankful to all my colleages in the SMArchS - Urbanism program, for their comments and suggestions that constantly built on the arguments of my own work. My friends, Jeronimo, Jose Antonio, Diego, Santiago, Chucho, Poncho, Sebastian and Brian offered their thoughts to invariably invite me to reach broader audiences and open conversations on this national topic. Finally, I would like to thank my family for their limitless support. To my uncle, Manuel, and my aunt, Beatriz; my work at MIT is possible due to their support. My siblings, Maria Luisa, Malena, Juan Pablo, Alexia, Alonso and Carmen have always been an immovable pillar in my work, this thesis is not the exception. The persistent, unconditional support from my parents inspire me far beyond the work on this thesis, it is impossible to imagine this, or any other endeavor, without them, thank you.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Primero, me gustaría expresar mi gratitud a mi comité de tesis. Las sugerencias y consejos de Nicholas de Monchaux, en momentos clave de la investigación, me ayudaron a tomar decisiones importantes en la dirección de mi proyecto. Gracias, Diane, por desafiarme constantemente a pensar en este tema en una escala más amplia y reconocer los fundamentos de los temas abordados en esta tesis. Gracias, Lorena, no solo por tu orientación a través de esta tesis, sino también por tu pensamiento crítico, tenacidad, generosidad y compromiso incondicional, que han sido un apoyo inspirador desde mis primeros momentos en el MIT. Me gustaría agradecer a los profesores y colegas que me ayudaron a dar forma a esta investigación. Zachary Lamb y Susanne Schindler, por ayudarme a formular las preguntas iniciales y las posiciones críticas en las primeras etapas de la investigación. Rodrigo Díaz y Surella Segú, por sus conocimientos sobre el desarrollo y urbanización del suelo en México. Los constantes comentarios de Gustavo Madrid y Charlotte Chambard sobre el desarrollo rural, urbano y ambiental en tierras ejidales de Apan. Esta investigación no hubiera sido posible sin el apoyo del Premio de Investigación Julian Beinart, el Fondo de Investigación Harold Horowitz, la Beca José Miguel Bejos, el Fondo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes (FONCA), el Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología (CONACYT) y el Programa del UK PACT para la acción climática. También agradezco a todos mis colegas en el programa SMArchS - Urbanism, por sus comentarios y sugerencias que constantemente construyeron los argumentos de mi trabajo. Mis amigos Jerónimo, José Antonio, Diego, Santiago, Chucho, Poncho, Sebastián y Brian ofrecieron sus pensamientos para invariablemente invitarme a llegar a audiencias más amplias y abrir conversaciones sobre este tema. Finalmente, me gustaría agradecer a mi familia por su apoyo ilimitado. A mi tío Manuel y a mi tía Beatriz; mi trabajo en el MIT es posible gracias a su apoyo. Mis hermanos, María Luisa, Malena, Juan Pablo, Alexia, Alonso y Carmen siempre han sido un pilar inamovible en mi trabajo, esta tesis no es la excepción. El apoyo persistente e incondicional de mis padres me inspira mucho más allá del trabajo en esta tesis, es imposible imaginar este, o cualquier otro trabajo sin ellos, muchas gracias.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Abstract

Established by constitutional decree in 1917, ejidos were considered one of the most successful outcomes of the Mexican Revolution’s fight to redistribute land back to indigenous populations in a collective land tenure system or ‘commons.’ After decades of operation in which neoliberal critics claimed that ejidatarios were insufficiently productive, the Mexican authorities reformed the constitution to allow privatization of ejidal lands. The 1992 NAFTA agreement further incentivized the commodification of such lands, and many ejidos were dismantled or transformed into private property. While ejidos have been studied by many disciplines, from agrarian law or social-economics to ethnography, urban scholars who have examined their impact on urbanization have focused primarily on ejidos in the periphery of large cities, arguing that ejidal transformation is a key determinant of urban sprawl and intensifying metropolitan inequality. In “Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms” I argue that ejidos, have and are still playing a major role in the urbanization and development of more rural settings in Mexico, particularly in regions with small towns. I further argue that ejidal dynamics in such regions have their own peculiarities – particularly in terms of the potential impacts of ejidal privatization on the natural and built environment—and thus that urban designers and planners need special tools to manage and guide the impact of ejidal production on urbanization in such settings. More specifically, I hypothesize that ejidos—which still comprise 52% of Mexico’s land—could play a major role in Mexico’s fight to confront climate change in the twenty first century, in a manner that is fair and equitable to its common owners, particularly if the question of water supply is solved. To support this claim, my thesis uses mapping as a critical device to first spatialize and visualize the different outcomes of ejido privatization. Using the case of Apan, Hidalgo—in the Pachuca sub-basin region—I propose a series of measures to guide ejidal development in quasi-rural settings. After developing the Latourian concept of a critical zone to guide such processes, I propose the development of “common platform” for stakeholder engagement that could help visualize different scenarios and accommodate common interests to ensure water sovereignty for all. Keywords: commons vs. commodities, ejidos, equitable-inclusive-resilient urban design.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Establecidos por decreto constitucional en 1917, los ejidos fueron considerados uno de los resultados más exitosos de la lucha de la Revolución Mexicana para redistribuir la tierra a las poblaciones indígenas en un sistema de tenencia colectiva de tierras o `` bienes comunes ‘’. Después de décadas de operación en las que los críticos neoliberales afirmaron que lo ejido fueron insuficientemente productivos, las autoridades mexicanas reformaron la constitución para permitir la privatización de tierras ejidales. El acuerdo del TLCAN de 1992, que incentivó aún más la mercantilización de tales tierras y muchos ejidos fueron desmantelados o transformados en propiedad privada. Si bien los ejidos han sido estudiados por muchas disciplinas, desde el derecho agrario o la economía social hasta la etnografía, los académicos urbanos que han examinado su impacto en la urbanización se han centrado principalmente en los ejidos en la periferia de las grandes ciudades, argumentando que la transformación ejidal es un determinante clave de la urbanización, expansión e intensificación de la desigualdad metropolitana. En Coleccionando Ideales: una nueva visión de los ejidos como plataforma de acción climática, sostengo que los ejidos han tenido y siguen jugando un papel importante en la urbanización y el desarrollo de entornos más rurales en México, particularmente en regiones con asentamientos pequeños. Además, sostengo que la dinámica ejidal en tales regiones tiene sus propias peculiaridades, particularmente en términos de los impactos potenciales de la privatización ejidal en el entorno natural y construido, y por lo tanto, los diseñadores y planificadores urbanos necesitan herramientas especiales para gestionar y guiar el impacto de la producción ejidal sobre la urbanización en tales entornos. Más específicamente, planteo la hipótesis de que los ejidos, que aún comprenden el 52% de la tierra de México, podrían desempeñar un papel importante en la lucha de México para enfrentar el cambio climático en el siglo XXI, de una manera que sea justa y equitativa para sus propietarios, particularmente si la cuestión del suministro de agua está sobre la mesa. Para respaldar esta afirmación, mi tesis utiliza el mapeo como un dispositivo crítico para primero espacializar y visualizar los diferentes resultados de la privatización del ejido. Utilizando el caso de Apan, Hidalgo, en la subcuenca de Mexico-Pachuca, propongo una serie de medidas para orientar el desarrollo ejidal en entornos rurbanos. Después de desarrollar el concepto latouriano de una zona crítica para guiar tales procesos, propongo el desarrollo de una “plataforma común” para la participación de las partes interesadas que podría ayudar a visualizar diferentes escenarios y acomodar intereses comunes para garantizar la soberanía del agua para todos. Palabras clave: bienes comunes frente a productos básicos, ejidos, diseño urbano equitativo-inclusivo-resiliente.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Tabla de Contenidos

Table of Contents

1. Introduction 2. From Commons to Commodity: Ejidos’ Privatization Path [Problem Statement] 2.1 A key to unlock the protected commons: NAFTA 2.2. Ejidos’ vulnerabilities 2.3. Systematic privatization of land since 1992

1. Introducción 2. De común a mercancía [Problemática]

3. Resource Conservation [State of the Field] 3.1 Current research. 3.2 Common Pool Resources 3.3 Hypothesis and Research Questions: Potential of ejidos in the XXI century

3. Conservación de Recursos [Estado del Arte] 3.1 Inverstigaciones actuales. 3.2 Recursos Comunes 3.3 Hipótesis y preguntas: potencial de los ejidos en el siglo XXI

4. Ejidographies [Methodology] 4.1 Research by design: map as method 4.2 Geospatial analysis 4.3 Case studies

4. Ejidrografías [Metodología Cartográfica] 4.1 Diseño como investigación, mapa como método 4.2 Análisis Geoespacial 4.3 Casos de estudio

5. Landing in Apan, at the Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin (MCPSB) [Data Collection and analysis] 5.1 SWOT of MCPSB: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threads 5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats 5.3 A path forward

5. Aterrizando en Apan en la Subcuenca Ciudad de Mexico-Pachuca (MCPS) [Recolección y Análisis de Información] 5.1 Análisis FODA de la MCPSB: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas 5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportuni dades y Amenazas 5.3 Siguientes pasos

6. The Ejidos’ Future is in the process [Demonstration of Hypothesis] 6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform 6.2 The Platform and the Reflection of the Ideals 6.3 Visions and Scenarios

7. Conclusiones

The most updated version of this research can be found at https://issuu.com/lameouchi/docs/collecting_ideals Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

6. Los Ideales del ejido se reflejan en el proceso [Demonstración de Hipótesis] 6.1 Ejidos como plataformas de acción climática 6.2 La plataforma como reflejo de los ideales 6.3 Visiones y Escenarios

7. Conclusions

2.1 La llave para comodificar lo común: TLCAN 2.2. Vulnerabilidades de los ejidos 2.3. Privatización sistemática de la tierra desde 1992

Alberto Meouchi

La versión más actualizada de esta investigación se puede encontrar en: https://issuu.com/lameouchi/docs/collecting_ideals Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

01. INTRODUCTION Introducción

Introducción

Introduction

1. Antonio Azuela, “Property in the Post-Post-Revolution: Notes on the Crisis of the Constitutional Idea of Property in Contemporary Mexico,” Texas Law Review 89 (June 2011): 28.

Ejidatarios are organized owners of collective land, originally given by the government after the 1917 constitution. Ejidal policy main intention was to redistribute agricultural land in order to be exploited and managed by the indigenous populations. Ejidos are autonomously governed , and they have an organizational and management structure which is renewed every three years. Ejidal land could not be sold to private owners and, between their creation and the Agrarian Reforms of 1992, its single form of transaction was only by eminent domain.1 This thesis studies the development of commonly owned land in Mexico after their policy implementation until today, and envisions an alternative for a novel way of managing the resources, especially water, in ejidos. In the following seven chapters, I try to support my hypothesis on the importance of conservation, upgrading and enhancing this type of collective ownership of land, particularly in terms of the potential impacts of ejidal privatization on the natural and built environment. More specifically, I hypothesize that ejidos—which still comprise 52% of Mexico’s land—could play a major role in Mexico’s fight to confront climate change in the twenty first century, in a manner that is fair and equitable to its common owners, particularly if the question of water supply is solved. To support these claims, in the second chapter I provide a brief historic overview of land ownership in the Mexican territory, starting in the pre-colonial era to the present day. In this chapter, I highlight the relevance of land tenure in the development of the national territory. While this development will be further described at specific periods of history, particularly after the Agrarian Reforms of 1992, it is imperative to understand the historic perspective by which the contemporary laws would emerge, as land tenure in Mexico has historically struggled between commodification and collectiveness. I end the chapter paying particular attention to the devastating environmental implications of the last 30 years of land enclosure privatization processes after the 1992 Reform. Propelled by the shift from common land to commodity, I map and spatialize how the former agricultural fields are nowadays exploited as mines, unsustainable housing, agro-industry or energy farms among other industries. My maps and charts describe the vulnerabilities that these processes have for ejidos at the different political scales, from national to federal, to the local municipal ones.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Los ejidatarios son propietarios organizados de tierras colectivas, originalmente otorgadas por el gobierno después de la Constitución de 1917. La principal intención de la política ejidal era redistribuir la tierra agrícola para ser explotada y manejada por las poblaciones indígenas o más desfavorecidas. Los ejidos se gobiernan de forma autónoma y cuentan con una estructura organizativa y de gestión que se renueva cada tres años. Las tierras ejidales no podían venderse a propietarios privados y, entre su creación y las Reformas Agrarias de 1992, su única forma de transacción era por enajenación1. Esta tesis estudia el desarrollo de la tierra de propiedad común en México luego de su implementación hasta la actualidad, y visualiza una alternativa para una nueva forma de administrar los recursos, especialmente el agua, en los ejidos. En los siguientes siete capítulos, trato de respaldar mi hipótesis sobre la importancia de la conservación, mejora y mejora de este tipo de propiedad colectiva de la tierra, particularmente en términos de los impactos potenciales de la privatización ejidal en el entorno natural y construido. Más específicamente, planteo la hipótesis de que los ejidos, que aún comprenden el 52% de la tierra de México, podrían desempeñar un papel importante en la lucha de México para enfrentar el cambio climático en el siglo XXI, de una manera que sea justa y equitativa para sus propietarios, particularmente si la cuestión del suministro de agua está sobre la mesa. Para respaldar estos reclamos, en el segundo capítulo proporciono una breve descripción histórica de la propiedad de la tierra en el territorio mexicano, desde la era precolonial hasta la actualidad. En este capítulo, destaco la relevancia de la tenencia de la tierra en el desarrollo del territorio nacional. Si bien este desarrollo se describirá con más detalle en períodos específicos de la historia, particularmente después de las Reformas Agrarias de 1992, es imperativo comprender la perspectiva histórica mediante la cual surgirían las leyes contemporáneas, ya que la tenencia de la tierra en México históricamente ha luchado entre la mercantilización y la colectividad. Termino el capítulo prestando especial atención a las devastadoras implicaciones ambientales de los últimos 30 años de procesos de privatización de la privatización de tierras después de la Reforma de 1992. Impulsado por el cambio de la tierra común al commodity, mapeo y espacializo cómo los antiguos campos agrícolas se explotan hoy en día como minas, urbanizaciones insostenibles, agroindustrias o granjas energéticas, entre otros sectores. Los mapas e información describen las vulnerabilidades que estos procesos tienen para los ejidos en las diferentes escalas políticas, desde la nacional a la estatal, y a las municipales locales.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Introducción

Introduction

In the third chapter I construct a state of the field to explain that while ejidos have been studied by many disciplines—from agrarian law or social-economics to ethnography—urban scholars who have examined their impact on urbanization have focused primarily on ejidos in the periphery of large cities, arguing that ejidal transformation is a key determinant of urban sprawl and intensifying metropolitan inequality. In Collecting Ideals I argue that, ejidos have and are still playing, a major role in the urbanization and development of more rural settings in Mexico, particularly in regions with small towns. I further argue that ejidal dynamics in such regions have their own peculiarities – particularly in terms of the potential impacts of ejidal privatization on the natural and built environment—and thus that urban designers and planners need special tools to manage and guide the impact of ejidal production on urbanization in such settings.

En el tercer capítulo construyo un estado del arte para explicar que si bien los ejidos han sido estudiados por muchas disciplinas, desde el derecho agrario o la economía social y la etnografía, los académicos urbanos que han examinado su impacto en la urbanización se han centrado principalmente en los ejidos de la periferia de las grandes ciudades, argumentando que la transformación ejidal es un determinante clave de la expansión urbana y la intensificación de la desigualdad metropolitana. En Collecting Ideals sostengo que los ejidos tienen y siguen desempeñando un papel importante en la urbanización y el desarrollo de entornos más rurales en México, particularmente en regiones de pueblos pequeños. Además, sostengo que la dinámica ejidal en tales regiones tiene sus propias peculiaridades, particularmente en términos de los impactos potenciales de la privatización ejidal en el entorno natural y construido, y por lo tanto, los diseñadores y planificadores urbanos necesitan herramientas especiales para gestionar y guiar el impacto de la producción ejidal sobre la urbanización en tales entornos.

In the fourth chapter, I explain my cartographical methodology of critical mapping and geospatial analysis through what could be understood as ¨Ejidography¨ to prove my hypothesis. This is further developed in the fifth chapter where I select a critical zone in Mexico, one of the most populated regions in Latin America, the Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin (MCPSB). By shifting from political boundaries to water resources and watersheds, I start measuring the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of the devastating effects of the Mexico City’s urbanization processes for both the regional water resilience and the ejidal land. The MCPSB serves as a cautionary tale for Apan, Hidalgo, where the combination of similar urbanization processes, together with two consecutive years of extended droughts have already depleted the aquifer.

En el cuarto capítulo, explico mi metodología cartográfica de mapeo crítico y análisis geoespacial a través de lo que podría entenderse como ¨Ejidografía¨ para probar mi hipótesis. Esto se desarrolla más en el quinto capítulo donde selecciono una zona crítica en México, una de las regiones más pobladas de América Latina, la Subcuenca Ciudad de México-Pachuca (MCPSB). Al pasar de los límites políticos a los recursos hídricos y las cuencas hidrográficas, mido las fortalezas, debilidades, oportunidades e hilos de los efectos devastadores de los procesos de urbanización de la Ciudad de México tanto para la resiliencia hídrica regional como para la tierra ejidal. La MCPSB sirve como advertencia para Apan, Hidalgo, donde la combinación de procesos de urbanización similares, junto con dos años consecutivos de sequías prolongadas ya han agotado el acuífero.

Using the case of Apan, Hidalgo—in the Pachuca sub-basin region—I propose a series of measures to guide ejidal development in quasi-rural settings. For this Critical Zone I propose the development of a “common platform” for stakeholder engagement that could help visualize different scenarios and accommodate common interests to ensure water sovereignty for all. In the sixth chapter, I propose a methodological process to plan and design the territory, centered in the efficient management of the hydric resources and their collective administration. The case of the region of Apan

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Utilizando el caso de Apan, Hidalgo, en la subcuenca de Pachuca, propongo una serie de medidas para orientar el desarrollo ejidal en entornos rurbanos. Para esta Zona Crítica, propongo el desarrollo de una “plataforma común” para la participación de las partes interesadas que podría ayudar a visualizar diferentes escenarios y acomodar intereses comunes para garantizar la soberanía del agua para todos. En el sexto capítulo propongo un proceso metodológico para planificar y diseñar el territorio, centrado en la gestión eficiente de los recursos hídricos y su administración colectiva. El caso de la región de Apan servirá como caso de estudio para aplicar la metodología anterior, este será descrito en la séptima sección. Para finalizar esta tesis, abriré un debate sobre la agencia y la capacidad de los diseñadores para adoptar nuevas metodologías, tomar prestados conocimientos y colaborar con otras disciplinas, para reimaginar un territorio propio y gestionado colectivamente.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Introducción

Introduction

will serve as a case study to apply the previous methodology, this will be described in the seventh section . To finalize this thesis, I will open a discussion drawing on the agency and capacity of designers to adopt new methodologies, borrow expertise and collaborate with other disciplines, to reimagine a collectively managed and own territory . I conclude by inviting urban designers to engage, along with experts from other fields, to envision a new form of resource management based on the collectivity over individual interests.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Concluyo invitando a los diseñadores urbanos a participar, junto con expertos de otros campos, para visualizar una nueva forma de gestión de recursos basada en la colectividad sobre los intereses individuales.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

02. FROM COMMONS TO COMMODITY: EJIDOS’ PRIVATIZATION PATH De común a mercancía, Problemática

[PROBLEM STATEMENT]

Agricultural land and new Developments in Zumpango, State of Mexico Image https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ads5P-yNkEQ 22

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.1 A key to unlock the protected commons: NAFTA

2.1 La llave para comodificar lo común: TLCAN

Historic Contestation of Land

2. Emilio Kourí, “La invención del ejido,” NEXOS, (México, DF, January 1, 2015): 54-61. https://www. nexos.com.mx/?p=23778.

3. Schneider and Geoghegan, “Land Abandonment in an Agricultural Frontier After a Plant Invasion: The Case of Bracken Fern in Southern Yucatán, Mexico.” 4. Benjamin Davis et al., “Policy Reforms and Poverty in the Mexican Ejido Sector,” 2000.

Pugna histórica por la tierra

Ejidos in Mexico have been subject of contestation and debate ever since their first implementation after the Mexican Revolution in 1910. Originally published in 1915 and confirmed in the Mexican Constitution in 1917, the novel then Agrarian Law aimed to redistribute and return land to indigenous communities to be collectively exploited and managed. The Article 27th of the 1917 Constitution, released by president Venustiano Carranza—drafted by Luis Cabrera and inspired by the social ideals of Ricardo Flores Magon— was conceived as “an elemental act of justice.” By 1936 it had returned more than eighteen million hectares of land to communities originally owned by the Church, private corporations and individual owners.2 The period between 1917 to 1930, served as calibration and refinement of the reform. During that lapse, many additions to the Article 27th were published, including the Irrigation Law, the Free Land Law and the Forest Law, among many others. It wasn’t until 1930, when President Lazaro Cardenas initiated the distribution of Land to the communities. Between 1936 and 1992, when most of the land was distributed, minor reforms to the Agrarian Law were implemented. However, the distribution and collective ownership of the land, was not providing the economic development expected by the federal government: large portions of territory were either abandoned or underproductive.3 Ejidatarios, the owners of the ejidos, were mostly uneducated and underprivileged farmers. They did not have the knowledge or resources to turn the land from self-production to a large economic activity, according to Benjamin Davis et al. The government expected them to manage and produce large harvests, without providing enough incentives, tools, mechanisms or education.4 President Carlos Salinas utilized the rural abandonment as a main argument to formulate a major Agrarian Reform in 1992.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Los ejidos en México han sido objeto de controversia y debate desde su primera implementación después de la Revolución Mexicana en 1910. Publicado originalmente en 1915 y confirmado en la Constitución Mexicana en 1917, la nueva Ley Agraria tenía como objetivo redistribuir y devolver la tierra a las comunidades indígenas para ser explotados y gestionados colectivamente. El artículo 27 de la Constitución de 1917, difundido por el presidente Venustiano Carranza, redactado por Luis Cabrera e inspirado en los ideales sociales de Ricardo Flores Magón, fue concebido como “un acto elemental de justicia”. Para 1936 había devuelto más de dieciocho millones de hectáreas de tierra a comunidades que originalmente eran propiedad de la Iglesia, corporaciones privadas y propietarios individuales.2 El período comprendido entre 1917 y 1930 sirvió de calibración y perfeccionamiento de la reforma. Durante ese lapso, se publicaron muchas adiciones al artículo 27, incluida la Ley de Riego, la Ley de Tierras Libres y la Ley Forestal, entre muchas otras. No fue hasta 1930, cuando el presidente Lázaro Cárdenas inició la distribución de tierras a las comunidades. Entre 1936 y 1992, cuando se distribuyó la mayor parte de la tierra, se implementaron reformas menores a la Ley Agraria. Sin embargo, la distribución y la propiedad colectiva de la tierra no estaba proporcionando el desarrollo económico esperado por el gobierno federal: grandes porciones de territorio estaban abandonadas o eran subproductivos. 3Los ejidatarios, propietarios de los ejidos, eran en su mayoría agricultores sin educación y desfavorecidos. No tenían el conocimiento o los recursos para convertir la tierra de la autoproducción en una gran actividad económica, según Benjamin Davis et al. El gobierno esperaba que administraran y produjeran grandes cosechas, sin proporcionar suficientes incentivos, herramientas, mecanismos o educación.4 El presidente Carlos Salinas utilizó el abandono rural como argumento principal para formular una importante Reforma Agraria en 1992.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.1 La llave para comodificar lo común: TLCAN

2.1 A key to unlock the protected commons: NAFTA Collective Land tenure before the Spanish conquest

5. Van Rudolph Zantwijk, The Aztec Arrangement: The Social History of Pre-Spanish Mexico (Civilization of the American Indian Series), 1st ed. (Univ of Oklahoma Pr, 1985).

6. Kourí, “La invención del ejido.”

Tenencia colectiva de la tierra antes de la conquista española

Before the Spanish conquest of what is now the Mexican territory, land was commonly owned, exploited, and above all, managed. Research has revealed how the Aztec empire, utilized the systems of the “calpulli”, portion of land assigned to a chief of a family to provide food to the household. Concequently, the “calpulli”, a single parcel, was part of a larger system, the “calputlalli”, a community, collection of family parcels which were governed by a larger group of community members. Further research has shown that other pre-hispanic groups such as the Mayas, the Otomis and the Mixtecas, had similar agrarian land organization arrangements, based on cooperation and collective governance and management. 5 Researchers such as Emilio Kourí, have argued that, while one of the main arguments of the Revolutionists was to revive such forms of land management organization, substantial differences existed between the ejidal law of the twentieth century, and the ancestral practices of the Mesoamerican group. One such difference is that pre-colonial land was subdivided in much smaller sizes than the areas assigned to be commonly owned in the contemporary policies. 6

Antes de la conquista española de lo que hoy es territorio mexicano, la tierra era de propiedad común, explotada y, sobre todo, administrada por pequeños grupos. Investigadores han revelado cómo el Imperio Azteca utilizó los sistemas de los “calpulli”, porción de tierra asignada a un jefe de familia para proporcionar sustento a su familia. Consecuentemente, el “calpulli”, una sola parcela, era parte de un sistema más grande, el “calputlalli”, una comunidad, colección de parcelas familiares que estaban gobernadas por un grupo más grande de miembros de la comunidad. Investigaciones posteriores han demostrado que otros grupos prehispánicos, como los mayas, los otomíes y los mixtecas, tenían arreglos similares de organización agraria de la tierra, basados en la cooperación y la gobernanza y gestión colectivas.5 Investigadores como Emilio Kourí, han argumentado que, si bien uno de los principales argumentos de los revolucionarios era revivir tales formas de ordenación territorial, existían diferencias sustanciales entre la ley ejidal del siglo XX y las prácticas ancestrales del grupo mesoamericano. Una de esas diferencias es que la tierra precolonial se subdividió en tamaños mucho más pequeños que las áreas asignadas para ser de propiedad común en las políticas contemporáneas.6

Representation of Calpullies by the Aztecs

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.1 A key to unlock the protected commons: NAFTA

2.1 La llave para comodificar lo común: TLCAN

Land in Mexico between the 16th and 19th century

Tierra en México entre los siglos XVI y XIX

After the Spanish conquest of the Mesoamerican territory in 1521, the land was subdivided to then be distributed to the Spanish settlers, as a gratification for their war services. Such distributions did not necessarily mean that the settlers had private property of the land, parcels were concessioned to them in order to manage the resources. It is relevant to note that this distribution did not occur in land owned by indigenous communities, both Spanish and original settlers coexisted at the beginning of the viceroyalty, which would then collect “encomiendas” or land taxes from the exploitation of the land.7 7. Lesley Byrd Simpson, The Encomienda in New Spain (Amsterdam-Netherlands, Netherlands: Amsterdam University Press, 1950).

8. Emilio Kourí, A Pueblo Divided: Business, Property, and Community in Papantla, Mexico., A Pueblo Divided: Business, Property, and Community in Papantla, Mexico

Such form of agrarian land management persisted until the 19th century, between the Independence and Revolution periods. However, Spanish settlers increasingly started to occupy indigenous and vacant land, outside of their concessioned properties. This process, lead to the emergence of “haciendas,” which were large portions of land owned by a single family. By the late nineteenth century, haciendas had expanded all over the country, leaving the indigenous groups with only 15% of all their commonly managed land. The expansion of haciendas and contraction of indigenous managed land, represented one of the arguments utilized by the Mexican Revolutionists towards a more egalitarian distribution of the resources.8

Encyclopædia Britannica https://www.britannica. com/place/Viceroyaltyof-New-Spain#/ media/1/412085/ 18103

Map of land area in New Spain, documenting a settlement between indigenous farmers and a Spanish rancher, 1569

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Luego de la conquista española del territorio mesoamericano en 1521, la tierra fue subdividida para luego ser distribuida a los colonos españoles, como gratificación por sus servicios de guerra. Tales distribuciones no significaban necesariamente que los colonos tuvieran propiedad privada de la tierra, se les otorgaban parcelas para administrar los recursos. Es relevante señalar que esta distribución no se dio en tierras de propiedad de comunidades indígenas, tanto españoles como pobladores originarios convivieron al inicio del virreinato, quienes luego cobrarían encomiendas o impuestos territoriales por la explotación de la tierra.7 Esta forma de gestión agraria de la tierra persistió hasta el siglo XIX, entre los períodos de la Independencia y la Revolución. Sin embargo, los colonos españoles comenzaron a ocupar cada vez más tierras indígenas y baldías, fuera de sus propiedades concesionadas. Este proceso condujo al surgimiento de las haciendas, que eran grandes porciones de tierra propiedad de una sola familia. A fines del siglo XIX, las haciendas se habían expandido por todo el país, dejando a los grupos indígenas con solo el 15% de todas sus tierras administradas en común. La expansión de las haciendas y la contracción de la tierra administrada por indígenas, representó uno de los argumentos utilizados por los revolucionarios mexicanos hacia una distribución más igualitaria de los recursos.8

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.1 A key to unlock the protected commons: NAFTA

2.1 La llave para comodificar lo común: TLCAN

The Mexican Revolution and Article 27th

9. Emilio Kourí, “La invención del ejido.” 10. Robert F. Adie, “Land and Politics in Mexico,” Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique 8, no. 2 (1975): 299–305,

11. David Yetman and Alberto Búrquez, “Twenty-Seven: A Case Study in Ejido Privatization in Mexico,” Journal of Anthropological Research 54, no. 1 (1998): 73–95.

Revolución Mexicana y el Artículo 27°

Extensive research has been done on the ideals behind the redistribution of the land in Mexico after the Revolution in 1910, however, two positions contrast in this matter. On the one hand, early scholars in the twentieth century, influenced by then still recent revolutionist propaganda argue that, the Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution aimed to a truthful redistribution of the power and resources. This was internalized in the land ownership after a period of private exploitation of original settlers in the haciendas. On the other hand, recent academics have argued that ejidos were created as a political propaganda of the designers of the commonly owned land article.9

Se ha realizado una extensa investigación sobre los ideales detrás de la redistribución de la tierra en México después de la Revolución de 1910, sin embargo, dos posiciones contrastan al respecto. Por un lado, los primeros académicos del siglo XX, influenciados por la propaganda revolucionaria todavía reciente, sostienen que el artículo 27 de la Constitución de 1917 apuntaba a una redistribución veraz del poder y los recursos. Esto se internalizó en la propiedad de la tierra luego de un período de explotación privada de los pobladores originales de las haciendas. Por otro lado, académicos recientes han argumentado que los ejidos fueron creados como propaganda política de los diseñadores del artículo de tierras de propiedad común.9

Either way and beyond the ideals behind its creation, the ejidal policy did give land ownership to collective marginalized groups, accounting to almost two thirds of the arable land and forests in Mexico.10 While the redistributive law was promulged in 1917, it was not until 1934, when President Lazaro Cardenas initiated the massive distribution of land into ejidos. From this period to the 1990’s, the Mexican territory in general, and the agrarian land in particular, experienced intense transformations in terms of demographic aging, urbanization, industrialization, agricultural incentives, migration and rural abandonment.11

De cualquier manera, y más allá de los ideales detrás de su creación, la política ejidal dio la propiedad de la tierra a grupos colectivos marginados, representando casi dos tercios de la tierra cultivable y los bosques en México.10 Si bien la ley redistributiva se promulgó en 1917, no fue hasta 1934, cuando el presidente Lázaro Cárdenas inició la distribución masiva de tierras en ejidos. Desde este período hasta la década de los noventa, el territorio mexicano en general, y el suelo agrario en particular, experimentaron intensas transformaciones en términos de envejecimiento demográfico, urbanización, industrialización, incentivos agrícolas, migración y abandono rural.11

Image: https:// www.sothebys.com/en/ auctions/ecatalogue/2015/ photographs -n09405/lot.29.html

“The population, ranchs and communities which lack of land and water, or do not have them in sufficient quantity to cover the neccesities of their population, will have the right to own them, taking them from the adjacent properties”.

Fragment of the Article 27th

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

“Los pueblos, rancherías y comunidades que carezcan de tierras y aguas, o no las tengan en cantidad suficiente para las necesidades de su población, tendrán derecho a que se les dote de ellas, tomándolas de las propiedades inmediatas, respetando siempre la pequeña propiedad.” Fragmento del Artículo 27°

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.1 La llave para comodificar lo común: TLCAN

2.1 A key to unlock the protected commons: NAFTA Agrarian land and ejidos after the Revolution

12. Kourí, “La invención del ejido.”

13. Ronald H. Schmidt, Ejido Reform and the NAFTA (San Francisco, CA, 1992)

14. SIBE, “Las Disputas Por El México Rural (SIBE),” SIBE

15. Roger Burbach, Bill Robinson, and Fiona Jeffries, Globalization and Postmodern Politics : From Zapatistas to High-Tech Robber Barons (London, UNITED KINGDOM: Pluto Press, 2001),

Tierras agrarias y ejidos después de la Revolución

Despite the socially driven intentions of redistributing the economy, ejidal policy did not turned out as originally expected. Even some of the policy’s main authors and the execution leaders, regretted not having further developed, or time to study before fully implementing it.12 Academics have described the ejido as a homogenous entity across a vast territory, which did not reflect the particularities of climate, social structures and cultural values of a diverse nation. It is relevant to state that, during this period, even when ejidal land was collectively owned by the ejidatarios, the government had the right to eminent domain in cases in which the exploitation of the land would benefit the interests of the nation. For instance, when mines or oil were discovered, the government held the right to take either the entire land, or portions of it to exploit such resources.13 The outcomes of the first sixty years of the ejido, considered at times as a failure by its neoliberal critics, are often categorized in two aspects: first, by its rural and agricultural abandonment and its relationship to migration; secondly, by the rapid urbanization processes propelled in first and second tier cities. 14 Furthermore, when land was distributed to ejidal structures, many of their members did not have sufficient knowledge or infrastructure to transform agricultural production to a sufficient economic input for their families, as it involved cropping, storage and distribution; agricultural producers were historically relegated to the basic and primaries stages of the process, therefore were not trained to deal with resource management, logistics and economies of scale. As a result, agricultural land ceased to be adequately developed and failed to become the expected economic driver for the ejidatarios.15 The fact of owning an unproductive parcel of land, forced the ejido population to find other sources of income. This is when two major events started to develop in rural Mexico. The first was the migration to both rapidly growing cities, driven by industrialization and to North America. The second was the emergence of the first opium and marijuana production in abandoned territories, especially in the northwest and south west regions of the country. The rural population decrease was naturally followed by an urban population increase along with the unfortunate growing power of drug cartels.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

A pesar de las intenciones impulsadas socialmente de redistribuir la economía, la política ejidal no resultó, para ciertos sectores, como se esperaba originalmente. Incluso algunos de los principales autores de la política y líderes de ejecución lamentaron no haberla desarrollado más o no haber tenido tiempo para estudiarla antes de implementarla por completo.12 Los académicos han descrito al ejido como una entidad homogénea en un vasto territorio, que no reflejaba las particularidades del clima, las estructuras sociales y los valores culturales de una nación diversa. Es relevante señalar que, durante este período, incluso cuando la tierra ejidal era de propiedad colectiva de los ejidatarios, el gobierno tenía derecho a la enagenación en los casos en que la explotación de la tierra beneficiara los intereses de la nación. Por ejemplo, cuando se descubrieron minas o yacimientos petróleo, el gobierno tuvo el derecho de tomar toda la tierra o partes de ella para explotar esos recursos.13 Los desenlaces de los primeros sesenta años del ejido, considerados en ocasiones como un fracaso por los críticos, a menudo se categorizan en dos aspectos: primero, por su abandono rural y agrícola y su relación con la migración; en segundo lugar, por los rápidos procesos de urbanización impulsados en las ciudades grandes y medias.14 Además, cuando se distribuyó la tierra a las estructuras ejidales, muchos de sus miembros no tenían el conocimiento o la infraestructura suficientes para transformar la producción agrícola en un insumo económico suficiente para sus familias, ya que involucraba cultivo, almacenamiento y distribución; los productores agrícolas fueron históricamente relegados a las etapas básicas y primarias del proceso, por lo que no fueron capacitados para lidiar con la gestión de recursos, la logística y las economías de escala. Como resultado, la tierra agrícola dejó de estar adecuadamente desarrollada y no se convirtió en el motor económico esperado para los ejidatarios.15 El hecho de poseer una parcela improductiva obligó a la población ejidal a buscar otras fuentes de ingresos. Fue entonces cuando comenzaron a desarrollarse dos eventos importantes en las zonas rurales de México. El primero fue la migración a ciudades de rápido crecimiento, impulsada por la industrialización y a América del Norte. El segundo fue el surgimiento de la primera producción de opio y marihuana en territorios abandonados, especialmente en las regiones noroeste y suroeste del país. La disminución de la población rural fue seguida naturalmente por un aumento de la población urbana junto con el desafortunado poder creciente de los cárteles de la droga. Los cárteles fueron capaces de transformar ilegalmente tierras abandonadas en rentables plantaciones de drogas. El bajo desempeño económico, el abandono de tierras, la migración y las plantaciones de drogas fueron algunos de

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.1 A key to unlock the protected commons: NAFTA

2.1 La llave para comodificar lo común: TLCAN

Agrarian land and ejidos after the Revolution

16. Peter Watt and Roberto Zepeda, Drug War Mexico: Politics, Neoliberalism and Violence in the New Narcoeconomy, Illustrated (Zed Books, 2012).

Tierras agrarias y ejidos después de la Revolución

Cartels were capable of illegally transforming abandoned land onto profitable drug plantations. Economic underperformance, land abandonment, migration, and drug plantations were some of the arguments used by authorities to modify the Constitution during the last quarter of the twentieth century..16

Image: https://www.artsy. net/artwork/tina-modottimarcha-de-los-trabajadores

Image: https://www.artsy. net/artwork/tina-modotticampesinos-leyendo-elmachete

Tina Modotti’s image “Campesinos”. 1926 Tina Modotti’s image “Campesinos leyendo el Machete”. The header reads, “All the land, not pieces of land” 1926

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

los argumentos utilizados por las autoridades para modificar la Constitución durante el último cuarto del siglo XX.16

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.1 A key to unlock the protected commons: NAFTA

2.1 La llave para comodificar lo común: TLCAN

The 1992 Reforms and the NAFTA Agreement

17. Stephen D. Morris, “Political Reformism in Mexico: Salinas at the Brink,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 1 (1992): 27–57, org/10.2307/166149. 18. Carlos Salinas. Political participation, public investment, and support for the system: a comparative study of rural communities in Mexico. (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1982) Juan Nicolas Rojas Pedemonte, Movilización y Desmovilización. Zapatismo y Sindicalismo En El México de Salinas de Gortari (Universitat De Barcelona. Facultat D’Economia, 2014).

Reforma de 1992 y TLCAN

President Carlos Salinas took office in 1988 after an election which was allegedly fraudulent, as it has been widely documented.17 Because of this doubtful electoral process, he had an urge to revendicate his role and legitimate his administration. Simultaneously, he aimed to open the Mexican economy into the global markets, through NAFTA, and he used the land as part of this aperture. Carlos Salinas had an extensive knowledge and vision of the rural territories in Mexico as noted on his doctoral thesis dissertation.18 In this document, Salinas builds the argument that the social expenditures and incentives in rural Mexico had been extremely inefficient. He also delegitimizes the efforts of previous governments to fund and modernize agriculture. In his view, capital expenditures had to be allocated to build jobs, specifically in the construction of infrastructural projects. During his tenure as president, Salinas started an ambitious program to build highways, streets, dams, among other infrastructural projects, which gave employment to the rural population in Mexico. More important for this thesis, Salinas prepared a reform to the chapter which acknowledged ejidos as a legal entity in the Constitution, Article 27th. This structural reform gave the right to ejidos and ejidatarios to sell their commonly owned land to private individuals and entities. Since then, large amounts of land have been constantly privatized. It is stemmed that almost one third of the land, which was originally commonly owned, has been sold to privates. This reform led ejidatarios to extreme vulnerabilities as it is explained in the following paragraphs including but not limited to mining, agro-industry, unsustainable peripheric urbanization or industrial exploitation among others. Furthermore, this constant privatization of land has caused severe damage, not only to the ejidatarios and original settlers, but to the environmental resources within them.

Image left: https://www. infobae.com/america/ mexico/2020/07/01/elfinal-del-tlcan-el-acuerdode-salinas-de-gortarique-cambio-el-rostro-demexico-hace-26-anos/ Image right: informador. com.mx

Mexico’s integration to NAFTA and global markets in 1992

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

El presidente Carlos Salinas asumió el cargo en 1988 luego de unas elecciones presuntamente fraudulentas, como ha sido ampliamente documentado.17 Debido a este dudoso proceso electoral, sintió el impulso de legitimar su administración. Simultáneamente, apuntó a abrir la economía mexicana a los mercados globales, a través del TLCAN, y usó la tierra como parte de esta apertura. Carlos Salinas tenía un conocimiento y una visión amplios de los territorios rurales de México, como lo señaló en su tesis doctoral.18 En este documento, Salinas construye el argumento de que los gastos e incentivos sociales en el México rural habían sido extremadamente ineficientes. También deslegitima los esfuerzos de gobiernos anteriores para financiar y modernizar la agricultura. En su opinión, los gastos de capital social debían asignarse a la creación de puestos de trabajo, específicamente en la construcción de proyectos de infraestructura. Durante su mandato como presidente, Salinas inició un ambicioso programa de construcción de carreteras, calles, presas, entre otros proyectos, que dieron empleo a la población rural de México. Más importante, para esta tesis, Salinas preparó una reforma al capítulo que reconocía a los ejidos como una entidad legal en la Constitución, artículo 27. Esta reforma estructural otorgó a los ejidos y ejidatarios el derecho a vender sus tierras de propiedad común a personas y entidades privadas. Desde entonces, se han privatizado constantemente grandes extensiones de tierra. Se deduce que casi un tercio de la tierra, que originalmente era de propiedad común, se ha vendido a particulares. Esta reforma llevó a los ejidatarios a vulnerabilidades extremas, como se explica en los siguientes párrafos, que incluyen pero no se limitan a minería, agroindustria, urbanización periférica insostenible o explotación industrial entre otros. Además, esta constante privatización de la tierra ha causado graves daños, no solo a los ejidatarios y pobladores originales, sino a los recursos ambientales dentro de ellos.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Ejidal land in Mexico, 2020

52% OF ALL THE LAND IN 2020 MEXICO IS EJIDO

Ejidal land

Image made by author. Data Source: National Agrarian Register

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.2 Ejidos’ vulnerabilities

2.2 Vulnerabilidades de los ejidos

Governance, corruption and private interests in ejidos

19. Gobierno de Mexico, “Ley Agraria,”

Gobernanza, corrupción e intereses privados en los ejidos

There are only three ways to become ejidatarios. First, to have been in the original land redistribution in the early 20th century. Second, by inheriting the ejidal rights, followed by an agreement from all the ejido members. Third and last, any person which has lived within the ejido boundaries for more than a year and its incorporation to the ejido is approved by the ejido members. 19 Operations of the day-to-day activities and resource management of ejidos rely on a governance structure, conformed by the members of the ejidos, named General Assembly (Asamblea General). The organigram of the General Assembly is quite simple, consisting of two main bodies: the Ejidal Commissary and the Surveillance Council. The Ejidal Commissary coordinates the operations of the ejidos, handles the relationship with government agencies, organizes community meetings, entangles in conversations with other ejidos or private entities. It is divided into three managerial roles: the Secretary, the President and the Treasury.

20. HANS KRAUSE HANSEN, “Governmental Mismanagement and Symbolic Violence: Discourses on Corruption in the Yucatán of the 1990s1,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 17, no. 3 (1998): 367–86

Existen tres formas de convertirse en ejidatario. Primero, haber estado en la redistribución de tierras original a principios del siglo XX. En segundo lugar, heredando los derechos ejidales, seguido de un acuerdo de todos los miembros del ejido. En tercer y último lugar, cualquier persona que haya vivido dentro de los límites del ejido durante más de un año y su incorporación al ejido es aprobada por los ejidatarios.19

The surveillance Council consists of a President, a Second First Secretary and a Second Secretary. The mission of this Council is to ensure that all ejidal, municipal, state, and federal laws and agreements reached at community meetings—such as the subdivision and selling of the land—are followed. While the General Assembly operates and administrates the ejidos, most of the decisions have to be reached by the consensus of all the ejidatarios.

Las operaciones de las actividades cotidianas y el manejo de los recursos de los ejidos dependen de una estructura de gobernanza, conformada por los miembros de los ejidos, denominada Asamblea General. El organigrama de la Asamblea General es bastante sencillo y consta de dos órganos principales: la Comisaría Ejidal y el Consejo de Vigilancia. La Comisaría Ejidal coordina las operaciones de los ejidos, maneja la relación con las agencias gubernamentales, organiza reuniones comunitarias, se enreda en conversaciones con otros ejidos o entidades privadas. Se divide en tres roles gerenciales: el Secretario, el Presidente y el Tesoro. El Consejo de vigilancia está formado por un presidente, un segundo primer secretario y un segundo secretario. La misión de este Consejo es asegurar que se sigan todas las leyes y acuerdos ejidales, municipales, estatales y federales alcanzados en las reuniones comunitarias, como la subdivisión y venta de la tierra. Si bien la Asamblea General opera y administra los ejidos, la mayoría de las decisiones deben tomarse por consenso de todos los ejidatarios.

This governance structure, originally designed to manage ejidos efficiently and in a democratic manner, was drastically impacted by the 1992 Reforms. Potential buyers of land often bribe or collude with individual members of the General Assembly in order to lobby and convince the other ejidatarios to sell their land. An additional challenge to the corruption involved in the management of the resources and the transaction of land is the aging population and, in many cases, inactive participation of the ejidatarios.20

Esta estructura de gobernanza, originalmente diseñada para administrar los ejidos de manera eficiente y democrática, se vio drásticamente afectada por las Reformas de 1992. Los compradores potenciales de tierras a menudo sobornan o se confabulan con miembros individuales de la Asamblea General para presionar y convencer a otros ejidatarios de vender sus tierras. Un desafío adicional a la corrupción involucrada en el manejo de los recursos y la transacción de la tierra es el envejecimiento de la población y, en muchos casos, la participación inactiva de los ejidatarios.20

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Ejidal Governance and structure

Composition of an ejidal regulatory and surveillance authorities Image made by author. Data Source: National Agrarian Register

National Agrarian Register

Agrarian Tribunals

Regulate and survey ejidal land

Solve ejidal issues and litigations

General Assembly

Ejidal Commissary

Surveillance Council

Oversee the compliance of regulations and agreements reached on meetings

Organize community meetings, reach agreements, relationship with authorities

President

First Secretary

Second Secretary

President

First Secretary

Second Secretary

Ejido

Commonly owned area

Settlement Area

Space designated to settlements

Ejidatarios

Commonly exploitation area

Area of communal use for agriculture

Reservation area

Area of environmental and ecological conservation

Family exploitation area

Area designetad to a specific family for its exploitation

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.2 Ejidos’ vulnerabilities

2.2 Vulnerabilidades de los ejidos

Population of ejidos

21. Laura Schneider and Jacqueline Geoghegan, “Land Abandonment in an Agricultural Frontier After a Plant Invasion: The Case of Bracken Fern in Southern Yucatán, Mexico,” Agricultural and Resource Economics Review 35, no. 1 (2006): 167–77

Población en ejidos

Ejidos exist in all of the country’s thirty-two states. They are heterogenous entities of different population and land sizes, resource availability, climate and cultural heritages. An ejido population can range from a few dozens to several hundred, or even thousands of ejidatarios. Sizes also vary drastically, from a single hectare to thousands of hectares. Before the 1992 Reform, it was extremely difficult to pass the Ejidal Property Title, the legal document which makes ejidatarios both part of the entire ejido and a pertmit of exploitation for a specific portion of it, from one generation to another. To inherit the right to the ejido was legally possible, but the processes were long and complex. This caused the average age of ejidatarios to rise and, when they finally died, their families would not own any rights on the property if the processes were not correctly followed, leading to ever-increasing abandonment. 21 The 1992 Reform unlocked the inheritance mechanism, in an attempt to regularize property titling and give ejidatarios more control of their land over time. However, ejidatarios and their families still find it difficult today to follow these processes, and usually do not complete them. They know that they are legally part of the ejidos, but never finish the bureaucracy to ensure their property titling.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Los ejidos existen en los treinta y dos estados del país. Son entidades heterogéneas de diferente población y tamaño de tierra, disponibilidad de recursos, clima y patrimonios culturales. La población de un ejido puede variar desde unas pocas docenas hasta varios cientos, o incluso miles de ejidatarios. Los tamaños también varían drásticamente, desde una sola hectárea hasta miles de hectáreas. Antes de la Reforma de 1992, era extremadamente difícil heredar el Título de Propiedad Ejidal, el documento legal que convierte a los ejidatarios en parte de todo el ejido y en un permiso de explotación para una porción específica del mismo, de una generación a otra. Heredar el derecho al ejido era legalmente posible, pero los procesos eran largos y complejos. Esto hizo que aumentara la edad promedio de los ejidatarios y, cuando finalmente murieran, sus familias no tendrían ningún derecho sobre la propiedad si los procesos no se seguían correctamente, lo que lleva a un abandono cada vez mayor.21 La Reforma de 1992 desbloqueó el mecanismo de herencia, en un intento por regularizar la titulación de la propiedad y dar a los ejidatarios un mayor control de sus tierras a lo largo del tiempo. Sin embargo, los ejidatarios y sus familias todavía tienen dificultades para seguir estos procesos y, por lo general, no los completan. Saben que son legalmente parte de los ejidos, pero nunca finalizan la burocracia para asegurar la titulación de sus propiedades.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.2 Ejidos’ vulnerabilities

2.2 Vulnerabilidades de los ejidos

Government authority over ejidal land

Autoridad del gobierno sobre la tierra ejidal

The administration responsibilities of each of the government levels in ejidos, are closely related to the resources available in the land, their location, as well as their physical and population size. However, all levels of government—municipal, state, and federal—have legal capabilities and power over ejidos. To exemplify this, we can take two ejidos with different characteristics and locations. Mineral availability in states of Sonora or Zacatecas is high, which results in ejidatarios having to deal with the federal Ministry of Economy and with extractive corporations. In the peripheries of rapidly growing cities, such as Puebla or Toluca, in contrast, ejidos´agency falls under the municipalities, as they are the ones releasing building permits and are in charge of land regularization and taxation (figure X).

Las responsabilidades de administración de cada uno de los niveles de gobierno en los ejidos, están estrechamente relacionadas con los recursos disponibles en la tierra, su ubicación, así como su tamaño físico y poblacional. Sin embargo, todos los niveles de gobierno — municipal, estatal y federal — tienen capacidad legal y poder sobre los ejidos. Para ejemplificar esto, podemos tomar dos ejidos con diferentes características y ubicaciones. La disponibilidad de minerales en los estados de Sonora o Zacatecas es alta, lo que hace que los ejidatarios tengan que lidiar con la Secretaría de Economía federal y con las corporaciones extractivas. En las periferias de ciudades de rápido crecimiento, como Puebla o Toluca, en cambio, la agencia de los ejidos recae en los municipios, ya que son los que otorgan los permisos de construcción y se encargan de la regularización territorial y la tributación.

There are two key federal entities that regulate the development and governance of the ejidos: the “Registro Agrario Nacional” (RAN) and the “Tribunal Agrario Nacional” (TAN). The RAN is in charge of surveying, managing and surveilling the ejido and has been historically under a particular Secretariat. In these days, the RAN is overseen and accountable to the Secretary for Urban, Agrarian and Territorial Development (SEDATU). The TAN is the federal court which resolves legal cases including inheritance, transactions, ejidal-private ventures, among many other conflicts.

Hay dos entidades federales clave que regulan el desarrollo y la gobernanza de los ejidos: el “Registro Agrario Nacional” (RAN) y el “Tribunal Agrario Nacional” (TAN). La RAN está a cargo de la vigilancia, administración y vigilancia del ejido e históricamente ha estado bajo una Secretaría en particular. Hoy, la RAN está supervisada y rinde cuentas ante la Secretaría de Desarrollo Urbano, Agrario y Territorial (SEDATU). El TAN es el tribunal federal que resuelve casos legales que incluyen herencias, transacciones, emprendimientos ejidales-privados, entre muchos otros conflictos.

In addition to the government laws and regulation of agrarian land, each ejido has its own set of rules and procedures (Codigo Interno del Ejido), designed by the ejidatarios. These rules must comply with all federal, state and local laws, they serve as regulators of day-to-day procedural operations and resource management.

Además de las leyes gubernamentales y la regulación de la tierra agraria, cada ejido tiene su propio conjunto de reglas y procedimientos, el Codigo Interno del Ejido, diseñado e implementado por los ejidatarios. Estas reglas deben cumplir con todas las leyes federales, estatales y locales, sirven como reguladores de las operaciones procesales diarias y la gestión de recursos.

Mapping reforms. Columns: every month since 1917, when the mexican constitution was proclaimed. Rows: each one of the 136 articles of the constitution. The article 27th draws the policy of the ejidos, it has been reformed 50 times since 1917, the fourth most reformed article in the entire constitution. Source: Mexican Constitution

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

DIAGRAMA DE VULNERABILIDAD EJIDAL EjidalAREAIndex IN HECTÁREAS Petential Vulnerabilities of ejidal land 250M Area in HA

The chart shows the geometry of ejidos in Mexico arranged on their vulnerability on the X axis and their area on the Y axis.

240M

Methodology:

The vulnerability, in this exercise, is addressed as both the potential privatization of ejidos and their socieconomic vulnerability.

230M

220M

Maps on landuse, urbanization and vulnerability were overlapped with ejidal maps. Values were assigned to each current or potential land use, as well as to social, economic and environmental vulnerability, according to several sources. Afterwards, all of the values were added.

210M

200M 190M

The values assigned were:

180M

-Urbanization: 3 points* -Mineral Concession/exploration: 2 points* -Social Vulnerability: 1 point. -Environmental Vulnerability: 1 point. -Economic Vulnerability: 1 point. -Potential for Agriculture: 1 point. -Potential for Solar energy production: 1 point.

170M

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*Higher values were used for Urbanization and Mining as they represent an important change in land value after privatization. Note that there values in between whole integers, this is because ejidos may have separated polygons which different vulnerability characteristics. An average of all of the vulnerability in each polygon was used in these cases. image by author Data Sources: -INEGI -http://www.conabio.gob.mx/2ep/images/3/37/ capital_natural_2EP.pdf -https://dgel.energia.gob.mx/arcgis/rest/services/ AZEL/EnergiaSolar/MapServer/ -https://portalags1.economia.gob. mx/arcgis/apps/webappviewer/index. html?id=1f22ba130b0e40d888bfc3b7fb5d3b1b -https://portalags1.economia.gob. mx/arcgis/apps/webappviewer/index. html?id=1f22ba130b0e40d888bfc3b7fb5d3b1b

140M

130M

120M

110M

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90M

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60M

50M

40M

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20M

ÍNDICE DE VULNERABILDAD DE MENOR A MAYOR

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4.8 5.0 5.2 5.4Studies -5.6Urbanism5.8 Master of Science in Architecture

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Meouchi 6.8 6.4 Alberto6.6

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7.8 8.0 Re-envisioning 8.2 8.4 as climate-action 8.6 8.8 platforms 9.0 Collecting Ideals: ejidos

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Vulnerability Institute of Technology

9.8 10.0 Massachusetts

2.3.Systematic privatization of land since 1992

2.3 Privatización sistemática de la tierra desde 1992

Agrarian Reform Mechanisms

25. Gobierno de Mexico, “Ley Agraria.”

26. SIBE, “Las Disputas Por El México Rural (SIBE).”

27. Rivera Rodríguez, “EL DESARROLLO URBANO DE LA PROPIEDAD AGRARIA,” 2006, 15.

28. Maria Teresa Vázquez-Castillo, Land Privatization in Mexico : Urbanization, Formation of Regions and Globalization in Ejidos (London, UNITED KINGDOM: Taylor & Francis Group, 2004)

29. Melissa Schumacher et al., “Evolution and Collapse of Ejidos in Mexico—To What Extent Is Communal Land Used for Urban Development?,” Land 8, no. 10 (October 7, 2019)

Mecanismos de la reforma Agraria

Driven by a neoliberal globalization agenda, president Carlos Salinas’s reform was structured into four relevant points. 25 First, under the PROCEDE program (Program of Certification of Ejidal Land and Urban Titling), ejidos would be subject to a massive survey and registration, as no database with ejidal information existed before PROCEDE. Second, ejidatarios would now have security over their land. Since the 1917 law, the government had strong control over ejidal land and its resources. Third, ejidos would now have the legal capacity to form joint ventures with corporations for the exploitation of the land. Land would still be owned by the ejido but leased or operated by a third party. Fourth, ejidos could now be subdivided and sold to privates. Before 1992, transacting ejidal land to private individuals or corporations was nearly impossible, as explained above, the single form of ejidal property exchange occurred by eminent domain. The government would then sell the land to developers or individuals, however, the novel reform enabled ejidos to directly sell their land to private entities. 26 According to neoliberal supporters of this de-facto privatization policy, this reform has served as a means for an economic efficient territory. Productive agricultural land is now better managed by private corporations or private-ejidal ventures, and land availability in urban peripheries has diminished land stress, helping to drop real estate prices.27 Ejidatarios were the ones to lose in the transaction. Following the Agrarian Reform in 1992, land became an inexpensive commodity in Mexico. Commonly owned land could now be sold to private entities by ejidatarios, on a price accorded by both the sellers and the buyers, without any regulation or cap rate. The privatization of the territory served private corporations as a means to speculate with it in several manners, affecting the territory, both in physical and social ways.28 Agricultural production, the original intention of ejidal policy, did not offer enough revenues that enterprises were looking for. Instead, other impactful activities would be more profitable in the shorter and longer term including: resource extraction in mines; patchwork, sprawling and uncontrolled urbanization,agro-industrial exploitation, or industry. The unlocking of ejidal land permitted private entities to acquire vast portions of ejidal land, only for a fraction of the price of the land market.29

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Impulsada por una agenda de globalización neoliberal, la reforma del presidente Carlos Salinas se estructuró en cuatro puntos relevantes. 25Primero, bajo el programa PROCEDE (Programa de Certificación de Tierras Ejidales y Titulación Urbana), los ejidos estarían sujetos a un levantamiento y registro masivo, ya que antes del PROCEDE no existía una base de datos con información ejidal. En segundo lugar, los ejidatarios ahora tendrían seguridad sobre sus tierras. Desde la ley de 1917, el gobierno tenía un fuerte control sobre la tierra ejidal y sus recursos. En tercer lugar, los ejidos ahora tendrían capacidad legal para formar empresas conjuntas con corporaciones para la explotación de la tierra. La tierra seguiría siendo propiedad del ejido pero arrendada u operada por un tercero. Cuarto, los ejidos ahora podrían subdividirse y venderse a particulares. Antes de 1992, la transacción de tierras ejidales a individuos o corporaciones privadas era casi imposible, como se explicó anteriormente, la forma única de intercambio de propiedad ejidal ocurría por enajenación. Luego, el gobierno vendería la tierra a desarrolladores o individuos, sin embargo, la nueva reforma permitió a los ejidos vender directamente sus tierras a entidades privadas.26 Según los partidarios neoliberales de esta política de privatización de facto, esta reforma ha servido como un medio para un territorio económicamente eficiente. Las tierras agrícolas productivas ahora están mejor administradas por corporaciones privadas o empresas ejidales privadas, y la disponibilidad de tierras en las periferias urbanas ha disminuido la tensión de la tierra, lo que ha ayudado a bajar los precios inmobiliarios.27 Los ejidatarios fueron los que perdieron, y siguen perdiendo, en esta transacción. Después de la Reforma Agraria de 1992, la tierra se convirtió en un bien económico en México. Las tierras de propiedad común ahora podrían ser vendidas a entidades privadas por ejidatarios, a un precio acordado tanto por los vendedores como por los compradores, sin ningún tipo de regulación o tasa máxima. La privatización del territorio sirvió a las corporaciones privadas como un medio para especular con él de diversas formas, afectando al territorio, tanto en forma física como social.28 La producción agrícola, la intención original de la política ejidal, no ofrecía los ingresos suficientes que buscaban las empresas. En cambio, otras actividades impactantes serían más rentables a corto y largo plazo, incluyendo: extracción de recursos en minas; mosaico, urbanización en expansión y descontrolada, explotación agroindustrial o industria. El desbloqueo de tierras ejidales permitió a entidades privadas adquirir vastas porciones de tierras ejidales, sólo por una fracción del precio en el mercado inmobiliario.29

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Zacatecas

The case of the Zacatecas area represents that ejidos are at risk of being aquired or exploitated by several extractive and industrial sectors Image made by author. Data Source: National Agrarian Register, Secretary of Energy, SEDATU Mining

Active Mineral Concession

Mining

Mineral Exploration Permit

Agriculture

Suitable land for agriculture

Industry

Suitable Area for Solar Energy

Non-Ejidal Private Land

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.3 Privatización sistemática de la tierra desde 1992

2.3.Systematic privatization of land since 1992

Effects of Ejidos’ Privatization: Migration, Speculation and Rural Abandonment

Efectos de la privatización de ejidos: migración, especulación y abandono rural

Rural migration to Mexican cities or to the United States certainly did not start with the Agrarian Reforms of 1992. This phenomenon was exacerbated in the 1970’s, after the so-called ¨Mexican Miracle”—a twenty-year economic boom of the country, triggered by the discovery of large oil reserves. When this ¨boom¨ ended, the country suffered an economic crisis that forced the population, specially in rural areas, to migrate to large cities and to the United States. The abandonment of rural areas, starting in the 1970´s, was used by the advocates of the agrarian reform as part of their case to modify ejidal policies. However, this reform did not prevent nor mitigate migration but only modified the migratory patterns by increasing the internal migration and relocation of ejidatarios to middle-size cities or to other agrarian territories.

30. Gobierno de Mexico, “Ley Agraria.”

Both the transaction of the land and the population flow are deeply intertwined with the governance structures of ejidos. This comes as result of the decision—on whether to transact the land or not—being a decision that needs to be taken collectively by all the ejido members. 30

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

La migración rural a las ciudades mexicanas oa los Estados Unidos ciertamente no comenzó con las Reformas Agrarias de 1992. Este fenómeno se agravó en la década de 1970, luego del llamado ¨Milagro Mexicano¨ —un boom económico de veinte años del país, desencadenado por el descubrimiento de grandes reservas de petróleo. Cuando terminó este boom, el país sufrió una crisis económica que obligó a la población, especialmente en las zonas rurales, a migrar a las grandes ciudades y a Estados Unidos. El abandono de las zonas rurales, a partir de la década de 1970, fue utilizado por los defensores de la reforma agraria como parte de su caso para modificar las políticas ejidales. Sin embargo, esta reforma no evitó ni mitigó la migración sino que solo modificó los patrones migratorios al incrementar la migración interna y la reubicación de ejidatarios a ciudades medianas u otros territorios agrarios. Tanto la transacción de la tierra como el flujo de población están profundamente entrelazados con las estructuras de gobernanza de los ejidos. Esto surge como resultado de que la decisión, sobre si realizar transacciones con la tierra o no, es una decisión que debe ser tomada colectivamente por todos los miembros del ejido.30

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.3 Privatización sistemática de la tierra desde 1992

2.3.Systematic privatization of land since 1992

Métodos de transacciones de tierra y privatización de los ejidos

Methods of Land Transactions in the Privatization of Ejidos

31. Antonio Azuela and François Tomas, El acceso de los pobres al suelo urbano, trans. Jean Hannequin, Geografía, Sociología y Ciencias Políticas (Mexico: Centro de estudios mexicanos y centroamericanos, 2013)

32. Rodríguez, “EL DESARROLLO URBANO DE LA PROPIEDAD AGRARIA.”

To enumerate all the forms of land transaction methods, in both legal and illegal terms, would be a difficult task, but among them, three prevail. The first is the traditional transaction, in which individual developers or corporations approach ejidatarios to buy land in exchange for money. Today, ejidal land can be sold to privates at prices which are only 15% of the market value, if the land was formerly urban. This means that with similar characteristics and even if adjacent to each other, the economic difference of two portions of land, one being ejidal and the other urban, is enormous. Ejidatarios use this type of transaction when they are not longer interested in living and working that land. While they are offered what they consider large amounts of money, they are unaware of this amount being much less than their land’s potential value, when later transformed into urban land.31 The second transaction method is land-for-land, in which, private owners exchange parcels with ejidatarios. These transactions often occur in peri-urban areas, where developers trade ejidal land near cities by giving them land much further away. As result, ejidatarios need to relocate to less connected territories. Ejidatarios usually agree to this transaction method when either they get larger portions of lan, or they get private parcels. 32 The third method of land transaction occurs more frequently in larger cities and does not involve large corporations or developers. Ejidatarios themselves take advantage of the land and housing market stress, illegally subdividing their land in the peripheries of dense urban areas. They then sell these subdivided plots to individuals or families in the informal market. In this way, ejidos are rapidly transformed into large informal settlements. Eventually, entire neighborhoods are formed, forcing municipal authorities to acquire the land of the original ejidatarios in order to formalize it. Authorities do so in order to collect property taxes and provide the homes with infrastructural services. This strategy is used by ejidatarios to avoid selling and formalizing the land themselves, an operation which usually comes with long bureaucratic processes and high taxes.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Enumerar todas las formas de métodos de transacción de tierras, tanto en términos legales como ilegales, sería una tarea difícil, pero entre ellos, prevalecen tres. La primera es la transacción tradicional, en la que los desarrolladores individuales o las corporaciones se acercan a los ejidatarios para comprar tierras a cambio de dinero. Hoy en día, la tierra ejidal puede venderse a particulares a precios que son sólo el 15% del valor de mercado. Esto significa que con características similares y aunque colindantes entre sí, la diferencia económica de dos porciones de tierra, una ejidal y otra urbana, es abismal. Los ejidatarios utilizan este tipo de transacciones cuando ya no están interesados en vivir y trabajar esa tierra. Si bien se les ofrece lo que consideran grandes cantidades de dinero, no saben que esta cantidad es mucho menor que el valor potencial de su tierra, cuando luego se transforma en suelo urbano.31 El segundo método de transacción es tierra por tierra, en el que los propietarios privados intercambian parcelas con ejidatarios. Estas transacciones a menudo ocurren en áreas periurbanas, donde los desarrolladores comercializan tierras ejidales cerca de las ciudades dándoles tierras mucho más alejadas de los centros urbanos. Como resultado, los ejidatarios deben trasladarse a territorios menos conectados. Los ejidatarios generalmente aceptan este método de transacción cuando obtienen porciones más grandes de tierra.32 El tercer método de transacción de tierras ocurre con mayor frecuencia en las ciudades más grandes y no involucra a grandes corporaciones o desarrolladores. Los propios ejidatarios se aprovechan del estrés del mercado de la tierra y la vivienda, subdividiendo ilegalmente sus tierras en las periferias de densas áreas urbanas. Luego venden estas parcelas subdivididas a individuos o familias en el mercado informal. De esta manera, los ejidos se transforman rápidamente en grandes asentamientos informales. Con el tiempo, se forman barrios enteros, lo que obliga a las autoridades municipales a adquirir las tierras de los ejidatarios originales para formalizarlas. Las autoridades lo hacen para recaudar impuestos sobre la propiedad y proporcionar a las viviendas servicios de infraestructura. Esta estrategia es utilizada por los ejidatarios para evitar vender y formalizar la tierra ellos mismos, una operación que generalmente viene acompañada de largos procesos burocráticos y altos impuestos. Un denominador común en los dos primeros métodos de transacción de tierras es la necesidad de que los ejidatarios se trasladen a otra ciudad, asentamiento o país. La privatización de ejidos y el abandono rural es, por tanto, un factor que contribuye a la migración dentro y fuera de México. Los ejidatarios son a menudo los que pierden con la transacción de tierras. Los compradores

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.3.Systematic privatization of land since 1992

2.3 Privatización sistemática de la tierra desde 1992

Methods of Land Transactions in the Privatization of Ejidos

33. Schumacher et al., “Evolution and Collapse of Ejidos in Mexico—To What Extent Is Communal Land Used for Urban Development?”

Métodos de transacciones de tierra y privatización de los ejidos

A common denominator in the first two methods of land transaction is the need for ejidatarios to relocate to another city, settlement or country. The privatization of ejidos and the rural abandonment is thus a contributing factor of migration within and beyond Mexico. Ejidatarios are often the ones who lose with land transaction. Private buyers offer them land or money and, since ejidatarios are economically incapable of paying for legal advice, they often agree to undersell their land. It would be misleading to argue that the Salinas’s Agrarian Reform has not majorly contributed to the economic development in Mexico for the last thirty years. However, this economic development came with high costs to the ejidal communities. The privatization of land has led, in general terms, to three negative impacts in the Mexican territory: major evictions and relocations of ejidatarios, irreversible environmental damage, and growing social inequality.33

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

privados les ofrecen tierras o dinero y, dado que los ejidatarios son económicamente incapaces de pagar por el asesoramiento legal, a menudo acceden a vender sus tierras a precios más bajos. Sería engañoso argumentar que la Reforma Agraria de Salinas no ha contribuido de manera importante al desarrollo económico de México durante los últimos treinta años. Sin embargo, este desarrollo económico vino con altos costos para las comunidades ejidales. La privatización de la tierra ha provocado, en términos generales, tres impactos negativos en el territorio mexicano: grandes desalojos y reubicaciones de ejidatarios, daños ambientales irreversibles y una creciente desigualdad social.33

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.3.Systematic privatization of land since 1992

Mineral Extraction, Agro-industrial Monoculture, Industrial Development, Unsustainable Urbanization

35. “Datos geográficos perimetrales de los núcleos agrarios certificados, por estado - formato SHAPE. - datos.gob.mx/busca,” accessed November 23, 2020, https://datos. gob.mx/busca/dataset/ datos-geograficos-perimetrales-de-los-nucleos-agrarios-certificados-por-estado--formato-shape.

The global mining consortiums acquired ejidal land at extremely low prices to explore and exploit, resulting in unprecedented environmental damages. Both legal and illegal mining practices in Mexico have rapidly grown in Mexico since the NAFTA agreement was signed. Mining exploration and concessions in northern states such as Sonora, Zacatecas and Chihuahua have boomed in the last thirty years and a significant portion of such permits were located, and still are, in ejidal land.35

2.3 Privatización sistemática de la tierra desde 1992

Extracción Minera, Monocultivos Agroindustriales, Desarrollo Industrial, Urbanización insostenible

Los consorcios mineros globales adquirieron tierras ejidales a precios extremadamente bajos para explorar y explotar, lo que resultó en daños ambientales sin precedentes. Las prácticas mineras legales e ilegales en México han crecido rápidamente en México desde que se firmó el acuerdo NAFTA. La exploración minera y las concesiones en estados del norte como Sonora, Zacatecas y Chihuahua han experimentado un auge en los últimos treinta años y se localizó una parte importante de dichos permisos, muchos de ellos aún están en tierras ejidales.35 La producción agrícola también se ha visto obligada cada vez más a integrarse en los mercados alimentarios mundiales. Las empresas transnacionales normalmente se establecen en tierras ejidales y promueven la producción agrícola de monocultivos y compran las cosechas a los ejidatarios a precios más bajos que en otras regiones del mundo, con el fin de ganar competitividad en precios.36 El sector industrial constituye una doble amenaza para la tierra ejidal. El primero está relacionado con el terreno que ocupa la propia industria. En septiembre de 2017, el Gobierno Federal decretó nuevas 7 Zonas Económicas Especiales (ZEE) en México, la mayoría de ellas en los estados más pobres del país: Oaxaca, Chiapas, Guerrero y Michoacán.37 Si bien el nuevo gobierno de Andrés Manuel López Obrador anunció que las ZEE serían abolidas a fines de 2019, grandes porciones de tierra ya habían sido adquiridas por corporaciones transnacionales. La asignación actual y potencial de proyectos de energía verde también constituirá un fuerte impacto en los ejidos, como se ve en Hidalgo y en Oaxaca.38 La segunda amenaza está relacionada con la explotación laboral y de recursos de la industria. Las empresas de alimentos asignan tierras ejidales productivas cercanas, para comprar y controlar directamente su producción, pagando menos a los ejidatarios por sus cosechas y promoviendo el monocultivo, como se muestra en Apan, (Hidalgo), Colón (Querétaro) y Valle de Guadalupe (Baja California).39 Los desarrolladores compraron grandes extensiones de tierra en las periferias de las ciudades para construir viviendas unifamiliares de unidades de baja calidad que estaban desconectadas de los sistemas urbanos de infraestructura.40 El urbanista David Cymet estudia cómo la expansión de la Ciudad de México antes de 1992 ocurrió en tierras ejidales, sin embargo, tales asentamientos en las periferias de la ciudad eran informales, ya que la transacción de la tierra en el mercado formal era extremadamente difícil. Contrario a este fenómeno, esta investigación estudia cómo la tierra fue convertida de ejidal a urbana y, con

Image: https:// oroinformacion.com

Mine in Penasquito, exploited by Newmont Goldcorp, 2018

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Mining in Mexico 1990-2018

Exploration and concessions increased dramatically after the Article 27th was Reformed in 1992

MINING LANDSCAPES:

This visualizations hsows the actual polygons of mineral concessions and mineral exploration permits in Mexico since 1990. NAFTA served as a mechanism to unlock land and sell it or comission it to private transnational corporations. The period between 2007 and 2014 is the one with most permits and concessions were granted.

Mining Concession

Mining Exploration Permits

Area in HA HA 130,000

120,000

110,000

100,000

90,000

80,000

70,000

60,000

50,000

40,000

30,000

20,000

10,000 0

90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 Image made by author. Data Source: Infromation Secretary of Economy, 2020 - Urbanism Masterofofthe Science in Architecture Studies

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Year

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.3.Systematic privatization of land since 1992

2.3 Privatización sistemática de la tierra desde 1992

Mineral Extraction, Monoculture, Industrial Development, Urbanization

36. Schneider and Geoghegan, “Land Abandonment in an Agricultural Frontier After a Plant Invasion: The Case of Bracken Fern in Southern Yucatán, Mexico.”

37. Banco de Mexico, “Las Zonas Económicas Especiales de México,” 2018, 2018, 7.

38. Ezequiel Zárate Toledo and Julia Fraga, “La política eólica mexicana: Controversias sociales y ambientales debido a su implantación territorial. Estudios de caso en Oaxaca y Yucatán.,” Revista Trace, no. 69 (June 14, 2016): 65

Extracción Minera, Monocultivos Agroindustriales, Desarrollo Industrial, Urbanización insostenible

Agricultural production has also growingly been forced to be embedded in global food markets. Transnational corporations normally settle in ejidal land and promote monoculture agricultural production and buy the harvests to ejidatarios at lower prices than in other global regions, in order to gain price competitiveness. 36 The industrial sector conforms a twofold threat to ejidal land. The first one is related to the land the industry occupies itself. In September 2017, the Federal Government decreed new 7 Special Economic Zones (SEZ) in Mexico, most of them in the poorest states of the country: Oaxaca, Chiapas, Guerrero and Michoacán.37 While the new government of Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador announced that the SEZs would be abolished in late 2019, large portions of land had already been acquired by transnational corporations. The current and potential allocation of green energy projects will also constitute a strong impact in ejidos, as seen in Hidalgo and in Oaxaca38. The second threat is related to the industry’s labor and resource exploitation. Food companies allocate nearby productive ejidal land, to buy and control directly its production, underpaying the ejidatarios for their harvests and promoting monoculture, as shown in Apan, (Hidalgo), Colon (Queretaro), and Valle de Guadalupe, Baja California.39

ello, agregada al mercado de tierras en áreas rurbanas de ciudades más pequeñas de México. En este sentido, un estudio de Schumacher et al. en el área periurbana de Puebla, revela cómo los ejidos Santa Andrés y Santa Clara Ocuyucan, fueron incorporados al suelo urbano. El primero por expropiación y el segundo por privatización, ambos procesos terminaron con consecuencias similares: segregación en comunidades periurbanas, aumento del valor de la tierra y políticas locales débiles.42

39. Jesus Mendez, “Análisis proximal del cultivo de cebada maltera (Hordeum sativum Jess) del sur del estado de Hidalgo y su relación con la calidad de suelos,” 2012, 9.

Solar power plant in Nopala, Hidalgo, 2018

Image: http://eloportunodemichoacan.com/ la-plaga/

Avocado monoculture fields in Michoacan, 2019

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Monoculture and Soil degradation

Human made biodiversity damage index

NEARLY 45% OF THE MEXICAN TERRITORY HAS SUFFERED ENVIRONMENTAL DAMAGE Higher

Biodiversity Damage

Lower

Biodiversity Damage

Image made by author.. Data Source: CONABIO, 2018 66

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Industry

Special Economic Zones and solar energy generation potential

18% OF THE TERRITORY HAS POTENTIAL FOR SOLAR FARMING

Energy

Potential area for Solar Energy Generation

Special Economic Zones

Created in 2016, cancelled in 2019

Image made by author.. Data Source: Secretary of Economy, Secretary of Energy, 2018 68

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

2.3.Systematic privatization of land since 1992

2.3 Privatización sistemática de la tierra desde 1992

Mineral Extraction, Monoculture, Industrial Development, Urbanization

40.42. Schumacher et al., “Evolution and Collapse of Ejidos in Mexico—To What Extent Is Communal Land Used for Urban Development?”

41. D. Cymet, From Ejido to Metropolis, Another Path: An Evaluation on Ejido Property Rights and Informal Land Development in Mexico City, 21] (P. Lang, 1992).

Extracción Minera, Monocultivos Agroindustriales, Desarrollo Industrial, Urbanización insostenible

Developers bought large portions of land in the peripheries of cities to build single family housing of low-quality units which were disconnected from infrastructural urban systems.40 Urban planner David Cymet studies how Mexico City’s expansion before 1992 occurred in ejidal land, however, such settlements in the city’s peripheries were informal, as transacting the land in the formal market was extremely difficult.41 Contrary to this phenomenon, this research studies how land was converted from ejidal to urban and, by that, added to the land market in rurban areas of smaller cities in Mexico. In this sense, a study by Schumacher et al. in the peri-urban area of Puebla, reveals how the ejidos Santa Andres and Santa Clara Ocuyucan, were incorporated into urban land. The former by expropriation and the latter by privatization, both processes ended up with similar consequences: segregation in peri-urban communities, rise in land value and weak local policies.42

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Image: Jorge Taboada

New developments financed by INFONAVIT since the year 2000, 2016

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Rapid Urbanization

Ejidos in the principal cities in Mexico

Image made by author.. Data Source: National Agrarian Register, 2019 Ejidal Land

Ejidal land is much more fragmented and scarce in the four principal cities in Mexico, compared to other medium sized cities

Within Urban Areas

Ejidal Land

Adjacent to Urrban Areas

Mexico City

Monterrey, Nuevo Leon

Leon, Guanajuato

Queretaro, Queretaro

Guadalajara, Jalisco

Puebla, Puebla

Guadalajara, Jalisco

Toluca, Estado de Mexico

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

03. RESOURCE CONSERVATION Conservación de Recursos, Estado del Arte

[STATE OF THE FIELD]

Wastewater Canal in Apan, Hidalgo Image by: Gustavo Madrid 76

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

3.1 Current research

43. D. Cymet, From Ejido to Metropolis, Another Path: An Evaluation on Ejido Property Rights and Informal Land Development in Mexico City, 21] (P. Lang, 1992).

44. Guillermo Olivera and Alfonso X. Iracheta., eds., La urbanización social y privada del ejido: ensayos sobre la dualidad del desarrollo urbano en México, Primera edición, Estudios regionales (Cuernavaca, Morelos [México]: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Centro Regional de Investigaciones Multidisciplinarias, 2015).

45. Rodrigo Diaz, “City Growth and Community-Owned Land in Mexico City” (Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning., 2008), http://hdl. handle.net/1721.1/44355.

3.1 Inverstigaciones actuales

Ejidos have been researched by scholars mainly in two fields. The first one involves the policies and political positions behind the land reforms. The second field involves the history and anthropologic development of ejidos. Policy research in ejidos involve titling, agrarian reforms, global economy and political influences. This part of research shows that ejidos played an active role in the development of cities even before the 1992 Reform. In From Ejido to Metropolis, Another Path: An Evaluation on Ejido Property Rights and Informal Land Development in Mexico City, David Cymet describes how land transactions occurred in the peripheries of Mexico City when ejidatarios sold their land illegally, to then be regularized by the government. This land transactions resulted in the rapid urbanization of areas with low accessibility to urban services and infrastructure.43 Olivera and Iracheta also argue that the liberalization of the ejidos led to two types of urbanization, first as informal settlements as Cymet describes, but second, they also made possible for developers to acquire large portions of land and build medium to large neighborhoods, usually with only one or two housing typologies. This second form of urbanization resulted in large, monotonous, disconnected and generic enclosed neighborhoods.44 Rodrigo Diaz studies the development of ejidal land in informal settlements in Mexico City, arguing that land privatization was not performed through a direct transaction, but was a process of illegal selling and acquisitions, which then forced the government to regularize these urbanizations in order to provide them with urban services.45 The second type of scholarly work focuses on the study of life in the ejidos. In recent years, the work of Emilio Kourí, a History Professor at the University of Chicago excels. In A Pueblo Divided, Kourí reflects and studies the mutations of ejidos through a particular town, Papantla in the state of Veracruz. He researches on the traditions of the town, especially on the “Voladores de Pantla”, a festival in which members of the town hang their feet down head and circle around a post, simulating a flying situation. Through traditions such as this, Kourí addresses the importance of the ejidal structures of the area to organize and manage one of the most important carnivals of Mexico. I find Kourí’s findings important as demonstration of ejidatarios being able to self-organize themselves toward a common goal. I consider this self-organization and culture of common and democratic agreement, a fundamental strength for ejidos in the twenty first century.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Los académicos han investigado los ejidos y la propiedad común principalmente en dos campos. El primero involucra las políticas y posiciones políticas detrás de las reformas agrarias. El segundo campo involucra la historia y el desarrollo antropológico de los ejidos. La investigación de políticas en los ejidos involucra titulación, reformas agrarias, economía global e influencias políticas. Esta parte de la investigación muestra que los ejidos desempeñaron un papel activo en el desarrollo de las ciudades incluso antes de la Reforma de 1992. En From Ejido to Metropolis, Another Path: An Evaluation on Ejido Property Rights and Informal Land Development in Mexico City, David Cymet describe cómo ocurrieron las transacciones de tierras en las periferias de la Ciudad de México cuando los ejidatarios vendieron sus tierras ilegalmente, para luego ser regularizadas por el gobierno. Estas transacciones de tierras dieron como resultado la rápida urbanización de áreas con baja accesibilidad a servicios e infraestructura urbanos.43 Olivera e Iracheta también argumentan que la liberalización de los ejidos condujo a dos tipos de urbanización, primero como asentamientos informales como describe Cymet, pero segundo, también hicieron posible que los desarrolladores adquirieran grandes porciones de tierra y construyeran barrios medianos a grandes, generalmente con solo una o dos tipologías de vivienda. Esta segunda forma de urbanización resultó en barrios cerrados grandes, monótonos, desconectados y genéricos.44 Rodrigo Díaz estudia el desarrollo de tierras ejidales en asentamientos informales en la Ciudad de México, argumentando que la privatización de tierras no se realizó a través de una transacción directa, sino que fue un proceso de compraventa ilegal, que luego obligó al gobierno a regularizar estas urbanizaciones con el fin de proveer ellos con servicios urbanos.45 El segundo tipo de trabajo académico se centra en el estudio de la vida en los ejidos. En los últimos años sobresale el trabajo de Emilio Kourí, profesor de Historia de la Universidad de Chicago. En A Pueblo Divided, Kourí reflexiona y estudia las mutaciones de ejidos a través de un pueblo en particular, Papantla en el estado de Veracruz. Investiga sobre las tradiciones del pueblo, especialmente sobre los “Voladores de Papantla”, una fiesta en la que los habitantes del pueblo agachan la cabeza y giran alrededor de un poste, simulando una situación de vuelo. A través de tradiciones como esta, Kourí aborda la importancia de las estructuras ejidales de la zona para organizar y gestionar uno de los carnavales más importantes de México. Encuentro los hallazgos de Kourí importantes como demostración de que los ejidatarios son capaces de autoorganizarse hacia un objetivo común. Considero esta autoorganización y cultura de común acuerdo democrático, una fortaleza fundamental para los ejidos en el siglo XXI.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

3.2 Common Pool Resources

46. Elinor Ostrom, Roy Gardner, and James Walker, Rules, Games, and Common-Pool Resources (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994).

47. Amanda Huron, Carving out the Commons: Tenant Organizing and Housing Cooperatives in Washington, D.C, Diverse Economies and Livable Worlds 2 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2018).

3.2 Recursos Comunes

In trying to find a contemporary vision for the commons and protect them from the capitalistic models of urbanization—mostly driven by private corporations and the open market—I find Governing The Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action by Elinor Ostrom extremely helpful. Olinor researches how communities around the world manage “common-pool resources.”46 From communal tenure forests in Switzerland, to irrigation communities in Spain, Ostrom describes how self-governing institutions operate in a world of growing capitalization and privatization. Ostrom also proposes a framework of policies and action to preserve such communities. One of the main differences between the models researched by Ostrom and the ejidos, is that the land in Mexico is at risk of being privatized by several actors. Besides, land could also be exploited in several forms, as resources in ejidal land are plenty, in contrast with Ostrom’s single-resource communities. A single portion of ejidal land in Mexico can have at once potential uses for agriculture, mineral extraction, solar power and urban development. Therefore, one ejido could be subject to exploitation by several industries which would in turn compete for its tenure. Therefore, the competition for the land happens not only by one developer or one corporation with the ejidatarios, but it becomes a contested territory of transnational industries for its development. According to Amanda Huron in Carving Out the Commons: Tenant Organizing and Housing Cooperatives in Washington, D.C, the study of the ejidal system would be englobed in a scholar category which she refers to as institutionalists. Institutionalists research on the daily operation of contemporary functioning commons, their management system, funding availability and operational tools. In Huron’s perspective, Ostrom’s research belongs to this category.47 While I study the ejidal institutions, I also find Huron’s second category the alterglobalizationist very helpful. Alterglobalizationists, are deeply against the broader political and capitalist economy and study the commons as resources which are collectively produced and, therefore, should be available to everyone who participates in society. Alterglobalizationists also focus on the enclosure/privatization of the commons.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Al tratar de encontrar una visión contemporánea de los bienes comunes y protegerlos de los modelos capitalistas de urbanización, principalmente impulsados por corporaciones privadas y el mercado abierto, encuentro muy útil Governing The Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action de Elinor Ostrom. Elinor investiga cómo las comunidades de todo el mundo gestionan los “recursos de uso común”.46 Desde los bosques de tenencia comunal en Suiza hasta las comunidades de regantes en España, Ostrom describe cómo operan las instituciones autónomas en un mundo de creciente capitalización y privatización. Ostrom también propone un marco de políticas y acciones para preservar dichas comunidades. Una de las principales diferencias entre los modelos investigados por Ostrom y los ejidos, es que la tierra en México está en riesgo de ser privatizada por varios actores. Además, la tierra también podría explotarse de varias formas, ya que los recursos en la tierra ejidal son abundantes, en contraste con las comunidades de recursos únicos de Ostrom. Una sola porción de tierra ejidal en México puede tener usos potenciales a la vez para agricultura, extracción de minerales, energía solar y desarrollo urbano. Por lo tanto, un ejido podría ser objeto de explotación por parte de varias industrias que, a su vez, competirían por su tenencia. Por lo tanto, la competencia por la tierra ocurre no solo por un desarrollador o una corporación con los ejidatarios, sino que se convierte en un territorio disputado de industrias transnacionales para su desarrollo. Según Amanda Huron en Carving Out the Commons: Tenant Organizing and Housing Cooperatives en Washington, D.C, el estudio del sistema ejidal estaría englobado en una categoría académica a la que ella se refiere como institucionalistas. Los institucionalistas investigan sobre el funcionamiento diario de los comunes funcionales contemporáneos, su sistema de gestión, la disponibilidad de fondos y las herramientas operativas. Desde la perspectiva de Huron, la investigación de Ostrom pertenece a esta categoría.47 Mientras estudio las instituciones ejidales, también encuentro muy útil la segunda categoría de Huron, la alterglobalización. Alterglobalizationists, están profundamente en contra de la economía política y capitalista más amplia y estudian los bienes comunes como recursos que se producen colectivamente y, por lo tanto, deben estar disponibles para todos los que participan en la sociedad. Alterglobalizationistas también se centran en la privatización de los bienes comunes.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Common Pool Resources

Ejidos are entangled within an apparatus of private and government interests, all competing for the resources in ejidal land Image made by author.. Data Source: National Agrarian Register, Secretary of Economy, 2018

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Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

3.3 Hypothesis and Research Questions: Potential of ejidos in the XXI century

3.3 Hipótesis y preguntas: potencial de los ejidos en el siglo XXI

While ejidos have been studied by many disciplines, from agrarian law or social-economics to ethnography, urban scholars who have examined their impact on urbanization have focused primarily on ejidos in the periphery of large cities, arguing that ejidal transformation is a key determinant of urban sprawl and intensifying metropolitan inequality. In Collecting Ideals I argue that ejidos have,and are still playing, a major role in the urbanization and development of more rural settings in Mexico, particularly in regions with small towns. I further argue that ejidal dynamics in such regions have their own peculiarities – particularly in terms of the potential impacts of ejidal privatization on the natural and built environment—and thus that urban designers and planners need special tools to manage and guide the impact of ejidal production on urbanization in such settings.

48. Ersula Oswald Spring, “Aquatic Systems and Water Security in the Metropolitan Valley of Mexico City,” Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability 3, no. 6 (2011): 497–505.

More specifically, I hypothesize that ejidos—which still comprise 52% of Mexico’s land—could play a major role in Mexico’s fight to confront climate change in the twenty first century, in a manner that is fair and equitable to its common owners, particularly if the question of water supply is solved. I have described how the private development in cities and its agricultural territory has placed ejidatarios and natural resources in an unprecedented risk, that will only aggravate with the current climate crisis. The above-described form of development is characterized by poor and unsustainable soil and water management contributing to high levels of erosion and desertification. Together with extended periods of droughts, exacerbated by the current climate crisis, are contributing to the alarming low levels of the aquifers in the Mexican Altiplano where the Pachuca sub-basin aquifer is depleted.48 Using the case of Apan, Hidalgo—in the Pachuca sub-basin region—I propose a series of measures to guide ejidal development in quasi-rural settings. Here I argue that, the conservation, re-thinking and re-envisioning of the ejidal land and social structure has the potential to mitigate the impacts of the described territorial effects of the current climate crisis, and could serve as an alternative for a more efficient and egalitarian system for managing the environmental resources.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Si bien los ejidos han sido estudiados por muchas disciplinas, desde el derecho agrario o la economía social hasta la etnografía, los académicos urbanos que han examinado su impacto en la urbanización se han centrado principalmente en los ejidos en la periferia de las grandes ciudades, argumentando que la transformación ejidal es un determinante clave de la urbanización. expansión e intensificación de la desigualdad metropolitana. En Collecting Ideals sostengo que los ejidos tienen, y siguen desempeñando, un papel importante en la urbanización y el desarrollo de entornos más rurales en México, particularmente en regiones con pueblos pequeños. Además, sostengo que la dinámica ejidal en tales regiones tiene sus propias peculiaridades, particularmente en términos de los impactos potenciales de la privatización ejidal en el entorno natural y construido, y por lo tanto, los diseñadores y planificadores urbanos necesitan herramientas especiales para gestionar y guiar el impacto de la producción ejidal. sobre la urbanización en tales entornos. Más específicamente, planteo la hipótesis de que los ejidos, que aún comprenden el 52% de la tierra de México, podrían desempeñar un papel importante en la lucha de México para enfrentar el cambio climático en el siglo XXI, de una manera que sea justa y equitativa para sus propietarios comunes, particularmente si la cuestión del suministro de agua está resuelta. He descrito cómo el desarrollo privado en las ciudades y su territorio agrícola ha colocado a los ejidatarios y los recursos naturales en un riesgo sin precedentes, que solo se agravará con la actual crisis climática. La forma de desarrollo descrita anteriormente se caracteriza por una gestión del suelo y del agua deficiente e insostenible que contribuye a altos niveles de erosión y desertificación. Junto con los períodos prolongados de sequías, exacerbados por la actual crisis climática, están contribuyendo a los alarmantes niveles bajos de los acuíferos en el altiplano mexicano, donde los acuíferos de la subcuenca Ciudad de México-Pachuca está agotado.48 Utilizando el caso de Apan, Hidalgo, en la subcuenca de Pachuca, propongo una serie de medidas para orientar el desarrollo ejidal en entornos cuasi rurales. Aquí sostengo que, la conservación, repensar y replantear la tierra ejidal y la estructura social tiene el potencial de mitigar los impactos de los efectos territoriales descritos de la actual crisis climática, y podría servir como una alternativa para una gestión más eficiente. y sistema igualitario de gestión de los recursos ambientales.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

TRANSITION FROM INDIVUDUAL OR PRIVATE DEVELOPMENT TO COLLECTIVE Transitional Development Ejidos can serve as a model to re-think the ways in which our cities are built and our resources

Ejidal structure has the potential to drive a transition from a private, extractive development to a exploited collective management, exploitation of the resources in an egalitarian way

Monoculture

Industry

Urbanization

Monoculture

Private Driven Development

Droughts

Erosion

TRANSITION Poor Rainwater Recollection

Poor Wastewater Management

Vulnerability to ejidatarios’ livelihood, migration to cities, industrial decline, etc

Urbanization

Collective Driven Development

Hydric Resources

Groundwater Availability Stress

Industry

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Hydric Resources

Groundwater Recharge

Polyculture development

Egalitarian management of resources

Rainwater Recollection

Improved Wastewater Management

An equitable, environmental favorable development of the land

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

3.3 Hypothesis and Research Questions: Potential of ejidos in the XXI century

3.3 Hipótesis y preguntas: potencial de los ejidos en el siglo XXI

What are the outcomes/effects of thirty years of privatization and overexploitation of former ejido territory on climate change and social inequality? How could urban and policy design make ejidos in rural areas collaborate with public and private entities toward a more sustainable, egalitarian management of land resources that preserves the ejidos as a social, governance, and land-tenure structure rather than abolishing or liquidating them?

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

¿Cuáles son los resultados / efectos de treinta años de privatización y sobreexplotación del antiguo territorio ejidal sobre el cambio climático y la desigualdad social? ¿Cómo podría el diseño urbano y de políticas hacer que los ejidos en áreas rurales colaboren con entidades públicas y privadas hacia una gestión más sostenible e igualitaria de los recursos de la tierra que preserve los ejidos como una estructura social, de gobernanza y de tenencia de la tierra en lugar de abolirlos o liquidarlos?

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

04. EJIDOGRAPHIES Ejidografías, Metodología Cartográfica

[CARTOGRAPHICAL METHODOLOGY]

Dry Lagoon in Apan, Hidalgo Image by: Gustavo Madrid 92

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

4.1 Research by design: map as method

4.1 Diseño como investigación, mapa como método

To study the impacts of ejidal privatization and its potential outcomes in its intersection with climate change and growing social inequalities, this research is driven by both quantitative and qualitative methods.

Para estudiar los impactos de la privatización ejidal y sus posibles resultados en su intersección con el cambio climático y las crecientes desigualdades sociales, esta investigación se basa en métodos tanto cuantitativos como cualitativos.

Global and National Scale: Since the 1992 land reforms, ejidos became part of an open-global economy. I use mapping to reveal the impact of these externalities in the transformation of unsustainable large swaths of land in Mexico. Global food markets, mining exportation and industrial international capital are part of the forces which modify land tenure, communities and the environment in Mexico.

Escala global y nacional: Desde las reformas agrarias de 1992, los ejidos se convirtieron en parte de una economía global abierta. Utilizo el mapeo para revelar el impacto de estas externalidades en la transformación de grandes extensiones de tierra insostenibles en México. Los mercados mundiales de alimentos, la exportación minera y el capital industrial internacional son parte de las fuerzas que modifican la tenencia de la tierra, las comunidades y el medio ambiente en México.

Granular Scale: The existing data of agriculture, mining, industry and urbanization in Mexico is exhaustive. However, this information is rarely correlated with one another and, specially, with information of ejidal ownership, social inequality and environmental vulnerability.

Escala granular: Los datos existentes de agricultura, minería, industria y urbanización en México son exhaustivos. Sin embargo, esta información rara vez se correlaciona entre sí y, especialmente, con información de propiedad ejidal, desigualdad social y vulnerabilidad ambiental.

4.2 Análisis Geoespacial

4.2 Geospatial Analysis

49. McHarg, Ian L. Design with Nature. 25th Anniversary ed. New York: J. Wiley, 1992. and Jaqueline Tyrwhitt, Patrick Geddes: The Valley Section, 1967.

In Collecting Ideals, I overlay and intersect all of these datasets in maps, charts and diagrams to inform my SWOT analysis. All the maps developed during this stage, contain ejidal information, either demographic, physical boundaries, abandonment, and others. I argue that this correlation helps visualize the spatial and environmental consequences of this critical problem at hand, and help inform urban designers and policy makers on the importance of taking into consideration the tenure of land and the importance of preserving this land in what regards to the environment and the resilience of these territories. Therefore, this research draws on two specific categories for analyzing the geospatial information bridging the gap between the two scholars who have developed them, Ian McHarg and Patrick Geddes.49 While both of them engaged on the territorial analysis, McHarg studied it through an environmental perspective and Geddes through a socio-economic one. One the one hand, I use socioeconomic datasets to understand and reveal ejidatarios vulnerabilities and risks. In tandem, I overlay environmental and geographical information to analyze the outcomes of private land development as well as their externalities for the environment.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

En Collecting Ideals, superpongo e intersecto todos estos conjuntos de datos en mapas, gráficos y diagramas para informar mi análisis FODA. Todos los mapas desarrollados durante esta etapa, contienen información ejidal, ya sea demográfica, límites físicos, abandono, entre otros. Sostengo que esta correlación ayuda a visualizar las consecuencias espaciales y ambientales de este problema crítico en cuestión, y ayuda a informar a los diseñadores urbanos y a los formuladores de políticas sobre la importancia de tomar en consideración la tenencia de la tierra y la importancia de preservar esta tierra en lo que respecta al medio ambiente y la resiliencia de estos territorios. Por lo tanto, esta investigación se basa en dos categorías específicas para analizar la información geoespacial que cierra la brecha entre los dos académicos que las han desarrollado, Ian McHarg y Patrick Geddes.49 Mientras ambos se dedicaban al análisis territorial, McHarg lo estudiaba desde una perspectiva medioambiental y Geddes desde una perspectiva socioeconómica. Por un lado, utilizo conjuntos de datos socioeconómicos para comprender y revelar las vulnerabilidades y riesgos de los ejidatarios. Al mismo tiempo, superpongo información ambiental y geográfica para analizar los resultados del desarrollo de terrenos privados, así como sus externalidades para el medio ambiente.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

4.3 Case Studies

51. Stefan Al, Villages in the City : A Guide to South China´s Informal Settlements (Hong Kong, HONG KONG: Hong Kong University Press, 2014)

4.3 Casos de Estudio

In Villages in the City, Stefan Al et al. research how urban villages in cities like Shenzen or Guangzhou, have struggled to resist private development incentivized by the federal government.51 In the first essays of the book, the contributors describe how villages have been within an urban renewal policy and how local and, in some cases, social and urban millennial traditions, are endangered. The second methodology they use, constitutes a real asset for my work. Stefan Al documents twelve different villages, both in a spatial and anthropologic manner. Several drawings and analytics of the settlements, in a wide range of scales, document and measure items such as: densities, building heights, area of the village, land uses, apartment typologies, among many others. Al’s approach to studying the Chinese villages is anthropologic and ethnographic. This research will use some of those drawings and graphic techniques, but will provide, through design, a contemporary vision to embed ejidos and ejidatarios into the territorial development.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

En Villages in the City, Stefan Al et al. investigaa cómo las aldeas urbanas en ciudades como Shenzen o Guangzhou, han luchado para resistir el desarrollo privado incentivado por el gobierno federal.51 En los primeros ensayos del libro, los colaboradores describen cómo los pueblos han estado dentro de una política de renovación urbana y cómo las tradiciones milenarias locales y, en algunos casos, sociales y urbanas, están en peligro. La segunda metodología que utilizan constituye un activo real para mi trabajo. Stefan Al documenta doce pueblos diferentes, tanto de manera espacial como antropológica.Varios dibujos y análisis de los asentamientos, en una amplia gama de escalas, documentan y miden elementos como: densidades, alturas de edificación, área de la aldea, usos del suelo, tipologías de departamentos, entre muchos otros. El enfoque de Al para estudiar las aldeas chinas es antropológico y etnográfico. Esta investigación utilizará algunos de esos dibujos y técnicas gráficas, pero proporcionará, a través del diseño, una visión contemporánea para integrar a los ejidos y ejidatarios en el desarrollo territorial.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

05. LANDING IN APAN, AT THE MEXICO CITYPACHUCA SUB-BASIN (MCPSB) Aterrizando en Apan en la Subcuenca Ciudad de Mexico-Pachuca (MCPS) Recolección y Análisis de Información

[DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS]

The Pocatépetl and Iztaccíhuatl landmarks define the south portion of the Mexico Sub-Basin Image https://elpais.com/especiales/2018/nuevo-aeropuerto-mexico/ 100

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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Landing in Apan, at the Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin (MCPSB)

Aterrizando en Apan en la Subcuenca Ciudad de Mexico-Pachuca (MCPS)

The region of Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin is an exemplary site to study the outcomes of land enclosure and privatization in Mexico. Home to almost 30 million people, this region is the most populated area in the country, with a growth rate of 385% in terms of urbanized land since 1980. The Sub-Basin region is contained by four states, Mexico City, State of Mexico, Hidalgo and Tlaxcala. It is delimited by the Sierra de Montealto, Sierra de las Cruces, Sierra del Ajusco mountain ranges in the southwest; Sierra de Chichinautzin mountain range in the south; Sierra Nevada and Sierra de Rio Frio mountain ranges in the Southwest; Sierra de Calpulaloan and Sierra de Tepuzán mountain ranges in the east; and Sierra de Pachuca and Sierra de Tepozotlán mountain ranges to the north. The morphology of the Sub-Basin has drastically shaped the urban growth of both Mexico City´s Metropolitan Area to the Southwest, and of Pachuca, the second most populated city of the area, to the Northeast. The topography surrounding this region forms flat surfaces where urban development is easier than to the west or south areas of Mexico City, for example. Between these two mayor metropolitan areas, a series of several small-sized cities and towns have settled and grown, taking advantage of the topography, the fertile land, and the mining potentials. Tizayuca, Texcoco, Apan and Ciudad Sahagún, are the mayor urban settlements in between Mexico City and Pachuca. This research focuses on the territory surrounding the Apan Lake in Hidalgo as an exemplary first case, and uses the MCPSB’s urbanization processes, especially those surrounding Mexico City, as a cautionary tale to the processes that are starting to appear in and around the Llanos de Apan in these days.

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

La región de la Subcuenca Ciudad de México-Pachuca es un sitio ejemplar para estudiar los resultados de la privatización de tierras en México. Hogar de casi 30 millones de personas, esta región es el área más poblada del país, con una tasa de crecimiento del 385% en términos de suelo urbanizado desde 1980. La región de la Subcuenca está compuesta por cuatro estados, Ciudad de México, Estado de México , Hidalgo y Tlaxcala. Está delimitado por la Sierra de Montealto, Sierra de las Cruces, Sierra del Ajusco en el suroeste; Sierra de Chichinautzin en el sur; Sierra Nevada y Sierra de Rio Frio en el suroeste; Sierra de Calpulaloan y Sierra de Tepuzán en el este; y Sierra de Pachuca y Sierra de Tepozotlán al norte. La morfología de la Subcuenca ha moldeado drásticamente el crecimiento urbano tanto del Área Metropolitana de la Ciudad de México hacia el Suroeste, como de Pachuca, la segunda ciudad más poblada del área, hacia el Noreste. La topografía que rodea esta región forma superficies planas donde el desarrollo urbano es más fácil que en las zonas oeste o sur de la Ciudad de México, por ejemplo. Entre estas dos grandes áreas metropolitanas, una serie de varias ciudades y pueblos de pequeño tamaño se han asentado y crecido, aprovechando la topografía, la tierra fértil y el potencial minero. Tizayuca, Texcoco, Apan y Ciudad Sahagún, son los principales asentamientos urbanos entre la Ciudad de México y Pachuca. Esta investigación se centra en el territorio que rodea al lago Apan en Hidalgo como un primer caso ejemplar, y utiliza los procesos de urbanización de la MCPSB, especialmente los que rodean a la Ciudad de México, como una advertencia a los procesos que están comenzando a aparecer en y alrededor de los Llanos de Apan en estos días

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Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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From a political narrative to a water-resource narrative Hydrological boundaries of Mexico

Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin Pachuca, Hidalgo

Apan, Hidalgo

Mexico City

Water Boundaries

Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin

Sub-Basins

Cities

Urbanized Areas in Mexico, 2020

Political Boundaries States

Image made by author.. Data Source: CONABIO, 2018. INEGI, 2020 104

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

105

5.1 SWOT of MCPSB: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.1 Análisis FODA de la MCPSB: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

[T] Rapid Urbanization: a patchwork of settlements

52. Gonzalo Alejandre Ramos, Javier Pineda Muñoz, and Yasmín Hernández Romero, “El Desarrollo Urbano de La ZMCM Como Construcción Social de Las Nuevas Realidades: El Caso Del Municipio de Tecámac, Estado de México/The Urban Development of the ZMCM as Social Construction of New Realities: The Case of the Municipality of Tecámac, Méx,” RICSH Revista Iberoamericana de Las Ciencias Sociales y Humanísticas 4, no. 8 (2015): 206–29.

[A] Rápida Urbanización: Retazos de aglomeraciones urbanas

From 1992 to the early 2000´s, the transaction of land in Mexico City keep occurrying in an informal manner. As explained before, starting in the 1950’s, ejidatarios informally sold their still commonly owned land to privates, to then make the government regularize it. Many acres of land were transformed from agriculture to informal settlements starting in those years in an informal and speculative process. In the last fifteen years this process to sell the peripheral land was also incentivized and promoted by INFONAVIT, the housing credit federal agency. When INFONAVIT started giving credits on affordable housing in the formal market, most of the developments for such housing units were built in the outskirts of cities, problematically far away from employment centers. They were also developed by large companies which acquired the land from ejidatarios at very low prices. The problems with this type of fast-paced, low-quality developments, both for ejidatarios and for homeowners, are widely documented. 52 Some of these problems include poor quality construction materials, dysconnectivity from public transportation and urban facilities, which resulted in an early abandonment of the newly built developments. Cases of these developments include housing clusters in Texcoco and Zumpango as shown in figure 10.

Pachuca, Hidalgo

Apan, Hidalgo

Mexico City

Desde 1992 hasta principios de la década del 2000, la transacción de tierras en la Ciudad de México siguió ocurriendo de manera informal. Como se explicó anteriormente, a partir de la década de 1950, los ejidatarios vendieron informalmente sus tierras de propiedad común a particulares, para luego hacer que el gobierno las regularizara. Grandes extensiones de tierra se transformaron de agricultura a asentamientos informales comenzando en esos años en un proceso informal y especulativo. En los últimos quince años este proceso de venta de la tierra periférica también fue incentivado y promovido por INFONAVIT, la agencia federal de crédito a la vivienda. Cuando INFONAVIT comenzó a otorgar créditos para viviendas asequibles en el mercado formal, la mayoría de los desarrollos para dichas unidades de vivienda se construyeron en las afueras de las ciudades, problemáticamente lejos de los centros de empleo. También fueron desarrollados por grandes empresas que adquirieron la tierra de ejidatarios a precios muy bajos. Los problemas con este tipo de desarrollos acelerados y de baja calidad, tanto para los ejidatarios como para los propietarios, están ampliamente documentados.52 Algunos de estos problemas incluyen materiales de construcción de mala calidad, falta de conexión con el transporte público y las instalaciones urbanas, lo que resultó en un abandono temprano de los desarrollos de nueva construcción. Los casos de estos desarrollos incluyen conglomerados de viviendas en Texcoco y Zumpango como se muestra en la figura 10.

Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin, main urban areas

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

107

108 Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism Alberto Meouchi Xicotepec Zacapoaxtla Izicar Tezontepec Actopan Ixmiquilpan Acatlan

Cities Within Mexico City Pachuca Subbasin Average 2.11 Cities Within Mexico City Pachuca Subbasin Median 1.86

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Morelos Jojutla Morelos Zacatepec Estado de Mexico Tenancingo Puebla Atencingo

Hidalgo Ciudad Sahagun

Morelos Puente de Ixtla Puebla Atlixco

Hidalgo Apan

Morelos Axochiapan

Hidalgo Mixquiahuala

-1 . 0 1

10.00

15.00

21.12

Cities of Less than 50,000hab

Cities of More than 50,000hab

Total Pupulation of City or Town

National Average National Median

1.98 1.75

4 2

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

-2

Annual Growth Rate by city 1990-2010

Urbanization in the last 30 years

Puebla Necaxa

Puebla Puebla Puebla Hidalgo Hidalgo Hidalgo Puebla

Puebla Nopalucan

Puebla San Salvador Puebla Ciudad Cerdan

Estado de Mexico Ixtapan

Puebla San Sebastian

Puebla Huachinango

Morelos Xoxocotla Hidalgo Tula Hidalgo Tetepango

Puebla Puebla Puebla Zacatlan

Hidalgo Tulancingo Hidalgo Huejutla Puebla Acatzingo Estado de Mexico Tamascaltzingo Puebla Tepeaca Puebla Teziutan Estado de Mexico San Pedro de los Banos Puebla Atempan Puebla Tecamachalco Estado de Mexico Tenango Puebla Teziutan Morelos Cuernavaca Puebla Palmarito Morelos Cuautla Estado de Mexico Santo Domingo Hidalgo Tepeji

Puebla Ciudad de Libres Puebla Ciudad de Ajalpan

Hidalgo Pachuca de Soto Estado de Mexico San Nicolas Guadalupe Puebla Tehuacan Estado de Mexico Toluca Estado de Mexico Atlacomulco Hidalgo Tejumilco Estado de Mexico Santiago Tanguistenco Estado de Mexico Valle de Bravo

1 5 0 0 0

Puebla Ciudad de Chignahuapan

Ciudad de Mexico Hidalgo Zacualtipan

ANUAL GROWTH RATE BY CITY 1990-2010 The map and the graph show the growth of cities in Mexico since the year of 1990 to 2010. It is notable that, besides the touristic destinations of Tulum, Cabo San Lucas or Playa del Carmen, the cities on States within the MCPSB grow above the national average and are located on a dense area. Furthermore, the region of the MCPSB has a notable desity of cities of small cities, with less than 50,000 habitants.

URBAN GROWTH:

Average anual growth rate 1990-2010 22

5.00

2 0 0 0 0 0

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Figure 10. Zumpango’s New Developments, State of Mexico Image https://contralacorrupcion.mx/explotadores-agua-mexico/falsos-campesinos-edomex.html 110

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

111

URBANIZATION

Urban Growth in the Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin

Image made by author.. Data Source: .INEGI, 2020

1990

2014

2000

2020

Urbanized Area

Ejidal Land

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Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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5.1 SWOT of MCPSB: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.1 Análisis FODA de la MCPSB: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

[T] Industrial speculation, tezontle and water

[A] Especulación industrial, tezontle y agua

As an important economic engine, the MCPSB ejidal land was subject to major industrial speculation. One of the last major catalyzers in the sub-basin for this industrial speculation started in 2001, when the federal government announced its intention to build a new airport in Texcoco. National and international corporations bought land from ejidatarios to develop new industrial parks and logistic hubs. After thirteen years of negotiations with ejidatarios and other landowners, the construction started in 2014. The industrial speculation led to a major conversion from agricultural land to industrial urbanized land use. Furthermore, the Sub-Basin is also labeled as a site with a high potential for the production of solar energy. Transnational companies such as the Italian ENEL Power have located their solar power energy plants in their region.

54. Spring, “Aquatic Systems and Water Security in the Metropolitan Valley of Mexico City.”

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However, in 2018, the new federal government of Manuel Lopez Obrador announced both the cancellation of the airport with its completed infrastructural works in Texcoco, and its relocation to a former military airport in Santa Lucia, outside the Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin. Nonetheless, the project of the projected airport, not only promoted industrial land speculation, but also mining practices which were, in many cases illegal. The original soil structure of the project site in Texcoco was not suitable to bear the load requirements for what would have been the largest airport in Latin America. Massive soil remediation processes were needed to build the foundation of the terminal and the runways, which were nearly 95% completed when the project was cancelled. The two main materials, tezontle and basalt, required to perform such remediation processes are widely found in the Sub-Basin region. Illegal extraction permits were rapily given in order to meet the demand of the minerals, between 2013 and 2018, resulting in a major affectation to the Sub-Basing environmental landscape.54

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Como motor económico importante, la tierra ejidal de la MCPSB estuvo sujeta a una importante especulación industrial. Uno de los últimos catalizadores importantes en la subcuenca de esta especulación industrial comenzó en 2001, cuando el gobierno federal anunció su intención de construir un nuevo aeropuerto en Texcoco. Corporaciones nacionales e internacionales compraron o invadieron tierras a ejidatarios para desarrollar nuevos parques industriales y centros logísticos. Después de trece años de negociaciones con ejidatarios y otros propietarios, la construcción comenzó en 2014. La especulación industrial llevó a una importante conversión de suelo agrícola a uso industrial urbanizado. Además, la Subcuenca también está etiquetada como un sitio con un alto potencial para la producción de energía solar. Empresas transnacionales como la italiana ENEL Power han ubicado sus plantas de energía solar en su región. Sin embargo, en 2018, el nuevo gobierno federal de Manuel López Obrador anunció tanto la cancelación del aeropuerto con sus obras de infraestructura completadas en Texcoco, como su reubicación a un antiguo aeropuerto militar en Santa Lucía, en las afueras de la Subcuenca Ciudad de México-Pachuca. El proyecto del aeropuerto, no solo promovió la especulación de tierras industriales, sino también prácticas mineras que eran, en muchos casos, ilegales. La estructura del suelo original del sitio del proyecto en Texcoco no era adecuada para soportar los requisitos de carga del que habría sido el aeropuerto más grande de América Latina. Se necesitaron procesos masivos de remediación del suelo para construir los cimientos de la terminal y las pistas de aterrizaje, que estaban casi en un 95% completadas cuando se canceló el proyecto. Los dos materiales principales, tezontle y basalto, necesarios para realizar estos procesos de remediación se encuentran ampliamente en la región de la subcuenca. Los permisos de extracción ilegal se otorgaron rápidamente para satisfacer la demanda de los minerales, entre 2013 y 2018, lo que resultó en una gran afectación al paisaje ambiental de la Subcuenca.54

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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Mining and Industry A mining Territory

Image made by author.. Data Source: .INEGI, Secretary of Economy, DENUES, Google Earth 2020

Pachuca

Apan

Medium Industries

Mexico City

>50 employees

Large Industries >100 employees

Mines Mineral Exploration Permits

Mines

Mineral Consessions

Mines Tezontle mines used for the New Airport

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Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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Tezontle mine in Tezoyuca, State of Mexico Image https://elpais.com/especiales/2018/nuevo-aeropuerto-mexico/ 118

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Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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5.1 SWOT of MCPSB: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.1 Análisis FODA de la MCPSB: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

[W] An economic engine that sits on a sinking lake and aquifer

56. Lorena Bello Gómez, “CDMX Resilient Code: Water Commons in Mexico City”, ZARCH 15 (December 2020): 138-153.

[D] Una máquina económica sobre un lago que se hunde y un acuífero sobreexplotado

But beyond the social injustice of the unsustainable urbanization model described above, the environmental consequences for the Sub-Basin’s soil and aquifer are major. As Bello well explains, “water connects many of Mexico City’s environmental problems. Given its original geographical setting on a salty lake, Tenochtitlan might have evolved with a city-form designed to accept and accommodate water. Amsterdam, Venice, and Suzhou enhance their relationship with their aqueous environments, as did the original city of the Mexicas. Instead, Mexico City evolved like Los Angeles into a mechanical city that brings drinking water from afar, or that pumps it from beneath. While quickly draining away rainwater mixed with the waste debris of 22 million dwellers, the city irrigates a valley to the north without treatment, at least until recently. In a radical Anthropocene alteration, the Mexico City basin, originally envisioned for flood control and agriculture, was instead urbanized. As result, thirsty urbanites keep depleting their aquifers while their city sinks beneath them. This sinking does not prevent the city from getting flooded as subsidence breaks and modifies slopes of drainage pipes. It also damages foundations and soils, amplifying the risk of liquefaction from the earthquakes that shake this former lake bed from time to time. Mexico sits at the intersection of four tectonic plates, and the city has gone through two recent deadly earthquakes in 1985 and 2017.” 56

[O] A Cautionary Tale

[O] Oportunidades

The huge water problems that Mexico City and its big metropolitan area are facing can be taken as a cautionary tale for what could happen if the same mismanagement were to happen in other cities in the sub-basin. Furthermore, the current water conditions of the region of Apan along with the willingness of the stakeholders represent an unprecedented opportunity to change the current water management and exploitation processes.

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Pero más allá de la injusticia social del modelo de urbanización insostenible descrito anteriormente, las consecuencias ambientales para el suelo y el acuífero de la subcuenca son importantes. Como bien explica Bello, “el agua conecta muchos de los problemas ambientales de la Ciudad de México. Dado su entorno geográfico original en un lago salado, Tenochtitlan podría haber evolucionado con una forma de ciudad diseñada para aceptar y acomodar el agua. Amsterdam,Venecia y Suzhou mejoran su relación con sus ambientes acuosos, al igual que la ciudad original de los mexicas. En cambio, la Ciudad de México evolucionó como Los Ángeles hasta convertirse en una ciudad mecánica que trae agua potable desde lejos o que la bombea desde abajo. Mientras drena rápidamente el agua de lluvia mezclada con los escombros de 22 millones de habitantes, la ciudad riega un valle al norte sin tratamiento, al menos hasta hace poco. En una alteración radical del Antropoceno, la cuenca de la Ciudad de México, originalmente prevista para el control de inundaciones y la agricultura, fue urbanizada. Como resultado, los urbanitas siguen agotando sus acuíferos mientras su ciudad se hunde debajo de ellos. Este hundimiento no evita que la ciudad se inunde ya que el hundimiento se rompe y modifica las pendientes de las tuberías de drenaje. También daña cimientos y suelos, amplificando el riesgo de licuefacción por los terremotos que de vez en cuando sacuden este antiguo lecho lacustre. México se encuentra en la intersección de cuatro placas tectónicas, y la ciudad ha pasado por dos recientes terremotos mortales en 1985 y 2017 “.56

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Los problemas de agua que enfrentan la Ciudad de México y su gran área metropolitana pueden tomarse como una advertencia de lo que podría suceder si la misma mala gestión ocurriera en otras ciudades de la subcuenca. Además, las condiciones actuales del agua en la región de Apan junto con la voluntad de los interesados representan una oportunidad sin precedentes para cambiar los procesos actuales de gestión y explotación del agua.

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Water Stress

Groundwater availability and salinity

Image made by author.. Data Source: .INEGI, CONABIO 2020

Pachuca

Apan Urbanized Area

Salinity

Lower Levels

Salinity

Higher Levels

Groundwater Extraction

Mexico City

Groundwater Recharge

Agriculture Suitable Land for Agriculture

Water Accumulation Former Lake Boundary

0.0

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Groundwater Availability in hm3

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Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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Vulnerabilities

Social, Economic and Environmental Vulnerabilities

Image made by author.. Data Source: .INEGI, Secretary of Economy, DENUES, Google Earth 2020

Pachuca

Apan

Mexico City Urbanized Area

Higher

Socioeconomic and Environmental Vulnerability

Lower

Socioeconomic and Environmental Vulnerability

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Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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5.1 Análisis FODA de la MCPSB: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

5.1 SWOT of MCPSB: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

Análisis FODA de la MCPSB

SWOT Analysis of the MCPSB (Figure 11)

Ejidos will play an essential role in the development and future growth of the cities and towns in the sub-basin. It is therefore essential for developers, authorities, but mostly to ejidatarios, to find new forms of including ejido’s collective tenure in this growth. If land will continue being privatized at the rates of the last three decades, populations both ejidal and non-ejidal, will confront major urban, economic, social and environmental challenges in the upcoming years.

STRENGHTS STRENGHTS

Los ejidos jugarán un papel fundamental en el desarrollo y crecimiento futuro de las ciudades y pueblos de la subcuenca. Por tanto, es fundamental que los desarrolladores, las autoridades, pero sobre todo los ejidatarios, encuentren nuevas formas de incluir la tenencia colectiva ejidal en este crecimiento. Si se continúa privatizando la tierra al ritmo de las últimas tres décadas, las poblaciones, tanto ejidales como no ejidales, enfrentarán importantes desafíos urbanos, económicos, sociales y ambientales.

WEAKNESSES WEAKNESSES

1. Willingness1. of Willingness Ejidatariosof Ejidatarios 2. Willingness2. on Willingness all Government on all Government Levels Levels 3. Willingness3. of Willingness Private Corporations of Private Corporations 4. Technical Agricultural 4. Technical Agricultural Capacity Capacity

1. Monoculture 1. Monoculture 2. Urban Growth 2. Urban Growth 3. Droughts 3. Droughts 4. Low Groundwater 4. Low Groundwater Availability Availability 5. Migration 5. Migration 6. Corruption 6. Corruption in all governance in all governance levels levels 7. Illegal Resource 7. IllegalExtraction Resource Extraction 8. Poor Ejidal8.ORganization Poor Ejidal ORganization 9. Abandonment 9. Abandonment or missmanagement or missmanagement of of agricultural land agricultural and reservoirs land and reservoirs 10. Increasing 10.Ejidal Increasing Land Trading Ejidal Land Trading

OPPORTUNITIES OPPORTUNITIES

THREATS THREATS

1. Resources1.UKPACT/GIZ Resources UKPACT/GIZ 2. Multidiciplinary 2. Multidiciplinary Team Team 3. Location, near 3. Location, logistic near centers logistic and centers and infrastructure infrastructure of Mexico City of Mexico and Pachuca City and Pachuca 4. Development 4. Development of a replicable of aperi-urban replicable peri-urban model model model integrating modelurbanization integrating urbanization with with agricultural and agricultural industrial and uses industrial uses 5. Knowledge 5. of Knowledge Historic development of Historic development of of the site by memebers the site by of memebers the team of the team

1. Private individuals/corporations 1. Private individuals/corporations searching searching for land for land 2. Multiplicity2.of Multiplicity involved agents of involved agents 3. Lack of government 3. Lack of government regulation regulation 4. Lack incentives 4. Lackfor incentives agricultural for production agricultural production and biodiversity and biodiversity conservationconservation 5. Lack of development 5. Lack of development planning in the planning in the short, medium short, andmedium long terms and long terms 6. Lack of vision/plan/guidelines 6. Lack of vision/plan/guidelines for the for the integration or integration urban andorrural urban areas and rural areas

Figure 11 SWOT of MCPSB: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats 126

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

[T] Monoculture and biodiversity loss

60. Mendez, “Análisis proximal del cultivo de cebada maltera (Hordeum sativum Jess) del sur del estado de Hidalgo y su relación con la calidad de suelos.”

[A] Monocultivos y Péridad de biodiversidad

Monoculture practices are also an increasing problem in some areas of the Sub-Basin. Its proximity to Mexico City has enabled large food production consortiums to allocate their facilities near to fertile land, as is the case of the region between Apan and Ciudad Sahagun, in Hidalgo. The case of the Belgium beer producer company, InBev, represents a clear example of the problematic intersection of large industrial practices, monoculture and ejidal development. The increasing demand on barley, the raw material for beer production, has propelled ejidatarios to turn over 95% of their agricultural production to barley crops. This conversion has led to many environmental and social issues, including water availability stress, erosion and the—almost forced—inability of peasants to produce and sell any other harvest. Monoculture has increased ever since InBev bought the major Mexican beer company, Grupo Modelo, in the year 2013. 60

[T] A shift from agriculture to industry

61. Gabriela Recio, “Drugs and Alcohol: US Prohibition and the Origins of the Drug Trade in Mexico, 1910-1930,” Journal of Latin American Studies, 2002, 21–42. 62. Raúl Guerrero Guerrero, El Pulque (Madrid-Spain, Spain: Alianza Editorial, 1985).

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[A] De agricultura a industria

The beer industry is not really present in Mexico until the mid-late nineteenth century, when Maximilian of Habsburg, during his short rule in Mexico, started his own brewing company. Many brewing companies, funded mainly by German, Austrian and French immigrants started to emerge in the northern states of the country on those days. 61 During the first quarter of the twentieth century and after the Revolution, the Mexican government together with a group of businessmen, began a nationwide negative propaganda campaign against Pulque, labeling it as an anti-hygienic and “brutalizing” drink. Pulque is the alcoholic beverage obtained with maguey, a more water sustainable and acclimated plant and production than beer. However, as the beer industry was experiencing a boom due to the alcohol prohibition period in the United States, the anti-pulque campaign was pushed to decrease the maguey market, in order to give room for growth of barley. 62 It is during this time 1925 that Grupo Modelo emerges in what were still, back then, the peripheries of Mexico City.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Las prácticas de monocultivo también son un problema creciente en algunas áreas de la subcuenca. Su proximidad a la Ciudad de México ha permitido a grandes consorcios productores de alimentos ubicar sus instalaciones cerca de tierras fértiles, como es el caso de la región entre Apan y Ciudad Sahagún, en Hidalgo. El caso de la empresa productora de cerveza belga InBev representa un claro ejemplo de la problemática intersección de las grandes prácticas industriales, el monocultivo y el desarrollo ejidal. La creciente demanda de cebada, materia prima para la producción de cerveza, ha impulsado a los ejidatarios a dedicar el 95% de su producción agrícola a cultivos de cebada. Esta conversión ha dado lugar a muchos problemas ambientales y sociales, incluido el estrés por la disponibilidad de agua, la erosión y la incapacidad —casi forzada— de los campesinos para producir y vender cualquier otra cosecha. El monocultivo ha aumentado desde que InBev compró la mayor empresa cervecera mexicana, Grupo Modelo, en el año 2013.60

Alberto Meouchi

La industria cervecera no está realmente presente en México hasta mediados del siglo XIX, cuando Maximiliano de Habsburgo, durante su breve mandato en México, fundó su propia empresa cervecera. Muchas empresas cerveceras, financiadas principalmente por inmigrantes alemanes, austriacos y franceses, comenzaron a surgir en los estados del norte del país en esos días.61 Durante el primer cuarto del siglo XX y después de la Revolución, el gobierno mexicano junto con un grupo de empresarios, iniciaron una campaña de propaganda negativa a nivel nacional contra el Pulque, calificándolo de bebida antihigiénica y “embrutecedora”. El pulque es la bebida alcohólica obtenida con el maguey, planta y producción más sostenible y aclimatada al agua que la cerveza. Sin emabargo, Dado que la industria cervecera estaba experimentando un auge debido al período de prohibición del alcohol en los Estados Unidos, se impulsó la campaña antipulque para disminuir el mercado del maguey, con el fin de dar lugar al crecimiento de la cebada.62 Es durante esta época de 1925 que Grupo Modelo surge en lo que todavía eran, en ese entonces, las periferias de la Ciudad de México. En la década de 1950, los cultivos de maguey estaban experimentando una drástica disminución. Apan, una región históricamente conocida por su tradición pulquera, sufrió este declive junto con tres eventos importantes, una sequía nacional

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5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

[T] A shift from agriculture to industry

[A] De agricultura a industria

By the 1950’s, maguey crops were experiencing a drastic decline. Apan—a region historically known for its pulque tradition—suffered from this decline together with three important events, a national drought in 1953, the Import Substitution, and the shift to beer production. The Import Substitution was a program, promoted and implemented by presidents Manuel Avila Camacho, Miguel Aleman and Adolfo Ruiz Cortines, to boost industrialization. Under this program, Ciudad Sahagun Industrial Park started construction in 1953 in the Plains of Apan, bringing young people and former farmers from across the country, to work both in the construction and operation of the industrial facilities. In a time of drought and agrarian decline in Apan, many famers from the ejidos became industry workers in Ciudad Sahagun. The later 1976 economic crisis in Mexico led to the first wave of massive migration to the US, deepening the agricultural production crisis in the region. [W] A shift from Pulque to Beer. From Grupo Modelo to InBev

63. Grupo Gigante is a holding corporation in sectors such as real estate, grocery stores, retail stores, rapid-food chains, hotels and a small brewery.

64. Reuters.https://www. reuters.com/article/ us-modelo-abinbev-idUSBRE85S0B420120629

65. “Apan: Un Acuífero Protegido En México Se Topa Con La Industria Cervecera | Sociedad | EL PAÍS,” https://elpais.com/sociedad/2019/07/02/ actualidad/ 1562085176_414719.html.

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en 1953, la sustitución de importaciones y el cambio a la producción de cerveza. La Sustitución de Importaciones fue un programa, impulsado e implementado por los presidentes Manuel Ávila Camacho, Miguel Alemán y Adolfo Ruiz Cortines, para impulsar la industrialización. Bajo este programa, el Parque Industrial Ciudad Sahagún inició la construcción en 1953 en la Llanura de Apan, atrayendo a jóvenes y ex agricultores de todo el país, para trabajar tanto en la construcción como en la operación de las instalaciones industriales. En una época de sequía y declive agrario en Apan, muchos agricultores de los ejidos se convirtieron en trabajadores de la industria en Ciudad Sahagún. La posterior crisis económica de 1976 en México condujo a la primera ola de migración masiva a los Estados Unidos, profundizando la crisis de la producción agrícola en la región.

[D] Transición de Pulque a Cerveza, de Grupo Modelo a InBev

The third event is the opening of a small barley distribution center in Apan by Angel Losada, former family member of Grupo Gigante . Losada belonged to a close group of industrialist of Spanish origin, some of them, the original founders of Grupo Modelo. 63 As the economic attraction pole in the region shifted from Apan’s agriculture to the industries of Ciudad Sahagun, the production shifted from pulque to beer production, and both the internal consumption and the export to the US, resulted in a period of strong consolidation for the beer industry. 64This had consequences for the ejidatarios who had to shift from maguey to barley production in the valley. By the late 1980’s, Grupo Modelo had already acquired a dozen of other smaller breweries in several states of the country. Cervecería Cuauhtémoc-Moctezuma in Mexicalli and Orizaba, Grupo Modelo in Mexico City, and FEMSA in Monterrey, controlled the national beer market. In 1985, Modelo built a barley and malt logistic company in Texcoco, named INAMEX, that will continue to promote the barley production to the MCPSB’s north-east, including the Llanos de Apan.

El tercer evento es la apertura de un pequeño centro de distribución de cebada en Apan por Angel Losada, ex familiar de Grupo Gigante. Losada pertenecía a un grupo cercano de industriales de origen español, algunos de ellos, los fundadores originales de Grupo Modelo. 63 A medida que el polo de atracción económica en la región pasó de la agricultura de Apan a las industrias de Ciudad Sahagún, la producción pasó del pulque a la producción de cerveza, y tanto el consumo interno como la exportación a los EE. UU., dieron como resultado un período de fuerte consolidación para la indrustría cervecera64. Esto tuvo consecuencias para los ejidatarios que tuvieron que pasar de la producción de maguey a la de cebada en el valle. A fines de la década de 1980, Grupo Modelo ya había adquirido una docena de otras cervecerías más pequeñas en varios estados del país. Cervecería Cuauhtémoc-Moctezuma en Mexicalli y Orizaba, Grupo Modelo en la Ciudad de México y FEMSA en Monterrey controlaban el mercado cervecero nacional. En 1985, Modelo construyó una empresa de logística de cebada y malta en Texcoco, denominada INAMEX, que continuará promoviendo la producción de cebada en el noreste de la MCPSB, incluidos los Llanos de Apan.

Coming full circle with Europe, Grupo Modelo was bought back in 2012 by the world’s Belgium based biggest brewer company AB InBev for USD$20 billion. 65

Cerrando el círculo con Europa, Grupo Modelo fue comprado nuevamente en 2012 por AB InBev, la compañía cervecera más grande del mundo con sede en Bélgica, por USD$20 mil millones.65

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Alberto Meouchi

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Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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Historic Transformation of the Llanos de Apan

THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE LLANOS DE APAN

Agricultural transition, industry and water

1901

1904

1907

1910

1913

1916

1919

1922

1925

1928

1931

1934

1937

1940

1943

1946

1949

1952

1955

1958

1961

1964

1967

1970

Incentives

1971

Demand Market

1911

Maguey

Agriculture

1910

Hacienda Owners

1910

The maguey and pulque market suffers a deep decline after the Mexican Revolution

1991

The relocation of hacendados was followed by a decline in agricultural production, the federal government names Apan as “Critical Zone”

Miguel Aleman

1950

During the Porfiriato, the maguey production arise due to the proliferation of train lines Maguey A study by Guerrero identifies that the 1920 Federal Government tried to eradicate the pulque production citing it was anti hygienic and “causes stupidity”.

1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 Rural credits and assistance programs are reactivated

1994

1997

2009 2012 2015 2018 2021 2024 Hay is a approved to be grown in the ejido 2007 of San Luis del Valle in Almoloya Between 2005 and 2014, the pricesBarley of prices 2014 barley increased on 7.73% annual rate A study estimates that 70% of the barley in Barley 2016 Mexico is used for the beer market The new Law establishes prison and a fine Maguey 2016 for ilegal commercialization of maguey

1953

2003

2006

The new Law establishes prison time and Commercial Forestry 2016 fines for ilegally commercializing forestry

Pulque production suffers a severe decline due to lack of market and tlachiqueros, pulque workers, which decided to work on large industries

Maguey

2000

Non-Forestry, Non-Barley Agriculture

PRODEPLAN

2007

Pinus greggii, a pine specie, is approved to Forestry Agriculture 2004 be grown in Tepeapulco Moss is a approved to be grown in Non-Forestry, Non-Barley Agriculture 2007 Tepeapulco A“El Nino” phenomenon caused fires, El Nino Maguey 1983 droughts and an estimated $600 economic 2006 loss in Mexico and Central America Pinus pseudostrobus, a pine specie, is Forestry Agriculture 2004 approved to be grown in Almoloya

Hacienda owners relocate to larger cities due to the Mexican Revolution

Federal Government creates the program PRODEPLAN which is intended to give incentives for commercial forestry Federal Government Barley has given almost 2020 USD$2,000,000.00 to Barley producers in the region Federal Government

El Nino

A “El Nino” phenomenon caused severe fires El Nino 1995 and droughts through one of the largest ever registered droughts.

Ejidos

Emiliano Zapata

1942

Article 27 develops on the new agrarian Reform and constitutes Ejidos

Agrarian Reform

1917

The town of Emiliano Zapata and ejidos Santa Barbara, Malpais and Santa Clara are proclaimed as an independent Municipality

Agrarian Reform

1934

Surface water starts to drastically dry due to the industrial and urban development

Water

1940

Federal Government

1954

Industry

1952

Grupo Modelo is funded in Mexico City by a group of businessmen from several industries Grupo Modelo

1933

Porfirio Diaz

Policy

1911

Angel Losada Gomez

1956

1953

Porfiriato Ends Tepeapulco

1920

Article 27 develops on the new agrarian Reform and constitutes Ejidos

Agrarian Reform

2007

Agrarian Reform

1992

National Policy of Land AMLO

A “El Nino” phenomenon caused severe fires Rainwater 1992 and droughts through one of the largest ever registered droughts. Federal Government partially vetoes the extractraction of water from the aquifers GRAVAMEX

1990

Losada establishes the company Implementos Agricolas (Agricultural products) 1970

Construction of Ciudad Sahagun’s Industrial as part of the “Import Substitution” policy by the Federal Government in the former Hacienda Tochatlaco

1938

2010

Groundwater

2007

A study by GRAVAMEX finds that water extraction by year of the aquifers is as follows: Urban: 16.58 Mm3 (78%), Agriculture: 3.802 Mm3 (19%) and Industry: 0.702 Mm3 (3.5%).

InBev

2019

Beer Exports InBev InBev

2019

2017

2013

Losada establishes its first Angel Losada Gomez 2020 boutique beer production with Grupo Modelo creates the malt Beer Factory in Mexico City Between 2018 and 2019 the barley Barley and barley company named production in Hidalgo grew 201% 2019 Inamex in Texcoco, State of Angel Losada Gomez Mexico Angel Losada Gomez

1997

Grupo Modelo

1985

2021

Migration

1995

Oil Industry Expropiation

Carlos Salinas

1994

EZLN

1994

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

The SEMARNAT finds to amphibians species which are in danger of extinction in the Laguna de Tecocomulco The volume extracted from the aquifers of the Mexico Basin in 2007 was 59.5 m3/s, three times more its level of recharge

Laguna de Tecocomulco

Zapatista Movement Emerges Omar Fayad

Lazaro Cardenas

132

FANAR substitutes PROCEDE program 2020

Migration

First exports from Grupo Modelo to Adolfo Ruiz Cortinez the United States

Reforestation State Governement 2011 of 10,000 ha project Ejidatarios win a legal battle against Ejidatarios and InBev 2019 corporation InBev for better payments

Article 27th Reform permits the President Carlos Salinas 1992 acquisition of Ejidal Land by Private Individuals and Corporations

The volume extracted from the aquifers of the Mexico Basin in 1952 was 22 m3/s, with aa recharge of only 19 m3/s

Groundwater

1925

1971

Agrarian Reform to Article 27th Approved Surface Water

Grupo Modelo

Massive Land distribution on land is reactivated with the Law for the Agrarian Reform 1992 Agrarian Reform

Agrarian Reform

2018

1998

Alberto Meouchi

NAFTA Agreement

2016

Zapatista Movement Emerges

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5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

[T] Water Stress in Apan: Agriculture and Industry

66. “Apan: Un Acuífero Protegido En México Se Topa Con La Industria Cervecera | Sociedad | EL PAÍS,” https://elpais.com/sociedad/2019/07/02/ actualidad/ 1562085176_414719.html.

[A] Estrés hídrico en Apan, Agricultura e Industria

In a similar way as other small cities in the MCPSB, the city of Apan has suffered the impact of the expansion, fertile land availability stress and market demand of Mexico City. Most recently, InBev’s location of its second largest facility in the country has left ejidatarios in a vulnerable situation. While barley was already the main crop of the area since the mid-twentieth century, the water consumption of the new facility outpaces the groundwater availability of the region; InBev uses 5 liters of water to make 1 liter of beer. The plant minimum beer production capacity is 12 million hectoliters of beer a year and at its maximum capacity will produce 24 million hectoliters of beer a year. Furthermore, this plant is located on an aquifer in which its extraction capacity already surpasses its recharge capacity, meaning that there is no water available to reach this demand. The way in which InBev obtained the permits to extract water has also been questioned by the ejidatarios and the civil society. 66 The aquifer of Apan has a veto since 1956, which means that no new wells can be constructed. The government of the State of Hidalgo lobbied to get the permits, which then were transferred to InBev. Ejidatarios have not had the capacity or agency to obtain any permits for water extraction since 1956 and now, InBev is taking the water they need to produce barley, which then is given to InBev. Water is now a contested resource in the area.

[W] Ejidal, urban, and rural population socioeconomics

[D] Indicadores socioeconómicos ejidales, urbanos y rurales

The National Commission for Population (CONAPO), measures the urban marginality with several indicators such as education levels, access to sewer systems, mortality at birth rates, water availability by household, access to healthcare, among many others. CONAPO uses the data from the 2010 national census to processes such indicators to come up with the Urban Marginality Index, GMU hereafter, to assess the socioeconomic vulnerabilities on specific Geo-statistics Areas (AGEB). A new census has been done in 2020 but its collected data is not available yet. On a national level, small cities, which CONAPO categorizes by 500,000 habitants or less, have the higher rates of Very High and High GMU with 11.34% and 32.36 %, respectively, of the total population, compared with 4.39% and 18.89% on middle cities and 3.17% and 19.29% on large cities.

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

De manera similar a otras ciudades pequeñas de la MCPSB, la ciudad de Apan ha sufrido el impacto de la expansión, el estrés por disponibilidad de tierras fértiles y la demanda del mercado de la Ciudad de México. Más recientemente, la ubicación de InBev de su segunda instalación más grande en el país ha dejado a los ejidatarios en una situación vulnerable. Si bien la cebada ya era el principal cultivo de la zona desde mediados del siglo XX, el consumo de agua de la nueva instalación supera la disponibilidad de agua subterránea de la región; InBev usa 5 litros de agua para hacer 1 litro de cerveza. La capacidad mínima de producción de cerveza de la planta es de 12 millones de hectolitros de cerveza al año y en su capacidad máxima producirá 24 millones de hectolitros de cerveza al año. Además, esta planta está ubicada en un acuífero en el que su capacidad de extracción ya supera su capacidad de recarga, por lo que no hay agua disponible para cubrir esta demanda. La forma en que InBev obtuvo los permisos para extraer agua también ha sido cuestionada por los ejidatarios y la sociedad civil.66 El acuífero de Apan tiene veto desde 1956, lo que significa que no se pueden construir nuevos pozos. El gobierno del Estado de Hidalgo presionó para obtener los permisos, que luego fueron transferidos a InBev. Los ejidatarios no han tenido la capacidad ni la agencia para obtener ningún permiso para la extracción de agua desde 1956 y ahora InBev está tomando el agua que necesitan para producir cebada, que luego se entrega a InBev. El agua es ahora un recurso controvertido en la zona.

Alberto Meouchi

La Comisión Nacional de Población (CONAPO), mide la marginalidad urbana con varios indicadores como niveles de educación, acceso a alcantarillado, mortalidad al nacer, disponibilidad de agua por hogar, acceso a salud, entre muchos otros. La CONAPO utiliza los datos del censo nacional de 2010 para procesar dichos indicadores y generar el Índice de Marginalidad Urbana, en adelante GMU, para evaluar las vulnerabilidades socioeconómicas en Áreas Geoestadísticas Básicas (AGEB). Se realizó un nuevo censo en 2020, pero los datos recopilados aún no están disponibles. A nivel nacional, las ciudades pequeñas, que CONAPO categoriza por 500,000 habitantes o menos, tienen las tasas más altas de GMU Muy Alto y Alto con 11.34% y 32.36%, respectivamente, del total de la población, en comparación

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5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

[W] Ejidal, urban, and rural population socioeconomics

[D] Indicadores socioeconómicos ejidales, urbanos y rurales

From the year 2000 to the year 2010, no significant fluctuation has happened in the settlements around the Llanos de Apan. Tlanalapa and Emiliano Zapata are almost homogeneous in their GMU, all of their urban AGEBS have a Medium GMU. Differently, larger cities such as Tepeapulco/Ciudad Sahagun and Apan have much more contrasted areas, with GMU ranging from Low, in consolidated areas of the city, to Very High, mostly on the outskirts. Almoloya presents a relative improvement on its GMU, from Very High and High Levels on all of its AGEB in the year 2000 to High and Medium Rates in the year 2010. These indicators show us how the peripheries of smaller cities are more prone to be in vulnerable positions, small cities’ marginalization is higher than in many other medium to large cities and, in that same line, medium size cities are the ones growing faster. [T] Water, Industry, Infrastructure and Migration

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Desde el año 2000 hasta el año 2010, no ha ocurrido ninguna fluctuación significativa en los asentamientos alrededor de los Llanos de Apan. Tlanalapa y Emiliano Zapata son casi homogéneos en su GMU, todos sus AGEBS urbanos tienen un GMU Medio. De manera diferente, ciudades más grandes como Tepeapulco / Ciudad Sahagún y Apan tienen áreas mucho más contrastadas, con GMU que van desde Baja, en áreas consolidadas de la ciudad, a Muy Alta, principalmente en las afueras. Almoloya presenta una mejora relativa en su GMU, pasando de Niveles Muy Alto y Alto en todos sus AGEB en el año 2000 a Tasas Altas y Medianas en el año 2010. Estos indicadores nos muestran cómo las periferias de las ciudades más pequeñas son más propensas a estar en posiciones vulnerables, la marginación de las ciudades pequeñas es mayor que en muchas otras ciudades medianas y grandes y, en esa misma línea, las ciudades medianas son las que crecen más rápido.

[A] Agua, Industria, Infraestructura y Migración

The National Commission of Evaluation of Social Development uses the data of the 2010 National Census to calculate poverty levels in four different measurements: (1) Index of Social Inequality (GINI) hereafter, (2) Incapacity to buy a basic food basket, (3) Incapacity to buy a basic food basket and pay for education and health, (4) Incapacity to buy a basic food basket and pay for education, health, transportation, clothing and housing. The GINI index is a globally utilized measurement to assess economic inequality. This index uses as “zero value” when there is a perfect distribution of the income and “one value”, when there is a perfect inequality. On a national level, Pachuca, Apan and Tepeapulco are the only municipality,in this research, that persisted above the average national GINI Index from 1990 to 2010. Apan and Tepeapulco presented a slight improvement in social inequality, while Pachuca, a larger city presented a deterioration in the inequality index. Both Almoloya and Emiliano Zapata are below the national level averages on inequality and both presented decrease on the GINI index. In terms of the (1) Incapacity to

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con 4.39% y 18.89% en las zonas medias. ciudades y 3,17% y 19,29% en las grandes ciudades.

Alberto Meouchi

La Comisión Nacional de Evaluación del Desarrollo Social utiliza los datos del Censo Nacional de 2010 para calcular los niveles de pobreza en cuatro medidas diferentes: (1) Índice de Desigualdad Social (GINI) en adelante, (2) Incapacidad para comprar una canasta básica de alimentos, (3) ) Incapacidad para comprar una canasta básica de alimentos y pagar la educación y la salud, (4) Incapacidad para comprar una canasta básica de alimentos y pagar la educación, la salud, el transporte, el vestido y la vivienda. El índice GINI es una medida utilizada a nivel mundial para evaluar la desigualdad económica. Este índice se utiliza como “valor cero” cuando hay una distribución perfecta de la renta y “un valor”, cuando hay una desigualdad perfecta. A nivel nacional, Pachuca, Apan y Tepeapulco son los únicos municipios, en esta investigación, que persistieron por encima del índice GINI promedio nacional de 1990 a 2010. Apan y Tepeapulco presentaron una leve mejoría en la desigualdad social, mientras que Pachuca, una ciudad más grande presentó un deterioro del índice de desigualdad. Tanto Almoloya como Emiliano Zapata están por debajo de los promedios a nivel nacional en desigualdad y ambos presentaron disminución en el índice GINI.

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Marginality Index

The National Commission of Population provides an index to measure marginality, with indicatos such as education levels, drainage systems connectivity and fresh water availability.

1990

2010 Tepeapulco/Ciudad Sahagun

Tepeapulco/Ciudad Sahagun

Apan

Apan Almoloya

Almoloya

Emiliano Zapata

2000

Marginality Index (GMU)

Tepeapulco/Ciudad Sahagun

Very Low

Low

Apan

Medium

Almoloya High

Very High

Emiliano Zapata

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MARGINALITY:

The cities of Tepeapulco-Ciudad Sahagun, Apan, Almoloya and Emiliano Zapata have had almost no fluctuation on their marginality and vulnerabilities since 1990, presenting higher values, specially in the peripheries around the most consolidated areas of each town.

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5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

[T] Water, Industry, Infrastructure and Migration

[A] Agua, Industria, Infraestructura y Migración

buy a basic food basket, all of the municipalities studied are above the state average index both in 2000 and 2010. However, Pachuca, Tepeapulco and Emiliano Zapata perform much better than Apan and Almoloya, even while they experienced an improvement from 1990 to 2010. This pattern is true also in the two next measurements (3) Incapacity to buy a basic food basket and pay for education and health and (4) Incapacity to buy a basic food basket and pay for education, health, transportation, clothing and housing. Notably, Tepeapulco is the only municipality with a sustained improvement on these three rates all other ones have suffered up and down fluctuations. In terms of Social Inequality (GINI Index) per municipality Tepeapulco went from being well above state average, in 1900 to be slightly below on 2010. Apan also presents a detriment in its inequality performance but, along with Pachuca, is still above the state average. Both Emiliano Zapata’s and Tepeapulco ‘s GINI indexes are below the state average and presented a detriment from 1990 to 2010.

En términos de (1) Incapacidad para comprar una canasta básica de alimentos, todos los municipios estudiados están por encima del índice promedio estatal tanto en 2000 como en 2010. Sin embargo, Pachuca, Tepeapulco y Emiliano Zapata se desempeñan mucho mejor que Apan y Almoloya, aun cuando experimentaron una mejora de 1990 a 2010. Este patrón también es cierto en las dos siguientes mediciones (3) Incapacidad para comprar una canasta básica de alimentos y pagar la educación y la salud y (4) Incapacidad para comprar una canasta básica de alimentos y pagar la educación. , salud, transporte, vestimenta y vivienda. Cabe destacar que Tepeapulco es el único municipio con una mejora sostenida en estas tres tasas, todos los demás han sufrido altibajos. En términos de Desigualdad Social (Índice GINI) por municipio, Tepeapulco pasó de estar muy por encima del promedio estatal, en 1900 a estar ligeramente por debajo del 2010. Apan también presenta un detrimento en su desempeño de desigualdad, pero, junto con Pachuca, aún se encuentra por encima del promedio estatal. Tanto el índice GINI de Emiliano Zapata como el de Tepeapulco están por debajo del promedio estatal y presentaron un perjuicio de 1990 a 2010.

New Inbev facility in Apan. Image by: Grupo Modelo

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Social Inequality Index (GINI) National Level

NATIONAL SOCIAL INEQUALITY DISTRIBUTION:

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5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

[T] Water, Monoculture-Biodiversity damage

[A] Agua, Monocultivos-Pérdida de Biodiversidad

Contrarily to the socioeconomic analysis of the region of the Llanos de Apan, its environmental vulnerabilities is tied to a larger scale. The Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin presents a level of critical ground water availability stress. Firstly, four of the seven aquifers underneath the Sub-Basin are overexploited by the industry, agriculture and the urban settlements. The groundwater availability of these aquifers reached levels of 0m3, which means that their extraction capacity is higher than its recharge levels. Secondly, salinity levels of the registered water wells are very high, especially in the north and northeast area of the Sub-Basin. In the Llanos de Apan micro-basin, three other factors combine to the groundwater extraction and the poor water quality; mono-culture and industrialization. Agricultural areas account for around 70% of the area. Urbanized land, where most micro-industries are located represents 10% of the micro-basin area. This land use ratios account for 80% of the area, leaving just 20% for groundwater recharge. Furthermore, Tepeapulco’s industrial city, Ciudad Sahagun, along with industries in the municipality and in Apan, require of large amounts of water to sustain their operations. Water now represents a contested resource, for which several land uses compete, while little is being done to mitigate its extraction and incentivize its recharge to the aquifers.

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Contrariamente al análisis socioeconómico de la región de los Llanos de Apan, sus vulnerabilidades ambientales están ligadas a una escala mayor. La Subcuenca Ciudad de México-Pachuca presenta un nivel crítico de estrés por disponibilidad de agua subterránea. En primer lugar, cuatro de los siete acuíferos debajo de la subcuenca están sobreexplotados por la industria, la agricultura y los asentamientos urbanos. La disponibilidad de agua subterránea de estos acuíferos alcanzó niveles de 0m3, lo que significa que su capacidad de extracción ha superado sus niveles de recarga. En segundo lugar, los niveles de salinidad de los pozos de agua registrados son muy altos, especialmente en la zona norte y noreste de la Subcuenca. En la microcuenca de los Llanos de Apan, otros tres factores se combinan con la extracción de agua subterránea y la mala calidad del agua; monocultivo e industrialización. Las áreas agrícolas representan alrededor del 70% del área. El suelo urbanizado, donde se encuentran la mayoría de las microindustrias, representa el 10% del área de la microcuenca. Estas proporciones de uso de la tierra representan el 80% del área, dejando solo el 20% para la recarga de aguas subterráneas. Además, la ciudad industrial de Tepeapulco, Ciudad Sahagún, junto con las industrias del municipio y de Apan, requieren grandes cantidades de agua para sustentar sus operaciones. El agua representa ahora un recurso en disputa, por el que compiten varios usos de la tierra, mientras que se hace poco para mitigar su extracción e incentivar su recarga a los acuíferos.

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InBev New Beer Facility in Apan, Hidalgo Image by Grupo Milenio 146

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Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas

5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats [T] Apan inequality index

[A] Índices de desigualdad social

The socioeconomic vulnerability, marginality and inequality indexes indicate that there is a strong gap between the most important economic region of the state of Hidalgo, Pachuca, and smaller cities. Almost every socioeconomic indicator reveals how smaller cities such as Apan, Almoloya or Emiliano Zapata. There is also a strong correlation between the population size of the city and their socioeconomic vulnerabilities. Pachuca, the city with the largest population, performs better in almost every vulnerability indicator than any other town. Tepeapulco, the second largest city by population, also performs better than the smaller settlements such as Apan, Almoloya and Emiliano Zapata. These gaps could also be explained by the presence of diversified economies rather than the population size itself. Pachuca concentrates a more diverse economy on every sector and similarly, Tepeapulco’s measurements could be strongly driven by its industrial city, Ciudad Sahagun. Apan, Almoloya and Emiliano Zapata, still rely on an agricultural economy, much less diversified. The agricultural transformation of the Llanos de Apan landscape is deeply related to a series of economic and policy mandates. In terms of the economic shifts, barley mono-culture derives from an increasing demand of larges transnationals for both the national consumption and international exports. In terms of policy, the Agrarian Reform of 1992 and the promotion of barley crops over historically produced crops, such as maguey, led ejidatarios and peasants to have little to none other option but to grow barley. Ciudad Sahagun and Tepeapulco industrial areas, in the mid-twentieth century also contributed to the lost production of endemic crops, as producers shifted from agricultural activities into the construction and operation of the industrial city. Water is the main resource for which several land uses and economic activities are competing for. Urbanization, industry and agriculture relay on it to prosper. While the extraction of groundwater in the aquifers within the Mexico City-Pachuca Sub-Basin is vetoed since mid-twentieth century, illegal permits and wells proliferate in the region. Furthermore, groundwater recharge is close to zero due to the intense agricultural, urbanization and industrialization patterns.

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Los índices de vulnerabilidad, marginalidad y desigualdad socioeconómica indican que existe una fuerte brecha entre la región económica más importante del estado de Hidalgo, Pachuca y las ciudades más pequeñas. Casi todos los indicadores socioeconómicos revelan cómo ciudades más pequeñas como Apan, Almoloya o Emiliano Zapata. También existe una fuerte correlación entre el tamaño de la población de la ciudad y sus vulnerabilidades socioeconómicas. Pachuca, la ciudad con mayor población, se desempeña mejor en casi todos los indicadores de vulnerabilidad que cualquier otra ciudad. Tepeapulco, la segunda ciudad más grande por población, también se desempeña mejor que los asentamientos más pequeños como Apan, Almoloya y Emiliano Zapata. Estas brechas también podrían explicarse por la presencia de economías diversificadas más que por el tamaño de la población en sí. Pachuca concentra una economía más diversa en todos los sectores y, de manera similar, las mediciones de Tepeapulco podrían estar fuertemente impulsadas por su ciudad industrial, Ciudad Sahagún. Apan, Almoloya y Emiliano Zapata, aún dependen de una economía agrícola, mucho menos diversificada. La transformación agrícola del paisaje de los Llanos de Apan está profundamente relacionada con una serie de mandatos económicos y políticos. En términos de los cambios económicos, el monocultivo de cebada se deriva de una creciente demanda de grandes transnacionales tanto para el consumo nacional como para las exportaciones internacionales. En términos de política, la Reforma Agraria de 1992 y la promoción de los cultivos de cebada sobre los cultivos históricamente producidos, como el maguey, llevaron a los ejidatarios y campesinos a tener poca o ninguna otra opción que la de cultivar cebada. Las áreas industriales de Ciudad Sahagún y Tepeapulco, a mediados del siglo XX también contribuyeron a la pérdida de producción de cultivos endémicos, ya que los productores pasaron de las actividades agrícolas a la construcción y operación de la ciudad industrial. El agua es el principal recurso por el que compiten varios usos de la tierra y actividades económicas. La urbanización, la industria y la agricultura dependen de él para prosperar. Si bien la extracción de agua subterránea en los acuíferos de la Subcuenca Ciudad de México-Pachuca está vetada desde mediados del siglo XX, los permisos y pozos ilegales proliferan en la región. Además, la recarga de aguas subterráneas es casi nula debido a los intensos patrones de agricultura, urbanización e industrialización.

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Social Inequality Index (GINI) State Level

Incapacity to buy basic food basket, education, health service and transportation, clothes and housing

1990

Incapacity to buy basic food basket

2010

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1990

Incapacity to buy basic food basket and pay for education and health services

1990

Social Cohesion Index (GINI)

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5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

Main stakeholders on local and regional governance and territorial management of natural resources

Water management is a complex system, not only in Apan, but in the entire Mexican Territory. Water has different regulatory agencies or management capacities to its position in the atmosphere, when its rainfall, and when it touches earth. To example this, the following axonometric section shows all the potential actors which are entitled to use the hydric resources at different locations, such as when the water is going through a drainage system, when the water lands on a forestry area, when the water lands on an agricultural field or when the water is still on the aquifer. This proves to be another vulnerability to ejidatarios, if they do not collect the water soon enough, they may lose their capability to use it.

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5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas Agentes principales locales y regionales para el manego del territorio y los recursos

La gestión del agua es un sistema complejo, no solo en Apan, sino en todo el Territorio Mexicano. El agua tiene diferentes agencias reguladoras o capacidades de gestión a su posición en la atmósfera, cuando llueve y cuando toca la tierra. A modo de ejemplo, la siguiente sección axonométrica muestra todos los actores potenciales que tienen derecho a utilizar los recursos hídricos en diferentes lugares, como cuando el agua pasa por un sistema de drenaje, cuando el agua aterriza en un área forestal, cuando el agua aterriza en un campo agrícola o cuando el agua todavía está en el acuífero. Esto demuestra ser otra vulnerabilidad para los ejidatarios, si no recolectan el agua lo suficientemente pronto, pueden perder su capacidad para usarla.

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5.2 SWOT of Apan, Hidalgo: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats

5.2 Análisis FODA de Apan, Hidalgo: Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas Agentes principales locales y regionales para el manego del territorio y los recursos

Main stakeholders on local and regional governance and territorial management of natural resources

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Ejidal land

Urban Land

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Federal property land Alberto Meouchi

Superficial water bodies

Municipal property land

State property land

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Apan Center Image https://elpais.com/especiales/2018/nuevo-aeropuerto-mexico/ 156

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06. THE EJIDOS’ FUTURE IS IN THE PROCESS Los Ideales del ejido se reflejan en el proceso, Demostración de Hipótesis

[DEMONSTRATION OF HYPOTHESIS]

Ejidal land and urbanization in Apan, Hidalgo Image http://apan-hgo-mex.blogspot.com/p/como-llegar-apan.html 160

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6.0 The Ejidos’ Future is in the process

6.0 Los Ideales del ejido se reflejan en el proceso

Urban development has historically been guided by economic policies. The World Bank, UN-Habitat, consultant corporations, among many other policy development agencies, formulate reports which dictate the socioeconomic models that countries should follow in order to meet the development goals set by these same agencies. These guidelines rely on economic models and metrics, such as GDP, GDP per capita, demographic configurations and marginality rates; usually aiming for urban densification, inter-connectivity and intra-connectivity, industrialization and sectorial diversification of the regions . Consolidated urban cores as seeing as the motor of regional economic development, leaving non-urban areas, such as ejidos, out of both the discussion and the possibility of improving their livelihoods. The economic-driven methodology utilized to design such development policies segregate many stakeholders which are commonly the ones directly distressed by them, rural producers and ejidatarios, the owners of the land. Furthermore, this approach also segregates local authorities, small governance models, environmental technical expertise, agricultural engineers, urban designers, among many others; stakeholders which are usually attached to the ground, to the issues that development policies seek to address. What if we could design a model to make agricultural land, ejidatarios, local authorities and technical experts’ part of the decision-making process towards an efficient management of the resources and an egalitarian development of the rural landscape?

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El desarrollo urbano se ha guiado históricamente por políticas económicas. El Banco Mundial, ONU-Hábitat, las empresas consultoras, entre muchas otras agencias de desarrollo de políticas, formulan informes que dictan los modelos socioeconómicos que los países deben seguir para cumplir con los objetivos de desarrollo establecidos por estas mismas agencias. Estas pautas se basan en modelos y métricas económicos, como el PIB, el PIB per cápita, las configuraciones demográficas y las tasas de marginalidad; generalmente con el objetivo de densificación urbana, interconectividad e intraconectividad, industrialización y diversificación sectorial de las regiones. Los núcleos urbanos consolidados como el motor del desarrollo económico regional, dejando a las áreas no urbanas, como los ejidos, fuera de la discusión y de la posibilidad de mejorar sus medios de vida. La metodología impulsada por la economía utilizada para diseñar tales políticas de desarrollo segrega a muchos actores que comúnmente son los directamente afectados por ellos, los productores rurales y los ejidatarios, los propietarios de la tierra. Además, este enfoque también segrega autoridades locales, pequeños modelos de gobernanza, experiencia técnica ambiental, ingenieros agrícolas, diseñadores urbanos, entre muchos otros; actores que generalmente están apegados al terreno, a los temas que las políticas de desarrollo buscan abordar. ¿Y si pudiéramos diseñar un modelo que hiciera parte de la tierra agrícola, ejidatarios, autoridades locales y técnicos expertos en el proceso de toma de decisiones hacia una gestión eficiente de los recursos y un desarrollo igualitario del paisaje rural?

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Current model of territorial development

International and National Level development model NationalEconomic DevelopmentPolicies National DevelopmentBanks Secretary of Finance

WorldBank Reports

InfrastructureFinancing Corporations

National Development Agents

Multilaterals

International Economic Development Policies

Municipal Social Development

Environmental Engineers

State Secretary of Finance

Community Organizations

Agricultural Engineers

State Secretary of Social Development

Municipal Secretary of Finance

Landscape Designers

Municipal Planning

Agrarian Lawyers

Municipal Government

Architects

Mining Transnationals

Agriculture Corporations NationalSecretary of Social Development

World Food Organization

National Secretary of Agriculture

International Development Agents

National Secretary of Economy

State Secretary of Urban Development Infrastructure Corporations

Industrial Corporations

Consultant Corporations

National Secretary of Territorial Development

Land Developers

Ejidatarios

Agricultural Middle Men

Urban Developers

Municipal Urban Development

Construction Corporations

Urban Designers

TERRITORIAL DESICION MAKING

The way territories are developed comes from international and national economic indicators. Development banks, consulting companies and governments design development policies which are proven to benefit only private interests, leaving the inhabitants of the territory, ejidatarios, in this case, in the end of the desicion making processes, they barely have any agengy on how their land is going to perform. How could designers, engineers, local authorities and ejidatarios create a model on the lower level, to empower and give desicion making agency to ejidatarios in order to have a more inclusive and sustainable exploitation of the resources? 164

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

6.1 Ejidos como plataformas de acción climática

Since the mid-twentieth century, designers have engaged in creating utopias to envision the intersection of rural landscapes with the urban peripheries. Visions such as Broadacre City, by Frank Lloyd Wright, Non-Stop City by Andrea Branzi and the City in the Landscape, by Ludwig Hilberseimeir ; understand agricultural areas as an inherent element for the city’s performance and seek to transform the urban to interconnected region of agriculture, landscape, environments and buildings. Two common features are represented on such visions. First, the three of them emerged as a fixed vision: the master plans are uncapable to mutate, they are “finished” designs with little capability to adjust over time without drastically change their essence. Flexibility, adaptation and resilience are two concepts that are proven to be key elements to overcome the climate crisis and social inequality challenges in our cities and regions. Second, these visions are outlined by a single stakeholder, the designer. They take null consideration of other important agents in the development of the territory, state and municipal governments, engineers, peasants, among many others. In contrast to such top-down, immutable approaches, this research will design a model for an inclusive, constantly mutating vision for the territory; informed by the multiplicity of stakeholders which shape, intervene, manage and live on it. This novel model of constantly mutating regional envisioning will perform in a two-way communication channel, both as an informative tool and a communicative tool. It will be informative in terms that the information will be available to all the stakeholders, from mayors to ejidatarios, from engineers to agrarian layers. Communicative in terms that all the agents will be able to share both quantitative and qualitative information, in order to constantly inform the visioning processes. To reach effectiveness by the information and communication of this envisioning process, technologies and expertise from the multiplicity of actors in the territory is required. The process then, is divided in six, non-necessarily, linear steps to open space for each stakeholder to perform: (1) Top-down Approaches, (2) Collective Engagement, (3) Master Readings, (4) Parametric Envisioning, (5) Simulation Test and (6) Validation Analysis.

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Desde mediados del siglo XX, los diseñadores se han dedicado a crear utopías para visualizar la intersección de los paisajes rurales con las periferias urbanas. Visiones como Broadacre City, de Frank Lloyd Wright, Non-Stop City de Andrea Branzi y City in the Landscape, de Ludwig Hilberseimeir; entender las áreas agrícolas como un elemento inherente para el desempeño de la ciudad y buscar transformar lo urbano en una región interconectada de agricultura, paisaje, entornos y edificios. Dos características comunes están representadas en tales visiones. Primero, los tres surgieron como una visión fija: los planes maestros son incapaces de mutar, son diseños “terminados” con poca capacidad de ajustarse con el tiempo sin cambiar drásticamente su esencia. Flexibilidad, adaptación y resiliencia son dos conceptos que han demostrado ser elementos clave para superar la crisis climática y los desafíos de desigualdad social en nuestras ciudades y regiones. En segundo lugar, estas visiones están delineadas por un solo interesado, el diseñador. No toman en consideración a otros agentes importantes en el desarrollo del territorio, gobiernos estatales y municipales, ingenieros, campesinos, entre muchos otros. En contraste con estos enfoques de arriba hacia abajo e inmutables, esta investigación diseñará un modelo para una visión inclusiva y en constante mutación del territorio; informados por la multiplicidad de stakeholders que la configuran, intervienen, gestionan y viven de ella. Este novedoso modelo de visión regional en constante mutación funcionará en un canal de comunicación bidireccional, como herramienta informativa y comunicativa. Será informativo en términos de que la información estará disponible para todos los actores, desde alcaldes hasta ejidatarios, desde ingenieros hasta capas agrarias. Comunicativo en términos de que todos los agentes podrán compartir información tanto cuantitativa como cualitativa, con el fin de informar constantemente los procesos visionarios. Para alcanzar la efectividad a través de la información y comunicación de este proceso de visionado, se requieren tecnologías y experiencia de la multiplicidad de actores en el territorio. Entonces, el proceso se divide en seis pasos, no necesariamente lineales, para abrir espacio para que cada parte interesada realice: (1) Enfoques de arriba hacia abajo, (2) Compromiso colectivo, (3) Lecturas maestras, (4) Visualización paramétrica, (5) Prueba de simulación y (6) Análisis de validación.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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Proposed model of territorial development, as collective Platform

USE EXPERTISE AND TECHNOLOGIES TO MAKE A MORE INCLUSIVE DESICION MAKING PROCESS

AN ALTERNATIVE

How could ejidatarios see the territory as other stakeholders do? If we could center de conversation around the collective management of the resources, specifically water, experts and professionals, such as architects, urban designers and engineers, should give them tools to understand their territory in order to make more informed desicions. What of all the stakeholdesrs, expertises, professions and technologies help create new visions which are constantly informing each other, to finally make a constantly mutating vision of the territory. Visions which are updating regularly to address new challenges and to reflect the ideals of each one of the memebers of the community and other stakeholders.

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Top-down Approaches

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Collective Engagement

Alberto Meouchi

Master Visions

Parametric Envisioning

Simulation Test Validation Analysis

169 Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms A PROCESS WHICH IS CONSTANTLY BEING INFORMED, MUTATING AND ADAPTED Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Barley crops and urbanization in Apan, Hidalgo Image by: Gustavo Madrid 170

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

171

Platform Proposed model of territorial development

CATEGORY

ent Mast INPUT m e g er V C h t a u rrent La g an Grow b n n r d U V E U isio a ndocum alues ity e ente lue Ana v abil ultural V iseases l i i d ns a l t E A y C v jidal O D gric sis c r A ance - ormance/ r g u e e a t l n E S C C S O l I R N t P G izat a rf l n ion ure V urre Co tion - W- Gove-rCrop Pe - P alue nt Urban and er s A

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CATEGORY

Valid a t i on A na l y sis

Alberto Meouchi

Test tion ula Sim

CAT EGO RY

ace Water Availab s - Surf as - Potent ility - Urba e g a ial Uses n Im harge Are -Topo Grow INP llite UT ec G r o u n th n UT d g o i W INP Sate rent R t c ra u ater A vaila phy - - ur tural Prod C bilit W - - gricul yate sr ir tie icate - A R e d m n a o l t e a i Qu Ej Co t S PRO a e p n ING ho mun s s S i o t C d i S ng alit al ns ESS E Ge ING ROC Au om s ati M P t i c s i s t a A nalysis st o ve c ion e G I dit s tings OUTPUT enarios - Simulate yearly rain fa OUTPUT Ge c ll - Preser va ee tS s a e r n a W e tion ne ate fer pro -Q n r dif io s ua o r l it yE

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Top-down Approaches

See the details here

PR O C ESS ING

RY EGO CAT

You should consider producing more maguey, safflower, beans and chickpea. These crops consume less water and have an increasing demand and they are more valuable in the market.

WARNING Your ejido has recently been elegible to be zoned for private urban development

Parametric Envisioning

Your parcel generated 1 ton of maguey last year You consumed 45 liters of water for maguey crops

UT INP

ZONED FOR URBANIZATION: YES

eable zones - Urbaniz a b al Perm tenti ricultures - Areas for refore le areas sta g - Po for A ing heights - Areas fo tion r pol reas pes - Build yc -A y T u l t ure lock -B

CODE: 1314109621850918 PRINCIPAL CROP: BARLEY

SEE THE MOST UPDATED MASTER PLAN FOR THE MICRO-REGION HERE

Grasshopper Decoding Spaces

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

You generated $10,235.00 from Barley crops last year

EJIDO TLALAYOTE

SING CES PRO

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Your parcel generated 3 tons of Barley last year You consumed 105 liters of water for Barley crops

The dark pink dashed lines show the GINI Index of Social Inequality Average on a National level. The bright pink dshed line compares the cities around the Apan Microbasin and Pachuca, the largest city of the state of Hidalgo. Almoloya and Emiliano Zapata present social inequality indicators below the national average. Apan sits almost in the National average. WATER AS DRIVER Tepeapulco had a slight improvement between 1990 and As access and preervation of water should be one of the 2010. The largest city, Pachuca, is the one with the best ranking first priorities in the future development of the region of the of social inequality amongst the cities studied. Llanos de Apan, the solutions and strategies should constantly be directed on this path. These strategies are selected after conversations with environmental engineers and are based and tropicalized from the European Natural Water Retention Measures.

Agriculture

Collecting Utopias

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Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

6.1 Ejidos como plataformas de acción climática Aproximaciónes “De arriba hacia abajo”

Top-Down Approaches

CATEGORY

Ma INPUT ment gage - Urban Greosw-th- -- CUunrdroent Land Val ster Vis n E ue A cumen ity ural Valu ion abil ses - Ejidal ted Ag nalysi tive vail - Cult s ce/Disea ri Orga s niza cultur - Cu PROCESSING llec - WatoevreArnanocpePerforman tion e V rre o C tion - G - Cr - P alue nt Urban and er s A

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Simulate year ly r ain f OUTPU T all t -W eas - Preser vati r n a e e n on ate ro fer p f i -Q r d ion s ua ro lit yE

You should consider producing more maguey, safflower, beans and chickpea. These crops consume less water and have an increasing demand and they are more valuable in the market.

See the details here

rface Water Availability - U es - Su r Imag harge Areas - Potential Uses -T ban Gr o o llite IN UT ec INP Sate rent R ction - Ground Water A pograph wth- PUT u vaila ur tural Prod -W C bilit y ul c i y ate r s g ir tie icate - A -Q -E rC nd Remote Sens a l a i t o un G P a R N p I h O s u o t m CES i n alit jidal ons e ESS g u G C S O I NG A om s ati M PR ve c ion Geostatistics Analysis I dit

Your parcel generated 1 ton of maguey last year You consumed 45 liters of water for maguey crops

WARNING Your ejido has recently been elegible to be zoned for private urban development

lde t companies in th ya, rs ea stmen r e Inve Ma M asV ntify flood prone ar isu lue eas - Ide ali Va - Id ze ops nd en ec tif tiv na

Top-down Approaches

ZONED FOR URBANIZATION: YES

SEE THE MOST UPDATED MASTER PLAN FOR THE MICRO-REGION HERE

Parametric Envisioning

You generated $10,235.00 from Barley crops last year

CODE: 1314109621850918 PRINCIPAL CROP: BARLEY

eable zones - Urbanizab al Perm tenti ricultures - Areas for refore le areas s g - Po for A Building heights - Areas f tation or po reas lycu - A k Types ltur loc e-B

Your parcel generated 3 tons of Barley last year You consumed 105 liters of water for Barley crops

EJIDO TLALAYOTE

UT INP

SING CES PRO

Grasshopper Decoding Spaces

Agriculture

Collecting Utopias

ing heights - Internal PUT - Build Ejid OUTPUT OUT a l co atio Aquifer Meas u r d e ar m eues ent are Plag sLa or Al rop te r -C

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me - gr Lan ab Ae ic s Finance, dscape le ri ar vey atabases Econ D r u e D sig omi S OUTPUT d e c cs, nS n a b l i a i l v i t y A e r e U t a rban Eng fer Gro n -W i w ptio ore Crop Per

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Valid atio n A nal ysi s

CATEGORY

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The Top-Down Approaches comprehend tools, techniques and mechanisms which usually read the territory as a whole, utilized by mainly by geographers and staticians. From Geographic Information Systems shapefiles to Remote Sensing satellite imagery, environmental engineers engage with these information understand larger scale phenomena in the territory. These readings include surface water fluctuation in time, agriculture performance, potential land uses, permeable/impermeable surfaces ratios and urbanization patterns. The Top-Down Approaches category will also include datasets of socioeconomic information which include current land-values, potential land values, crop-values, vulnerability, marginality indexes, water consumption and water costs.

Las aproximaciones de “arriba hacia abajo” comprenden herramientas, técnicas y mecanismos que suelen interpretar el territorio en su conjunto, utilizados principalmente por geógrafos y estáticos. Desde los shapefiles de los sistemas de información geográfica hasta las imágenes satelitales de teledetección, los ingenieros ambientales se involucran con esta información para comprender los fenómenos a mayor escala en el territorio. Estas lecturas incluyen la fluctuación del agua superficial en el tiempo, el rendimiento agrícola, los usos potenciales de la tierra, las proporciones de superficies permeables / impermeables y los patrones de urbanización. La categoría Enfoques de arriba hacia abajo también incluirá conjuntos de datos de información socioeconómica que incluyen los valores actuales de la tierra, los valores potenciales de la tierra, los valores de los cultivos, la vulnerabilidad, los índices de marginalidad, el consumo de agua y los costos del agua.

After the Top-Down Approaches information is processed by the geospatial analytics experts, it will then be synthesized, simplified to be understandable and user friendly for the ejidatarios, citizens, policy-makers and local authorities.

Una vez que la información de los enfoques de arriba hacia abajo es procesada por los expertos en análisis geoespacial, se sintetizará, simplificará para que sea comprensible y fácil de usar para los ejidatarios, ciudadanos, responsables políticos y autoridades locales.

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Top-Down Approaches Ejidos in the Apan Micro-Basin

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

Top-Down Approaches Water Infrastructure in the Apan Micro-Basin

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

Top-Down Approaches Agriculture and Industry in the Apan Micro-Basin

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Top-Down Approaches Land potential the Apan Micro-Basin

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Top-Down Approaches Urbanization in the Apan Micro-Basin

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Top-Down Approaches Urbanization in the Apan Micro-Basin

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

Top-Down Approaches Areas suitable for aquifer recharge in the Apan Micro-Basin

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

189

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

Top-Down Approaches Healthy Barley crops in the Apan Micro-Basin

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

Top-Down Approaches Agriculture types and fields in the Apan Micro-Basin

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Case Study SiteSite

Potential Land for Urbanization Water Accumulation Area Forestry Areas Erosion Prone Areas Potential Commercial Forestry Area Solar Energy Production Area

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

195

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

6.1 Ejidos como plataformas de acción climática

Collective Engagement

Engranaje Colectivo

Once the Top-Down Approaches information is sharable to the general population, it becomes a strong tool for ejidatarios to understand the value of their land in different terms as they usually do; the information becomes a tool to make decisions and a leverage against developers that want to acquire their land, changes in zoning or land use, and their performance of their crops. If an ejidatario knows what the value of their land with a different land use would be, he or she would be on a better position to negotiate a fair price. Furthermore, if they have the information of the water consumption and market potential of their current crops compared with a product which would require less water and have a larger market, they could make the decision of transitioning. The Collective Engagement tool will make information effectively available to ejidatarios to understand the potential, value and repercussions in the management of their land. It will create a collective imaginary of the importance to preserve the collective ownership of the land, transition from monoculture to polyculture and develop environmentally favorable urbanizations. The Collective Engagement digital platform will not only be informed by external inputs, it will also be utilized by ejidatarios to share information about their land, crops or governance. Ejidatarios will have the potential to share problems about their crops such as the appearance of diseases or plagues; they could share how their new crops are performing. In addition to agricultural sharing, ejidatarios will inform, for example, when would they have availability for a community meeting, in order to increase member participation in them, consolidating their governance structures.

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Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Una vez que la información de los enfoques de arriba hacia abajo se puede compartir con la población en general, se convierte en una herramienta poderosa para que los ejidatarios comprendan el valor de su tierra en diferentes términos como lo hacen habitualmente; la información se convierte en una herramienta para la toma de decisiones y un apalancamiento contra los desarrolladores que quieren adquirir su tierra, cambios en la zonificación o uso de la tierra, y el desempeño de sus cultivos. Si un ejidatario sabe cuál sería el valor de su tierra con un uso diferente de la tierra, estaría en una mejor posición para negociar un precio justo. Además, si tienen la información del consumo de agua y el potencial de mercado de sus cultivos actuales en comparación con un producto que requeriría menos agua y tendría un mercado más grande, podrían tomar la decisión de realizar la transición. La herramienta de Participación Colectiva pondrá información a disposición de los ejidatarios de manera efectiva para comprender el potencial, el valor y las repercusiones en el manejo de sus tierras. Creará un imaginario colectivo de la importancia de preservar la propiedad colectiva de la tierra, la transición del monocultivo al policultivo y el desarrollo de urbanizaciones ambientalmente favorables. La plataforma digital de Participación Colectiva no solo será informada por insumos externos, también será utilizada por los ejidatarios para compartir información sobre sus tierras, cultivos o gobernanza. Los ejidatarios tendrán el potencial de compartir problemas sobre sus cultivos como la aparición de enfermedades o plagas; podrían compartir cómo se están desempeñando sus nuevos cultivos. Además del reparto agrícola, los ejidatarios informarán, por ejemplo, cuándo tendrían disponibilidad para una reunión comunitaria, con el fin de aumentar la participación de los miembros en las mismas, consolidando sus estructuras de gobernanza.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

197

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Collective Engagement

Collecting Utopias

Agriculture

Urbanization

Governance

Social

Water

Your parcel generated 3 tons of Barley last year

Your ejido has recently been elegible to be zoned for private urban development Tell the Ejidal Assembly what you think:

Our next community meeting is scheduled on September 21, 2021

Do you have a problem with a plague? Upload a picture

Your parcel generated 3 tons of Barley last year

You consumed 105 liters of water for Barley crops You generated $10,235.00 from Barley crops last year

Your parcel generated 1 ton of maguey last year You consumed 45 liters of water for maguey crops

EJIDO TLALAYOTE CODE: 1314109621850918 PRINCIPAL CROP: BARLEY

ZONED FOR URBANIZATION: YES

SEE THE MOST UPDATED MASTER PLAN FOR THE MICRO-REGION HERE

WARNING Your ejido has recently been elegible to be zoned for private urban development

You should consider producing more maguey, safflower, beans and chickpea. These crops consume less water and have an increasing demand and they are more valuable in the market. Propose other crops that you know they have a lower water consumption

The buyer is offering a price of $80,000.00 for your parcel Your land would be valued at $350,000.00 after sold to the developer For this amount, you should consider to vote for NOT SELLING the ejido on the next ejidal meeting held at the Ejidal House on September 21 2021

Considering to sell? Tell us why:

Propose other crops that you know they have a higher value

See the details here Report a problem with these figures

198

Land Value With your agricultural production, you generated $30,045.00 last year

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

If you are still considering to vote to sell, consider asking for a $350,000 valuation of your land Contact an Agrarian Lawyer

Alberto Meouchi

You consumed 105 liters of water for Barley crops

Can’t attend? Share any concerns you would like to be addressed in the meeting.

Agreements Archive

Were you approached by a private third party to sell your land? Tell us more:

Select the date from past meetings to see the agreements reached MARCH 2021

Report any missusage, waste or problem with the water supply:

Select the date which best suits you for our next meeting

Internal Regulation Click here to see the most updated Internal Regulation of your ejido Have any ideas to incorporate to the Internal Regulation?

Your parcel generated 1 ton of maguey last year You consumed 45 liters of water for maguey crops

Next Meetings

APRIL 2022 MON 3

You generated $10,235.00 from Barley crops last year

Share Image

Share Location

Culture and History Access the archival materials of your ejido which include images and documents. Found an old image or material? Share it with all the ejidatarios

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Report a problem with these figures

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

199

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

6.1 Ejidos como plataformas de acción climática

Master Visions

Visiones Maestras

CATEGORY

CAT EGO RY

sho ras

Blen

Ge rios PUT OUT Scena

keh o

nal ysi

Test tion ula Sim

CAT EGO RY

s ing eet

OUTPUT

INP UT

-R - To ainw po at e g - C rap r C lim hy ate

INPUT

RY EGO CAT

PRO CES SIN G

Simulate year ly r ain f OUTPU T all t -W eas - Preser vati r n a e e n on ate ro fer p f i -Q r d ion s ua ro lit yE

You should consider producing more maguey, safflower, beans and chickpea. These crops consume less water and have an increasing demand and they are more valuable in the market.

See the details here

Your parcel generated 1 ton of maguey last year You consumed 45 liters of water for maguey crops

WARNING Your ejido has recently been elegible to be zoned for private urban development

lde t companies in th ya, rs ea stmen r e Inve Ma M asV ntify flood prone ar isu lue eas - Ide ali Va - Id ze ops nd en ec tif tiv na

Top-down Approaches

ZONED FOR URBANIZATION: YES

SEE THE MOST UPDATED MASTER PLAN FOR THE MICRO-REGION HERE

Parametric Envisioning

You generated $10,235.00 from Barley crops last year

CODE: 1314109621850918 PRINCIPAL CROP: BARLEY

eable zones - Urbanizab al Perm tenti ricultures - Areas for refore le areas s g - Po for A Building heights - Areas f tation or po reas lycu - A k Types ltur loc e-B

Your parcel generated 3 tons of Barley last year You consumed 105 liters of water for Barley crops

EJIDO TLALAYOTE

UT INP

SING CES PRO

Grasshopper Decoding Spaces

Agriculture

Collecting Utopias

ing heights - Internal PUT - Build Ejid OUTPUT OUT a l co atio Aquifer Meas u r d e ar m eues ent are Plag sLa or Al rop te r -C

forma th nce -F /D lo ise ase s

ies teg tra ring e ne

um tion ns rma Co Info ve ati

RY EGO CAT

me - gr Lan ab Ae ic s Finance, dscape le ri ar vey atabases Econ D r u e D sig omi S OUTPUT d e c cs, nS n a b l i a i l v i t y A e r e U t a rban Eng fer Gro n -W i w ptio ore Crop Per

ealu eV ur ges ult Ima al s ea

p gss on um etin ati e orm nf

Valid atio n A nal ysi s

CATEGORY

Urban planners, urban designers, landscape designers and real estate developers have historically relied on “Master Plans” to communicate their visions of the cities and territories. The scope of a master plan is never the same and is set by the agency which hires their services. Such plans include historic analysis of the area, current land status and recommendations, among many other categories which usually include a proposed “final project”. However, the approach of this Master Visions step will be to set parameters. What percentage of land should be preserved for groundwater recharge? Where is the ideal place for the new crops to grow? What are the FAR values for current and new urban developments? Where should urbanization happen to promote the preservation of collective ownership of land? Instead of formulating a fixed vision of the territory, the Master Visions will provide multiple frameworks, specifications, guidelines and limitations to then be processed in order to create multiple development scenarios.

200

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Los planificadores urbanos, diseñadores urbanos, paisajistas y promotores inmobiliarios han confiado históricamente en los “planes maestros” para comunicar sus visiones de las ciudades y territorios. El alcance de un plan maestro nunca es el mismo y lo establece la agencia que contrata sus servicios. Dichos planes incluyen un análisis histórico del área, el estado actual de la tierra y recomendaciones, entre muchas otras categorías que generalmente incluyen un “proyecto final” propuesto. Sin embargo, el enfoque de este paso de Master Visions será establecer parámetros. ¿Qué porcentaje de tierra debería conservarse para la recarga de aguas subterráneas? ¿Dónde está el lugar ideal para que crezcan los nuevos cultivos? ¿Cuáles son los valores FAR para desarrollos urbanos actuales y nuevos? ¿Dónde debería ocurrir la urbanización para promover la preservación de la propiedad colectiva de la tierra? En lugar de formular una visión fija del territorio, las Visiones Maestras proporcionarán múltiples marcos, especificaciones, pautas y limitaciones para luego ser procesadas con el fin de crear múltiples escenarios de desarrollo.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

201

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Master Visions

Recharge Areas

Master Vision

By correlating the flow simulations and the aquifer potentials of the site, we can locate areas prone to recharge and water retention. Thesee areas should have a minimum built environment in order to potentialize to the maximum the groundwater recharge.

These Master Vision provides a guideline of areas which are best suited for each use by the inputs described before. While the form of the urbanization, agricultural parcels or forestry areas may have a broad variety of layouts, it is recommended that the deep structures of the territory are preserved. In other words, this Master Vision should guide the development of the territory with little to none room for changes or modifications.

Conservation/Commercial Forestry Soil and water information, as well as the information from CONABIO, also provide us a perspective on the areas which are most suitable for forestry parks or conservation spaces. These portions of land should not only have a minimal building footprint, but also should incentivize forestry agriculture.

Urbanization Areas which are less prone to flooding, erosion, forestry agriculture or groundwater recharge may be used for urbanization development.

202

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

203

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

6.1 Ejidos como plataformas de acción climática Investigación paramétrica

Parameter Envisioning

CATEGORY

CAT EGO RY

sho ras

Blen

DeCoding Spaces, A tool to collectively generate urban visions, informed by traditional urban design parameters such as FAR, building heights, topography, buildable area, etc.

Ge rios PUT OUT Scena

keh o

nal ysi

Test tion ula Sim

CAT EGO RY

s ing eet

OUTPUT

INP UT

-R - To ainw po at e g - C rap r C lim hy ate

INPUT

RY EGO CAT

PRO CES SIN G

Simulate year ly r ain f OUTPU T all t -W eas - Preser vati r n a e e n on ate ro fer p f i -Q r d ion s ua ro lit yE

You should consider producing more maguey, safflower, beans and chickpea. These crops consume less water and have an increasing demand and they are more valuable in the market.

See the details here

Your parcel generated 1 ton of maguey last year You consumed 45 liters of water for maguey crops

WARNING Your ejido has recently been elegible to be zoned for private urban development

lde t companies in th ya, rs ea stmen r e Inve Ma M asV ntify flood prone ar isu lue eas - Ide ali Va - Id ze ops nd en ec tif tiv na

Top-down Approaches

ZONED FOR URBANIZATION: YES

SEE THE MOST UPDATED MASTER PLAN FOR THE MICRO-REGION HERE

Parametric Envisioning

You generated $10,235.00 from Barley crops last year

CODE: 1314109621850918 PRINCIPAL CROP: BARLEY

eable zones - Urbanizab al Perm tenti ricultures - Areas for refore le areas s g - Po for A Building heights - Areas f tation or po reas lycu - A k Types ltur loc e-B

Your parcel generated 3 tons of Barley last year You consumed 105 liters of water for Barley crops

EJIDO TLALAYOTE

UT INP

SING CES PRO

Grasshopper Decoding Spaces

Agriculture

Collecting Utopias

ing heights - Internal PUT - Build Ejid OUTPUT OUT a l co atio Aquifer Meas u r d e ar m eues ent are Plag sLa or Al rop te r -C

forma th nce -F /D lo ise ase s

ies teg tra ring e ne

um tion ns rma Co Info ve ati

RY EGO CAT

me - gr Lan ab Ae ic s Finance, dscape le ri ar vey atabases Econ D r u e D sig omi S OUTPUT d e c cs, nS n a b l i a i l v i t y A e r e U t a rban Eng fer Gro n -W i w ptio ore Crop Per

ealu eV ur ges ult Ima al s ea

p gss on um etin ati e orm nf

Valid atio n A nal ysi s

CATEGORY

The parameters generated will now be processed by other sets of experts aiming to formulate a diverse range of visions for the territory. Architects and coders utilize software packages such as Grasshopper and Python, to input previously defined parameters to construct and tests multiple outcomes within a set of rules. Using the DeCoding Spaces package for Grasshopper will allow designers to model a wide range of morphologies of the territory. The Parameter Envisioning step will build these multiple scenarios in order not only to afterwards be validated by the ejidatarios, community members, policy makers and citizens; as well as to test their potential environmental, economic or agricultural outcomes before they are approved and implemented.

204

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Los parámetros generados ahora serán procesados por otros grupos de expertos con el objetivo de formular una diversa gama de visiones para el territorio. Los arquitectos y codificadores utilizan paquetes de software como Grasshopper y Python, para ingresar parámetros previamente definidos para construir y probar múltiples resultados dentro de un conjunto de reglas. El uso del paquete DeCoding Spaces para Grasshopper permitirá a los diseñadores modelar una amplia gama de morfologías del territorio. El paso de Visualización de parámetros construirá estos escenarios múltiples para no solo luego ser validados por los ejidatarios, miembros de la comunidad, formuladores de políticas y ciudadanos; así como para probar sus posibles resultados ambientales, económicos o agrícolas antes de que sean aprobados e implementados.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

205

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

6.1 Ejidos como plataformas de acción climática

VISION A

VISION C

VISION B

VISION D

Investigación paramétrica

Parameter Envisioning

206

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

207

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

6.1 Ejidos como plataformas de acción climática Pruebas y simulaciones

Simulation Tests

CATEGORY

CAT EGO RY

sho ras

Blen

Ge rios PUT OUT Scena

keh o

nal ysi

Test tion ula Sim

CAT EGO RY

s ing eet

OUTPUT

INP UT

-R - To ainw po at e g - C rap r C lim hy ate

INPUT

RY EGO CAT

PRO CES SIN G

Simulate year ly r ain f OUTPU T all t -W eas - Preser vati r n a e e n on ate ro fer p f i -Q r d ion s ua ro lit yE

You should consider producing more maguey, safflower, beans and chickpea. These crops consume less water and have an increasing demand and they are more valuable in the market.

See the details here

Your parcel generated 1 ton of maguey last year You consumed 45 liters of water for maguey crops

WARNING Your ejido has recently been elegible to be zoned for private urban development

lde t companies in th ya, rs ea stmen r e Inve Ma M asV ntify flood prone ar isu lue eas - Ide ali Va - Id ze ops nd en ec tif tiv na

Top-down Approaches

ZONED FOR URBANIZATION: YES

SEE THE MOST UPDATED MASTER PLAN FOR THE MICRO-REGION HERE

Parametric Envisioning

You generated $10,235.00 from Barley crops last year

CODE: 1314109621850918 PRINCIPAL CROP: BARLEY

eable zones - Urbanizab al Perm tenti ricultures - Areas for refore le areas s g - Po for A Building heights - Areas f tation or po reas lycu - A k Types ltur loc e-B

Your parcel generated 3 tons of Barley last year You consumed 105 liters of water for Barley crops

EJIDO TLALAYOTE

UT INP

SING CES PRO

Grasshopper Decoding Spaces

Agriculture

Collecting Utopias

ing heights - Internal PUT - Build Ejid OUTPUT OUT a l co atio Aquifer Meas u r d e ar m eues ent are Plag sLa or Al rop te r -C

forma th nce -F /D lo ise ase s

ies teg tra ring e ne

um tion ns rma Co Info ve ati

RY EGO CAT

me - gr Lan ab Ae ic s Finance, dscape le ri ar vey atabases Econ D r u e D sig omi S OUTPUT d e c cs, nS n a b l i a i l v i t y A e r e U t a rban Eng fer Gro n -W i w ptio ore Crop Per

ealu eV ur ges ult Ima al s ea

p gss on um etin ati e orm nf

Valid atio n A nal ysi s

CATEGORY

After the parameters are both set and envisioned, techniques from engineering disciplines could give us the possibility to simulate, both physically and metrically, the outcomes of the scenarios. Software resources such as Blender or Net Logo, are used to simulate through the platform simulate and predict outcomes, whether they are fluid analysis for potential flood risks or the predict the groundwater recharge on a specific area by the type of soil and surface material.

208

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Una vez establecidos y previstos los parámetros, las técnicas de las disciplinas de la ingeniería podrían darnos la posibilidad de simular, tanto física como métricamente, los resultados de los escenarios. Los recursos de software, como Blender o Net Logo, se utilizan para simular a través de la plataforma, simular y predecir resultados, ya sean análisis de fluidos para posibles riesgos de inundaciones o predicen la recarga de agua subterránea en un área específica por el tipo de suelo y material de la superficie.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

209

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

WATER AS DRIVER

210

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Collecting Utopias

Waterflow Simulation

Collecting Utopias

Collecting Utopias Collecting Utopias

Collecting Utopias

Collecting Utopias Collecting Utopias Collecting Utopias Collecting Utopias Collecting Utopias

Collecting Utopias

This simulation was made in Blender. With this analysis, we can find and reveal to the ejidatarios the best and worst areas to locate agricultural fields, urbanization, industry and recharge areas. Similarly, we can locate areas prone to erosion in order to prevent it with mitigation strategies. By correlating this information with other datasets such as areas with soil suitable for agriculture or aquifer recharge I approximate the most suitable areas for each use.

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

211

6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform

6.1 Ejidos como plataformas de acción climática Pruebas y simulaciones

Validation Analysis

CATEGORY

CAT EGO RY

sho ras

Blen

Ge rios PUT OUT Scena

keh o

nal ysi

Test tion ula Sim

CAT EGO RY

s ing eet

OUTPUT

INP UT

-R - To ainw po at e g - C rap r C lim hy ate

INPUT

RY EGO CAT

PRO CES SIN G

Simulate year ly r ain f OUTPU T all t -W eas - Preser vati r n a e e n on ate ro fer p f i -Q r d ion s ua ro lit yE

You should consider producing more maguey, safflower, beans and chickpea. These crops consume less water and have an increasing demand and they are more valuable in the market.

See the details here

Your parcel generated 1 ton of maguey last year You consumed 45 liters of water for maguey crops

WARNING Your ejido has recently been elegible to be zoned for private urban development

lde t companies in th ya, rs ea stmen r e Inve Ma M asV ntify flood prone ar isu lue eas - Ide ali Va - Id ze ops nd en ec tif tiv na

Top-down Approaches

ZONED FOR URBANIZATION: YES

SEE THE MOST UPDATED MASTER PLAN FOR THE MICRO-REGION HERE

Parametric Envisioning

You generated $10,235.00 from Barley crops last year

CODE: 1314109621850918 PRINCIPAL CROP: BARLEY

eable zones - Urbanizab al Perm tenti ricultures - Areas for refore le areas s g - Po for A Building heights - Areas f tation or po reas lycu - A k Types ltur loc e-B

Your parcel generated 3 tons of Barley last year You consumed 105 liters of water for Barley crops

EJIDO TLALAYOTE

UT INP

SING CES PRO

Grasshopper Decoding Spaces

Agriculture

Collecting Utopias

ing heights - Internal PUT - Build Ejid OUTPUT OUT a l co atio Aquifer Meas u r d e ar m eues ent are Plag sLa or Al rop te r -C

forma th nce -F /D lo ise ase s

ies teg tra ring e ne

um tion ns rma Co Info ve ati

RY EGO CAT

me - gr Lan ab Ae ic s Finance, dscape le ri ar vey atabases Econ D r u e D sig omi S OUTPUT d e c cs, nS n a b l i a i l v i t y A e r e U t a rban Eng fer Gro n -W i w ptio ore Crop Per

ealu eV ur ges ult Ima al s ea

p gss on um etin ati e orm nf

Valid atio n A nal ysi s

CATEGORY

Emerging technologies are capable give designers and policy makers new visions of the territory. Furthermore, these technologies allow to be self-instructive, communicating the outcomes of the projected scenarios, providing metrics, assessments and validation of each one of them before even thinking on implementing a policy or designing a territory. Machine learning technologies such as CodeGAN will condense, process and visualize the previously generated information to ejidatarios, designers, engineers and decision makers

212

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Las tecnologías emergentes son capaces de dar a los diseñadores y responsables políticos nuevas visiones del territorio. Además, estas tecnologías permiten ser autoinstructivo, comunicando los resultados de los escenarios proyectados, aportando métricas, valoraciones y validación de cada uno de ellos antes incluso de pensar en implementar una política o diseñar un territorio. Las tecnologías de aprendizaje automático como CodeGAN condensarán, procesarán y visualizarán la información generada previamente a ejidatarios, diseñadores, ingenieros y tomadores de decisiones.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

213

6.2 The Platform and the Reflection of the Ideals

6.2 La plataforma como reflejo de los ideales

Each one of the steps in this collectively driven process will be both constantly updating and getting feedback from each one of the stakeholders which have agency in the territory. Through an open platform the data, qualitative information, processes and visions will be publicly available and capable of receiving real-time inputs from the people shaping our landscapes. This platform aims to be both a space to share and to collect. Ejidatarios and stakeholders will inform each other on their issues, visions, ideals and meetings. They will also be able to see the information and materials that other stakeholders share. The Platform expands the initial ideals of the common ejidal landscapes on collectivity, distribution, democracy and transparency; it will represent a means to constantly envision the current and future stages of the territory.

214

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Cada uno de los pasos en este proceso impulsado colectivamente será tanto en actualización constante como recibiendo retroalimentación de cada uno de los actores que tienen agencia en el territorio. A través de una plataforma abierta, los datos, la información cualitativa, los procesos y las visiones estarán disponibles públicamente y serán capaces de recibir información en tiempo real de las personas que dan forma a nuestros paisajes. Esta plataforma pretende ser tanto un espacio para compartir como para coleccionar. Los ejidatarios y las partes interesadas se informarán mutuamente sobre sus problemas, visiones, ideales y reuniones. También podrán ver la información y los materiales que comparten otras partes interesadas. La Plataforma expande los ideales iniciales de los paisajes ejidales comunes sobre colectividad, distribución, democracia y transparencia; representará un medio para visualizar constantemente las etapas actuales y futuras del territorio.

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

215

Nature Based Strategies Detention Basin s Store r

nds tion Po ion n e t e R ser vat

e ity pr iver s f Biod tore r unof

off Protection of Eco syste Reduce p ms ollutan t

e ural valu c/cult theti tants u l l o Aes p n of

ff no ru off

ing rac ter

isk

lity

qu a

ro ve air

Im p

e ni

ty v alu

ality

infiltratio n

rove qu Imp

Promote

Dense vegetation

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ca r

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et es ot

tion fo

qu ater/a undw

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wa forestr y rface lture and agricu t su e ven inabl r sity loss Pre re susta ion of biodive r ge ent Mo ifer recha Prev tus ter sta

ges s and hed r strip Buffe ood risk reductidoenterioration

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lity ua eq ov ff pr no Im Ru tain Re nity A me on vegetati Water est r

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r ec Sed osy ime nt C ste ms ont rol

Prot ec

Wildlife

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lture and forestr y le agricu tainab e sus lutants l o p f o Mor ation

Remove pollutan ts n wa lluta ater o w

St or e

d r s y p tus sit r sta ource r e te ts

Tra d i t i on al

Re low du ce

Fil tr

n atio ion ion v r se r vat iorat con ese eter

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ation Grou ndw Tren ater che /aq Incre uif s ase infil er re Filtra tr a tion tio char of p n ge ollu Red uc t

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to floodplains ting rivers c e n n Reco Biodiversity preser vation

on Filtrati

r i s k r educ Increase tion groun d

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ter r rge G r o u eten n d water tion /aqu ifer rec

Prevent s urface

wate har r sta ge tus d e teri ora tio n

Pre ain ati v a on en ble ts ag u rfa ric ce wa

Alberto Meouchi

Reclaim land

is k

Less dis turbanc e

e fl ow r

Imp rove soil Re du c

un e/s ad sh al g r ti pin op Pa r wC Ro io n eros uce Red inwater Slow ra

tation Gre ater Yield Tal lC rop Sh s or tC ro ps

of biodiver sity loss

r/aquifer recharge ndwate

soils Improve

Reduce pollution

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torage Water s

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Urban areas Trees in

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ser vation er sity pre Biodiv of pollutants

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REA A AN B UR

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Sto rm

For e

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Mo re sus tain ru Gro ab no le und ff ag wa r icu ter ltu /aq r uif e e

As access and preservation of water should be one of the first priorities in the future development of the region of the Llanos de Apan, the solutions and strategies should constantly be directed on this path. These strategies are selected after conversations with environmental engineers and are based and tropicalized from the European Natural Water Retention Measures.

storag e

prese r vati on

n r/ f s tio te o los uc ity wa tion ed er s kr

tt e n ua tio

WATER AS DRIVER

216

ts tan

Biodiver si ty

r st Wate

llu po

t ven Pre

tion s deteriora r statu wate ace f r e g u a s or

w pr r Slo sity aquife

sour Filtration ces of po llutan ts Water

atio Filtr

R n d nts tr y ru s a o n t e llu for atio Flo ior po nd ter of ea de ur us ult tat

les off tion e a Sw run eser va recharg

Rip

aria Bio div nF Ero er si ore ty sio p n/s sts Re ed rese du im ce en r va po Slo t tc llu tan w o io

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

217

Nature Based Strategies

Agricultural Water Ditches Agricultural areas

The following Nature Based Strategies aim to build up on the existing knowledge of the ejidatarios and the community to manage their resources; they are meant to construct, not to be imposed to them. Each one of them was condensed and validated with environmental engineers and selected as a means to remediate and mitigate potential environmental damages caused in the last 30 years in Apan. Another reason I chose these strategies is because of their implementation capacities, the technology and technical knowledge is currently present in Apan to make them a reality. Contrarily to other infrastructural maneuvers, these ones take into consideration water recharge and retention, flood mitigation, biodiversity conservation and, in some cases, retrofitting existing areas.

Las siguientes Estrategias Basadas en la Naturaleza tienen como objetivo construir sobre el conocimiento existente de los ejidatarios y la comunidad para administrar sus recursos; están destinados a construir, no a imponerles. Cada uno de ellos fue condensado y validado con ingenieros ambientales y seleccionado como un medio para remediar y mitigar los posibles daños ambientales causados en los últimos 30 años en Apan. Otra razón por la que elegí estas estrategias es por sus capacidades de implementación, la tecnología y el conocimiento técnico que está presente actualmente en Apan para hacerlas realidad. A diferencia de otras maniobras de infraestructura, estas toman en consideración la recarga y retención de agua, la mitigación de inundaciones, la conservación de la biodiversidad y, en algunos casos, la rehabilitación de áreas existentes. Streambed (or riverbed) represents the floor of the river, including each riverbank. In the past, riverbeds were artificially reconstructed with concrete or big stones, therefore modifying flows and decreasing fauna habitat and vegetation diversity. Image made by author. Text: http://nwrm.eu/measure/afforestation-reservoir-catchments 218

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

219

Nature Based Strategies

Intercropping Agricultural areas

Crop Rotation Agricultural areas

Intercropping is the practice of growing two or more crops in proximity. The most common goal of intercropping is to produce a greater yield on a given piece of land by making use of resources that would otherwise not be utilized by a single crop. Examples of intercropping strategies are planting a deep-rooted crop with a shallow-rooted crop, or planting a tall crop with a shorter crop that requires partial shade.

Crop rotation is the practice of growing a series of dissimilar/different types of crops in the same area in sequential seasons. Judiciously applied (i.e. selecting a suitable crop) crop rotation can improve soil structure and fertility by alternating deep-rooted and shallow-rooted plants. In turn this can reduce erosion and increase infiltration capacity, thereby reducing downstream flood risk. It gives various benefits to the soil.

Image made by author. Text: http://nwrm.eu/measure/afforestation-reservoir-catchments

220

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

221

Nature Based Strategies

Retention Ponds Forestry Preservation Areas

Erosion prone areas Forestry Preservation Areas

Retention ponds are ponds or pools designed with additional storage capacity to attenuate surface runoff during rainfall events. They consist of a permanent pond area with landscaped banks and surroundings to provide additional storage capacity during rainfall events. They are created by using an existing natural depression, by excavating a new depression, or by constructing embankments.

Planting trees in reservoir catchments can have both negative and positive effects. . Afforestation of previously bare or heavily eroded areas can control soil erosion, thereby extending the life of the reservoir and improving water quality. Water quality can also be improved if precipitation is able to infiltrate into forest soils before flowing to the reservoir.

Image made by author. Text: http://nwrm.eu/measure/afforestation-reservoir-catchments

222

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Alberto Meouchi

Collecting Ideals: Re-envisioning ejidos as climate-action platforms

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

223

Nature Based Strategies

Reconnect Streams with Water Bodies Consolidated urban areas

Reconnect water streams Consolidated urban areas

Streambed (or riverbed) represents the floor of the river, including each riverbank. In the past, riverbeds were artificially reconstructed with concrete or big stones, therefore modifying flows and decreasing fauna habitat and vegetation diversity. Those modifications were aiming at flood prevention or supporting changes of agricultural practices for example.

Detention basins are vegetated depressions designed to hold runoff from impermeable surfaces and allow the settling of sediments and associated pollutants. Stored water may be slowly drained to a nearby watercourse, using an outlet control structure to control the flow rate.

Image made by author. Text: http://nwrm.eu/measure/afforestation-reservoir-catchments

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Nature Based Strategies

Bioswales Consolidated urban areas

Waste water reuse for drainage canals Industrial facilities

Swales are broad, shallow, linear vegetated channels which can store or convey surface water (reducing runoff rates and volumes) and remove pollutants. They can be used as conveyance features to pass the runoff to the next stage of the SuDS treatment train and can be designed to promote infiltration where soil and groundwater conditions allow.

Infiltration trenches are shallow excavations filled with rubble or stone. They allow water to infiltrate into the surrounding soils from the bottom and sides of the trench, enhancing the natural ability of the soil to drain water. Ideally they should receive lateral inflow from an adjacent impermeable surface, but point source inflows may be acceptable with some design adaptation (effectively they are a form of soakaway).

Image made by author. Text: http://nwrm.eu/measure/afforestation-reservoir-catchments

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6.3 Visions and Scenarios

6.3 Visiones y Escenarios

The following visions aim to simulate different outcomes of the potential of the selected site in Apan. They are based on a simulation of the Platform methodology previously described in which the multiplicity of actors, datasets, cartography and SWOT analysis, build scenarios of the future of the territory. As mentioned before, these visions will constantly update and rebuild to both adapt to the everchanging challenges of the territory and to reflect the ideals of the ejidatarios, the owners of the land and the actors which are at a more vulnerable position in this region.

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Las siguientes visiones tienen como objetivo simular diferentes resultados del potencial del sitio seleccionado en Apan. Se basan en una simulación de la metodología Plataforma descrita anteriormente en la que la multiplicidad de actores, conjuntos de datos, cartografía y análisis FODA, construyen escenarios del futuro del territorio. Como se mencionó anteriormente, estas visiones se actualizarán y reconstruirán constantemente tanto para adaptarse a los desafíos siempre cambiantes del territorio como para reflejar los ideales de los ejidatarios, los propietarios de la tierra y los actores que se encuentran en una posición más vulnerable en esta región.

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Current Situation

Apan

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Vision 1

Traditional terracing

Retention Ponds

Traditional terraces consist of nearly level platforms built along contour lines of slopes, mostly sustained by stone walls, used for farming on hilly terrain.

Retention ponds are ponds or pools designed with additional storage capacity to attenuate surface runoff during rainfall events.

Image made by author. Text: http://nwrm.eu/measure/ afforestation-reservoir-catchments 232

Crop rotation is the practice of growing a series of dissimilar/different types of crops in the same area in sequential seasons.

Crop rotation

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Reconnecting rivers to floodplains Seasonal streams or intermittent rivers are rivers for which surface water ceases to flow at some point in space and time.

Intercropping is the practice of growing two or more crops in proximity.

Intercropping

Alberto Meouchi

BioSwales Swales are broad, shallow, linear vegetated channels which can store or convey surface water (reducing runoff rates and volumes) and remove pollutants.

Riparian buffers are treed areas alongside streams and other water bodies.

Riparian Forests

Trees in urban areas can have multiple benefits related to aesthetics, microclimate regulation and urban hydrology.

Trees in Urban areas

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Vision 2

Traditional terracing Traditional terraces consist of nearly level platforms built along contour lines of slopes, mostly sustained by stone walls, used for farming on hilly terrain. By reducing the effective slope of land, terracing can reduce erosion and surface run-off by slowing rainwater to a non-erosive velocity.

Image made by author. Text: http://nwrm.eu/measure/ afforestation-reservoir-catchments 234

Retention Ponds

Reconnecting rivers to floodplains Infiltration Trenches

Retention ponds are ponds or pools designed with additional storage capacity to attenuate surface runoff during rainfall events.

Crop rotation is the practice of growing a series of dissimilar/different types of crops in the same area in sequential seasons.

Crop rotation

Seasonal streams or intermittent rivers are rivers for which surface water ceases to flow at some point in space and time.

Buffer strips are areas of natural vegetation cover (grass, bushes or trees) at the margin of fields, arable land, transport infrastructures and water courses.

Buffer strips and hedges

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Intercropping is the practice of growing two or more crops in proximity.

Intercropping

Alberto Meouchi

Infiltration trenches are shallow excavations filled with rubble or stone.

BioSwales Swales are broad, shallow, linear vegetated channels which can store or convey surface water (reducing runoff rates and volumes) and remove pollutants.

Riparian buffers are treed areas alongside streams and other water bodies.

Riparian Forests

Urban forest parks

Urban forest parks can deliver a broad range of hydrology-related and other ecosystem services.

Forest conservation Afforestation of previously bare or heavily eroded areas can control soil erosion, thereby extending the life of the reservoir and improving water quality. Water quality can also be improved if precipitation is able to infiltrate

Trees in urban areas can have multiple benefits related to aesthetics, microclimate regulation and urban hydrology.

Trees in Urban areas

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Vision 3

Image made by author. Text: http://nwrm.eu/measure/ afforestation-reservoir-catchments 236

Retention Ponds

Reconnecting rivers to floodplains Infiltration Trenches

Retention ponds are ponds or pools designed with additional storage capacity to attenuate surface runoff during rainfall events.

Seasonal streams or intermittent rivers are rivers for which surface water ceases to flow at some point in space and time.

Crop rotation is the practice of growing a series of dissimilar/different types of crops in the same area in sequential seasons.

Crop rotation

Buffer strips are areas of natural vegetation cover (grass, bushes or trees) at the margin of fields, arable land, transport infrastructures and water courses.

Buffer strips and hedges

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Infiltration trenches are shallow excavations filled with rubble or stone.

Riparian buffers are treed areas alongside streams and other water bodies.

Riparian Forests

Detention basins are vegetated depressions designed to hold runoff from impermeable surfaces and allow the settling of sediments and associated pollutants.

Detention Basins

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6.1 Ejidos as climate-action platform Vision 4

Retention Ponds

Reconnecting rivers to floodplains

Retention ponds are ponds or pools designed with additional storage capacity to attenuate surface runoff during rainfall events.

Image made by author. Text: http://nwrm.eu/measure/ afforestation-reservoir-catchments 238

Seasonal streams or intermittent rivers are rivers for which surface water ceases to flow at some point in space and time.

Crop rotation is the practice of growing a series of dissimilar/different types of crops in the same area in sequential seasons.

Crop rotation

Buffer strips are areas of natural vegetation cover (grass, bushes or trees) at the margin of fields, arable land, transport infrastructures and water courses.

Buffer strips and hedges

Master of Science in Architecture Studies - Urbanism

Intercropping is the practice of growing two or more crops in proximity.

Intercropping

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BioSwales Swales are broad, shallow, linear vegetated channels which can store or convey surface water (reducing runoff rates and volumes) and remove pollutants.

Urban forest parks

Urban forest parks can deliver a broad range of hydrology-related and other ecosystem services.

Detention basins are vegetated depressions designed to hold runoff from impermeable surfaces and allow the settling of sediments and associated pollutants.

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INTERCROPPING

TRENCHES

Barley represented a 30% of your total crops, maguey was 70% of your total production

Your water consumption dropped by 45% compared to the same period last year

INTERCROPPING

BIOSWALE

The value of your commercial forestry production was 30% more than the barley crops

All the bioswales on this ejidal area infiltrated 1200 m3 of gater to the aquifer

1,200 m3

RETENTION POND This retention pond collected 40% more water than last year

07. CONCLUSIONS Conclusiones

7.0 Conclusions

7.0 Conclusiones As stated in the hypothesis, the repercussions of the privatization of the ejidal land in Mexico does not only have effects on the peripheries of large and intermediate cities but it also does so in smaller cities and rurbans areas. While in big cities the transition from common to urban land is used as a mechanism for peripheral urbanization in the form of sprawl, suburbanization, informal settlements or social housing, in smaller cities the transition from common to industrial land has instigated a process of resource extraction, biodiversity loss and water depletion that has further challenged the already poor livelihoods of its common owners, the ejidatarios. My thesis shows that since 1992 the ejidal land in Mexico has become a territory to be conquered, mainly by large developers, national and global industries for the industrial exploitation of its resources and unsustainable urbanization. Taking Apan as a case study, my thesis allows us to understand the serious effects of land privatization for the ejidatarios in the last 30 years. Entering the XXI century and facing a serious desertification exacerbated by climate change, the ejidatarios are here at the service of a global company that promotes monoculture and contributes together with other industries, to the depletion of their shared aquifer. This is the result of the absence of a sustainable management of the resource, as well as not properly following the laws that regulate water consumption. This has placed ejidatarios at enormous risk and vulnerability, and could potentially cause new waves of abandonment and migration. Instead, my thesis proposes a platform that, on the one hand, allows visualizing who is responsible for higher consumption and proposes solutions on how it could be reduced for all actors. This platform informs ejidatarios on the status of their land values, their crops, water recharge capacities, among many other measurements. As a pilot, the platform could help direct a sustainable urbanization of this valley in a manner in which the land does not become a city in its normative form but a new interface where country and city fuse together and where ejidatarios keep common ownership of their land. This platform aims to be both a space to share and to collect. Ejidatarios and stakeholders will inform each other on their issues, visions, ideals and meetings. They will also be able to see the information that others share. The scenarios provided in the platform could help direct policies in the future that promote the conservation of the land tenure and water, leading to an improvement of those who work the agricultural fields, contributing not only to managing the land but, more importantly, the water.

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Como se plantea en la hipótesis, la repercusión de la privatización de la tierra ejidal en México no solo tiene efectos en las periferias de las ciudades grandes e intermedias, sino que también lo hace en las ciudades más pequeñas y las zonas rurbans. Mientras que en las grandes ciudades la transición del suelo común al urbano se utiliza como mecanismo de urbanización periférica en forma de expansión, suburbanización, asentamientos informales o viviendas sociales, en las ciudades más pequeñas la transición del suelo común al industrial ha instigado un proceso de extracción de recursos. , la pérdida de biodiversidad y el agotamiento del agua que ha desafiado aún más los ya de por sí pobres medios de vida de sus propietarios comunes, los ejidatarios. Mi tesis muestra que desde 1992 la tierra ejidal en México se ha convertido en un territorio a ser conquistado, principalmente por grandes desarrolladores, industrias nacionales y globales para la explotación industrial de sus recursos y la urbanización insostenible. Tomando Apan como estudio de caso, mi tesis nos permite comprender los graves efectos de la privatización de la tierra para los ejidatarios en los últimos 30 años. Entrando en el siglo XXI y enfrentando una grave desertificación agravada por el cambio climático, los ejidatarios están aquí al servicio de una empresa global que promueve el monocultivo y contribuye junto con otras industrias, al agotamiento de su acuífero compartido. Esto es resultado de la ausencia de un manejo sustentable del recurso, así como del incumplimiento de las leyes que regulan el consumo de agua. Esto ha puesto a los ejidatarios en una situación de enorme riesgo y vulnerabilidad, y podría potencialmente causar nuevas oleadas de abandono y migración. En cambio, mi tesis propone una plataforma que, por un lado, permite visualizar quién es el responsable de un mayor consumo y propone soluciones sobre cómo se podría reducir para todos los actores. Esta plataforma informa a los ejidatarios sobre el estado de sus valores de la tierra, sus cultivos, capacidades de recarga de agua, entre muchas otras medidas. Como piloto, la plataforma podría ayudar a dirigir una urbanización sostenible de este valle de una manera en que la tierra no se convierta en una ciudad en su forma normativa, sino en una nueva interfaz donde el país y la ciudad se fusionen y donde los ejidatarios mantengan la propiedad común de su tierra. . Esta plataforma pretende ser tanto un espacio para compartir como para coleccionar. Los ejidatarios y las partes interesadas se informarán mutuamente sobre sus problemas, visiones, ideales y reuniones. También podrán ver la información que otros comparten. Los escenarios previstos en la plataforma podrían ayudar a dirigir políticas en el futuro que promuevan la conservación de la tenencia de la tierra y el agua, conduciendo a una mejora de quienes trabajan los campos agrícolas, contribuyendo no solo a la gestión de la tierra sino, más importante, el agua. .

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Canal in Apan, Hidalgo Image Gustavo Madrid 250

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ALBERTO MEOUCHI MASTER OF SCIENCE IN ARCHITECTURE STUDIES - URBANISM MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY