Urban Stitching

Urban Stitching: Urban Integration Strategies through Networks of Informality

Laura Amaya Cornell University - AAP

Laura Amaya Urban Stitching: Urban Integration Strategies through Networks of Informality.

Advisors: Henry Richardson Arthur Ovaska Jeremy Foster In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Architecture degree, Cornell University - College of Architecture, Art, and Planning.

With the support of the Hunter R. Rawlings III Cornell Presidential Scholarship.

Ithaca, NY May 2013

Contents_ O

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Overview

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i. Preface ii. Semantics of informality

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Rationale

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i. Piecing together the fragmented city ii. Testing ground iii. Learning how to fish

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Context

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i. Site selection ii. Problematic informality iii. Collective systems

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Proposal

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i. Building as investment ii. Collaborative action

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Urban intervention

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i. Existing conditions ii. Spatial implementation

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Design

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i. ii. iii. iv.

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Program integration Architectural application Site conditions Interface

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Conclusion

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Appendix

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i. Acknowledgements ii. Selected bibliography

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OVERVIEW

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i. Preface

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ii. Semantics of informality

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Metro terminal station MedellĂ­n, Colombia

O i. Preface

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The contemporary Latin-American city is a patchwork of unique fabrics. Today, the region is the most urbanized in the developing world, with nearly 80 percent of its inhabitants living in cities. Great disparity exists between the poor and the wealthy resulting from the unprecedented urban growth that took place throughout the twentieth century. Enhanced by weak redistribution mechanisms and the lack of social safety nets, the construct of Latin-American cities yields a multilayered reality often at odds with itself.

Informality exists in architecture as a contrasting parallel to formal urban patterns.

Yet informality needs to be understood as a broader phenomenon that permeates through every layer of the Latin-American city. Previous attempts to integrate the city have gone to extremes: from slum clearance and urban redevelopment to micro-urbanism and urban acupuncture. Yet reconciling the different realities requires a much more meticulous stitching that crosses multiple scales through a comprehensive approach. The boundary between formal and informal must be blurred in order to embrace a multifaceted city instead of a schizophrenic one.

At first sight, Latin America appears as a uniform region. However, the nuances of each individual place provide opportunities for challenging preconceived notions of design. This thesis focuses on three Latin-American cities: Bogotá in Colombia, Caracas in Venezuela, and Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. It analyzes three target settlements side-by-side, comparing different realities as part of a broader context.

El Dorado (Bogotá), San Agustín del Sur (Caracas), and Favela Santa Marta (Rio de Janeiro), located at the cross of multiple urban conditions, allow for an analysis at various levels.

The proposal, a system of community crèches, deals with site, building, building-to-site relationships, and building-to-building dialogue. In doing so, it weaves layers of the urban construct into a more cohesive fabric. It advocates for an alternative process of urban integration through networks of small physical footprint and high social and perceptual presence.

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ii. Semantics of informality Informality is a highly charged concept, often ambiguous and generally undefined. Therefore, delineating its implications becomes crucial in enabling a proper discussion. Understanding informality as an urban reality assumes its presence throughout different fields, from economics to culture. Hence, bringing to light an all-encompassing definition requires a cross-disciplinary investigation.

The word ‘informal’ provides numerous readings, of which three arise as instrumental to its urban connotation. Informal can mean the lack of formality, as set forth by sociocultural anthropologist James Holston. Informal can also mean the anti-formal, or the gray zone that houses operations outside the formal realm, as described by Peruvian economist Hernando De Soto. And informal can also mean information, what architects Alfredo Brillembourg and Hubert Klumpner of Urban-Think Tank outline as the continuous process of reciprocity between the city and its inhabitants.

In a first reading, the term informality implies an absence of formality. The semantic issue transcends to the theoretical realm; if informality is the direct inverse of formality, then we must first define the latter to understand the former. Seeing social forms as liquid processes, they are by nature reluctant to conform to a singular arrangement. Solids, instead, are rigid and tangible. Confining a liquid to present the characteristics of a solid requires a fixed, regular form to which it can adapt: urban formality. Therefore, there are two conditions in the cities at hand: the irregular—the undeniable state of a liquid—, and the regulated—a forceful attempt at rationalization.

Formality—the regular, the norm—attempts to standardize complex social interrelationships, compartmentalizing their ever-changing nature. In twentieth century architecture and urbanism, Modernism arose as the imposed and widely accepted regulating element. Hence, anything failing to follow its strict organization fell under the category of informal.

In Spaces of Insurgent Citizenship, James Holston argues that modernity rejected the present and instead proposed a utopian future. He describes modernist planning as “based on a tension between existing social conditions and

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O their imagined opposite[, which is] conceived in terms of absent causes.” Given that a city operates through overlapping networks there are no black-and-white readings. Thus, thinking of an opposite per se is impossible since. Furthermore, the dynamic weave of social interactions leaves no room for “absent causes.”

Lúcio Costa, Brazilian architect and planner designer of Brasilia, theorized about a Modernism far beyond its time that was waiting for society to adjust: “There exists, already perfectly developed in its fundamental elements…an entire new constructive know-how, paradoxically still waiting for the society to which, logically, it should belong” Designing for an inexistent user (an absent cause) is comparable to attempting to contain a liquid without having the liquid itself. Thus, it is fair to state that Modernism of this type, and formality at large, prescribes for an ideal society rather than empathizing with the dynamic Latin-American reality.

Modernism attempted to order the city through defamiliarization, imposing an arbitrary regulating system. It ignored and condescendingly dismissed previous models, becoming primarily theoretical and, in that regard, irrelevant. Holston condemns Modernism as a “total and totalizing plan” with no room for change or transition, and no consideration of unexpected forces. Therefore, he describes the formal as a rigid dystopia that negates the fluidity of urban society—which could be termed, then, informality.

Informality embraces irregularity; it is flexible and capitalizes on what to Modernists might appear disorderly. Lacking an author and not aspiring to directly solve urban problems, it arranges the city allowing enough room for change within its framework. Simultaneously, the formal city imposes itself, generating spaces of tension. Holston labels these as sites of insurgence, because they rebel against a specific logic. Far from insurgency, however, it could be argued that informality yields spaces where the social realm takes on an ideal structure without the imposition of external forces.

Holston advocates for informality as a rebellion against the formal realm, while Hernando de Soto describes it as the ‘anti-formal.’ This second reading, although economic in nature, applies to urbanism and architecture as well. In his preface for

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View of Caracas, Venezuela from Torre Oeste.

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The Other Path, an ideological response to Peruvian insurgent group The Shining Path, de Soto describes informality as the ‘extralegal’ realm, suggesting that there is no longer a horizontal divide between the haves on top and the have not’s at the bottom. He proposes instead a vertical line where the formal stands on one side and the informal stands on the other, acknowledging that it is not a subpar category but a parallel occurrence.

He argues that “individuals are not informal; their actions and activities are.”

Therefore, informality becomes a gray area that accommodates for what does not strictly follow the canon of formality. Product of the lack of official mechanisms to supply the needs of the increasing urban population, informality presents an entire framework for operating alongside legality without becoming illegal. The informal is then the middle ground between the rigid and the chaotic.

Recognizing that informality cannot be standardized, de Soto suggests turning away from theory and looking directly at the people who live this day-by-day reality.

“People have gradually grown to living outside the law,” and the government as a regulating agent must incorporate these new forms of living into its understanding.

Contrary to what de Soto advises in The Mystery of Capital, this is not to say that government should “straighten the path” of those living informally. Instead, it should broaden its scope to address informality as an unchangeable reality; informality “[is] not the problem[, it is] the solution.”

As mentioned, de Soto’s theories are primarily economic. Nevertheless, they can be read through an architectural lens and applied to the spatial dynamics of urbanity. Unlike Holston, who presents an absolute absence of formality, de Soto describes an alternative that coexists with the formal. In urban terms, that enhances the notion of a multilayered city where both realms occur in parallel. If Holston fears the spaces of clash between them, de Soto’s proposition of an area of continuous transaction opens the ground for bridging them to work toward an integrated city.

De Soto also emphasizes on the opportunity of taking lessons from informality.

In his words: “Everyone forgot that the reason for the delta’s rich life lay far upriver, in its unexplored headwaters[.] Imitating capitalism at

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O the level of the delta, by importing McDonald’s and Blockbuster franchises, is not enough to create wealth. What is needed is capital.”

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Understood broadly, he urges an investigation of ways in which to activate the economic, social, and spatial potential of informality. He advocates for new lifestyles that stem from this secular logic, setting it as a parting point for innovation.

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Informality as information is the view presented by Urban-Think Tank directors Alfredo Brillembourg and Hubert Klumpner, a third reading on the concept. They describe it as having no linear logic; instead presenting an ongoing process of reciprocal information that yields complex urban networks. This discourse implies that informality is not a prescriptive practice, but rather a collective and therefore unauthored mode of operation.

Brillembourg and Klumpner break down the definition of informality into two sub-categories: form-inform, and formal-informal. They define form as “shape and structure; outward appearance; [and] essence,” arguing that to inform engages both appearance, as exterior shaping, and essence, as internal inspiration. On the same vein, formal pertains “to customary form or conventionality… lacking in ease or freedom of outline or arrangement.” It follows that informal relates to that which does not follow accepted or prescribed form.

Although not guided by a linear rationale, informality follows a process that, albeit logical, remains unidentified and understudied. It is not a lack of form, yet it is a lack of formality; it lies away from the Cartesian model of urbanism. Brillembourg and Klumpner ascertain the statement made by both Holston and de Soto that the planned city is but a utopian myth. Informality is then a broad notion that describes the multilayered reality operating independent of urban theory. It informs the machinery of the city, intersecting at various points with the illusion of a regulated urbanity. Informality is flexibility, and time. It is design that emerges from the city rather than design imposed on the city. Informality is a vital component of the city, intimately linked to its every layer.

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RATIONALE

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i. Piecing together the fragmented city

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ii. Testing ground iii. Learning how to fish

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View of Rio de Janeiro from Favela Santa Marta

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O i. Piecing Together the Fragmented City Slums, squatters, favelas, or barrios; informal settlements are a reality of global cities. Yet they are often negated legally and spatially. Places from Rio de Janeiro to Caracas to Mumbai depict them as blanks on their official maps, refusing to fully accept their transcendence on greater urban structures. David Harvey describes the right to the city as the capability of society to shape urban space in order to instruct collective behaviors. He also discusses the fragmentation of cities, and how different sectors within them function autonomously. The relevance of both arguments urges for a solution to bring independent communities together through spatial dynamics.

In Delirious New York, Rem Koolhaas proposes that the skyscraper acts as an internal city within a greater framework. “This truculent ambition makes the Metropolis a collection of architectural city-states, all potentially at war with each other.” The complexity of the Manhattan skyscraper makes it a distinct entity concentrated in a small footprint. Similarly, cities in the developing world are conformed of different districts—which Harvey terms ‘microstates’—that present a similar condition of autonomy while spreading over a greater area. Despite this similarity, the skyscraper has a strict programmatic organization, while the so-called microstates emerge haphazardly and build on the scarce resources available. Rather than operating on a preconceived organizational system, these cities function as a continually evolving patchwork.

Harvey criticizes projects of massive urban renewal citing Baron Haussmann in nineteenth century Paris, and Robert Moses decades later in New York. These efforts eradicated quarters seen as threats to public order and political power, relocating them in peripheral suburbs that trapped the urban poor. A similar situation happens in developing countries, where informal settlements have emerged in peripheral locations. Many of them, however, have been absorbed to become islands amidst the formal city. In many cases these communities are centrally located yet remain marginalized due to their isolation from urban infrastructure, both physical and social.

For the most part isolation presents a critical picture. However, there is something to be said about the development of social bonds when districts are

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clearly defined, even if through seclusion. Jane Jacobs advocated in favor of strengthening community ties at the neighborhood scale in lower Manhattan during the time that Robert Moses attempted to bulldoze critical parts of the island. She preached against the proposed transformations, arguing that they would destroy invaluable urban fabric, as well as “whole communities of residents and their long established networks of social integration.” In this sense, informal settlements in Latin America deserve praise for the community ties they nurture. Any effort to erase them would be criminal to the social fabric of the most vulnerable population.

The development of these microstates is crucial especially considering the benefits of such social networks. The challenge becomes how to interconnect them not as opposing city-states, as described by Koolhaas, but as productive elements collaborating on a broader framework. To achieve this, Harvey’s vision on the right to the city comes into play: “The right to the city is[…] far more than a right of individual or group access to the resources that the city embodies: it is a right to change and reinvent the city[.] It is, moreover, a collective rather than an individual right, since reinventing the city inevitably depends upon the exercise of a collective power over the processes of urbanization.”

Through this lens, the process of urban integration depends only partially on physical connectivity. Consolidating social systems becomes a crucial factor for reclaiming the city.

Harvey argues in favor of a scenario in which citizens can affect the course of the city. He talks about it in a very literal sense, where collectives become active players in development. However, design can provide alternatives that don’t require a team of eight million designers, as would be roughly the case in a city like Bogotá. Referring to Holston’s spaces of insurgency, public urban space could become a vehicle for change. This is not to say that they must become spaces for collective body politics; Harvey himself describes this as “increasingly implausible.”

Yet these spaces complement physical infrastructure and architecture in fostering social cohesion.

Urban public spaces—not to be understood solely as open spaces—must

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Map of Rio de Janeiro favelas; these are left as blank areas in government city maps.

O take time as a design element, being flexible enough to accommodate to changes in social forms that manifest themselves physically. In essence, the right to the city must be not only the use of public amenities, but also their appropriation to shape collective behaviors. Harvey cites urban sociologist Robert Park in saying that “[the city is] man’s most consistent and on the whole, his most successful attempt to remake the world he lives in more after his heart’s desire.” Cities that allow for seamless citizen transformation will ultimately yield strong communities that benefit from their mutual existence.

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Holston’s urge to plan with “the ethnography of the present,” while maintaining regulating lines is the basis for urban integration. This is not to suggest inserting the formal into the informal, or bringing the informal toward the formal. It is instead a bidirectional attempt that accounts for both realities. The argument for urban integration deals essentially with finding networks that adapt to the reinvention of social forms. Two cities exist today: the formal city—a decontextualized city—and the informal city—a city developed by necessity through ad-hoc methods. Holston’s claim for egalitarian citizenship lies in the need to recognize both places as crucial components of the urban realm, with their inhabitants as citizens of equal value.

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ii. Testing Ground

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Brillembourg and Klumpner argue that, in intervening the Latin-American city, “considering ideal conditions is a waste of time.” The hope for a society that can adapt to regulated form is the flaw of Modernism that cities must step away from. This thesis takes the city as a given, both formal and informal, and proposes interventions that stitch the existing fabric. It does not attempt to modify the deeprooted causes of informality. Instead, it takes space as a strategy to reconcile the informal city with the mechanisms established by formal practice.

Over the last few decades, Latin America has served as a testing ground for architectural approaches toward urban integration. Strategies have tackled different scales, and proposals range from mega-projects to minimal interventions of urban acupuncture. Despite their individual success, most of them fail to bridge the divide between both sides of the vertical boundary described by de Soto, essentially due to a denial of the multiple scales. Proposals operate either at the macro or the micro level, but rarely include a tertiary element that links the two together.

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The Favela-Bairro program, directed by the government of Rio de Janeiro and funded largely by the Inter-American Development Bank, took place in the 1990s. It sought to reactivate the aesthetic and identity of marginal settlements to make them an integral part of the city. In light of budget constraints, it focused not on the residential but rather on the communal realm—namely infrastructure and services—arguing that these changes would then trickle down to the private lives of informal city dwellers. The strategy, termed urban acupuncture, intended to improve the collective environment through punctual interventions that served target settlements. By “the end of the year 2000, [the program] had reached 150 communities, which benefited almost half a million people.”

The promise of Favela-Bairro lay in its site-specificity, which allowed for a wide range of proposals for different contexts. In the case of favela Fernão Cardim the architectural language of the riverfront redesign encouraged homeowners to improve the façades of their dwellings. Similarly, the creation of service axes that limited the growth of favela Parque Royal provided urban amenities for the marginalized population. However, many of these interventions prioritized spatial design with the sole purpose of, as put by Roberto Segre, “eliminating the ghetto image [dominant in the perception of ] favelas.”

The success of Favela-Bairro in revitalizing the image of Rio de Janeiro’s favelas stagnated in the architectural realm, failing to address greater social and economic concerns. For the most part the proposals rejected the informal city and sought to insert elements of the ‘formal’ into favelas, reinforcing the existing stigma against informality. Additionally, it took the concept of acupuncture to an extreme, and limited the projects’ scope. “The lack of connection between areas within the same settlement [resulted] in deficient internal social integration.” While in theory the projects intended urban cohesion, in practice they had a minimal range of influence. Inevitably, the lack of urban rigor turned the interventions into points of government aid rather than tools of social investment.

At the other side of the spectrum is Urban-Think Tank’s proposal for the Caracas Metrocable, a non-invasive public transportation system that floats above the city. Inaugurated in 2010, the 2.1-kilometer gondola lift connects the barrio of San Agustín del Sur with the rest of the city. Three stations on the top of the hill link

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Metrocable Caracas - Urban Think Tank Caracas, Venezuela

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Biblioteca España - Giancarlo Mazzanti Medellín, Colombia

O the residents to the public transportation system through the two stations in the valley. Unlike Favela-Bairro interventions, the Metrocable turns toward large-scale urbanism, proposing a direct pipeline through different layers of the city.

The designers stayed close to the community by considering the input of its residents alongside the suggestions of academics and professionals. As a result, the proposal for the Metrocable exceeded the expectations of a public transportation infrastructure. It capitalized on the direct communication between the formal and the informal cities, to introduce social services in the barrio. Aside from the required system elements, each station would offer cultural and social functions: a gym, a supermarket, and a daycare center. However, government budget eliminated the latter, leaving the Metrocable strictly as a conveying element.

While the Caracas Metrocable stepped away from aesthetic concerns, it zoomed out far too much. It looked at the city as a greater entity, and its minor social interventions—which to date have not been realized—served more as a commentary on the role of infrastructure than as viable proposals to affect a community scale. On one hand the Favela-Bairro program zeroed in too much into the human scale; on the other, the Metrocable was too far removed.

Efforts of urban integration in Colombia have attempted to address the multiple urban scales, some falling into similar problems as the above-mentioned cases.

From 1998 to 2001, when Enrique Peñalosa held office as Mayor of Bogotá, the city saw a shift in public investment that favored projects in the most vulnerable sectors. Peñalosa states that leisure time is when class differences are most intensely felt, due to a lack of recreational spaces for the urban poor. He believes in public space as a social equalizer, as it democratizes the city through physical transformation.

During his term, several initiatives took place: the design and implementation of Transmilenio, the Bus-Rapid Transit system that has served as a model for public transportation systems around the world, the construction of the 250-kilometer network of exclusive bicycle paths, and the massive investment in parks and public amenities. Through this combined strategy, Peñalosa targeted the macro and intermediate urban scales to foster community integration and the perception of a city for all.

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A few years later, when Sergio Fajardo was elected Mayor of Medellín in 2003, his team established the Programa de Mejoramiento Integral de Barrios (PMIB), which proposes an integral approach to improving the conditions of informal settlements.

The PMIB takes lessons from both Favela-Bairro and Bogotá’s urban makeover to set forth a plan mainly targeting the intermediate urban scale. However, unlike the case in Rio de Janeiro, it does not stigmatize informality but rather embraces it and uses it to create an identity for the multilayered city.

It is not coincidental that the PMIB places a large emphasis on architecture.

Fajardo firmly believes in aesthetics “as a tool for social transformation, [and] as a message for inclusion.” However, it is not merely because of physical form per se; the importance behind architecture lies in that it dignifies the urban environment, and promotes social inclusion.

Since Fajardo came to office, Medellín has seen an improvement in both physical and social infrastructure. The Metrocable is a precursor in Latin America as a noninvasive public transportation system, and served as inspiration for the Caracas project. Additionally, Medellín invested in public buildings—primarily libraries and schools—located in the most at-risk barrios. Iconic in nature and architecturally distinct, they provide a sense of ownership for the people, simultaneously inserting public services in vulnerable communities.

The examples illustrated showcase architecture as a vehicle for social inclusion and urban integration. At different scales, they bring to the table the promise of a city where formal and informal coexist without tension. However, one of the most notable shortcomings across the board is the lack of a multi-scalar dialogue. In Rio de Janeiro, the scale of intervention was minimal, compared to the macro proposal seen in Caracas, and the ambitious plans of Bogotá and Medellín. Nonetheless, all four cases maintain a very restricted range that does not cut through the urban grain.

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O iii. Learning How to Fish In response to previous attempts, this thesis advocates for an integral strategy that stitches through various scales. It proposes a way to bridge the gap between the formalized city and the informal reality. Each of the ‘microstates’ discussed

by Harvey has an internal logic that plays into the greater urban dynamic at different points. In order to avoid addressing pieces of the city as isolated entities, architectural interventions must plug into broader systems to bring together the urban construct.

As previously discussed, the urbanization process that gave way to informality in Latin America did not follow the path of cities in Europe and Northern America.

Therefore, strategies for change cannot result solely from an investigation of practices that shaped such places. Latin-American cities must learn primarily from the informal dynamics that predominate. Architectural practice must embrace processes of urban leapfrogging not as irregular but as instinctive and thus informative in the road toward integration.

The historical segregation of informal settlements—slums, barrios, and favelas—has resulted in the development of tightly knit communities. Spatially, they manifest themselves in distinct urban congregations that can be differentiated by foreigners only upon closer inspection. Hence, any potential strategy requires a detailed study of the mode of operation of these districts. Design should strive for the permeability of marginal spaces to spawn urban inclusion, while preserving heterogeneity.

Alejandro Aravena, Chilean architect proponent of the Elemental incremental housing model, stresses on the importance of social investment as opposed to social expense. Likewise, Fajardo urges for “a rupture from the idea that anything you give to the poor is a plus.” Interventions in the informal city must not become handed-down aids for relieving social guilt. They must benefit from the existing community bonds to encourage social regeneration; they must serve as tools of empowerment, where the monetary expense is returned in social capital. In this way, they must become agents of equalization by providing the same opportunities regardless of economic status.

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Public escalator for Comuna 13 residents MedellĂ­n, Colombia

O The premise of this thesis is an urban network of public facilities that invest in the dialogue between physical space and social interaction. It reacts to projects that limit themselves to granting support, responding to their lack of dynamism and condescending stance. It instead favors the provision of skill sets with which communities can thrive and reclaim their right to the city. In recognizing the knowledge intrinsic to informal processes of urbanism, this proposal avoids homogenization and fosters a multilayered city.

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ii. Problematic informality iii. Collective systems

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CARACAS

BOGOTÁ

Population:

7.3 million

Elevation:

2,600 m

Temperature:

~ 17 °C

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Population:

RIO DE JANEIRO

2.1 million

Population:

(6 million metro)

6.3 million (11 million metro)

Elevation:

900 m

Elevation:

0 - 900 m

Temperature:

~ 22 °C

Temperature:

20 - 30 °C

Z X 1:10,000

1:10,000

1:1,000,000

1:1,000,000

EL DORADO

SAN AGUSTÍN DEL SUR

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SANTA MARTA

0Êm

100Êm

200Êm

0Êm

200Êm

0Êkm

20Êkm

0Êkm

20Êkm

O i. Site selection

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To turn the theoretical framework into a tangible architectural proposal, the thesis works in parallel with informal settlements in three different Latin-American cities: El Dorado (in Bogotá) , San Agustín del Sur (in Caracas), and Santa Marta (in Rio de Janeiro). They meet fixed criteria and are all located at the cross of various urban layers. Thus, understanding their logic and social constructs in a side-byside study allows for the formulation of a design strategy sensitive to the theoretical proposition outlined previously.

The chosen cities have important similarities, allowing for an interesting comparison. Their climate is stable year round. Caracas and Bogotá are equatorial, and Rio de Janeiro, despite being farther south, has only moderate variations.

Albeit steady, the weather differs in each city. Bogotá is set in a valley located 2,600 meters above sea level and surrounded by the Andes Mountains. It is generally overcast and rainy, with scattered sunny days. Caracas lies in another valley at a lower elevation, 900 meters. It is warmer but receives more annual rainfall, primarily during its rainy season. Finally, Rio de Janeiro’s variable topography ranges from sea level in its beautiful beaches to roughly 900 meters at its highest point. It is consistently the warmest of the three cities, and receives the most precipitation, coming in the form of summer storms.

In terms of population, Rio de Janeiro is the largest with an estimated 6.3 million in the city proper and over 11 million in the metro area, respectively 3 and 6 per cent of the total population of Brazil. Caracas has a similar urban situation at a much smaller scale, with an estimated 2.1 million, and a metro area estimate of about 6 million. In this case, it accounts for 7 and 21 per cent of the Venezuelan population, respectively. Bogotá is different because the population, a 2010 estimate of 7.3 million, is mainly contained within the city proper, with the exception of a few hundred thousand in the adjacent municipality of Soacha. Bogotá accounts for 16 per cent of the national population, a far higher proportion than that of other cities.

The same can be observed in terms of density, which goes hand in hand with inequality, and proves to be far greater in informal settlements where people make use of any available ground space. Focusing only on the city proper, Rio de Janeiro is the densest of the three cities, with an average of 5,265 inhabitants per

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square kilometer and a higher proportion inherently in favelas. Caracas has 4,857 inhabitants per square kilometer, with a majority living in informal zones. In fact, relative to its size, Caracas has the largest and densest informal urban settlements in Latin America. Finally, Bogotá has the lowest density, with an average of 4,630 inhabitants per square kilometer. Again, the highest densities can be found in areas of informal origin.

The selected settlements have additional constants that narrow down the points for comparison. El Dorado, San Agustín del Sur, and Santa Marta date back to the 1930s, when the greatest urban boom took place in Latin America. They are all situated on sites of steep topography, the last two being the most extreme cases. Additionally, they lie at points of intersection in the urban fabric, making them interesting objects of study.

El Dorado stands between the wealthy north of Bogotá and the poverty-stricken neighborhoods of the vast south. San Agustín del Sur occupies the western face of the same hill as the Central University of Venezuela, which toward the east unfolds into the affluent Caracas condominiums. West of it is the sea of Caracas barrios, which house 55 per cent of the city’s population in roughly 35 per cent of the city’s land area. Finally, Santa Marta climbs up Morro Dona Marta, which connects the middle class neighborhoods of Botafogo and Laranjeiras in Rio de Janeiro. At a larger scale, it sits as the cross between the Zona Sul (the south zone, famous for its high-end beaches and luxury penthouses) and the Centro - Zona Norte (the more industrial, working class portion of the city). Thus, their location positions them in pivotal points of their respective cities.

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View of favela Santa Marta and neighboring Botafogo

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Barrio El Dorado Bogotรก, Colombia

O El Dorado

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El Dorado sits behind the historical city center of Bogotå, on the hill that connects to the iconic mountains of Monserrate and Guadalupe. Its development began around the late 1920s, at the hands of working population attracted by the establishment of brickworks in the area, then peripheral to the city. The growth began atop the hill, where the clandestine dwellings could hide from the government’s eye. As the first homes became more consolidated, the settlement sprawled downhill until it merged with the existing city.

For decades the area fought struggles of occupation, often times with the support of the Jesuit community. However, it was not until the vast process of legalization that took place during the 1970s in BogotĂĄ that El Dorado became a recognized settlement and residents gained security of tenure.

The status of a legal neighborhood came along with urban improvements in terms of infrastructure and social services. The erstwhile illegal settlement was gradually connected to the existing network of public services: electricity, water and sewage, and garbage collection to mention a few. Throughout the following decades the city intervened to open way for paved roads and pedestrian pathways.

Additionally, education and healthcare began to make a part of the urban fabric.

The layout of original dwellings adapted to the insertion of the formal city into its long-standing informal weave, yet the population remained segregated from the larger city.

Residents of El Dorado feel as though they are very much part of a tight community. They help out whoever is in need, and work together to gain access to urban amenities. A lifetime of struggles for legality has brought the older generations together. By contrast, the younger generations that were born into city life feel isolated from both their neighbors and the formal city that spreads below.

Insecurity threatens to become a problem as teenage gangs from surrounding settlements break into homes and threaten other youths. They would never dare do that in their own neighborhoods though, because tight-knit older generations have authority and moral control.

35

C P U D Z X

O R C P U D Z X

36

O R C P U D Z X

View of Bogotรก from Barrio El Dorado, with the Monserrate Sanctuary seen top right

37

O R C P U D Z X

Barrio La Ceiba - San AgustĂ­n Caracas, Venezuela

38

O San Agustín del Sur The initial settlement of San Agustín del Sur, in Caracas, also occurred in the late 1920s, following the construction of the bridge that connects the city to the southern bank of the Guaire River. Similar to the case in Bogotá, the settlement developed from top to bottom because it meant the authorities had greater difficulty reaching the hilltops to prevent invasion. The area was populated primarily by migrant workers from the countryside, who a decade later had already organized themselves to demand basic services.

By the late 1950s the city built streets at the base and top of the hill, as well as a series of consolidated pedestrian walkways that followed the trace of original dirt paths created by the residents. For over thirty years, the government attempted to vacate the area and tear down the existing houses. Unsuccessful, it opted for the construction of several high-rise social housing projects at the base of the hill.

These had easier access to urban infrastructure and social facilities. Yet despite the contrast, the dwellers of San Agustín del Sur remained in place.

Today, the barrio is neither illegal nor fully legal. The remaining vacant plots have continued to be invaded and further subdivided into homes and shops. Trapped in an island of informality, the area has developed an intricate internal logic that only its residents can understand.

Different to the case of El Dorado, the formal city has not yet penetrated the spatial organization of San Agustín. It therefore provides an authentic insight into its origins and initial development. The most important recent intervention, the Caracas Metrocable respects its urban dynamic and provides a means for integration through minimal disruption. However, it encourages a unidirectional flow to the formal city and back, relegating the barrio to dormitory community of sorts that provides few services to its dwellers.

Residents of San Agustín feel safe in their community, but are wary of traveling to neighboring settlements without a local. As in Bogotá, younger generations feel segregated from both the community and the formal city, and are therefore prone to joining locals gangs or carrying out independent acts of violence.

39

R C P U D Z X

O R C P U D Z X

40

O R C P U D Z X

41

View of Caracas from Barrio La Ceiba - San AgustĂ­n

O R C P U D Z X

Favela Santa Marta Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

42

O Santa Marta

R

The occupation of favela Santa Marta in Rio de Janeiro dates back to the late 1930s. The population, primarily rural migrants, inhabited the top of the morro following the same logic of Bogotá and Caracas. The initial settlement was accessed through the back road that led to the neighborhood of Laranjeiras, north of Botafogo. However, as opposed to following the existing road, the favela developed downhill toward Botafogo, where a Catholic community sympathized with the cause.

The major population growth in Santa Marta took place during the 1960s and 1970s, when the community reached Rua São Clemente, the street that borders with Botafogo. Unlike what had occurred in Bogotá, and in Caracas to a certain extent, the favela was nowhere near achieving legalization. Government initiatives at the time encouraged the dismantling of informal settlements, and many favelas were torn down then. As a result, urban infrastructure was unavailable, and the living conditions quite precarious.

Electricity was the first public service made available to Santa Marta, almost by mistake, in 1979. From that initial point the increasing number of favela dwellers plugged into to that existing connection illegally. Similar occurrences took place in the gradual acquisition of necessary infrastructure, which was made available mostly through unorthodox means.

Rio de Janeiro’s outlook toward favelas has changed in recent years, and a slow legalization process for Santa Marta began in the early 2000s. That has gradually improved public infrastructure, including access to water and sanitation, metered electricity and a tram that travels up and down the morro. However, residents feel uneasy with the increasing favela violence caused by the illegal drug trade.

As more and more women go to work, children and teenagers are left unattended. With limited options for leisure, they are exposed to gang violence, drug trade, and prostitution. Slowly the community is fragmenting, and residents fear that Santa Marta will become an irreparable node of violence and drug trade.

43

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O R C P U D Z X

44

O R C P U D Z X

Boundary street between Botafogo and favela Santa Marta, to the right

45

O R C P U D Z X

ii. Problematic Informality Residents of informal settlements have not had easy journeys to land tenure and urban integration, let alone with the integration of their homes with the formal city beyond the settlement’s borders.

The 1980s came along with the introduction of drug trafficking in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, and Santa Marta was no exception. Coupled with a general dislike toward the police, this situation stemmed from the need of communities to fulfill their basic housing needs and the willingness of drug lords to yield to such requests in exchange for places to carry out their business. By the year 2000, several of Rio de Janeiro’s favelas had gone out of hand, tainting the image of the informal even further.

In 2008, Santa Marta was the first favela to undergo the so-called pacification process and the subsequent implementation of the Pacifying Police Unit (UPP for its Portuguese name). Along with the national army, the police took over the favela and expelled drug cartels. After the matter, the UPP established three monitoring stations throughout the hill with the support of a larger network of public force. This was paired with this initiative came the UPP-Sociais, a series of social services and facilities to tackle the causes leading favela residents to partake in drug trade.

The strategy has proven to be highly successful in its short duration, and dwellers speak of an unlivable before and a hopeful after the introduction of the UPP. In a parallel scenario, the urban violence related to national drug cartels and paramilitary groups in Colombia became a reality for El Dorado during the 1990s. The rising number of working mothers fragmented the social structures that protected the newer generations. Paired with the shortage of educational opportunities, this caused the youth to increasingly engage in illegal activities that paid better and were more easily accessible. This phenomenon disjointed the tight community relations, thus leaving El Dorado in a heightened state of chaos and uncertainty.

When former president Ă lvaro Uribe took office in 2002, the military agenda of fighting organized crime took control of the situation. By 2010 when Uribe stepped down, combined military and police efforts had mitigated the violence in El Dorado

46

O and reinstated livability. Paired with the urban strategies that followed Peñalosa’s term as Mayor, the settlement has slowly recovered peace. Nevertheless, the youth continues to be a weak point, ready to succumb to gang violence and drug trade.

The situation in San Agustín del Sur, in Caracas, has not yet reached a critical point as occurred in the other two instances. However, its residents see the progressive disintegration of the community at the hands of rebellious youth. Given the current political instability in Venezuela, the younger generations have opted for gang violence and armed disputes as a way to ascertain their domain in a virtually ungoverned city.

R C P U

iii. Collective systems Community is the greatest asset of informal settlements. It provides a safety net for vulnerable populations, which does not depend on the willingness of government but on a self-regulated mechanism of mutual support. In today’s informal settlements, unprotected youth may initiate the fragmentation of a community’s social weave. A mechanism to shelter the younger generations and to bring them together with the rest of their communities thus appears of utmost urgency.

Bogotá, Caracas, and Rio de Janeiro have all, to varying degrees, focused on integrating residents of informal settlements by improving connectivity with the formal city. Other efforts have gone to enhancing options for urban leisure, but this again happens almost exclusively in the formal city. Options to bring communities together within their areas of informal residence seem out of scope, and government bodies that are held accountable for their initiatives may be reluctant to innovate.

Notwithstanding, it is often these smaller but broader initiatives within the fabric of a community that most contribute to bringing people together through collective action. They are far less resource intensive, and require a far lower level of control.

Different communities may innovate in different ways, according to what best suits them. Loose but accurate design parameters allow for communities to tailor initiatives to their specific needs. Although not uniform, these unique interventions can be the glue that brings residents back together.

47

D Z X

O R

PROPOSAL

C

i. Building as investment

P

ii. Collaborative action

U D Z X

O R C P U D Z X

O i. Building as investment In the field study of the three target settlements, residents repeatedly stressed the need for educational centers, especially targeted to childhood and early youth.

The changing role of women from the household to the workplace has left children orphaned at daytime. Forced to develop independently since an early age, infants face a survival-of-the-fittest competition with older generations to gain respect and social status. More often than not this occurs through violence, altering social structures. Aided by the instability that stems from drug trade and gangs, youngsters soon become detonators of chaos in already susceptible communities.

Community Mothers is a program developed in various Colombian cities through the Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar (ICBF), a governmentaffiliated agency that provides daycare facilities for infants of at-risk settlements.

Unemployed women in a specific settlement take in the children of working mothers while they are out. This generates a stable income for the first, while also providing a safe environment in which the children can develop. Additionally, it assures parents that their children will be in trusted hands since it is women of the same community that run the crèches. As an added bonus, the sense of community is transmitted to the younger generations who grow up in a favorable situation.

The program does not currently exist in Rio de Janeiro or Caracas, and could prove to be an excellent first step to dealing with troubled youth. Seeking to preserve the most valuable quality of informal communities, the community itself, this thesis uses the idea of Community Mothers as the stitching element for a greater urban network of education and social cohesion.

Bridging through different scales, it establishes a series of daycare facilities throughout the settlements, hosting 12 to 14 children as determined by the ICBF. Each individual crèche allows for additional programs targeted to middle-aged residents that happen during off-hours. During the day the building is a place for the childhood education, and at night it operates as a training center for older residents.

These punctual interventions then plug into greater systems already in place: anchor libraries, recreational centers, and educational establishments. A micro-

51

R C P U D Z X

O R C P U Bogotá [BOG]

Caracas [CCS]

Rio de Janeiro [RJ]

D Z X 0 km

OFFICIAL BODIES

52

ARCHITECTS

COMMUNITY

20 km

O COMMUNITY MOTHERS

ARCHITECTS

R

COMMUNITY

C P [BOG]

El Dorado

[CCS]

San Agustín del Sur [RJ]

Santa Marta

U D Z X

YOUTH

COMMUNITY

53

O R C P U D Z X

scale network of buildings that permeates the informal city while connecting to formal structures, the proposal sets the foundation for urban and social inclusion. ii. Collaborative action Urban development has happened in isolation far too many times. Each city reinvents the wheel in individual attempts to solve the same greater problem. The framework of this proposal seeks to share lessons across Bogotรก, Caracas, and Rio de Janeiro to work towards a similar goal.

Multiple actors make up the social fabric of cities. These include community members and official bodies. Architects also play a role in shaping cities, although they may not actively participate in social interactions. Understanding the role of each of these actors helps determine where their strengths can work together to catalyze further development.

Architects can help put together the building blocks of society, and have a role that can span from research to conception to construction. They can operate both at an urban scale and at a more local scale, working directly with individual settlements. Their creative process is not limited

ARCHITECTS COMMUNITY MOTHERS YOUNG POPULATION LOCAL GOVERNMENT INTERNATIONAL AGENCIES COMMUNITY

RESEARCH

PROJECT PROPOSAL

54

FUNDING & INITIATIVE

ESTABLISHMENT OF URB

BAN NETWORK

O to buildings, and they can help bring different stakeholders together in a collaborative process through one-on-one work, participatory workshops, and other group design methodologies.

Official bodies, such as local governments and international aid agencies, tend to work at large urban scales. Local governments usually focus on deploying blanket programs that vaguely address the problems of multiple settlements. However, they can have important human capacity within settlements through sub-local officials and social service forces including police units and fire brigades. International agencies operating in urban areas play funding and advisory roles, and may choose to focus on specific issues like women’s empowerment or early childhood. They have global networks that help share lessons from different contexts, and are held accountable for their results. Thus, their evaluation and learning capacity is high, and their support can be crucial in steering the course of a program based on periodic measurement of its success.

Community mothers are strong community leaders who work within their individual settlements. They are trusted by their neighbors and respected by local youth. Many of them are working women, but those who are

METHOD

METHOD

METHOD + EVALUATOR

EVALUATOR (OBJECTIVE)

METHOD

DAYCARE CENTER CONFORMATION

OPERATION / MAINTENANCE

55

EVALUATION

R C P U D Z X

O R C P

PROBLEM CONDITIONS

CONSEQUENCES CONSEQUENCESSTRENGTHS CONDITIONS

PROBLEM STRENGTHS

ACTORS / GAME PLAYERS ACTORS / GAME PLAYERS

1

1 E ESTABLISH URBAN

U

Criminal gangs / drug traffic Criminal gangs / drug trafficVULNERABLE YOUTH

VULNERABLE YOUTH

Respect to elders (original land invaders)

Respect to elders (original land invaders)

young population

young population

Foster stronger bonds

Foster stronger Urbanbonds generation

Urban generation

Respected by youth

RespectedNew by youth ways of using spaceNew ways of using space

SOCIAL CAPITAL

SOCIAL CAPITAL

TRUSTED COMMUNITIES TRUSTED COMMUNITIES

Lack of educational opportunities for early childhood

Define sites: Topography

Consolidated micro-scaleConsolidated micro-scale Able to adapt to existing Able to adapt to existing conditions conditions

ARCHITECT

ARCHITECT

CAPACITY FOR CAPACITY FOR RECONCILING ACTORS RECONCILING ACTORS

?

INTERMEDIATE SCALE

Absence of established Absence of established public space public space Lack of urban amenities for Lack of urban amenities for early childhood educationearly childhood education Need for improved amenity Need for improved amenity distribution distribution

URBAN CAPITAL

Existing macro-scale Existing macro-scale (established urban (established urban amenities at a broad scale) amenities at a broad scale)

?

Consolidated micro-scaleConsolidated micro-scale (the settlement itself) (the settlement itself)

Institutional access to bridge through scales

INTERMEDIATE SCALE Experience transforming Experience transforming available space available space

COMMUNITY INFORMAL CAPITAL

Lack of physical Lack of physical connectivity between connectivity between existing urban amenities existing urban amenities

LOCAL GOVERNMENTS LOCAL GOVERNMENTS INTERNATIONAL AGENCIES INTERNATIONAL AGENCIES UNDERSTANDING OF BROADER UNDERSTANDING URBAN OF BROADER URBAN CONTEXT CONTEXT Interest in bridging Interest in Capacity bridging for investment Capacity for investment generations generations Loans Loans ABILITY TO ACT AT MULTIPLE ABILITY SCALES TO ACT AT MULTIPLE SCALES Capacity for large Capacity for large investments investments

Proximity to city center

URBAN CAPITAL

Proximity to city center

understanding of the understanding of the informal as a generator ofinformal as a generator of urban form urban form

INFORMAL CAPITAL

X

Lack of educational opportunities for early childhood

Youth in formation

Appropriation of foreign Appropriation of foreign elements as public spaceelements as public space Adaptability

Adaptability

Scavenging of available Scavenging of available resources / materials resources / materials

Institutional access to bridge through scales

COMMUNITY

Interest in preserving community together

Interest in preserving community together

Capacity to adapt to conditions

Capacity to adapt to conditions

Capacity to transform Capacity to transform space adjusting to needs space adjusting to needs

56

Access / infrastructur STEWARD PROCESS

Z

Children left unattended Children left unattended

ARCHITECT

Trusted by communities Trusted byYouth communities in formation

STEWARD PROCESS

D

COMMUNITY MOTHERSCOMMUNITY COMMUNITY MOTHERSMOTHERSCOMMUNITY MOTHERS

Strong ties between olderStrong ties between older generations generations

Changing role of women Changing role of women ( at work) ( at work)

Connectivity to broad urban network

LOCAL GOVERNMENT Legally available land

Connectivity to service / utility infrastructure

PROVIDE TOOLS FOR APPROPRIATION PROVIDE TOOLS FOR APPROPRIATION OF SPACE / ELEMENTS OF OFCOLLAGE SPACE / ELEMENTS OF COLLAGE

COMMUNITY Insight / input on determining ideal site conditions

R C SOLUTION SOLUTION SOLUTION SOLUTION

P

EVALUATION EVALUATION EVALUATION EVALUATION

2 2CONFORM 2 CONFORM 2 DAYCARE 3 OPERATE 3 DAYCARE CONFORM CONFORM DAYCARE DAYCARE CENTERS DAYCARE CENTERS CENTERS CENTERS 3 3 OPERATE OPERATE OPERATE DAYCARE DAYCARE CENTERS DAYCARE CENTERS CENTERS CENTERS

ARCHITECT ARCHITECT ARCHITECT ARCHITECT

COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY MOTHERS COMMUNITY MOTHERS MOTHERSMOTHERS

Define Define Define sites: sites: sites: Define sites:

Interface Interface Interface system system system Interface system

Daycare Daycare Daycare operations operations operations Daycare operations

Topography Topography Topography Topography

Public Public Public space space space supervision Public supervision supervision space supervision HANDBOOK HANDBOOK HANDBOOK HANDBOOK (design (design (design parameters) parameters) parameters) (design parameters)

STEWARD PROCESS

Connectivity Connectivity Connectivity to broader Connectivity to to broader broaderto broader urban urban urban network network network urban network

Community Community Community building building Community building / / / building / strengthening strengthening strengthening strengthening

(0-5 (0-5 years (0-5 years from years from start) from (0-5 start) start) years from start)

YOUTH YOUTH YOUTH

YOUTH

(5-10(5-10 years (5-10 years from years from start) from (5-10 start) start) years from start)

Educational Educational Educational needs Educational needs needs covered covered covered needs covered

COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY MOTHERS COMMUNITY MOTHERS MOTHERSMOTHERS

U

(continuous) (continuous) (continuous) (continuous)

Development Development Development ofDevelopment youth of of youth youth cultural cultural cultural ofgroups youth groups groups cultural groups Training Training Training in early in in early Training childhood early childhood childhood in early education education childhood education education (art,(art, sports, (art, sports, sports, music, music, (art, music, etc.) sports, etc.) etc.) music, etc.) in #inofin #children of # of children children engaged in #engaged ofengaged children in drug in in drug engaged drug in drug Time-shared Time-shared Time-shared daycare Time-shared daycare daycare andand dwelling and daycare dwelling dwelling and dwelling trade trade trade / organized / organized / organized trade crime crime / organized crime crime community community community development development community development development Supervise Supervise Supervise public public Supervise public space space space public space community community community development development community development development perception perception perception of safety ofperception of safety safety of safety Promote Promote Promote proper proper proper Promote useuse ofuse interface ofproper of interface interface use of interface in criminal in in criminal criminal violence violence in violence criminal violence

D Z

LOCAL LOCAL LOCAL GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT LOCAL GOVERNMENT Assistance Assistance Assistance & training &Assistance training & training & training

Technical Technical Technical assistance assistance assistance Technical for for assistance for for construction construction construction construction

Inter-institution Inter-institution Inter-institution Inter-institution collaboration collaboration collaboration collaboration

Institutional Institutional Institutional flowflow Institutional flow flow

Funding Funding Funding for established forfor established Funding established for established programs programs programs programs

LOCAL LOCAL LOCAL GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT LOCAL GOVERNMENT URBAN CAPITAL

LOCAL LOCAL LOCAL GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT LOCAL GOVERNMENT Financial Financial Financial resources resources resources Financial resources

URBAN CAPITAL URBAN CAPITAL URBAN CAPITAL

Continued Continued Continued investment investment Continued investment andand investment monitoring and monitoring monitoring and monitoring Creation Creation Creation of institutional of of institutional Creation institutional network of network institutional network network

Enhanced Enhanced Enhanced intermediate intermediate Enhanced intermediate scale intermediate scale scale of of of scale of impact impact impact andand urban and urban impact urban integration integration and integration urban integration

COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY

COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY

COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY

COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY COMMUNITY

Insight Insight Insight / input / input / input onInsight onon / input on determining determining determining ideal determining ideal site ideal site site ideal site conditions conditions conditionsconditions

Assemblage Assemblage Assemblage of interface Assemblage of of interface interfaceof interface system system system for public forfor public system public space space space for public space generation generation generationgeneration

UseUse / Use care / care / of care public ofUse of public public space / care space space of public space UseUse ofUse daycare of of daycare daycare Use centers centers ofcenters daycare centers Transformation Transformation Transformation of Transformation space, of of space, space, of space, adjusting adjusting adjusting interface interface interface adjusting as asas interface as needed needed needed needed

SENSE SENSE SENSE OF OF OWNERSHIP OF OWNERSHIP SENSE OWNERSHIP OF OWNERSHIP

57

INFORMAL CAPITAL

ASSEMBLE TOOLS

ANALYZE DATA ANALYZE DATA ANALYZE DATA

Connectivity Connectivity Connectivity to service Connectivity to to service service / / to / service / utility utility utility infrastructure infrastructure infrastructure utility infrastructure

ASSEMBLE TOOLS ASSEMBLE TOOLS ASSEMBLE TOOLS ANALYZE DATA

LOCAL LOCAL LOCAL GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT LOCAL GOVERNMENT Legally Legally Legally available available available Legally landland land available land

INFORMAL CAPITAL INFORMAL CAPITAL INFORMAL CAPITAL

STEWARD PROCESS STEWARD PROCESS

Access Access Access / infrastructure / infrastructure / infrastructure Access / infrastructure

EARLY EARLY EARLY CHILDHOOD CHILDHOOD CHILDHOOD EARLY CHILDHOOD SOCIAL CAPITAL

ARCHITECT ARCHITECT ARCHITECT ARCHITECT

SOCIAL CAPITAL SOCIAL CAPITAL SOCIAL CAPITAL

1 1ESTABLISH 1 ESTABLISH 1 ESTABLISH ESTABLISH URBAN URBAN URBAN NETWORK NETWORK URBAN NETWORK NETWORK

STEWARD PROCESS

N

O

perception perception perception of safety ofperception of safety safety of safety

Active Active Active useuse ofuse generated ofActive of generated generated use public ofpublic generated public spaces spaces spaces public spaces Self-led Self-led Self-led initiatives initiatives initiatives Self-led for community forfor initiatives community community for community integration integration integrationintegration Public Public Public space space space has Public has been has been space been appropriated; appropriated; appropriated; has been appropriated; interfaces interfaces interfaces transformed transformed interfaces transformed transformed

X

O R C P U D Z X

unemployed work within their limitations, making the most of their means. In BogotĂĄ, community mothers operate local daycare centers in their homes.

This serves the dual purpose of helping build bonds between neighbors and maintaining urban spaces active during the day when residents are out at work in the formal city.

Local youth is comprised by residents ranging from early childhood to teenage years who are the product of their respective informal settlements. If well looked after, they can become the next generation of local entrepreneurs who push for improvements in their settlements. If unattended, they can fall easy prey to criminal gangs and drug traders.

The key turning points for many local youths is their free time, when they are done with school and parents are still out at work. Having an array of healthy and safe options for leisure is thus crucial not only for community building, but also in preventing the segmentation of existing community bonds.

Broader communities are shaped by the interaction of the abovementioned actors, among others. In informal settlements, communities have historically been tightly knit, and residents take pride in the safety nets that they have built throughout the years. However, an increasingly unattended youth threatens the continuity of these social networks, which could lead to fragmented communities.

Working across actors in each of these three informal settlements - El Dorado, San AgustĂ­n, and Santa Marta - is crucial to strengthening the community ties that have been gradually severed over the past few decades. The diagram on the previous page further illustrates how different actors can work together to bring about change, as well as the metrics by which their success can be evaluated.

Architects play a pivotal role in the conception of this intervention given their ability to operate at multiple scales. They have a keen interest in the urban context, along with an understanding of different design tools that can help drive change.

These together make them the ideal candidates to build an intermediate scale that works in the informal but bridges to the formal.

58

O R C P U D Z X

59

O R

URBAN INTERVENTION

C

i. Existing conditions

P

ii. Spatial implementation

U D Z X

O R C P U D Z X

O i. Existing conditions

R

Working across actors, as described in the previous chapter, is crucial to a successful intervention. Architects can play a key role in bringing actors together to create an intermediate building scale for local implementation. Architects’ understanding of the urban and the architectural scales also proves useful when analyzing existing conditions in each of the informal settlements.

C

Identifying the best possible site conditions for an intervention is almost as important as driving collaborative action. This entails looking into geographical features (topography, hydrology, soil conditions) as well as man-made conditions.

The latter can include the following elements:

U

Boundaries include existing physical barriers (streets, mountains, walls) and perceived boundaries. The latter, which include borders between subsections of a settlement, are harder to outline but vital to community life.

Settlement typology describes the arrangement of buildings in the settlement, including the density and the degree of consolidation.

Availability of open and public space helps balance the density of a settlement. Open spaces can include areas not accessible to the public, while public spaces are those demarcated and designed for all to use.

Circulation and transportation patterns affect how residents interact with a settlement, both when entering and leaving it, and when moving through it.

Urban amenities and their distribution impact social structures and community bonds. They are usually limited in informal settlements, and their availability can enhance the quality of life of local residents.

The following pages include an overview of the urban analysis conducted for this project. Useful in its findings, this analysis also serves to illustrate what similar exercises could entail when working in different geographies. Taking into account local conditions is essential, and a site analysis is a valuable parting point to effectively do so.

63

P

D Z X

O R

Settlement boundary

C P U D Z X

All three settlements have hard boundaries and permeable borders. Hard boundaries are those where the settlement has not or cannot grow toward, whereas permeable borders are those that connect the settlement to the formal city.

Barrio El Dorado BogotĂĄ, Colombia

In El Dorado, steep mountains and a perimeter road prevent further development up into the mountain.

The settlements merges into the city via paved streets and sidewalks all along its north-western border. In San AgustĂ­n, the hard boundaries are defined by major roads, as well as a perimeter wall with the Caracas Botanical Gardens. The permeable borders do not spill out into the north of the city, but instead over the hilltop and into the southern part. In Santa Marta, a perimeter block prevents the favela from expanding into the forest. The only permeable border is in the south, where the favela meets the neighborhood of Botafogo.

hard boundaries permeable borders

64

O R C 01

875

E LL CA

A OB RD CO

Barrio San Agustín del Sur Caracas, Venezuela

Favela Santa Marta Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

P

0 87

U

870

880

870

875

870

870

D Z X

1:10,000

1:10,000

1:10,000

1:1,000,000

1:1,000,000

65

0Êm

0m

100Êm 100m

200Êm 200m

0Êm

200Êm

500Êm

0Êkm

20Êkm

50Êkm

0Êkm

20Êkm

O R

Settlement typology

C P U D Z X

The typology of each of the three settlements differs slightly, despite all of them following a free-flowing informal pattern.

Barrio El Dorado BogotĂĄ, Colombia

El Dorado, having been legalized several decades ago has a tighter fabric and clearly demarcated roads. Built blocks are larger, and the space in between them more regular. San AgustĂ­n has a mix of tight fabric with define roads and loose buildings that closely follow the topography.

Santa Marta has the densest fabric, but individual buildings are set apart from each other and pathways are almost unintelligible. The building blocks become larger and the roads clearer as the favela meets the formal city. However, there is still a clear rupture between what is formal and what remains informal.

built site open area

66

O R C 01

875

E LL CA

A OB RD CO

Barrio San Agustín del Sur Caracas, Venezuela

Favela Santa Marta Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

P

0 87

U

870

880

870

875

870

870

D Z X

1:10,000

1:10,000

1:10,000

1:1,000,000

1:1,000,000

67

0Êm

0m

100Êm 100m

200Êm 200m

0Êm

200Êm

500Êm

0Êkm

20Êkm

50Êkm

0Êkm

20Êkm

O R

Open space / public space

recreation

C P U D Z X

recreation

Despite being surrounded by vast swathes of green - the mountains in Bogotá and Rio de Janeiro, and the Botanical Gardens in Caracas - the settlements have very limited amounts of open or public space.

San Agustín is embedded in the mountain, yet the few open spaces are place of very steep terrain, unavailable for public use. The bottom of the slope has one large open space but, beyond that, residents are hard-pressed to find spaces for open-air leisure.

In Santa Marta the options are far less, limited to small squares and a couple of sports courts. cultural education recreation

cultural

education

service cultural safety education openÊspace

cultural safety education openÊspace

service

service

safety

safety

recreation

recreation vehicularÊstreet

vehicularÊstreet

service

Stepping into the mountains El Dorado has several small open areas equipped with either sports courts or play grounds. There is one additional large plot of land that remains untouched, yet it has not been designated as an open space for the general public.

greenÊspace greenÊspace

recreation

pedestrianÊstair

pedestrianÊstair pedestrianÊpathway

pedestrianÊpathway mechanicalÊsystem

68

mechanicalÊsystem

Barrio El Dorado Bogotá, Colombia

O R C 01

875

A

OB RD

E

CO

Barrio San Agustín del Sur Caracas, Venezuela

Favela Santa Marta Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

P

LL CA

87 0

U

870 880

870

875

870

870

D Z X

1:10,000

1:10,000

1:10,000

1:1,000,000

1:1,000,000

69

0Êm

0m

100Êm 100m

200Êm 200m

0Êm

200Êm

500Êm

0Êkm

20Êkm

50Êkm

0Êkm

20Êkm

O Circulation systems

R C

U

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tion

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Circulation is perhaps where the three settlements vary the most. Movement patterns stem from various site conditions, including the topography, the boundaries, the typology, and the availability of open public space.

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El Dorado has vehicular streets throughout the settlement, and a network of pedestrian pathways and stairs connect the different roads. Public buses and taxis go around the settlement, taking people to and from the formal city. Due to the topography, most movement in San Agustín happens through pedestrian pathways, paved and unpaved. It also cultural cultural education education recreation recreation has the Caracas Metrocable, which bridges across the highway, a hard boundary.

Movement in Santa safety education service Marta is mostly pedestrian once the vehicular streets leading from Botafogo come to an end. There is also the tram that goes up andrecreation down the morro, with five greenÊspace greenÊspace recreation stops that connect to the rest of the favela.

edestrianÊstair

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Barrio El Dorado Bogotá, Colombia

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recreation service Internal boundaries cultural safety education openÊspace Throughout time, community dynamics have further subdivided the settlements. These areas are not demarcated by road crossings or drastic typology changes. Instead, internal boundaries are only visible to residents, who live the daily life of the settlement.

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Barrio El Dorado Bogotá, Colombia

El Dorado has four main areas, marked by the time in which inhabitants settled their homes. Due to different community ties, residents see some areas as safer than others. San Agustín has five main areas, marked by the topography of the land, and two newer areas along the north-western border.

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recreation recreation service service cultural cultural safety safety education education openÊspace openÊspace

Santa Marta has three distinct areas along the morro: top, middle, and bottom. Residents find the cultural cultural education education recreation recreation UPP police more belligerent at the bottom and more education relaxedservice at the top. Thesafety sharp divide with the formal city is felt at the bottom, but the top seems to float above Rio de Janeiro’s Zona Sul. greenÊspace greenÊspace recreation recreation

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recreation service cultural safety education openÊspace

All three settlements have limited urban amenities recreation recreation within them, and residents often go out into the service service city to access leisure, healthcare, and educational facilities. Due to this, settlementscultural like these are at risk cultural of becoming commuter islands, where neighbors safety safety are anonymous and community bonds do not exist. education education openÊspace El Dorado has a central policeopenÊspace station, and a few

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cultural spaces - a sports court and an open-air auditorium, among others. Different services are located within close proximity of each other, forming nodes of urban amenities. Amenities in San Agustín are located along the periphery of the settlement, and residents have few options within their areas.

Santa Marta follows a similar nodal pattern as the one in El Dorado. Amenity nodes revolve around major landmarks: the Praça Cantão at the bottom, the Michael Jackson statue in the middle, and the sports court at the top.

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Amenities in El Dorado are located in several nodes, which are interconnected to other amenity nodes further afield in the formal city. These are linked by vehicular roads, as well as pedestrian pathways, and are accessible to residents across the settlement.

In San Agustín, amenities are located along the periphery. However, the Metrocable design capitalizes on this and four of its stations fall within the range of important urban amenities. Finally, cultural cultural education recreation recreation the pedestrian paths and stairways ineducation Santa Marta connect the amenity nodes.

The tram that runs up safety education service and down the morro also connects two important nodes, opening them up to more residents across the settlement. greenÊspace greenÊspace recreation recreation

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recreation service cultural safety Barrio El Dorado education Bogotá, Colombia openÊspace

An overlay of the different site conditions makes the amenity layouts described in the previous page come out more clearly.

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O ii. Spatial implementation The proposed intervention takes into account all of the above site conditions, and incorporates them into a design methodology for community crèches. Topography, typology, and the availability of open and public space play an important role in determining the location of potential crèches. Proposed sites build upon existing circulation patterns, to enhance movement across boundaries - both within the settlement, and between it and the formal city. These sites also take the presence of urban amenities into account. They acknowledge exiting distribution patterns, but also encourage web-like connections that break down barriers throughout the settlements.

In this sense, the proposed community crèches become a unifying element, stitching together different pieces of urban fabric. On one hand, their social makeup enhances community bonds. On the other, their urban distribution integrates different areas within informal settlements, as well as bridging the divide between the formal and the informal.

Proposed crèches capitalize on the existing urban conditions not only to build linkages, but also to improve the educational experience for the children they serve.

For instance, those located in close proximity to open spaces and recreational areas can use them during daytime hours for physical activities that work on children’s gross motor skills. Others, located close to hospitals or healthcare centers, can offer health check-ups for children on behalf of parents who may not have the time to visit a doctor regularly. Similarly, those located next to schools can build a pipeline of children who move on from crèches directly into schools. They can also operate as after school centers, offering a range of extracurricular activities that older children and teenagers can take advantage of.

Finally the selection of sites for potential crèches also considers the different preferences of local residents - which areas are deemed as safer, how people prefer to move around, where crèches would be most convenient. As seen on the site plans in the following page, the pattern is similar across settlements but specific locations vary according to local conditions. While lessons can be shared across geographies and contexts, specific solutions must be adapted to suit unique conditions.

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As described above, the spatial implementation seeks to break down existing boundaries, stitching communities together. The proposed sites for community crèches also feed into the existing networks of the formal city. Finally, a series of expansion sites have been earmarked for a subsequent phase of intervention in which communities adapt and deploy these services independently

Barrio El Dorado Bogotá, Colombia

In El Dorado proposed sites weave through the existing amenity distribution, and are placed at regular intervals. In San Agustín the vast majority of the sites are located directly within the settlement, rather than around the perimeter of urban amenities, in order to connect the residential portions that lack active services. Similar to the case in El Dorado, crèche sites in Santa Marta are sprinkled across the favela to stitch together the existing amenity nodes.

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ii. Architectural application iii. Site conditions iv. Interface

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Daycare

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ACTIVE [PLAY] sing / dance active games group work sit around

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FOCUSED [LEARN] draw / color collage pay attention eat

QUIET [REST] nap read sit around

ACTIVE [LIVE / LOUNGE]

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socialize buy / sell eat sit around

cook clean use bathroom wash clothes

OUTDOOR play eat sit / gather wash clothes socialize garden

QUIET [SLEEP] sleep

O i. Program integration The previous chapters have discussed the social and urban factors that must be taken into account for a successful intervention. This chapter delves into the design considerations of building a community crèche so that it can mediate the formal and informal realms by creating an intermediate scale of urban interaction.

The proposed model is inspired by the ICBF’s Community Mothers program, in which unemployed women use their homes to provide daycare facilities to their neighbor’s children. The combination of the programmatic elements required for a crèche and those required for a home works efficiently. This is especially true considering that this integration strengthens community bonds and empowers women by creating an income-generating activity within their homes.

The daycare program has three main components: active areas (for playing), focused areas (for learning), and quiet areas (for resting). The dwelling program has two main components: active areas (for living and lounging) and quiet areas (for sleeping). As shown by the diagram on the left, these programmatic types can be merged, given that the uses of each of their components do not overlap in time.

Residents inhabit their dwellings mainly in the evenings and on weekends, whereas children who require daycare would need it during working hours.

In addition, both programs require service areas and outdoor spaces. Service areas include kitchens, bathrooms, and cleaning rooms. These can be shared by both programmatic types, given the different schedule requirements. Similarly, outdoor areas for socializing and clothes drying can be used during the day for children to play in and eat at.

Combining programs has the additional advantage of maximizing space efficiency, a key concern for residents of dense informal settlements. Women providing crèche services can thus easily incorporate the requirements of a daycare center into their existing homes, at least while they test out the business model.

Later on, families can consider building new houses or extensions to their existing dwellings that take into account the programmatic integration and optimize space for this purpose. The diagram on the following page summarizes the conceptual process, and the following sections expand on its design implications.

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[REST]

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Programmatic themes can blend seamlessly into a single building object that serves a dual purpose

Spatial arrangement Spatial arrangement

Structural walls

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Active Quiet

O ii. Architectural application Integrating two different programmatic types enables the community crèche model to work as proposed. It allows for unemployed women to look after children living in the same settlement, all from the comfort of their own homes. It also ensures that children have a safe space for learning and development.

When using an existing dwelling, programmatic integration requires existing houses to undergo certain modifications in order to accommodate for the daycare centers. Many of these changes happen internally, and may entail re-purposing specific areas within a house. For example, a living and dining room may be combined into a larger active space that can double up for children to play in. A service area may be integrated to incorporate a kitchen an several smaller toilets for children’s use. The addition of a focused area is also important, and residents may choose to adapt their houses in different ways to accommodate for this.

These changes are all internal to the building, and specific to the combination of two programmatic types. However, community crèches are also elements of urban integration that stitch the existing fabric together. This requires an additional modification: a new interface with the street.

The modified façade integrates the private space of the community crèche with the public realm of the street beyond it. It enhances the notion of building as connector, and works to generate a sense of identity toward all community crèches within a settlement. Residents can identify these buildings as integral parts of their mental maps, as they become places to learn, live, and socialize.

A six-step process, illustrated by the diagrams in the following page, facilitates the transition from isolated building to public building. First, the dwelling program is integrated with the daycare program into a single building block. Then, the resident identifies the unique conditions affecting the faces of the building block. These can include a vacant plot, an adjacent building, a garden, or an open-air terrace. One of these faces must be an interface with the public realm - be it the street, a square, or a park.

Based on the conditions of each specific site, the integrated building blocks

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2 STORIES

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hat receive limited direct sune caused surrounding conation (ofbypublic realm) CCS,sunlight RJ. block or by the orienStructural walls pe. Day lighting might be limof the day or throughout its

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88 Continuity (of public space)

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O are then projected onto the public space by redefining the façade to maximize community engagement. Different design techniques can suit different site conditions, as described further in the next sections of this chapter. Projecting the private space of the building onto the public realm also has the reciprocal effect of projecting the public space onto the building block. Residents begin to identify the building as a community landmark, and gradually the different crèches stitch together the existing fabric of each informal settlement.

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iii. Site conditions The foundation of a multi-stakeholder intervention in informal settlements is to allow for no actor to have absolute control of its implementation. Community members should therefore be able to transform their dwellings into crèches using the guidance proposed by this project. The architect’s role is not to micro-manage each intervention, but rather to provide said guidance and to consult residents who are facing unique challenges.

Following this premise, the final two sections of this chapter provide a guidance manual with which residents can independently transform their homes into community crèches.

As mentioned earlier, residents should be able to identify unique site conditions around their integrated building block in order to modify the façade accordingly.

These may vary from site to site, and may also happen simultaneously. The diagrams on the following pages illustrate the most important conditions for residents to consider, as follows: Slopes in informal settlements may often be greater than 100% grade (>45°). Roads and paths often zigzag up the mountains for pedestrians and cars to easily climb up. This also means that building faces are staggered, with platforms extending out into the public space. This inhibits the interface connection, and requires specific intervention strategies.

When slopes are less steep, there is no restriction on façade modifications, and other conditions may take precedence.

Building height also affects the type of interface that residents should

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SITE CONDITIONS SQUARECONDITIONS LOT SITE SQUARE LOT

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Topography Topography

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PROGRAM PROGRAM INTEGRATION INTEGRATION

Refers to lots where the frontage is relatively Refers to to the lotsdepth whereinto thethe frontage is relatively similar property.

Both diSLOPE >are100% [45º +]property. Both disimilar to the depth into mensions roughly thethe same.

SLOPE >are100% +] mensions roughly [45º the same.

Refers to sites located on extremely steep slopes of difficult accessibility, where roads Refers to sites located on extremely steep Seen primarily in: BOG, CCS, RJ. and paths be accessibility, (switchback). switched back for vehicles. slopes of must difficult where roads Seen primarily in: BOG, CCS, RJ. and paths must be (switchback).

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ACTIVE ADJACENT FAÇADES ACTIVE ADJACENT FAÇADES

Refers to façades on adjacent constructions Refershave to façades on adjacent that fenestration whichconstructions cannot be SLOPE < 100% [45º which -] would that have cannot be blocked off, fenestration contrary to what be the SLOPE < 100% [45º -] blocked contrary to on what would be the case party wall.

Refersfortoaoff, sites located moderate slopes case party relatively walk or on bike up. Roads and Refersfortoaeasy sitestowall. located moderate slopes

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SERVICE SERVICE cook Spatial arrangement cook clean Spatial arrangement

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steep topography. and are ononly three sites bystreet, other Refers to blocked lots that off have 1 adjacent properties. and are blocked off on three sites by other Seen primarily in: BOG, RJ. properties.

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upon has 1 upon has 1 not fully built Refersnot to occupiable rectangular lotsthat that a narrow story; an roof ishave not fully built shall be considered an additional story. street façade and deep into the propRefers to rectangular lotsinan that have a narrow shall be considered additional story.

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Referstotothe lots that on have 1 adjacent streets, open to the public on two façades.

Refers to lots that receive limited direct sun-

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QUIET [SLEEP] QUIET [SLEEP] sleep sleep

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CORNER LOT Refers to lots that CORNER LOT

SCARCE DIRECT SUNLIGHT Seen primarily in: BOG, CCS. SCARCE DIRECT SUNLIGHT Seen primarily in: BOG, CCS.

OUTDOOR OUTDOOR

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BUILDING < 2 STORIES BUILDING < 2 STORIES The construction to be acted LONG, NARROW LOT The construction to roof be acted story; an NARROW occupiable that is LONG, LOT

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BUILDING > 2 STORIES BUILDING > 2 STORIES The construction to be acted upon has 2 or CENTER LOT The construction be actedgoes uponalong has 2with or more stories.

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[LE OFO CENTER LOT CENTER LOT Refers to lots that have only 1 adjacent street, CENTER LOT and areto blocked ononly three sites bystreet, other Refers lots that off have 1 adjacent CENTER LOT properties. and are blocked off ononly three adjacent sites by other Refers Refers to to lots lots that that have have only 1 1 adjacent street, street, properties. and and are are blocked blocked off off on on three three sites sites by by other other properties. properties.

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LONG, NARROW LOT LONG, NARROW LOT Refers to rectangular lots that have a narrow LONG, LOT street façade and stretch into the propLONG, NARROW LOTdeep Refers to NARROW rectangular lots that have a narrow erty. Conversely they coulddeep have into a long façade street façade and stretch thenarrow propRefers Refers to to rectangular rectangular lots lots that that have have a a narrow and have a short span intodeep the property limit. erty.

Conversely they could have a long street façade and stretch into thefaçade propstreet façade and stretch deep into the propand a shortthey spancould into have the property limit. erty. have Conversely a long long façade façade erty.

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Seen Seen primarily primarily in: in: BOG, BOG, CCS. CCS.

CORNER LOT Refers to lots that have > 1 adjacent CORNER LOT open totothe public two> façades.

Refers lots that on have 1 adjacent CORNER LOT on two façades.

CORNER LOT open to the public

streets, streets,

Refers Refers to to lots lots that that have have > > 1 1 adjacent adjacent streets, streets, open open to to the the public public on on two two façades. façades.

Seen primarily in: BOG, CCS. Seen primarily in: BOG, CCS. Seen Seen primarily primarily in: in: BOG, BOG, CCS. CCS.

SQUARE LOT SQUARE LOT Refers to lots where the frontage is relatively SQUARE LOT SQUARE similar to theLOT depth into the property. Both diRefers to lots where the frontage is relatively mensions are roughly thethe same. similar property.

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ACTIVE ADJACENT FAÇADES ACTIVE ADJACENT FAÇADES Refers to façades on adjacent constructions ACTIVE FAÇADES that have fenestration whichconstructions cannot be ACTIVE ADJACENT FAÇADES Refers to ADJACENT façades on adjacent

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SCARCE DIRECT SUNLIGHT SCARCE DIRECT SUNLIGHT SCARCE DIRECT SUNLIGHT Refers to lots that receive limited direct

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sunRefersThis to lots that receivebylimited direct consunlight. may be caused surrounding Refers to lots that receive limited direct sunlight. This may caused by surrounding constructions that be block sunlight or by the orienlight.

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Day lighting limstructions that sunlight or might by thebe orientation of the slope.

Day lighting might be limited during of the day or throughout its tation of thepart slope.

Day lighting might be limThe construction to be acted upon has 2 or ited during part of the day or throughout its entirety. ited partThis of the day or goes throughout moreduring stories. generally along its with entirety. entirety. steep topography.

D Z

Interface Interface Interface

Seen primarily in: BOG, RJ. Seen primarily in: BOG, RJ. Seen primarily in: BOG, RJ.

Seen primarily in: BOG, RJ.

Building Environment Environment Environment

X

Structural walls FAVORABLE CLIMATE FAVORABLE CLIMATE BUILDING 2 STORIES FAVORABLE CLIMATE Refers to sites < where the temperature is above

Referson to sites where therainfall temperature is above 20ยบC average, and is either seaThe construction tothebe acted upon has 1 Refers to sites where temperature is above 20ยบC on average, and rainfall is either seasonal story;or anlimited. occupiable roof that isis either not fully built 20ยบC on average, and rainfall seasonal or limited. shall or notlimited. be considered an additional story. sonal

Expansion Expansion Expansion

This is usually the case in sites of moderate

Seen primarily in: CCS, RJ. topography.

Seen primarily in: CCS, RJ. Seen primarily in: CCS, RJ.

Seen primarily in: BOG, CCS.

Incorporation (of public realm)

SCARCE VEGETATION SCARCE VEGETATION SCARCE VEGETATION Refers to sites where the ratio of vegetation to

Refers to sites where the ratio of vegetation built area results in scarce green spaces. to Refers to sites where the ratio of vegetation built area results in scarce green spaces. to built area results in scarce green spaces.

Seen primarily in: BOG, RJ. Seen primarily in: BOG, RJ. Seen primarily in: BOG, RJ.

Continuity (of public space) Continuity (of public space) Continuity (of public space)

SCARCE DIRECT SUNLIGHT Refers to lots that receive limited direct sunlight. This may be caused by surrounding constructions that block sunlight or by the orientation of the slope. Day lighting might be limited during part of the day or throughout its entirety.

92

Interface

O work toward. One-story houses are generally waiting for expansion, and the roof terraces can be occupied temporarily. Façade alternatives must take this into account, in order to allow for the imminent vertical growth of the dwelling. Residents of houses higher than two stories may not seek to build additional stories, or at least not as soon. They are more common in areas of steep topography, where houses expand vertically, rather than horizontally. In this case, the building face that interfaces with the public sphere may be greater, and allow for a combination of façade configurations.

Lot location changes how the interface engages with the public realm.

Modifications may differ depending on the amount of façade surface available and on the dimensions of the plot. For instance, long and narrow lots must deploy a highly engaging façade given their limited interface area. By contrast, corner lots have a greater surface area to play with, and may choose façades that have lower engagement but occupy a greater wall area.

Geography also comes into play when deciding the façade modifications to opt for. Sunlight, climate, and vegetation all play a role in activating the public-private interface. Consequently, certain façade options provided in the manual are dependent only on certain geographical conditions, and will not succeed if these are not present. A sparsely vegetated area, for example, may benefit from a vegetated wall that draws attention of the residents. However, this façade modification may be less noticeable in an area filled with or directly facing groups of trees.

As residents acknowledge relevant conditions for their building block, they can proceed to select the most suitable façade modifications. The color legends below each of the condition descriptions coincide with the different façade designs proposed by the guidance manual. Using both tools simultaneously, residents can understand their dwellings architecturally and modify them into relevant community landmarks.

93

R C P U D Z X

O R C P U D Z X

iv. Interface The following pages contain the second part of the guidance manual that would be provided to prospective community crèche owners. They illustrate nine proposed façade strategies that residents could use to enhance the interface between their private dwelling-daycare buildings and the public realm.

Each strategy has a cover page that helps residents decide if it suits their building block, as well as subsequent pages that illustrate ways in which the construction system can be deployed. The cover page has an image of how the strategy could look like if deployed. It also lists the site conditions under which a given strategy would be successful, and other façade strategies that can be combined for a more interesting interface. Finally, it shows other locations where the strategy has worked successfully, and lists the degree of involvement of different actors.

Subsequent pages show construction systems that can be deployed under one strategy. These range from one to three, depending on the strategy and its objective. A short description tells the resident the main objective of each system, and illustrates the key implements required. The bottom of the page then describes the construction process to be followed, and key considerations to take into account.

In informal settlements, self-construction is a tradition stemming out of need.

As a result, many residents have skills that can be shared with their neighbors when expanding or modifying their homes. Aware of the existing shared knowledge, these pages only provide basic parameters, and allow residents to customize their solution according to their needs and desires.

Ultimately, the manual is meant to serve the purpose of guiding residents through the process of creating an intermediate urban scale that can stitch the increasingly fragmented fabric of informal settlements. However, it does not prescribe specifically how each solution should be deployed. As expressed earlier in this book, the informal is a gray area of infinite knowledge and innovation. As such, this project acknowledges the existing potential and capitalizes on the strengths of each of the stakeholders to improve urban integration through networks of informality.

94

O VEGETATEDÊWALL

MURAL

RECESSEDÊFA‚ADE

R C P

CONDITION

COMBINATION

PRECEDENT

CONDITION

COMBINATION

PRECEDENT

CONDITION

COMBINATION

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

squareÊlot

playÊwall

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

TRANSPARENTÊWALL

LATTICE

PRECEDENT

D

PLAYÊWALL

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight

favorableÊclimate

favorableÊclimate

favorableÊclimate

scarceÊvegetation

scarceÊvegetation

scarceÊvegetation

U

Z X

CONDITION

COMBINATION

PRECEDENT

CONDITION

COMBINATION

PRECEDENT

CONDITION

COMBINATION

mural

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

squareÊlot

playÊwall

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

slopeÊ>Ê100%

INHABITABLEÊWALL

REFLECTIVEÊWALL

FORESTÊFENCE

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight

favorableÊclimate

favorableÊclimate

favorableÊclimate

scarceÊvegetation

scarceÊvegetation

scarceÊvegetation

CONDITION

COMBINATION

PRECEDENT

CONDITION

COMBINATION

PRECEDENT

CONDITION

COMBINATION

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

squareÊlot

playÊwall

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight

favorableÊclimate

favorableÊclimate

95

PRECEDENT

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight favorableÊclimate

PRECEDENT

O R C

MURAL

MURALÊFORÊFA‚ADEÊ(SYSTEM)Ê

P

fachadaÊconÊmural

fachadaÊcomÊmural

_convertsÊirregularÊfaçadesÊintoÊaÊuniformÊtextureÊthatÊdemarcatesÊspaceÊ forÊcollectiveÊactivityÊwhereÊitÊdidÊnotÊpreviouslyÊexist.

U D

X

fenestratedÊfaçade

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

PRECEDENT

paintÊsingleÊfaçade

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

COMBINATION

paintÊmultipleÊfaçadesÊtoÊ demarcateÊpublicÊspace

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

CONDITION

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight favorableÊclimate scarceÊvegetation

96

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

O R C

MURALÊFORÊBACKÊWALLÊ(SYSTEM) culataÊconÊmural

P

muralÊemÊmuroÊdeÊfundo

_revitalizesÊdeadÊspacesÊthroughÊartÊinterventions;ÊtheseÊcanÊbeÊproducedÊ byÊdeterminedÊartistsÊorÊasÊaÊcommunalÊendeavor.

U D

illustrationÊofÊpaintedÊwallÊ focusesÊattentionÊandÊ revitalizesÊtheÊspace

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

paintÊbackÊwall

X

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

backÊwall

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

97

O R C

VEGETATEDÊWALL

VEGETATIONÊEMBEDDEDÊ(SYSTEM)

P

vegetaci—nÊincrustrada

vegeteç‹oÊincrustada

_usesÊverticalÊgardeningÊasÊaÊmeansÊforÊcommunityÊinteraction;ÊitÊcanÊbeÊ developedÊentirelyÊbyÊtheÊcommunity,ÊfromÊconstructionÊtoÊmaintenance.

U D Z

COMBINATION

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

traditionalÊstructuralÊ brickÊwall

PRECEDENT

double-heightÊ structuralÊbrick

brickÊorientationÊwillÊbeÊ rotatedÊeveryÊotherÊrow;Ê structuralÊstabilityÊensuredÊ byÊstaggeredÊbrickÊlayoutÊ

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight favorableÊclimate scarceÊvegetation

rotatedÊbrickÊrowsÊserveÊ asÊverticalÊplanters

98

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

CONDITION

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

X

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

standardÊstructuralÊbrick

O R C

VEGETATIONÊATTACHEDÊ(SYSTEM) vegetacionÊadjunta

P

vegetaç‹oÊadjunta

_allowsÊforÊverticalÊgardeningÊonÊanÊexistingÊstructure.ÊItsÊconstructionÊisÊ lessÊinvasive,ÊbutÊitsÊassemblyÊrequiresÊtheÊuseÊofÊprofessionalÊmachinery.

U D

perforateÊsmallerÊdiameterÊatÊ intervalsÊcorrespondingÊtoÊ previousÊperforations

attachÊpipeÊtoÊwallÊusingÊboltsÊ andÊhooks;ÊlargerÊperforationsÊ mustÊfaceÊtheÊsky

fill pipe with soil; larger perforationsÊserveÊasÊplanters,Ê smallerÊperforationsÊserveÊasÊ waterÊdrainage

X

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

perforateÊpipeÊwithÊmediumÊ diameterÊatÊregularÊintervalsÊ (machineryÊinvolved)

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

pre-cutÊPVCÊpipe, cappedÊatÊends

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

99

O R C

RECESSEDÊFA‚ADE

PORCHÊ(SYSTEM)

P

p—rtico

p—rtico

_pullsÊtheÊstreetÊboundaryÊtowardÊtheÊlotÊinteriorÊtoÊproduceÊaÊwiderÊspaceÊ forÊgatheringÊandÊinteractionÊofÊtheÊcommunity

U D

constructÊÊtraditionalÊ non-structuralÊbrickÊwallÊ

CONDITION

COMBINATION

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

PRECEDENT

wallÊshouldÊbeÊpushedÊinÊ towardÊlotÊ>Ê1m;ÊadditionalÊ storeysÊshouldÊÊbeÊalignedÊwithÊ propertyÊlimitÊtoÊemphasizeÊ recessedÊfaçade

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight favorableÊclimate

completionÊofÊwallÊwillÊformÊ spaceÊforÊgatheringÊasÊ additionalÊstoreysÊareÊadded

scarceÊvegetation

100

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

X

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

O R C P U D Z X

A recessed façade could help extend the space from a public park to the crèche El Dorado - Bogotá

101

O R C

TRANSPARENTÊWALL

GLASSÊ(SYSTEM)

P

vidrio

vidro

_visuallyÊintegratesÊtheÊinteriorÊofÊtheÊdaycareÊcenterÊwithÊtheÊpublicÊrealmÊ toÊfosterÊinteractionÊbetweenÊbothÊsidesÊofÊtheÊinterface

U D

CONDITION

COMBINATION

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

PRECEDENT

installÊglassÊbyÊslidingÊintoÊ mullions

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight

activateÊfaçadeÊbyÊhavingÊ communityÊillustrateÊbothÊsidesÊ ofÊtheÊglassÊtoÊengageÊtheÊ interface;ÊartworkÊmayÊbeÊ permanentÊorÊtemporary

favorableÊclimate scarceÊvegetation

102

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

setÊupÊframeÊmullions

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

X

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

O R C

POROUSÊFA‚ADEÊ(SYSTEM) fachadaÊporosa

P fachadaÊporosa

_linksÊ bothÊ sidesÊ ofÊ theÊ interfaceÊ throughÊ whileÊ preservingÊ aÊ boundaryÊ betweenÊthem;ÊchildrenÊonÊtheÊinteriorÊcanÊengageÊinÊexteriorÊactivity

U D

completionÊofÊsystemÊwillÊ deliverÊanÊinteractiveÊ transparentÊinterface

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

insertÊpre-cutÊPVCÊtubesÊintoÊ frame;ÊÊgapsÊbetweenÊtubesÊ filled with mortar admixture

X

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

installÊwoodenÊorÊconcreteÊ frame to define façade boundary

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

103

O R C

LATTICE

PERFORATEDÊSHEETÊ(SYSTEM)

P

l‡minaÊperforada

l‰minaÊperfurada

_isÊaÊmembraneÊthatÊintegratesÊpublicÊandÊprivate.ÊTheÊpatternsÊproducedÊ atÊanÊoffÊsiteÊindustrialÊfacilityÊvaryÊasÊtheÊneedÊforÊintimacyÊchanges.

U D

X

assembleÊstructuralÊframeÊÊ usingÊindustrialÊboltingÊsystem

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

PRECEDENT

boltÊperforatedÊsheetÊontoÊ structuralÊframe

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

COMBINATION

boltÊallÊperforatedÊsheetsÊ ontoÊstructuralÊframeÊtoÊ formÊtransluscentÊenclosure

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

CONDITION

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight favorableÊclimate scarceÊvegetation

104

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

O R PREFABRICATEDÊCONCRETEÊ(SYSTEM) concretoÊprefabricado

C

BRICKÊLATTICEÊ(SYSTEM) celos’aÊenÊladrillo

concretoÊprŽ-fabricado

_isÊaÊsystemÊofÊprefabricatedÊpanelsÊproducedÊoff-siteÊandÊdeliveredÊreadyÊ forÊinstallation;ÊonceÊinÊplace,ÊitÊfostersÊinterior-exteriorÊinteraction.

P

cobog—

_isÊaÊlowÊcostÊlatticeÊofÊeasyÊassembly;ÊitÊusesÊreadilyÊavailableÊmaterial,Ê andÊcapitalizesÊonÊlocalÊexpertise.

U D

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

leaveÊborderÊasÊclosedÊ boundaryÊtoÊensureÊstructuralÊ soundness

brickÊlatticeÊprovidesÊlocallyÊ availableÊlattice

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

allÊprefabricatedÊconcreteÊ panels fixed onto base produce transluscentÊmembrane

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

fix additional concrete panels ontoÊbaseÊandÊontoÊeachÊotherÊ usingÊmortarÊadmixture

constructÊbrickÊwallÊbyÊ offsettingÊlayoutÊasÊ opposedÊtoÊaÊtraditionalÊ jointÊconstruction

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

fix prefabricated concrete panelÊontoÊbaseÊusingÊ mortarÊadmixture

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

105

X

O R C

PLAYÊWALL

TICÊTACÊTOEÊWALLÊ(SYSTEM)

P

muroÊtriqui

muroÊjogoÊdaÊvelha

_providesÊanÊinterfaceÊforÊplay;ÊplacedÊatÊaÊlowÊheight,ÊitÊengagesÊchildrenÊ onÊbothÊsidesÊofÊtheÊwallÊtoÊinteract.

U D

CONDITION

COMBINATION

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

PRECEDENT

installÊgameÊsystemÊbyÊ embeddingÊitÊonÊbrickÊstructure

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight favorableÊclimate

continueÊtoÊbuildÊtraditionalÊ brickÊwall,ÊleavingÊaÊgapÊforÊtheÊ playÊinterface

scarceÊvegetation

106

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

buildÊtraditionalÊbrickÊwall,Ê leavingÊaÊgapÊatÊaÊ predeterminedÊpoint

X

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

O R C

WATERÊCOLLECTORÊ(SYSTEM) recolectorÊdeÊagua

P recolhedorÊdeʇgua

_utilizesÊrainwaterÊforÊaÊrecreationalÊpurpose;ÊitÊisÊparticularlyÊeffectiveÊinÊ warmerÊclimatesÊwhereÊitÊprovidesÊaÊsourcesÊforÊcooling.

U D

assembleÊPVCÊpipesÊtoÊcollectÊ rainwaterÊfromÊgutter

X

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

digÊoutÊnarrowÊandÊshallowÊ poolÊapproximatelyÊ1mÊoffsetÊ fromÊbuildingÊedge;ÊensureÊ possibilityÊforÊdrainageÊtoÊavoidÊ spreadÊofÊdisease

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

placeÊtheÊpreviouslyÊassembledÊ spoutsÊtoÊpourÊintoÊpool

107

O R C

INHABITABLEÊWALL

DUALÊUSEÊWALLÊ(SYSTEM)

P

muroÊdeÊusoÊdoble

muroÊdeÊusoÊduplo

_understandsÊtheÊwallÊasÊanÊoccupiableÊsystem;ÊtheÊexteriorÊservesÊasÊaÊ spaceÊforÊgatheringÊwhileÊtheÊinteriorÊaddressesÊstorageÊneeds.

U D

CONDITION

COMBINATION

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

PRECEDENT

buildÊinterfaceÊbrickÊwallÊintoÊ columnÊsystem;ÊplaceÊconcreteÊ slabÊatopÊbrickÊfoundation

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight favorableÊclimate

continueÊtoÊconstructÊwallÊatÊ interiorÊedgeÊofÊbrickÊ foundation

scarceÊvegetation

108

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

constructÊlowÊbrickÊcolumnsÊ thatÊspanÊfromÊbuildingÊedgeÊ inwardÊ~Ê1m

X

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

O R C

SERVICEÊWALLÊ(SYSTEM) muroÊdeÊservicios

P muroÊdeÊserviços

_uses wall as an occupiable service zone; interior sinks fulfill daycare needs,ÊwhileÊexteriorÊsinksÊactÊasÊaÊcommunalÊlaundryÊfacility.

U D

repeatÊoperationÊonÊinteriorÊofÊ wall;ÊplaceÊprefabricatedÊsinksÊ onÊeitherÊsideÊofÊconcreteÊslab

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façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

constructÊinitialÊwallÊsystemÊ followingÊguidelinesÊforÊÊÔdualÊ useÊwallÕ

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

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continueÊtoÊbuildÊwallÊfromÊ midpointÊofÊbrickÊfoundation

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REFLECTIVEÊWALL

DISTORTEDÊMIRRORÊ(SYSTEM)

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espejoÊdistorsionado

espelhoÊdistorcido

_turnsÊ theÊ façadeÊ intoÊ aÊ funhouse,Ê callingÊ theÊ attentionÊ ofÊ passersbyÊ toÊ becomeÊaÊfocalÊpointÊofÊcommunityÊinteraction.

U D

CONDITION

COMBINATION

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

PRECEDENT

installÊmirrorÊbyÊslidingÊintoÊ mullions

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight favorableÊclimate

distortedÊmirrorÊwillÊdemarcateÊ focusÊpointÊofÊpublicÊspaceÊbyÊ providingÊentertainment

scarceÊvegetation

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façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

setÊupÊframeÊmullions

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

X

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z

O R C

COLOREDÊREFLECTIVEÊGLASSÊ(SYSTEM) vidrio colorido reflectivo

P vidro colorido reflexivo

_uses the reflective surface to perceptually enlarge the space; the color preventsÊpeopleÊfromÊaccidentallyÊwalkingÊintoÊit.

U D

installÊglassÊbyÊslidingÊintoÊ mullions

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

reflective façade will demarcate focusÊpointÊofÊpublicÊspace

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

setÊupÊframeÊmullions

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z X

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FORESTÊFENCE

IRREGULARÊPATTERNÊ(SYSTEM)

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patr—nÊirregular

padr‹oÊirregular

_reinterpretsÊtheÊfenceÊtoÊprovideÊaÊfriendlyÊsecurityÊinterfaceÊthatÊactsÊasÊaÊ forestÊratherÊthanÊaÊbarrier.

U D

X

determine floor spacing for fenceÊtubes;ÊplaceÊintialÊtubes

slopeÊ>Ê100%

mural

slopeÊ<Ê100%

vegetatedÊwall

streetÊasÊboundary

recessedÊfaçade

streetÊasÊcorner

transparentÊwall

long-narrowÊlot

lattice

squareÊlot

playÊwall

buildingÊ>Ê2Êstories

inhabitableÊwall

buildingÊ<Ê2Êstories

reflective wall

activeÊadjacentÊfaçades

forestÊfence

PRECEDENT

placeÊtubesÊatÊdifferentÊanglesÊ toÊproduceÊvaryingÊdensityÊ

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

COMBINATION

suchÊvariationÊinÊdensityÊwillÊ produceÊaÊcommunity-friendlyÊ securityÊbarrier

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

CONDITION

scarceÊdirectÊsunlight favorableÊclimate scarceÊvegetation

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interior-exteriorÊrelationship

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O R COLOREDÊFENCEÊ(SYSTEM) cercaÊcolorida

C

IRREGULARÊSPACINGÊ(SYSTEM) espaciadoÊirregular

cercaÊcolorida

_usesÊcolorÊtoÊtransformÊtheÊtraditionalÊbarÊfenceÊintoÊaÊfriendlyÊinterfaceÊ thatÊdemarcatesÊtheÊpresenceÊofÊtheÊdaycareÊcenter.

P

espaçamentoÊirregular

_incorporatesÊelementsÊofÊtheÊlatticeÊintoÊtheÊfenceÊinterfaceÊtoÊprovideÊaÊ dynamicÊseparationÊofÊinteriorÊandÊexteriorÊspaces.

U D

continueÊtoÊplaceÊwoodenÊ blocks,ÊvaryingÊtheÊspacingÊandÊ verticalÊpositionÊofÊgaps

completedÊinterfaceÊshouldÊ produceÊaÊcommunity-friendlyÊ hybridÊofÊfenceÊandÊlattice

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interior-exteriorÊrelationship façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

placeÊpre-cutÊwoodenÊblocks,Ê leavingÊverticalÊgapsÊheldÊ togetherÊbyÊsteelÊrods

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

paintÊindividualÊtubesÊinÊ differentÊcolorsÊtoÊproduceÊaÊ visuallyÊrhythmicÊsecurityÊbarrier

façadeÊparallelÊtoÊtopography

placeÊtubesÊperpendicularÊtoÊ groundÊatÊanÊevenÊorientation

façadeÊperpendicularÊtoÊtopography

determine floor spacing for fenceÊtubes;ÊplaceÊintialÊtubes

interior-exteriorÊrelationship

Z X

O R

CONCLUSION

C P U D Z X

O R C P U D Z X

O Redefining architecture

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Architecture is narrowly understood as the process of creating buildings, from conception to construction. However, the potential of architecture stretches far beyond this definition. Through training and experience, an architect has the power to bring communities closer and to stitch fragments of cities back together. As our profession requires far more interdisciplinary work, we can become the pivotal actor in multi-stakeholder design processes. We can think beyond the physical realm, and help facilitate participatory work. We can also move beyond our obsession with authorship, and open our skills to the broader public.

This thesis project explores one of the many new roles that architects in the twenty-first century could and should play. It is based in the informal realm, whose operations and transactions go against the nature of an architect. Informality is the Holston’s ‘anti-formal’. It is de Soto’s extralegal realm. It is Brillembourg and Klumpner’s information. It is challenging but, because of that, it offers vast potential for learning. It also offers an opportunity to transform cities, to integrate their evolving fabric through networks of what lies at their very essence, informality.

The result of this project is twofold: a model for community crèches that strengthen social bonds, and a guidance manual through which operators of community can turn their homes into landmarks of integration. The architect is at the center, but is not the protagonist. Instead, its role is to bring different pieces together to empower local residents to operate independently. Through an adaptation of existing skills and capabilities, this project redefines the role that architecture can play in driving social and urban change.

May 2013

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APPENDIX

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i. Acknowledgements

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ii. Selected bibliography

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O R C P U D Z X

O i. Acknowledgements I thank those who have influenced the development of my intellect: Henry Richardson for giving me the liberty to explore my interests. Arthur Ovaska for many insightful conversations, and Jeremy Foster for supporting my non-traditional understanding of architecture and for his ability to say the right thing at the right time. Daniela Fabricius who raised innumerable theoretical questions fundamental to my education. Val Warke and Kevin Pratt for introducing me to innovative methods that changed the way I perceive design.

Marcela González-Rivas and Silvano de la Llata, mentors in City and Regional Planning. Giancarlo Mazzanti, whose enthusiasm has renewed my passion for design. Alfredo Brillembourg, Doris Tarchópulos, Alejandro Echeverri, Clara Irazábal and Alejandro de Castro, and Ana Elvira Vélez for their time and interest in this project.

The multiple collaborators that helped me pursue this investigation with keen interest and shared responsibility: Felipe González, Rafael Machado, Raul Smith and Pedro Rivera, William Oquendo, María Eugenia and Aura Pacheco, and Gilson ‘Fumaça.’ Manuel Castro, Susana Camejo, Julián Uribe, Alejandra Valencia, Gabriel Suárez, Laura Aparicio, Juliana Zambrano, and Daniela Cárdenas and the rest of the Cárdenas Urrea family.

Colleagues who have enhanced my thinking on this project - Constanza Cortes, David Bibliowicz, Anna Pelavin, Andrés Gutiérrez, and Gretchen Craig - as well as all the rest of my 40 or so classmates who battled through five years of ups and downs.

And, of course, my loving family: Luis Gabriel, Claudia, and Camila.

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ii. Selected bibliography This thesis is the result of theory and evidence researched over the course of the last five years. This list cites the twenty-five most relevant sources explored over the last two years, for the specific purpose of developing this project: 1. “2010 Curry Stone Design Prize Winner Elemental,” YouTube video, 5:40, posted by “Curry Stone Design” August 18, 2011, http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=3jnIBR50APQ. 2. Alcaldía Mayor de Bogotá DC. Mapa de Bogotá - Atlas. http://mapas.bogota. gov.co/atlas/visor/index.html (accessed April 2012).

3. Anuário Estatístico Do Estado Do Rio De Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro, RJ: O Centro, 2010. DVD. 4. Brillembourg, Alfredo, and Hubert Klumpner. “Rules of Engagement: Caracas and the Informal City.” In Rethinking the Informal City: Critical Perspectives from Latin America, edited by Felipe Hernández, Peter Kellett and Lea K. Allen, 119-136. New York: Berghahn, 2010.

5. Brillembourg, Alfredo, Kristin Feireiss, and Hubert Klumpner. Informal City: Caracas Case. Munich: Prestel, 2005.

6. Bromley, Ray. “Power, Property, and Poverty: Why DeSoto’s “Mystery of Capital” Cannot be Solved.” In Urban Informality: transnational perspectives from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia, edited by Ananya Roy and Nezar AlSayyad, 271-288. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2004.

7. Castro, Lorenzo, and Alejandro Echeverri. “Bogotá and Medellín: Architecture and Politics.” Edited by Mariana Leguía. Architectural Design: Latin America at the Crossroads (Wiley), no. 211 (May-June 2011): 96-103.

8. Chaves Pandolfi, Dulce, and Mario Grynszpan. A favela fala. Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 2003.

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O 9. “Country Profile: World.” Chart. World Urbanization Prospects: The 2011 Revision Population Database. United Nations Population Division, 2010. http://esa.un.org/unpd/wup/unup (accessed February 25, 2012).

10. De Soto, Hernando. The mystery of capital : why capitalism triumphs in the West and fails everywhere else. New York: Basic Books, 2000.

11. —. The other path: the invisible revolution in the Third World. New York: Harper & Row, 1989.

12. Eugenia, Maria, interview by Laura Amaya. Realidades Informales: San Agustín del Sur. Translated by Laura Amaya. (June 2012).

13. Fiori, Jorge, and Zeca Brandão. “Spatial Strategies and Urban Social Policy: Urbanism and Poverty Reduction in the Favelas of Rio de Janeiro.” In Rethinking the Informal City: Critical Perspectives from Latin America, edited by Felipe Hernández, Peter Kellett and Lea K. Allen, 181-205. New York: Berghahn, 2010.

14. “Fumaça”, Gilson, interview by Laura Amaya. Realidades Informales: Santa Marta. Translated by Laura Amaya. (July 2012).

15. Harvey, David. Rebel Cities: from the right to the city to the urban revolution.

New York: Verso, 2012.

16. Historias de la Comunidad - Cultura Chacao. Historia de San Agustín del Sur. Caracas: Cultura Chacao, 2008.

17. Holston, James. “Spaces of insurgent citizenship.” In Cities and Citizenship, by James Holston, 155-173. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1999.

18. Koolhaas, Rem. Delirious New York: a retroactive manifesto for Manhattan.

New York: Oxford University Press, 1978.

19. Mazzanti, Giancarlo. “Sergio Fajardo and Giancarlo Mazzanti.” BOMB Magazine: The Artist’s Voice Since 1981. Vol. Winter 110. Translated by Phillip

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Penix-Tadsen. 2010.

20. Oquendo, William, interview by Laura Amaya. Realidades Informales: El Dorado. Translated by Laura Amaya. (August 2012).

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21. Peñalosa, Enrique. “A City Talks: Learning from Bogotá Revitalisation.” Edited

by Mariana Leguía. Architectural Design: Latin America at the Crossroads (Wiley), no. 211 (May-June 2011): 90-95.

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22. República Bolivariana de Venezuela: Instituto Nacional de Estadística. Censo de Población y Vivienda 2001. Caracas: INE, 2005.

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23. Segre, Roberto. “Formal-Informal Connections in the Favelas of Rio de Janeiro: The Favela-Bairro Programme.” In Rethinking the Informal City: Critical Perspectives from Latin America, edited by Felipe Hernández, Peter Kellett and Lea K. Allen, 163-179. New York: Berghahn, 2010.

24. Unidad de Asentamientos en Desarrollo y Vivienda. “Programa Mejoramiento Integral de Barrios (PMIB).” Departamento Administrativo de Planeación, Alcaldía de Medellín, Medellín, Colombia, 2007.

25. Urban-Think Tank. Projects - Metro Cable. http://u-tt.com/projects_Metrocable. html (accessed April 2012).

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