The Reconciliation of Slums in the Global South through the Social Dimension of Public Space by leehomser

The Reconciliation of Slums in the Global South through the Social Dimension of Public Space

LEE HOM, SER 921 598 Supervisor: prof. Petrillo, A.

Politecnico di Milano School of Architecture, Urban Planning, Construction Architectural Design A.Y. 2021/ 2022 July session

Introduction

Motive The inspiration for my thesis topic originates from the three years I have spent pursuing my bachelor’s degree in architecture at Politecnico di Milano, where the subject of informal settlements, or so-called slums, was covered in several courses and studio workshop. Prior to begin working on the thesis, I had already learnt that the formation of slum settlements is consequence of the rapid urbanization process come extreme pressure to governments, particularly in the developing nations where institutional resources are not yet equipped to accommodate and withstand such fast changes. In conjunction with my initial study for the thesis, I understood that the municipalities very commonly overlooked the fact that slums are intricate, complex, and integral parts of the urbanizations process. The majority of upgrading schemes implemented by the municipalities are primarily of providing basic infrastructure such as water, sewage, electricity, and pavements. These settlements demand and deserve comprehensive design and planning solutions which can help the informal settlements to be integrated into the larger urban context. Nonetheless, in most cases, many governments of the developing

nations are unable to afford the expenditure for such extensive design and planning services, especially in the cases of rapid growing cities, such as India which can easily hosts thousands of slum communities. In addition, a time frame for completion of five to ten years is of requirement of many funding programs for slum upgrading. Under such conditions of expensive costs and strict timeline, it is apparent that local governments are forced to adopt upgrading schemes with strong tendency of being oversimplified and that can depreciate the value of urban design and planning process that contribute significantly to the development of community and living quality of citizens. After reading an article written by Isabel Cantada, titled “Public spaces as catalysts for slum upgrading”, I started exploring the notion that the creation and investment on public spaces could be of a more affordable and suitable alternative solution than the comprehensive design services or incomplete basic infrastructure provision, in upgrading informal settlements.

For decades, especially since Jane Jacobs, there has been robust advocation for the importance of presence of public spaces in urban design and that they are essential assets to the overall well-being of the city. Many new urban theorists also claimed that the attention to the city’s public ream is crucial for heathy urban living, creating a sense of ownership and economic development. Having that said, if public spaces play such essential role to the constitution of a city, it is unreasonable that the injection of public spaces is not broadly recognized as mean to the betterment of informal settlements – parts of a larger urban system – the city, that are poorly functioning. Therefore, my objective for the thesis is directed to substantiate that public spaces should be recognized and utilized as a critical mean to address the multitude issues and demands, whether it be tangible or intangible, of the informal settlements and the city as whole, with strong focus on the socio-cultural dimension and capacity of public spaces in doing so.

Limitations & future area of reserach Firstly, the dissertation places major emphasis on discussing the social dimension of public spaces. However, the physical, and legal attributes such as the design construction, legal policies, funding etc. are also crucial stages in the making of a successful public place. Therefore, the policies must take into consideration also the reality factors in developing solutions that comprehend both the tangible and intangible qualities of the public realm. Secondly, a general overview of rationales behind slums were given. The ecology of informal settlements is 2

undoubtedly diverse, receiving influence from different cultures and societal behaviors of different nations. Yet, the formation of informal settlements in most developing countries generally is due to the rapid process of urbanization come extreme pressure to the inadequacy of governments in handling the changes. That said, rather than focusing at one specific location, the thesis instead takes on the approach of investigating slums across the global south, reflecting the congruity of social capacity of public spaces in promoting community betterment and urban cohesiveness.

In view of the limitations stated, the investigation on the topic may be a precursor for the area of interest and direction of research for my master study, specifically in the field of architectural urban planning. Mass housing crisis, informal urbanism and urban poverty are inevitable growing phenomena of the current world, yet combination of public space and slum upgrading is a comparatively new topic, thence leaving space for the study to be further developed.

Structure The thesis is comprised of three main chapters and finally the concluding remark. As aforementioned regarding the motive for the thesis, the two core subjects of the topic are: informal settlement and public space. Following the introductory section, the first two chapters would directly dive in elaborating on the notion of each respectively. Although the theoretical, methodological, physical and context of each subject is discussed and examined in distinct chapters, however, as discussed further on, the relationship between the two subjects is close and it can be argued that each one is the cause and consequence of the other – intricately linked together. This is also reflected through the study as the chapters are organized and proceeding in orderly.

As the two main subjects are studied, chapter three dedicates to a selection of four unique case studies of different magnitude, continental locations, social and cultural context to examine the preceding arguments. In general throughout each chapter, ideas were found along way with literature and reflection. Finally, the concluding remark presents the final arguments, reflection, and findings of the research. The various arguments involved in the study are drawn together and discussed, linking the main theoretical claims with the empirical investigation. Limitations and possible areas for future research are also stated in this section accordingly.

Credits The journey and commitment to this bachelor thesis was not at all an easy task. It requires tremendous amount of hard work, time, patience and foremost, resilience, in pushing and keeping on track of everything all by myself. Polimi’s library has basically became my second home – perhaps only Le Corbusier knows how much time I have spent here researching, reading, and working by myself day, and night. Firstly, I would like to express my gratitude to Professor Agostino Petrillo. Thank you for sparing time giving me reviews, suggestions, and critiques of which all are incredibly helpful to the content of the work. Without your guidance and assistance along the way, the thesis would have a been a mission impossible!

Secondly, I would like to thank Politecnico di Milano for all the resources and support that have been provided throughout my three years of academic studies. My experience completing my bachelor’s degree here is incredibly amazing, and I have certainly grown so much knowledge and skills in all respect. I hope that this thesis could draw a perfect ending for this memorable journey of mine, being 16000 km away from home, in Milan, Italy. Grazie Mille!

Abstract

According to UN-Habitat, around 54 percent of the population lives in cities, with that number expected to rise to 70 percent by 2050. The inability to adapt such rapid growth of urbanization resulted in the prevalent phenomenon of informal urbanism in cities, that is commonly recognized in the form of informal settlement, or so-called slum. Slums are often considered as plague in developing countries, particularly in the Global South, despite their resilience, intricacy and mutual connections with the larger urban context and formal city. The dissertation begins with a comprehensive study of informal settlements. History of formal definitions and implemented policies for alleviating informal urbanism were examined in depth for comprehension and more importantly, to construct justification for informal urbanism and premise of the upgrading approach. The second chapter proceeds to scrutinize the concept of public space, with emphasis on its sociocultural dimension and capacity. The thesis suggests that public spaces are crucial components for building a successful city as they aid in the development of civic identity and sense of social identification and attachment. In turn, enhance the revitalization and sustainable development of the informal communities. Furthermore, on a grander scale, the thesis suggests that investment in public spaces across urban regions, while motivates the improvement of informal neighborhoods or urban marginalized, also can foster cross-sector interaction between the formal and informal, playing a crucial role in attaining social integration, reducing inequality, and combating violence, resentment, and prejudice. In this respect, investment in public space is to be seen as a fundamental and resilient strategy for urban renewal. Case studies of varying scale across the Global South, ranging from neighborhood to city-wide scale, are investigated to demonstrate the potential of creating these places of identity, in reversing the phenomenon of urban informality while fulfilling the infrastructural, environmental, social, and cultural demands of the citizens.

C0ntents Introduction 2 Abstract 4 Contents 5 01 Slum 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 02

Defining slum. 8 Policies in the global south. 10 Slum upgrading. 13 Slum urbanism. 14

Public space

2.1 Defining public space. 18 2.2 Contemporary public space and community identity. 20 2.3 The perception of secure tenure. 24 2.4 The sense of belonging, pride, and motivation for improvement. 26 2.5 Community status and reconciliation of urban duality. 28 2.6 People, place, resilience. 29 03

Case studies

3.1 MESN upgrading project, Mumbai, India. 32 3.2 Villa Tranquila Project, Buenos Aires, Argentina. 34 3.3 KPSP, Nairobi, Kenya. 38 3.4 Library Parks Project, Medellín, Colombia. 42 3.5 The incremental-scale and integrative approach. 46 04

Concluding remark 50

References 54

01/ slum

Defining slum While the definition clarifies the UN's areas of priority for achieving adequate living standards, it overlooks the importance of fundamental urban planning and community development.

Informal settlements are typically denoted by a more well-recognized term – slum. The definition of slum has evolved over time, from an adjective denoting criminal activity to a specific location within a metropolis that is generally defined by extreme poverty. According to Davis (1), the first recorded meaning of slum dates back to 1812, taken from the “Vocabulary of Flash Language”, wherein slum holds the meaning as “racket” or “illegal business”. However, it later evolved to indicate areas where the impoverished and underprivileged engaged in deviant behaviors. Urban thinker, Cardinal Wiseman, and English author, Charles Dickson were two main figures (2) that popularized the use of the phrase at around 1850. At the time, “slum” was frequently utilized to describe inadequate housing in areas plagued by overcrowding, disease, vice, and poverty. Due to its common association with deterioration of physical living condition, the prevailing description for the term implied that slum dwellers’ immoral behavior was the main contributor to the filth. In the 20th century, the definition was enlarged to not only include the dwelling scale, but also the scale of a neighborhood and a city. Oppose to the aforementioned, the 8

substandard living conditions were viewed as the cause for the immoral behaviors of the inhabitants. For instance, the United Nation in 1952 has defined “slum” as “a building, a group of buildings, or area characterized by overcrowding deterioration, unsanitary conditions or absence of facilities or amenities which, because of these conditions or any of them, endanger the health, safety, or morals its inhabitants or the community” (3). Subsequently, many gradually asserted that slum living is not invariably the symbol of retrogression, but instead could be the “…first advancement from homelessness into shelter, or the way station on the road from abject poverty to hope” (4). Thus far, the morality of slum dweller was removed from the equation to poor living circumstances. “Slum” was characterized as a source of hope and even a potential answer to arising housing crisis that the world was, and still is facing today. Meanwhile, many also called for the need for a standard interpretation and identification of a slum. The various definitions of “slum” failed to notice the difference between locations, rental property vs. owned and legal vs. illegal housing, adding

Figure 4: Slum dwellers and their inadequate living conditions.

several factors which must be considered when defining slum. It is not until 2003 that the most comprehensive definition of slum was published by the UN-Habitat to diminish the ambiguity. Subsequent modifications were made and the latest definition by UN-Habitat are stated as following (5) : As adopted in the MDG, household where the inhabitants suffer one or more of the following “household deprivations”: 1) Lack of 2) Lack of 3) Lack of 4) Lack of 5) Lack of

access to improved water source access to improved sanitation facilities. sufficient living area. housing durability. secuity of tenure.

urban infrastructure and housing requirements, it is never explicitly outlined in the UN report. The infrastructural improvements according to the report were limited to electricity, water, waste, transportation, drainage, and lighting. Moreover, poor structural quality, overcrowding, and insecure tenure are defined only to individual housing conditions, ignoring businesses, markets, plazas, and community centers. While the definition clarifies the UN’s areas of priority for achieving adequate living standards, it overlooks the importance of fundamental urban planning and community development.

The dissociation of moral implications, description to diverse physical circumstances and emphasis on inadequate housing and infrastructure are apparent. The report succeeded in identifying the objectives of slum treatment however gives little to no regard for deficiencies of greater urban environment and the surrounding communities. For example, the inadequate public spaces within the informal neighborhood. While the importance of public space is underlined in the study of contemporary urban design, in par with other 9

Policies in the global south Despite the efforts and results of these approaches, it is concluded that the housing conditions in slums have not significantly improved.

Issues concerning the informal settlements and urban poverty were initially brought to the attention of the political and planning authorities after the second world war. However, formal recognition and active intervention did not occur only until the nearend second half of the 20th century where initiatives aimed at incorporating the informal regions into the formal urban system and providing the inhabitants infrastructure and services were actively evoked. As stated in the “The Challenge of Slums”, a global report on human settlement by UN-Habitat (6), 5 common approaches dealing with informal settlements could be identified looking at a timeframe of the past 40 years. These approaches are as followed: I.

Negligence

For several decades following the second world war, as informal settlements 10

were mushrooming and spreading rapidly in many cities across the global south, the governmental authorities in these nations often decided to ignore the proliferation of informal settlements. Such attitude was predicated based on the premise that slums are an illegal and temporary phenomenon resulting from rural-urban migration and “… that thanks to the ongoing economic processes, the people flooding in from the countryside would soon be absorbed into the formal city – and if not, would return whence they came” (7). Such approach denies the reality of slums and hence the rights of the slum dwellers. It was most utilized in the 1970s, however contemporary examples can still be found in developing countries where informal settlements are shown as an empty region in planning documentations.

Denial "Slums? Not in our town!"

II.

Eviction

Eviction is an approach commonly implemented on the burgeoning of informal settlements which often entails the adoption of oppressive and coercive policies of selective or mass expulsion of slum population. Frequently, the process involves minimum to no negotiation with the inhabitants for relocation and compensation. This was most prevalent in the 1980s and was recognized by the UN as a gross violation of human rights(8). Such approach is common in an urban management environment that is dominated by non-democracy and central decisionmaking. A main critique is of its incapability in actually eliminating slums but rather moving them elsewhere. As in many instances, the evictees typically seek shelter in nearby slums, burdening more the areas, or rebuilding in

Clearance

Tolerance

Improvement

Anticipation

"You have to move!"

"Whatever... ..."

"How can we help you?"

"We have a place for you!"

Figure 5: Slum policies imply the "various modes of how governements have dealt with informal urbanizations". -- Christian Werthmann.

outskirts of cities that have no provision of basic infrastructures and where they have been displaced from their prior source of livelihood. The implementation of the approach however was critical because it reflected that eviction exacerbates poverty, “by destroying capital assets, vital sources of income, and precious links of solidarity and mutual assistance that had already been developed” (9). III.

Resettlement

The aim of resettlement is to provide housing for the slum dwellers but in regions distinct from those which they are now reside. The public housing scheme was a common strategy used by the governments however it has been proven to be effective only in a few Southeast and East Asian countries such as Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and South Korea, while others have been dismissed as complete failures. This approach that involves relocation is heavily criticized for its incompetence to acknowledge the fact that slums are located in areas where the impoverished have greater access to their livelihood. Besides, the outlay of such approach is immense, for not just clearing the slums, but also the expenditure on housing construction and management, provision of services and transportation network.

Most critically, resettlement also heavily undermines the social capital and structure of the community, the same as in the case of the eviction approach. IV. Self-help: upgrading

Sites-and-services

This approach is established with premise that slum is a durable phenomenon and demand appropriate solutions. Provision of basic services, tenure security, land accessibility and tailored credit programs are prioritized in the frame of such approach. However with this method, international aid initiatives were the central player while the higher levels of the government were limited in involvement and commitment to the projects. It is being criticized as once the international aids and experts departed from the project, the communities were incapable of maintaining the facilities and the governments failed also to ensure that services continued to be provided (10) . V.

Enablement

This enablement approach was established in response to a greater commitment to policies that prioritize security of tenure and economic development in

slums. Inclusion of inhabitants not only in the process of construction but also the various stages of decision-making and design is underscored in this method. This helps to prioritize actions and secure support for the stage of implementation. The “enabling approach” is then developed in order to coordinate community mobilization and organization in order to make decisions that meet the lowest effective level when it comes to investing in social and physical development for slums. For the majority of activities in connection with the improvement of slums, the lowest effective level is that of the community and the neighborhood. The major criticism received is that this approach requires immense support in the form of training, organizational assistance, financial and management resources, as well as a complex decentralization of local governments or the involvement of the NGOs, which is frequently viewed as “… a retreat on the p art of the State from its traditional social objectives rather than its assumptions of new responsibilities” (11). It is important to note that even though the season of enablement was labelled as a “new approach”, however in comparison to the policies of the self-help season, one can still observes great degree of continuity and commonalities. The primary 11

distinction between the two approach lies in that the international agencies aimed to promote exemplary projects replicable by the local authorities during the self-help season, whereas they were to directly intervene in the institutional, bureaucratic, and regulatory systems of the countries during the enablement season, in order to obtain effects and necessary changes. Despite the efforts and results of these approaches, it is concluded that the housing conditions in slums have not significantly improved. From a procedural standpoint, little has changed because for several decades policies were implemented centrally and through particular pilot projects. It was not until when the enablement approach was introduced, that changes differ from the past could be observed whereby policy-oriented measures are in favored while the projectoriented approached was dismissed. The change occurring in the season of enablement announce a manner of execution that has a higher degree and more direct involvement of the private sector and the beneficiaries (12).

Figure 6: Inadequate tenement for evicted slum population, undergoing gradual deterioration.

Slum upgrading Today, slum upgrading is a typical and favorable approach to be employed for improving the informal settlements. It has shown to offer significant advantages over the other aforementioned approaches.

Since the turn of the twentieth century, the World Bank (13) reported a high demand and strong support for the urban upgrading approach, owing to the shifts and maturity in the governance and essential stakeholders. The upgrading approach promoted alongside with the sites-and-services approach during the season of self-help (mentioned above) were considered to be complementary, as the former sought to build new housings while the latter focus on rehabilitation and improving the existing built-up areas. Technically, both enjoyed parity however, looking at the investments (World Bank, for instance), the sites-and-services approach was given a predominant role. Nevertheless, the sitesand-services approach was abandoned in the 1980s while upgrading projects continued to be executed today and it’s set of principles, though evolved, remained still the priorities of the UN-Habitat. Slum upgrading in its most basic package consists of improving and maintaining the basic services (water supply, electricity, sewage disposal etc.) up to certain standard. Concisely, this approach acts to address deficiencies determined in UNHabitat’s definition of slum. Additional actions include legalizing and regularizing of property rights, aka. tenure security. Among

others, obtaining tenure security is the most challenging because it requires adjustments and flexibility in the government systems. However, due that it enables possibilities of increasing livelihood and related activities, it is seen as one essential piece of this approach. At the neighborhood level, upgrading include enhancement of pathways, roadways, and public spaces. Occasionally, actions that target at issues beyond the physical aspect can also be implemented. For example, the provision of healthcare facilities and training to address health concerns, or the provision of educational facilities and training programs to increase the overall level of education and income opportunities of the community. Further actions also include the elimination of environmental hazards, support for community management and maintenance, and capacity-building of the community. Typically, upgrading approach does not entail the construction of new dwelling because the slum dwellers are considered to be natural builders. The public sector is responsible for providing basic infrastructure whereas housing is a matter of enabling people to themselves better their conditions. (14) (Implementation of the approach vary among cities and not always all actions are put into practice)

Today, slum upgrading is a typical and favorable approach to be employed for improving the informal settlements. It has shown to offer significant advantages over the other aforementioned approaches. Firstly, it is shown that by guaranteeing tenure security and provisioning services and infrastructure, slum dwellers are motivated to invest 4 times more than the amount of funds invested by the governments in the infrastructure improvements of the area. It is also claimed that such approach reduces the outlay up to 10 times less than the policies of clearance and resettlement, simultaneously avoid the social and economic disruption of relocating the informal population (15). Additionally, this approach is efficient in delivering results and manifesting substantial changes in the quality of lives of the poor, as well as fostering recognition of citizenship and acquiring “rights of the city”.

Slum urbanism It should be underscored that informal settlements should be considered as a valid form of urban growth, a process which will lead to formal housing and natural upgrading.

Since the Middle Ages, urbanization has been progressed linearly, frequently in conjunction with technical advancements. The political and socioeconomical reforms implemented by the societies impact majority of the inhabitants, making the progress of urban development relatively constant and predictable. And the society at large identified with the regulations being developed. It is not until the past century that the progress of urbanization was observed to be non-linear and everything appear to be happening all at once. Following that was the emergence of diverse urban forms with high level of complexity that often demonstrate minimum adaptation to broader local demands. Consequently, two realities with distinct physical and socioeconomic patterns coexist. Such duality in the nature of urbanism requires particular strategies and they have only just recently begun to formulate.

However, the major weakness of the informal communities is of their inability to alter the urban landscape and provision of infrastructural needs, services, amenities, and most importantly, public spaces that the formal city enjoys. The conventional and biased view on informal settlements is obsolete and ironically, the informal urban patterns serve to be guidance for a richer, more diversified, and efficient urban reality. The issue of informal settlement demand major attention in all stages of design and management. It is vital to acknowledge the existing informal urbanism in order to enhance the good and provide the lacking.

The medieval fabric of squatter settlements, they demonstrate an incremental process of building construction. The process involves resources from different level and variety of channels while producing more fractal forms than of those following the Euclidean geometry. The gradual and organic growth informs the richness and dynamicity of forms, that are highly responsive and adaptable to the context and topographies. Besides, due to the maximum incorporation of mixed functions to spaces and structures, the need to commute is significantly decreased hence the rate of energy consumption is also reduced. In contrast, the urban patterns

The aforesaid does not serve to deprecate one or the other. Both possess each of their own positive and negative qualities. However, it should be underscored that informal settlements should be considered as a valid form of urban growth, a process which will lead to formal housing and natural upgrading. In this regard, the integration of one into another, whether it be the informal into the formal, or vice versa, is no longer important. The importance lies in the reconciliation and synthetization of both to obtain a new realm, public spaces; a new realm that is capable of providing mutual access and freedom of choice to the inhabitants.

of formal modern city that give priority to efficiency hardly achieve these conditions, especially of those solutions tailored for the poor.

Appendix 7: Figure-Ground Plan of San Francisco, CA (downtown) (as published by Allan Jacobs)

1. Mikonos, Greece.

Appendix 9: Figure-Ground Plan of Irvine, CA (business complex) (as published by Allan Jacobs)

2. Ahmedabad, India.

3. San Francisco, USA,

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4. Montepulciano, Italy.

Appendix 10: Figure-Ground Plan of Brasília, Brazil (city center) (as published by Allan Jacobs)

5. Hollywood, India.

6. Irvine, USA.

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7. Venice, Italy.

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8. Riverfront, India.

9. Brasília, Brazil. 0

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Figure 7: 1-2, 4-5 and 7-8: side-by-side comparisons of urban patterns between medievel cities and informal settlements; 3, 6 and 9: urban patterns of modern cities. Characterisics such as permeability and walkability are common to the urban pattern of conventional and informal settlements whereas the modern ones demonstrate tendency to rationality and functionality.

02/ public space

Defining public space The nature of public space is to be defined by its use instead of its legal status.

Figure 9: African life at its purest in the public street market of Uganda.

As defined by the UN-Habitat, “Public spaces are all places publicly owned or of public use, accessible and enjoyable by all for free and without profit motive" (16).

Public space is a legal concept because the users’ access, functions, activities etc. that take place in the space are subject to set of rules and regulations set by the authority of the site, which could be the public administration, landowner or whoever asserts power and control. The formal distinction between the private and public space in modern days are shown in the land registry, which is linked to the right to build. This means that public property, or the public domain, is kept free of buildings (except for collective buildings and public services) and are used for social functions that are common in the cities. More than the legal aspects, public space also holds a sociocultural dimension. From a cultural perspective, public space is central in representation of symbolic and community life of a city because it is where various experiences and living routines of inhabitants unite. It is common ground for social interactions, relations, identifications, urban animation, and community expression.

Not only that public space could contribute to the dynamism of an urban environment, oppositely, the city’s unique dynamic and the behavior of people can also generate public spaces of characteristics beyond the vision of the legal constitution. In many cases, these public spaces either open or closed, can include vacant plots, in-between spaces of buildings, transportation stations or more often lands set aside for public works and environmental protection (17). In this sense, public space is not to be defined as merely an owned property reigned by regulations. It is a common place for the mass and serves as a sociocultural manifestation of social interaction and communion between different individuals. Thus, the nature of public space is to be defined by its use instead of its legal status.

Contemporary public space and community identity The possibility for diverse appropriation of a public space demonstrates its potential as a distinguishing element of the city that allows for the fortification and development of urban and community identity.

Figure 10: Highrise City (Hochhausstadt), perspective view, Ludwig Karl Hilberseimer. ,1924. A city of homogenous collective, governed primarily by rational and functional percepts.

Figure 11: Motor vehicles occupying the public spaces of the modern city (even the sidewalk pavements). Taipei, Taiwan.

Public space, as previously mentioned, entails a particular human dimension. However, such political and human notions of public space have been transformed by the 20th century modern urban planning which places strong emphasis on hygienist ideals, physical rationality, and equality. Having functionalism-geared efficiency at its core, the contemporary urban planning often tends to be an instrument of separation rather than of integration. One prime example being the physical division between the public and private spheres of residents’ life during the process of industrialization. Unlike the spatial and functional integration of ancient cities, modern cities today are prone to specialize urban spaces due to the rationalist ideals and the cities’ rapid expanding scale. The differentiation of locations for living and working

has, as in the words of Madanipour, “dismantled the symbolic and functional coherence of both public and private spheres” (18). This is further accentuated by the captivation to speed/ movement and advancement in technology. The advent of printed words, communication technologies and transportation networks have de-spatialized the public sphere; in the sense that the interaction (whether it be political debates, exchange of goods and services or participation in ritual or ceremonies etc.) among diverse entities, groups or people can take place at any time, at any location and through any mean than that of faceto-face communication. In other words, “The public sphere is formed of a large number of arenas which may never overlap in space and time” (19). Such despatialization of public sphere threatens

“The repetition of blocks resulted in too much uniformity. Every natural thing was excluded: no tree or grassy area broke the monotony… the result was more a necropolis than a metropolis, a sterile landscape of asphalt and cement, inhuman in every aspect.” - Ludwig Karl Hilberseimer.

the cultural and social significance of public space and undermines its central role to the city. In more fortunate cases, they were given priority to its monumental or urban embellishment value and are connected to business and occasionally cultural activities. In less fortunate cases, they are taken as “residual spaces” perfect for parking lots that are void of character. Frequently, the excessive bureaucracy and adherence to formalities also led to the belief that ideal public spaces are to be empty and devoid of activities. Or it is so highly guarded that no one conducts activities within them, for instance, the pedestrian-only access zones that prohibits any sorts of commercial activities and services. In sum, modern urban

planning’s focus on functionalism has disrated the role of public space by assigning it to specific use. Another instance being the compartmentalization of public administration and professional bodies (20). That is, engineers or planners would approach projects with specific views and skills solely particular to their field of specialization. The result of this is the adoption of sectarian and sector-based policies rather than promotion of “… actions that articulate the diversity and complexity of urban demands”(21). As a result, each and every operations in the instance of large housing projects are 21

Figure 12: The increasing phenomenon of privatization of public spaces. Los Angeles, USA.

aimed at a certain social segment while road infrastructure is frequently given top priority, both as an ordering element and as investment. Today’s public policies have lost the potential worth of public space as an essential and coherent aspect of the city by conflating urbanism with housing and public works. Such restricted view of public space often led to notion that perceive streets merely being an element for transiting and green parks being an “urban oxygen center”. The significant potential of public space as social junctions, in this case, has been neglected and forgotten. In today’s globalized context, the rationalist ideals and approaches are observed to be commonly replicated in many developing countries across the global south. One consensus is that urban transformation projects with aim to substantialize the ideal vision of men’s’ living and working circumstances, are to be executed in spaces “vacuumed of context”. Vacant lots in the city are every so often perfect ground for such experimentations and practice, particularly due to their isolation and lack in sociocultural references or connections with the surrounding and greater urban context. The logicality, orderly path to problem identification and solution of the

modern rational planning model suggests the redemption of city through planning, wherein human being is considered to be a fixed and measurable datum. The foremost shortcoming of this approach is that of the homogenization and privatization of urban spaces. In other words, the urban spaces are all the same and they are owned by everyone, equally. Under the surface of such “parity,” conceals the menace that the city is no longer a place for social interaction since everyone is of the same socioeconomic stratum. Integration between diverse groups is not necessary. As such, unlike the traditional cities, the intervened areas in contemporary settings have a make-up and social composition of robust homogeneity. Quoting from Sennett, “communities of equals, of those who belong to the same class and share the same opinion” (22), depicts the reality of such society with absence of diversity, the sense of impartiality between one another, the sense of not having the need or urge for negotiation. The impression of “equality” established among the various social groups as a result from the absence of public space as a place for interaction and negotiation, in

fact, would lead to the dissolution of local forms of solidarity and community life (23). In this case, personal security and accessibility to livelihood become the two most crucial factors for residents to consider while evaluating the city. The traditional strategic features of urban spaces such as social diversity and heterogeneity are displaced and forgotten. Consequently, the city is influenced by “the weakening of public space as a civic space, resulting in the ungovernability of a territory now characterized by products, inequality and marginalization (24).

quality of physical form, the social dimension of public space also must be appreciated (in fact deserves more attention) for its capability in facilitating and intensifying social relations, creating identifications among groups, strengthens interactions, and especially “in its capacity to encourage symbolic identifications, expression, and cultural integration”(25). Therefore, by establishing public spaces for mutual access for city’s residents of different sectors, as a common ground for them to come together, the city can requalify and secure the marginalized.

There are many ways in which each society’s urban vision is reflected in its response to a given location, even if the location is identical. The possibility for diverse appropriation of a public space demonstrates its potential as a distinguishing element of the city that allows for the fortification and development of urban/ community identity. Beyond the

Figure 13: Public spaces are promoted as means of bringing people together, leading to tolerance and social cohesion York, UK.

Figure 14: The public spaces of the modern Middle Eastern city losing its' historical characteristics due to transformations to accommodate automobiles. Dubai, UAE.

The perception of secure tenure Secure tenure is, in part, a matter of perception and relationships of trust... ... Individuals may feel and believe that they are safe from eviction and dispossession even without legally recognized documentation of property titles.

As defined by the UN-Habitat, the perception of secure tenure, concisely, means “… individuals or households do not feel a threat of being deprived of legitimately acquired use or ownership rights to land or of these rights being disputed by other” (26). Slum dwellers’ will to invest in their housing or physical environment is influenced by their perception of secure tenure. The fear of being removed or having their homes confiscated inhibits them from making voluntary improvements to their living conditions. Many think that the provision of formal binding contract of land is a substantial and practical way of eliminating the anxiety while encouraging the slum inhabitants to commit to individual or collective betterment. On one hand, secure land property rights are essential to reducing poverty because they underpin economic development and social inclusion. On the other hand, many municipalities in truth are incapable of affording such procedure due to expensive 24

acquisition price of land and contested property titles. Instead, there is an increase in calling for attention to the fact that, regardless of the legal status, slum dwellers often enjoy good tenure security. Secure tenure is, in part, a matter of perception and relationships of trust. In addition to formal titles, “security can be achieved through long-term rental contracts or formal recognition of customary right and informal settlement” (27). That is, very commonly, the residents instead of being assigned to formal land titles, are given “secure land”, meaning that they can and are allowed to live in a place without the fear of eviction. As asserted by the UN-Habitat, the promise of “secure land”, “either de facto or perceived protection from forced evictions” or “perception of secure tenure” (28), has the same impact as tenure security of formal recognition in motivating the slum dwellers to better their living circumstances.

Figure 15: "Nos quisieron enterrar, no sabían que éramos semillas." ( "They tried to bury us, they did not know we were seeds." -- a quote found on a mural painting by unknown.

While some governments have allocated varying degrees and recognize a variety of lawful type of tenure, “tenure security” still tends to be strictly defined in more statutory forms of legal documentation. This has not only been a failure to represent and reflect the tenure realities, but also significantly limits the amount of slum households, particularly of the vulnerable ones, to afford such “formal form” of tenure security. As priorly mentioned, individuals may feel and believe that they are safe from eviction and dispossession even without legally recognized documentation of property titles. Therefore, it is crucial to comprehend the potential of public space in giving security and providing an over-all sense of permanency to the slum dwellers.

The sense of belonging, pride, and motivation for improvement Building a community is a much harder task than building a house... A city can be so efficient and attractive in physical terms but still fails to deliver that unique and ineffable essence of urbanity which we call – city.

Figure 16: Increasing complexity described by Teilhard de Chardin as the successive folding of a handkerchief.

Figure 17: Increasing complexity described by Greek planner, Doxiadis.

As previously mentioned in chapter 2.2, the potential of public spaces lies in the making of groups and strengthens interaction, its capacity to encourage symbolic identification, expression, cultural and community identity. This chapter seeks to further explore the concept by asking specifically: Why by instilling among the residents a sense of community identity could motivate them to improve their living circumstances? Building a community is a much harder task than building a house. As Correa suggests, we are paying too much attention on the physical aspects when evaluating a city while overlooking the power of its mythical and metaphysical attributes. A city can be so efficient and attractive in physical terms but still fails to deliver that unique and ineffable essence of urbanity “which we call – city”(29). That is, a great example of urban and community living does not necessarily require

precise design of the city. As in the case of Bombay, Correa claims that a city “gets worse and worse as a physical environment … and yet better and better as a city” (30). In other words, the informal neighborhood continues to develop to be more integrated and vibrant as a community, in spite of the burgeoning of population, unsystematic construction pattern and informal planning ambiguity. Many even become destinations for tourists and visitors. Simply put, the expansion of slum makes it less as an environment for human living but more as a working community. As per diagram I, the increasing complexity of synergy in slum settlements can be explained by an analogy of Teilhard de Chardin, that is the successive folding of a handkerchief: “each fold doubles the layers of materials, or the density of experience” (31) . Chardin believes that the evolution of life from single cells to increasingly sophisticated

forms of organism is a compulsive and irreversible process, a natural impulse to complexity. Correa views this as an “intriguing insight” that perhaps explain the migration of people from village to town, but, more importantly, “why having experience the physical degradation of his new life, he does not return to his village. He has no choice” (32) . Id Est, having experience the place of “identity”, though environmentally of degradation, returning to the rural that is void of identity is not anymore, a choice, for the residents. “We only go back to Walden Pond when we can take our complexity with us. Only the madman or the mystic does out into the desert. And the mystic is really taking God, his complexity, with him. That leaves only the madman” (33). Such notion regarding the lure of cities could also be further expounded looking at the explanation of Greek planner, Doxiadis, that is diagram II. This is basically the essence of a city and a community. Blue people getting together. Communicating. Reinforcing each other. Challenging and changing. This is exactly how a community is made: without planning to precision, but reciprocal influence from another, negotiation, tolerance, integration and so on. It is a time-consuming

process and requires mutual and concerted effort from everyone. As in the words of Correa, “Bombay decaying as a physical part yet improving as a city – as a place where different people meet, where things happen, where ideas incubate” (34). Likewise, the slum dwellers notice the feeling of identity and take pride from it. The recognition among individuals, identifications of community, agglomeration of minds and mutual influence prompt the dwellers to improve their situation, creating a stronger social community and desire to develop the living conditions. As public space has already been shown to be a distinguishing element of the city in generating community identity. It follows that the slum residents notice the sense of identity and take pride from it. This sparks the desire among residents to invest and improve the physical environment while the perception of secure tenure would provide kindling for that spark.

1) A diagram of villages: 250 red dots and 1 blue one - He's a blue person. Einstein? The village idiot? Anyways, he's different from the rest.

2) A town of 1000 people. Now there are 4 or 5 blue dots floating around.

3) A town of 25,000 people. Ah ! A historic moment: 2 blue people are meeting for th first time.

4) Now a town of 100, 000 ... ... and several colonies where blue people reside. Furthermore, some of the red dots on the fringes of these colonies are turning ... ... purple!

Community status and reconciliation of urban duality “… higher-income people need to understand that if they want to live in a peaceful society, their less fortunate neighbors will need to live better too.” - Graur.

Progressively, residents’ willingness to better their living conditions reduces the likelihood of slum communities falling prey to clearance policies. As previously stated, the governmental measures of forcibly evicting or relocating the informal settlements are proved to be obsolete. Though it happened that it might be successful in some cases, the majority still witnessed the returning of slum dwellers to vacant land that was the slum’s original site. Therefore, community wide improvements, particularly of those involving the construction of permanent structures around public spaces are critical in ensuring the long-term viability of the informal communities and providing extra security against the clearance policies. The reinforcement of quality and civic value of public space made it the center of political power for the slum community. A more collective and mutual support development unit of the community is encouraged instead of being just a collection of many individual poor families. This is prominent in aiding the community for organization of rights and additional infrastructures that are beyond their resource and capability.

Furthermore, the elevation of informal community’s status and reputation is critical in addressing one of the most serious issue of slum, which is segregation. The marginalization of slum within the greater urban context is intricately linked to inequality. In other words, the greater the physical and mental distance between the haves and the have-nots, the greater the potential menace for conflict and isolation. “The more each individual, each community, each city, each country, and each continent isolates itself, the further away we will be from solving social problems” (35). Thus, as have been repeatedly underlined: the social strength of public spaces; physical improvement of public spaces is an obligatory practice for city-wide integrating strategies. Nevertheless, the great challenge of social dualism requires collaborative effort. The grand magnitude of the problem does not justify the assumption that the solutions to problem can be modeled solely on the relatively small formal sector. On the other hand, the ability of slum residents to improve their living circumstances is splendid yet confined at the same time. The municipalities in this scenario play a crucial role to intervene.

The interaction between agents should be of cooperation and complementation, in place of supremacy and negligence. In order for the informal settlement to prosper, it is important for the formal sector to target at its internal economic forces, to enhance their access to welfare such as healthcare and education, to aid the development of small business and micro-entrepreneurship, and to increase the accessibility, mobility, and safety. As Graur claims, “… higher-income people need to understand that if they want to live in a peaceful society, their less fortunate neighbors will need to live better too” (36). It is exactly by aiding development without prejudice, that the informal settlements could flourish and the distance or misapprehension between the “formal” and “informal” could diminish. Only then, it is possible to promote and foster cross-sector engagement. That is, the intervention in urban fabric by providing quality public spaces which the population from the “formal” and “informal” sector could enjoy – the coexistence of the urban “duality”.

People, Place, Resilience

Figure 18: The synergy and mutuality between different elements as to improve the informal communites and the city as whole.

Communication of concerns and solutions to local problems are more actively motivated when one (or a group) has a strong sense of attachment to a particular place. And the participation of members (inhabitants) for either individual or collective positive outcomes is directly linked to such sense of identification. That is, the psychological and social processes in generation of a sense of community – the mutual trust of relationships, social connections, shared concerns, and community ideals can lead to collectivelevel actions and cooperation for place proactive improvements. In turn, the sense of community identity and belonging serve to catalyze the development of social capital and community mobilization, all of which contribute to increase community resilience,

neighborhood revitalization and in due course, as well the urban renewal. Thus, the involvement and commitment of members with respect to their socioeconomical and community status are of positive relationship with the feelings of attachment and identity. Simply put, the more that they feel attached or connected, the more they are willing to dedicate themselves to individual and community contribution. In this view, the cultivation and fostering of feelings of belonging and collective identity are of particular importance, and the adaptation of genuine and effective participation of the population in the sociocultural and ecological management of the community is the priority of the municipalities.

03/ case studies

Case study 1: MESN upgrading project, Mumbai, India. Background context: Mumbai, the financial capital of India is rated one of the world’s most densely inhabited cities. Due to high population density, the built-up area space per capita is low, and the number of public spaces is close to none, with the existing or new ones rife with malpractices, poor maintenance, and low community engagement. M-ward, one of Mumbai’s 24 administrative divisions, is among the city’s

neglected and poorest districts. There are hardly any public spaces in this extremely neighborhood. It is located near the city dumping ground and suffers from major solid waste management issues and the few public spaces that exist are abused, not maintained and under constant threat of encroachment. Minimum involvement of residents in local governmental development projects

discouraged the nurturing of communities’ sense of belonging and ownership. The perception of public spaces as “public good” also reduces the residents’ incentive of preserving them.

Solutions:

Figure 20 - 21: Lotus Garden before (left) and shortly after completion (right) in 2014.

Lotus Garden, a playground and garden space of 1,300 m2 for almost 200, 000 household in M-ward, one of Mumbai’s 24 administrative divisions, with the support of UNH was selected in 2013 as pivotal development project of MESN (Mumbai Environmental Social Network). LG at that time was in total state of disrepair, as waste dumping ground with damaged facilities, stagnant water, and many other safety threats. The primary aim of MESN was to promote positive usage and sustainable maintenance of the public space through evocation of a sense of collective responsibility. In turn, alleviate the conditions and status of the neighborhood in the wider urban context. The LG project initiated in February 2014 and was reopened to the public in June of the same year. Concisely, ground-levelling, creations of walkways, flower beds, seating

and recreational equipment for youth and adults were staples of the garden upgrading package. Electricity and water sewage systems were reconnected after years of disuse and painting renovations of walls, fences etc. were also completed to enhance the appearance of the garden. The finished product received immense enthusiasm such that the number of users had to be limited at first when the public space newly opened. Apart from the outstanding physical improvements, the sensible approach of MESN is also widely applauded. The strategy of MESN “…is a trust building process”. (37) Over the course of months in the process, MESN has encouraged and gathered residents of diverse spheres for extensive meetings, to target and identify the most-pressing demands and concerns of the community. The continual engagement between the different stakeholders

not only helped to foster a robust relationship of trust, but also inspires identification and sense of collectivity. For instance, at onepoint MESN was falsely accused of intent to misuse the funding support from UNH resulting in the termination of project under pressure. However, due to the strong trust that has been instilled, the local community rallied around asking for NOC (No objection certificate) from the authority in persuasion for the recommencement of the project. The remarkable success of the LG project prompted another similar MESN project: Gautam Nagar Project, which is of location nearby. Likewise, the area was extremely hazardous and derelict. This time, however, MESN under the guidance of UNH has decided to utilize Minecraft (computer game developed by Swedish company Mojang) as community participation tool in the design of public space to encourage more community involvement. A three days “Block by Block” Workshop was held to engage and help

participants to get familiar with the software while through the process of negotiation and exchange of ideas to encourage a sense of ownership. The final plan consists of new seating, sport equipment, vegetations and playgrounds which were all built in 2016. “…it can be a challenge to mobilize people in slums – especially the youth – who are resigned to their environment and don’t feel a sense of ownership,” (38) , said Pontus Westerberg, digital projects officer at UNH. Westerberg conveys that the conventional way of design through means of maps and drawings often do not excite the participants and they lose interest rapidly. However, by utilizing an incentive tool as such which he describes as “digital Lego”, residents are much more intrigued. They learned the necessary skills for redesigning in the game in matter of minutes or hours, and the entire process was very democratic.

Figure 22: Block-by-block meeting discussion with the community members.

Results: According to local surveys, the projects of MESN evidently elevated the living condition and experience of the local residents. The nurturing of the sense of belonging, identity, and ownership of spaces among the residents during the process of involvement is highly notable as it empowers the community to hold dignity to common property while motivating them for long-term upkeeping. One optimistic evidence is that of the co-operation federation formed by local residents for the long-term maintenance control of the new public spaces.

Vandalization of transformed sites were once a major concern. However, the participatory investment in building trust, dignity and alliance were proven to be effective as all facilities and developments are still well maintained and functioning after at least 5 years of observations. May be “The lawn is a bit scraggly, but still being maintained, as are other amenities” (39) , more importantly, the public spaces have positively impacted the health, sanitation, and security conditions of the neighborhood. Once a space to be avoided, especially of women and children, are today not only playgrounds for everyone in the community but have also attracted visitors from other parts of the city to appreciate the “… small oasis in their otherwise drab and congested world” (40).

Case study 2: Villa Tranquila Project, Buenos Aires, Argentina.

Background context: Villa Tranquila is a 25-hectare area of informal settlement home to 7000 people of the port city, Avellaneda. The settlement has formed and expanded in magnitude during the 1940s due to economic crisis. VT was one of the most dangerous areas of Buenos Aires with high rates of criminality. The attempted governmental interventions in the past managed to alleviate the conditions, however, it is still Avellaneda’s biggest informal settlement pervaded with drug trafficking. VT is spatially and socially isolated from the formal city due to the segmentation of River Matanza and territories of derelict warehouses. Flat topography and vicinity to river has caused the settlement to be victim of floods and wetlands. Besides, it also suffers from typical issues of informal settlement such as insufficient housing, substandard sanitation, and low employment rate. The municipal’s effort in revitalizing the area includes the construction of new housing, redevelopment of local services and infrastructures, however, attention to landscape and communal spaces is very minimum.

Figure 23: Aerial view of Villa Tranquila.

Figure 24: The neighborhood street of Villa Tranquila.

Solutions: The demographic of VT is composed in majority (more than a half) of youth population. The participation in diverse forms of recreational activities of users from different ages, as both the designers believed, is vital to promote co-inhabitation and coexistence in communities of fragmentation and discord. Thus, public spaces were seen significant serving as social nodes for interactions. The proposal of Janches and Rohm was of interstitial insertion of public spaces such as communal squares, playgrounds, and walkways throughout the community. The goal was to emphasize the provision of facilities of cultural, economic, and recreational purposes through public spaces, and that these spaces would create and reinforce connections within the settlement and with the surrounding urban context. The strategy was described as not being “prescriptive” but “descriptive” (41). That is, it connotes the flexible locations and functionality of public spaces with adaptation

to the evolution and changing demands of the community overtime. Correspondingly, new public spaces were planned closely to areas or structures with pre-existing programs, such as churches and institutions. Beside scrutiny of settlement’s physical conditions, social studies through means of interview and camera documentation were extensively performed to deeply comprehend the collective demands of the community. Highlights from this series of assessment includes the identification of existing social capital of neighborhood, current condition of inadequate services and facilities for youth, and recognition of aspirations of the community for prospective developments. However, the final solution was settled to focus the investment only on one site of selection due to funding insufficiency. The heterogeneity of groups within the neighborhood hindered the 35

identification of site for intervention due to that certain sites were set to be engaged with certain “type” of residents resulting in that not all were welcomed to play in specific areas. Nonetheless, after sessions of intensive discussions with the community, an abandoned plot at the edge of the settlement long used to burn stolen automobiles was eventually chosen to be the first site for intervention as recreational public space of which later was named as Plaza Vincente Lopez. Alike other case studies, active engagement of local community in the process was fundamental to the success of the project and to develop a sense of ownership and identity to property. The volunteered locals, regardless of age and gender, were put in charge of non-skilled labors. Moreover, constant communication with the community on a regular basis, for instance via community radio to keep the residents updated to the progress of project, helped to secure community buyin while simultaneously reinforce trust. The intimate alignment of community with the project ensured the adaptability of solutions and alternatives to changing circumstances that arose during the process.

Figure 25: Envisioned network of playgrounds in Villa Tranquila.

Figure 26 - 27: Vacant lot chosen for intervention: before (top) and after (bottom) completion in 2010, welcomed by all local residents and neighbors.

Results: In terms of creating infrastructure and improving physical living conditions, the upgrading project achieved great success. 290 new houses were constructed and another 300 houses were upgraded. One community hall, three communal play areas and one healthcare center were built. Drainage, public water, sanitation, and electricity networks were connected. All main neighborhood roads were paced and public lighting were also installed (42) .Besides, Plaza Vincente Lopez has received great feedback since completion in 2009. A survey (43) conducted many months after, reported that a solid 90% of interviewed inhabitants indicated that the public space has encouraged abundant optimistic interactions among neighbors while visitors became increasingly common to that area. Furthermore, job opportunities were sparked for the community as not only that locals were hired by the municipality to upkeep the spaces; shops, services and facilities were also opened in vicinity of public squares ensuing their advancements. The success story of Plaza Vincente Lopez lend weight to the proposal of Janches and Rohm which in turn inspired the completion of another two plazas: Plaza Daniel and Plaza Pinzon, in the same neighborhood. The project has also given inspiration to other projects within the city and beyond. The constant progress and positive feedback of the project attested the approach of the duo, which is of incremental implementation of small-scale projects to promote environmental and social change.

Figure 28: Close contact with residents, including the children, bring the community in alignment with the project.

Case study 3: Kibera Public Space Project, Kibera, Kenya.

Background context: One of the largest slums – Kibera, in Nairobi, Kenya, is notable for its size, history, location and deplorable living conditions. Kibera is located at merely 4 kilometers away from downtown Nairobi and has an area of coverage that is two thirds of the size of NYC’s Central Park. Similar to other informal settlements, Kibera lacks many fundamental services such as trash collection system, clean water, and inadequate sanitation facilities. Tenure security is tenuous and daily earning for living is huge struggle to the locals as most of the subsists on less than USD $1 per day. Vertical crowding is a serious problem, dwellings are densely accumulated and the rest of the spaces available are exploited for transportation mobility and livelihood actives. Thus, there is little conventional open space for children to play or communities to gather for interaction. As depicted in figure 29, the site of KPSP 01 (first project of KDI in Kibera executed in 2006) was swampy and inaccessible on foot owing to frequent floods. The area was deemed unbuildable thence being avoided by the residents and utilized as waste dumping ground.

Solutions: KDI (Kounkuey Design Initiative), is an NGO and community development organization that collaborates with underprivileged communities in the United States, Africa, and Latin America to physically improve the neighborhoods while enhance their environmental, economic, and social well-being. The term Kounkuey, which stands for “to know (something) intimately” (44) emphasizes the approach of the organization that is to focus serving the genuine needs of the inhabitants and their concerns. By remediating contaminated soul and clearing dumpsites, KDI’s concept combines access to drainage, sewerage, and public spaces without destroying the existing fabric of the settlement’s contrasts to the “raze and replace” technique that is typically employed for developing infrastructure in the informal across the world. In collaboration with the Kibera community since 2006, KDI has built eleven unique public spaces across the Kibera settlement, connected by a network of community leaders. The sites for public spaces were nestled among the crowded maze of the surrounding neighborhood. However, each and all are perceptible by elements such as wide paved pathways, deep drainage channels

that generates the sense of openness that combats the prior suffocating congestion of space. The public spaces are functional and multipurposed with incorporation of gardens, laundry areas, educational amenities, and recreational playgrounds. KDI plays a role of guidance while giving technical and financial support when needed during the process of execution. The community-based groups are responsible for the construction and administration of the public spaces. In this way, the local capacity to sustainability of management and establishment of ownership towards added resources could be nurtured. Moreover, opportunities to follow training programs aimed at promoting local entrepreneurship and businesses were also provided at each site so that future income generating activities could happen at each site, contributing to the self-sustainability and vibrancy of the public spaces, turning them into vital community social hubs. The symbolical KPSP 01, that is the team’s first project will be detailed further to representatively authenticate the vision of the project.

Figure 29 (left): The hazardous condition of KPSP 01 site in 2006, before intervention.

Figure 30 (right): Children at school based at KPSP 01, site after intervention.

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Figure 31: Site plan of KPSP 01 1. Office 2. Multi-purpose hall 3. Garden 4. Playground 5. Planted gabion walls

KPSP 01 began in 2006 as KDI’s first project and the initiative for betterment was divided mainly in two stages. The first phase was focusing on the general cleaning of the neighborhood involving the community. The Ngong River, which runs through Kibera and experience flooding on regular bas produces unstable banks that are challenging for building construction and even to traverse on foot. Eventually the fate of the area was doomed as a trash dumping site of the neighborhood. Buro Happold, an organizational partner, asking for feedback and guidance from EcoBuild Africa and the local residents, designed a simple yet efficient gabion system made up of stone and wire mesh, to address the issue of flood and creating spaces for economic and recreational purposes. Furthermore, a wooden-concrete bridge was also constructed to not only withstand the flood, but also serves as an important connection between two villages: Soweto East and Shilanga of the area. The second phase includes further cleaning of the site and construction of community shaded pavilion. As depicted in figure 31, the

shaded pavilion is house to a multi-purpose hall and a garden while other structures such as office, playground and planted gabion walls are in vicinity to the pavilion. Surrounding the office is a park with benches, chess tables and leisure structures entirely made from recycled materials. It is worth mentioning also that the leisure structure popular among children in the neighborhood is the first of its kind in Kibera. The urban farm located besides the office is frequently utilized by the group members for cultivating vegetables and trading it to the local kiosks’ operators. Similar revenue-generating activities are introduced and encouraged while portion of the income contribute to upkeep the maintenance of the communal space.

Results: Unlike many informal settlements upgrading projects in the past that have either made the informal residents who were victims of eviction, being skeptical to introduced interventions; or the solutions provided by “outsiders” – foreigner or the municipalities, which often leave the community with a fishing rod but no idea how to fish. KPSP initiatives on the other hand, begins with community buy-in that has tremendous effect in evoking local ownership, sense of belonging and identity, and long-term sustainability of the community. KDI’s strategy that oversees thoroughly the process and multitude aspects of interventions creates a network of communications and connections between all sites of the community. Improvement of physical living conditions were evident, simultaneously, also the promotion of self-built, self-aware, and self-promoted public space interventions. According to statistics (45), the 11 new climate resilient public spaces have contributed to 35% of all purpose-built public space in Kibera. More than 5000 local residents were involved in the process of design and partly the construction while 520 meters of flood protection and 840 meters of drainage infrastructure were installed for flood control. The reclaimed land for the creation of public spaces is recorded to provide services to more than 10, 000 residents per day. Since its launch, the public spaces, especially of KPSP 01, have become the Kiberan landmark, opening access routes through the settlement, inspiring other public space projects, and receiving many visitors.

Figure 32 (top): Design workshop, Anwa Junior Academy, with students.

Figure 33 (bottom): Designed community open space of KPSP 09 which initiated since 2016 and still on-going.

Case study 4: Library Parks Project, Medellín, Colombia.

Figure 34: The Medellín Metrocable system is one of the array of innovative public sector projects that establishes the convenient transportation connection between the informal neighborhoods, known as 'comunas', and the formal city.

Background context: Medellin, the capital of the Colombia’s mountainous Antioquia province, was once in the 90s deemed as the most hazardous city in the world due to intense conflicts between drug cartels and criminality. Following the initiative-taking development of local initiatives in addressing the issue of violence and political instability, a social urbanism policy, which is the Development Plan 2004-2007, was formed during the administration of Mayor Sergio Fajardo. The implementation of PUI (Integrated Urban Plans) was claimed to promote significant improvements in the sociocultural, economic aspects, and overall well-being of Medellin. The main strategies involved in the series of upgrading of Medellin may include social housing projects, transportation strategy (Metrocable), urban upgrading and renovation of public spaces and facilities, and the Library Parks Project.

Solutions: Among all strategies, the development of LPP is pivotal and particularly applauded internationally for its effect in empowering community identity and culture. Concisely, the library parks aim to encourage a sense of community and citizenship through means of architecture and users’ appropriation. The result is a combination of cultural programs and indoor-outdoor spaces open for all citizens to enjoy. The locations of the library parks are strategically planned on the outskirts of the city to address the various physical, socioeconomic, and cultural demands of the disadvantaged neighborhoods. Quoting from the Mayor, “The library parks are cultural centers for social development that encourage citizen encounters, educational and recreational activities, building groups, the approach to the new challenges in digital culture. And they are also spaces for cultural services that allow cultural creation and strengthening of existing neighborhood organizations” (46).

The execution of LPP can be divided into two successive phases. In phase 1 (2005-2008), the system permitted the construction of five library parks in the most precarious neighborhoods of the city. Witnessing the success of phase 1, followingly additional five library parks were built (2009 – 2011) As the dissertation suggests, that public space plays an essential role in the scenarios of urban living hence the association of quality public spaces with civic facilities and buildings is crucial. As demonstrated in the case of Medellin, the library parks as physical urban entity with iconicity, contributes significantly to the regeneration of the city. That is, these buildings with discernible and impressive architectural design (sometimes regarded also as art objects in public space) (47) are assigned urban responsibilities to enhance diversity, liveability, co-existence, identity, and dynamics of communities.

In fact, Herman Montoya, the leader of LPP project at the municipality of Medellin, in an interview claims that the reason for being of these buildings lies in the strengthening of the sense of community and collectivity through the public use of their spaces and programs (48). In particular, the library parks exceed the conventional functioning of a library. They strategically combine great public spaces with cultural, recreational, and educational facilities in deprived communities for encouraging community regeneration. Apart from the typical services of a traditional library, additional facilities such as auditoriums, workshops, playrooms, sport facilities and computer rooms can be found also in most library parks. Educational programs for the young and adults are offered to increase the educational and literacy level of the community. Furthermore, local citizen centers are incorporated to aid residents in completing administrative tasks and governmental application of subsidies or even mediation for

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Figure 35:

MEDELLÍN

Parque Biblioteca (Library Park): 2005 - 2008: 1. Espanã. 2. Tomás Carrasquilla. 3. La Ladera. 4. San Javier. 5. Bélen.

4 7

2009 - 2011: 6. Doce de Octubre. 7. Las Estancias. 8. Guayabal. 9. Corregimiento de San Cristobóbal. 10. San Antonio de Prado - Corregimiento de San Antonio. (beyond the region of 16 comunas)

5 N 0

2 km

8 43

conflicts. The direct provision of services by the social workers to neighborhoods reduces the bureaucratic distance between the formal sector and the community. Besides, it also reveals the administrative intent of incorporating the disadvantaged communities of the city through dissemination of knowledge and information. In other words, the public usage of the buildings and the coexistence of users through programs are a process of education. Likewise the case of the KPSP, the sharing of knowledge contents is an important part of community buy-in, to evoke local ownership, sense of belonging, identity, and long-term sustainability of the community.

As explained above, Medellin’s interventions through architecture of public use, aim to promote social change. The LPP buildings are utilized as “art objects” in urban space, through the provision educational programs as point of reference, to render and strengthen the citizens’ sense of belonging and identity. Moreover, as they are of communal usage, serving as central social hubs for all, sense of collectivity and empowerment of community are encouraged and synergically new notion of citizenship is constructed.

Figure 36: The corridor of Parque Biblioteca Bélen.

“Medellin’s nine Library Parks and other library services have successfully given everyone in the community the ability to ‘achieve their own potential’ through providing the city’s citizens with invaluable access to a truly powerful and lifechanging lifelong learning institution”

Figure 37: The most prominent of the Parque Biblioteca projects, Parque Biblioteca España was completed in 2007, by architect Giancarlo Mazzanti, located in the Santo Domingo neighborhood of Comuna 1.

Results: According to surveys (49), LPP is overall a project of success and the notion has also been broadcasted internationally, influencing other cities in the global south, for instance Rio de Janeiro, which implemented the strategy adapting to its own context. Nevertheless, some claimed that the strategy overlooked the acute issues of communities such as the substandard of clean water resource and sanitary conditions. In instances, the disrepair of building structure due to restricted finance budgets for maintenance, as in the case of Spain Library Park, were also reported.

whole city grew by 1.7 percent, it fell by 1.4 percent in neighborhoods with library parks. Furthermore, studies (51) also indicated that the library parks have a positive effect in the education of local residents and of people from the surrounding neighborhoods. As per diagram X, the general literacy levels have increased among the younger generations. Overall, the inhabitants of communities with library parks stated that they have experienced a better quality of life that promises employment opportunities, safety, security, and equity.

Looking at the bigger picture, however, the project is statistically validated(50). Between 2002 and 2017, the employment rate of Medellin was raised by 7 percent. Specifically of the neighborhoods with the library park, the employment rate was 17 percent higher than of those without. Within the same timeframe, even though the underemployment rate of the

The LPP have instilled within the city and most importantly the less affluent communities a sense of belonging and pride in association with the library parks. The project also promoted Medellin to the international arena of tourism, business, and investments. As aforementioned, the library parks are facilities beyond the capacity of traditional library and

they strive to promote social change by means of education and community empowerment. The sharing of knowledge, co-inhabitation, and interaction of all citizens regardless of background renders in them a powerful sense of collectivity, community, and citizenship. As in the words of Volkmann, “Medellin’s nine Library Parks and other library services have successfully given everyone in the community the ability to ‘achieve their own potential’ through providing the city’s citizens with invaluable access to a truly powerful and lifechanging lifelong learning institution” (52).

The incremental-scale and integrative approach

The aforementioned case studies to be organized in terms of scale of intervention and completion, is of the following order: 1) MESN upgrading projects, Mumbai, India; 2) Villa Tranquila Project, Buenos Aires, Argentina; 3) Kibera Public Space Project, Kibera, Kenya; 4) The Library Parks Project, Medellin, Colombia.

Interventions of case studies 1, 2 and 3 remained at large on the neighborhood scale while case study 4 has great extent concerning the whole city of Medellin. All case studies, however, showed significant and optimistic sociocultural impact on the surrounding or city-wide urban context. In addition, they also demonstrated that with implementation of upgrading on public spaces from a perspective of social inclusion helps to improve not only the basic living conditions of residents but also increases social integration and trust which facilitates sustainable long-term upkeep of community and new partnerships, both within and with surrounding neighborhoods or the city.

As in case studies 1, 2 and 3, the approach of employing small-scale projects over a longer period timeframe is common to many activist practices and NGOs (smallmedium size). However, the restricted effect of such approach is often put to question, by comparing it to great governmental programs in the global south, such as the LPP of Medellin and the Favela Bairro Project of Rio de Janeiro, both of which involve huge budgets and funds in the provision of labor forces, expertise and knowledge resources, construction expenditures etc. which all unite to systematically confront the infrastructural, socioeconomic, environmental, educational and cultural issues of the entire city. The latter evidently promotes positive change on immense scale and multitude levels of the urban realm, however, according to Werthmann, a well-executed government program as such is uncommon. That is, the fundamental attributes to mark an outstanding government program such as the “…long-term political will, a capable administration independent funding and strong planning and design capacities, rarely align” (53). Thus, design experts must act in less ideal situation. Most large integrative programs, as also in the case Medellin and Rio, in fact, initiated as small-scale projects of which the implemented practices were further evaluated, refined, and improved in consecutive phases. Eventually leading to efficient sets of solutions and methodologies of implementation to address the various issues of urban informality.

Figure 38: Escalators in Comuna, Medellín.

04/ concluding remark

Since the second half of the twentieth century, extensive governmental policies for alleviation of informal settlements, notably the 5 common approaches discussed in Chapter 1.2, that are of varying scale, scope, and magnitude of impact, have been implemented. An optimistic shift in the public’s attitude to slum settlements can be observed along the progress. As initially, the filth of informal neighborhoods was commonly viewed as the consequence of slum dwellers’ immoral behavior. In due course, morality was disassociated with the inadequate living circumstances of slum, and that today, many theorists claim that slum urbanism is not invariably a symbol of retrogression, but actually a source of hope and potential solution to housing crisis to today’s rapidly urbanizing world. From these experiences of implementation, vast knowledge, and strategies to diverse problems of informal settlements has been accumulated. Notwithstanding the wealth of expertise in the field, the expansion and proliferation of slums, however, is only becoming worse, especially in parts of the global south. It is possible to argue that this is to a certain extent in consequence of the somewhat limited and restrictive definition given to slums. As contended in Chapter 1.1, UN’s latest report unquestionably succeed in identifying the objectives of slum treatment yet overlooked the deficiencies of greater urban environment and surrounding communities of the city. In this respect, the solutions to problems are commonly superficial as solely the provision of basic infrastructural necessities such as water, electricity, transportation, sewage etc. are mostly defined to the level of individual or small-scale housing conditions, disregarding the social, cultural, and economic dimensions of the informal communities and their connection with the 50

wider urban context. To emphasize, while the definition clarifies the UN’s areas of priority for achieving adequate living standards, it overlooks the importance of fundamental urban planning and community development. In this regard, informal settlements fundamentally must not be viewed as alienated singularities of informality and poverty, but rather as impoverished neighborhoods constituent of a larger urban system – part of the city that is poorly functioning, that are spatially segregated due to absence of integrated connections with the formal city. The inadequacy of informal settlements (judged accordingly to modern standards) are evident, however, they should not be prejudiced as underperforming. The comparison of urban fabric drawn between modern cities, medieval cities, and slum settlements, explained in Chapter 1.4, reveals that the urban reality of slum in fact demonstrates many great urban qualities such as urban diversity, flexibility, adaptability, and sustainability – inheritance of the medieval city yet contrastingly, hardly achieved by many contemporary cities. Especially under conditions of negligence from the municipalities, informal settlements certainly do not “survive by chance”. That said, policies to slum alleviation should acknowledge the existing informal urbanism in order to enhance the good and provide the lacking. Foremost, informal settlements should be considered as a valid form of urban growth, a process which will lead to formal housing and natural upgrading. Slum upgrading schemes must be of prominent and substantial vision, focusing on the reconciliation and synthetization of the urban duality (the haves and the have-nots), searching for a mean or realm for mediation of polarities, enhancing mutuality, accessibility,

and freedom of choice for all. In this vein, public space, the natural conduit for social interaction and assimilation, in this respect exhibits potential As in Chapter 2.2, the privatization and homogenization of public spaces which are of prevalent phenomena in contemporary cities (influenced by the modern rationalist ideals of urban planning), is proofed by contradiction the sociocultural strength of public places in encouraging the sense of community identity. Per se, public space is of definition beyond solely a legal concept and entity, but more importantly, of its social dimension and capacity central in representation of symbolic and community life of city, where social manifestation and community expression unite. It is asserted in Chapter 2.4 that the individuals or communities in possession of such sense of identification to place would be more actively motivated to communicate concerns and solutions to local problems. This concept is discussed through the “handkerchief ” and “dots” diagram representational of the psychological behavior in connection with the phenomenon of lure of population to cities and the foundation of social identification among communities. It follows that having psychological and social processes central to the sense community, collective-level cooperation and placeproactive actions can be significantly motivated through the feelings of mutual trust, social connections and sharing of concerns and community values, which all in turn enhance the perception of permanency: tangibly – the physical presence of neighborhood; and intangibly – the social attachment of inhabitants to communities.

Simply, the more that people feel connected and bonded, the more they are willing to dedicate to the betterment of themselves and the community. This is encapsulated in figure 18, stating that the exploitation of social capabilities of public space as solution to informality is complex and multilayered. The feelings of attachment, belonging and collective identity serve as catalyst for the development of social capital, community mobilization and citizen participation. They are of critical foundation to increase community resilience, revitalization of neighborhood and in due course the urban renewal of the whole city. In this sense, the cultivation and fostering of these feelings and collective identity are of particular importance and the adaptation of real and effective participation of the population in the socio-cultural and ecological management of community is the priority of the municipalities. As may be concluded from the report of case studies, the betterment of informal settlements’ circumstances and social cohesiveness of communities extensive to broader urban context are evidence to power of social dimensions of public places. It is demonstrated that inhabitants’ participation, particularly as a collective, is crucial especially in the context of slum that are of poverty and inadequate resources. Partnership arrangements between residents and officials, as per the case studies, for instance the involvement of locals in the process of creation of interventions and cultivation of consciousness for community continual sustainability, are important in all respects to encourage the positive and long-term usage of public spaces and community sufficiency by instilling a robust sense of collective responsibility and community ownership.

The case analysis also revealed that the role of public places as advocate for justice and equity must go a long way in generating enthusiasm, allegiance, amalgamation of aspirations and effective delivery. That is, it is critical to consider public spaces as a network of continuous, articulated, and interconnected system that established starting from a relatively modest scale of a neighborhood and progressively increasing to the scale of vast environmental urban spaces to facilitate its influence within the communities and to promote overall urban quality. In other words, as in the case of Medellin or Villa Tranquila, public places are to be conceived and developed as a systematic and logical network – as components part of a broader system in which relations of complimentary and interdependency are established between one another. Learning from the development of the Library Park Project, it is precisely from this progression of experimental and implementation of network of smallscale urban projects, that a mature set of methodologies and strategies for issues of urban informality at varying levels, was developed and advanced. The network of public spaces as such, is comprised of not merely pockets of independent places but also by links between the different spaces. It is precisely these linkages that influence how people experience and apprehend places, move about in the city, and stimulate overall urban cohesion and integrity.

foundation of their identity. The community recognizes itself in its public space and strive to enhance their spatial identity. The provision of public spaces promotes social cohesion and civic identity while ensuring communities’ viability. Public spaces are communal in their consumption and the multilayered social dimension of public space can help revitalize informal neighborhoods and the city as a whole. As such, the formal sector must encourage and utilize public spaces as gymnasiums of democracy and interaction – foster opportunities for cultivation and preservation of a sense of citizenship and awareness to the sociocultural, environmental, and ecological management of communities. Substantial progress is witnessed in addressing the issues of informal urbanism in the global south. However, given the present rapid urban growth rate worldwide, we are experiencing a quantitative and qualitative challenge not seen before in the urban history, and that the challenge will only grow in magnitude. Perception, conceptual, managerial and design paradigms to address informal urbanism must be revised. Most of all, investing in public spaces is an efficient and sustainable long-term approach for revitalizing informal communities and reconcile the city as whole. Public spaces can play critical role in fostering integration, minimizing discrimination, combating violence and hatred.

To sum up, public spaces are fundamental component for a successful city. Public spaces are essential element for individual and social well-being, representational places of collective life, manifestation and expression of community’s common natural and cultural richness, and 51

05/ references

Endnotes 1.

Davis, M. “Planet of Slums”. (New York: Verso, 2007), pg. 21.

Ibid.

United Nations Organizations. “Report on Urban Land Policies” (1952), pg. 200.

4. Abrams, C. “Man's Struggle for Shelter in an Urbanizing World”. (Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1964), pg. 5. 5. UN-Habitat. “Indicator 11.1.1 Training Module: Adequate Housing and Slum Upgrading” (2021), pg. 8. 6. UN-Habitat. “The Challenge of Slums: Global report on human settlements (London & Sterling: UN-Habitat - Earthscan Publications Ltd., 2003), pg. 129 – 130. 7. Chiodelli, F. “International Housing Policy for the Urban Poor and the Informal City in the Global South: A Non-Diachronic Review”. In Journal of International Development, February 2016. 8. G. Pietro, E. D. Sclar, & G. Y. Carolini, Eds. “UN Millennium Project 2005: A Home in the City. Task Force on Improving the Lives of Slum Dwellers”. (Washington D.C., USA, USA: Earthscan Publications Ltd., 2005). 9.

Ibid.

10. UN-Habitat, “The Challenge of Slums: Global report on human settlements 2003 (London & Sterling: UN-HABITAT - Earthscan Publications Ltd., 2003), pg. 129 – 130. 11. Chiodelli. F. “International Housing Policy for the Urban Poor and the Informal City in the Global South: A Non-Diachronic Review”. In Journal of International Development, February 2016. 12.

Ibid.

13. World Bank. “Cities Without Slums - Moving Slum Upgrading to Scale. Urban Notes - Upgrading Experiences”, (2000). 14.

Ibid.

15. Hamdi, N., & Goethert, R. “Action Planning for Cities - A guide to Community Practice”. (England: John Wiley & Sons Ltd., 1997), pg. 77. 16. UN-Habitat. “Global Public Space Toolkit: From global principles to local policies and practice. (London & Sterling: UN-HABITAT - Earthscan Publications Ltd., 2015), pg. 6. 17. Madanipour, A. “Why are the design and development of public spaces significant for cities”. In “Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design”, Vol. 26, Issue 6. December 1st, 1999, pg. 879 – 891. 18.

Ibid: pg. 884.

19.

Ibid.

20. Borja, J. “Citizenship and Public Space”. In “Real City. Ideal City. Signification and function in modern space” (Barcelona: Cenetre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona, Urbanitats 7, 1998).

21.

Ibid: pg. 3.

22. Sennett, R. “Flash and Stone. The Body and the City in Western Civilization”, (New York and London: W.W. Norton, 1994). 23. Bauman, Z. “The Globalization”, (Consecuencias Humanas. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1999). 24. Borja, J. “Citizenship and Public Space”. In “Real City. Ideal City. Signification and function in modern space” (Barcelona: Cenetre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona, Urbanitats 7, 1998). 25. Borja, J and Muxi, Z. “Public Space: City and Citizenship”. (Barcelona: Diputació, Xarxa de Muni-cipis, 2003), pg. 77. 26. 7 – 8.

UN-Habitat. “Indicator 1.4.2, Module 8: Secure Tenure Right to Land” (2020), pg.

27.

Ibid: pg. 5.

28.

Ibid: pg. 8.

29. Correa, C. “Great City...Terrible Place. In The New Landscape: Urbanization in the Third World”, (Bombay: Book Society of India, 1985), pg. 76. 30.

Ibid.

31.

Ibid: pg. 77.

32.

Ibid: pg. 80.

33.

Ibid: pg. 77.

34.

Ibid.

35. Lu, P. “Interventions for the Socio-urban Integration”. In “Harvard Design Magazine”, Vol. 28, 2008, pg. 43 - 46. 36. Gouverner, D and Graur. “Urban Connectors”. In “Harvard Design Magazine”, Vol. 28, 2008, pg. 24 – 30. 37. 2020.

Vaitla, T. A. “Participatory Slum Upgrading in Mumbai”. In Urbanet, January 23rd,

< https://www.urbanet.info/participatory-slum-upgrading-in-mumbai/ > 38. Chandran, R. “Using 'digital Lego', communities redesign India's slums”. In Reuters, January 8th, 2018. < https://www.reuters.com/article/us-india-landrights-techidUSKBN1EX0T1 > 39.

Ibid.

40.

Ibid.

41. Werthmann, C. “Informal Urbanization in Latin America: Collaborative Transformations of Public Spaces”. (New York; London: Routledge, Taylor et Francis Group, 2022), pg. 42.42. ELLA Network. “Urban Upgrading With Social Inclusion: The Case of Villa Tranquila”, December 12th, 2011. < http://ella.practicalaction.org/knowledge-brief/urban-upgrading-with-social-inclusion-thecase-of-villa-tranquila/ >

43. Werthmann, C. “Informal Urbanization in Latin America: Collaborative Transformations of Public Spaces”. (New York; London: Routledge, Taylor et Francis Group, 2022), pg. 45 44.

“The Kibera Public Space Project”. In KDI. Org accessed June 8th, 2022.

< https://www.kounkuey.org/projects/kibera_public_space_project_network > 45. “Kibera Public Space Project”. In WRI Ross Center Prize for Cities, accessed June 8th, 2020. < https://prizeforcities.org/project/kibera-public-space-project > 46. Volkmann, S. “The Role of Library Parks as Places of Learning and Culture in the Transformation of the Learning City of Medellín, Colombia”. (Research dissertation, UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning in Hamburg, 2018). 47. El Equipo Mazzanti. “Spain Library Park, Medellín”. In Arquitecturaviva, December 3rd, 2020. < https://arquitecturaviva.com/works/biblioteca-espana-medellin > 48. Capillé, C. “Political theatres in the urban periphery: Medellín and the Library-Parks Project”. Dossier Central, 2018, pg. 126. 49. Lee, L., Ong, E., Pietraskiewicz, E. “A Tale of Three Scales: Debunking the Myth of Medellin's Parques Bibliotecas”. Accessed 14th June 2022. < http://infrapolitics.c4sr.columbia.edu/studentProjects/LeeOngP/index.html > 50. Stefan Volkmann. “The Role of Library Parks as Places of Learning and Culture in the Transformation of the Learning City of Medellín, Colombia”. (Research dissertation, UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning in Hamburg, 2018). 51. Ortiz, C. “The Spain Library Park as a generating agent of cultural capital in Santo Domingo neighborhood of Comuna 1”. (Research dissertation, Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana). 52. Stefan Volkmann. “The Role of Library Parks as Places of Learning and Culture in the Transformation of the Learning City of Medellín, Colombia”. (Research dissertation, UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning in Hamburg, 2018), pg. 34. 53. Werthmann, Christian. “Informal Urbanization in Latin America: Collaborative Transformations of Public Spaces”. (New York; London: Routledge, Taylor et Francis Group, 2022), pg. 47.

Image sources 1. (Book cover) Photograph taken by Kas-pars Eglitis. Location: Zanzibar, Tanzania. Published on April 1, 2020. Untitled. < https://unsplash.com/photos/q1ot8k2TTjE > 2. Photograph taken by Sharif Sourav. Location unknown. Published on July 1, 2020. Titled “Way of Life”. < https://unsplash.com/photos/wyRFXfYFFfw > 3. (Chapter 1 cover). Photograph taken by Karl Groendal. Location: Comuna 13, Medellin. Published on April 5, 2020. Untitled. < https://unsplash.com/photos/3YZrk1poi2s > 4. "Slum dwellers and their in-adequate living conditions". Photograph taken by Adam Cohn. Location: Mumbai. Published date unknown. Untitled. < https://thewire.in/urban/this-is-not-the-right-way-to-think-about-housing-for-all > 5. Fairchild, G., Goodyer, I. M., Hoozen, S. H. " Supplement 1". In Biol Psychiatry, August 1st, 2010. 6. " Inadequate tenement for evicted slum population, undergoing gradual deterio-ration". < https://www.dreamstime.com/facade-inadequate-tenement-slum-low-cost-living-forcedeviction-homelessness-urban-dwellers-housing-image214101798 > 7. "1-2, 4-5 and … … rationality and functionality". Figure ground plans taken from Jacobs, A. B. “Great Streets”. (The MIT Press, 1993). 8. (Chapter 2 cover) Photograph taken by Kas-pars Eglitis. Location: Zanzibar, Tanzania. Published on April 1, 2020. Untitled. < https://unsplash.com/photos/q1ot8k2TTjE > 9. " African life at its purest in the public street market of Uganda". Photograph taken by An-toine Piuss. Location: Mukono, Uganda. Published on February 10, 2018. Untitled. < https://unsplash.com/photos/MsKv6HCQ0F0 > 10. " A city of homogenous collective, governed primarily by rational and functional percepts". Highrise City (Hoch-hausstadt), perspective view, Ludwig Karl Hilberseimer. ,1924. < https://www.metalocus.es/en/news/urbanism-bauhaus-ludwig-hilberseimer > 11. " Motor vehicles occupying the public spaces of the modern city (even the sidewalk pavements)". Taipei, Taiwan. Madanipour, A. “Public and Private Spaces of the City”. (Abingdon, Oxon: Taylor and Francis, 2014)., pg. 182. 12. " The increasing phenomenon of privatization of public spaces". Los Angeles, USA. Madanipour, A. “Public and Private Spaces of the City”. (Abingdon, Oxon: Taylor and Francis, 2014)., pg. 190. 13. " Public spaces are promoted as means of bringing people together, leading to tolerance and social cohesion". York, UK. Madanipour, A. “Public and Private Spaces of the City”. (Abingdon, Oxon: Taylor and Francis, 2014)., pg. 191. 14. " The public spaces of the modern Middle Eastern city losing its' historical characteristics due to transformations to accommodate automobiles". Dubai, UAE. Madanipour, A. “Public and Private Spaces of the City”. (Abingdon, Oxon: Taylor and Francis, 2014)., pg. 187. 15. " Nos quisieron enterrar, no sabían que éramos semillas. (“They tried to bury us; they did not know we were seeds." – a quote found on a mural painting by unknown. ) " < https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/gallery/2017/nov/21/street-art > 16. " Increasing complexity de-scribed by Teilhard de Char-din as the successive folding of a handkerchief". (Re-illustrated by me). Correa, C. “Great City...Terrible Place. In The New Landscape: Urbanization in the Third World”, (Bombay: Book Society of India, 1985), pg. 77. 57

17. " Increasing complexity de-scribed by Greek planner, Doxiadis." (Re-illustrated by me). Correa, C. “Great City...Terrible Place. In The New Landscape: Urbanization in the Third World”, (Bombay: Book Society of India, 1985), pg. 78. 18.

Diagram illustrated by me.

19. (Chapter 3 cover). Photograph taken by Z. Location: Mae La, Kayin State, Myanmar. Published on March 25, 2017. < https://unsplash.com/photos/FQ1L770x6l8 >

Tambon Untitled.

20. " Lotus Garden before (left) and shortly after completion (right) in 2014". < https://www.blockbyblock.org/projects/mumbai > 21. " Lotus Garden before (left) and shortly after completion (right) in 2014". < https://www.blockbyblock.org/projects/mumbai > 22. " Block-by-block meeting discussion with the community members". < https://www.dezeen.com/2017/07/03/minecraft-designed-public-space-more-than-25developing-countries-un-habitat-block-by-block/ > 23. " Aerial view of Villa Tranquila". < http://www.habitatinclusivo.com.ar/revista/unamirada-ambiental-sobre-la-inclusion-el-caso-del-promeba-en-villa-tranquila-avellaneda > 24. " The neighborhood street of Villa Tranquila" . < https://www.clarin.com/ policiales/-desprotegidos-villa-tranquila-patrullas-federales-semana-inicio-operativo-conurbano_0_83UOVj7pT.html > 25. " Envisioned network of playgrounds in Villa Tranquila". < http://www.bjc.com.ar/ proyecto.php?obr > 26. " Vacant lot chosen for intervention: before (top) and after (bottom) completion in 2010, welcomed by all local residents and neighbors". < http://www.bjc.com.ar/proyecto. php?obr=37:17 > 27. " Vacant lot chosen for intervention: before (top) and after (bottom) completion in 2010, welcomed by all local residents and neighbors". < http://www.bjc.com.ar/proyecto.php?obr=37:17 > 28. " Close contact with residents, including the children, bring the community in alignment with the project". < http://www.bjc.com.ar/proyecto.php?obr=37:17 > 29. " Photograph taken by Chelina Odbert. Location, Kibera, Kenya, Nairobi. The hazardous condition of KPSP 01 site in 2006, before intervention". < https://www.kounkuey.org/projects/kpsp01 > 30. " Children at school based at KPSP 01, site after intervention". < https://www.kounkuey.org/projects/kpsp01 > 31. " Site plan. Site plan of KPSP 01 … … 5. Planted gabion walls". (Re-illustrated by me). < https://www.architectural-re-view.com/buildings/gardens-of-kibera-the-kibera-publicspace-project-by-kounkey-design-initiative > 32. " Design workshop, Anwa Junior Academy, with students". < https://www.kounkuey. org/projects/kibera_public_space_project_network > 33. " Designed community open space of KPSP 09 which initiated since 2016 and still on-going". < https://www.kounkuey.org/projects/kibera_public_space_project >

34. " The Medellín Metrocable n… … and the formal city". Capillé, C. “Political theatres in the urban periphery: Medellín and the Library-Parks Project”. In Dossier Central, 2018, pg. 125 – 134; pg. 128. 35. " Medellin plan. Parque Biblioteca (Library Park) ... ... (beyond the region of 16 comunas)". (Re-illustrated by me). 36. " The corridor of Parque Biblioteca Bélen". Capillé, C. “Political theatres in the urban periphery: Medellín and the Library-Parks Project”. In Dossier Central, 2018, pg. 125 – 134; pg. 132. 37. " The most prominent of the Parque Biblioteca projects, Parque Biblioteca España was completed in 2007, by architect Giancarlo Mazzanti, located in the Santo Domingo neighborhood of Comuna 1". < https://www.archdaily.com/2565/espana-library-giancarlo-mazzanti > 38. " Escalators in Comuna, Me-dellín". < https://architectureau.com/articles/the-valueof-agency/ > 39. (Chapter 4 cover) Photograph taken by Kasparas Eglitis. Location: Zanzibar, Tanzania. Published on April 1, 2020. Untitled. < https://unsplash.com/photos/2FoUFPg5JWA > 40. Photograph taken by Kasparas Eglitis. Location: Zanzibar, Tanzania. Published on April 1, 2020. Untitled. < https://unsplash.com/photos/2FoUFPg5JWA >

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Politecnico di Milano School of Architecture, Urban Planning, Construction Architectural Design A.Y. 2021/ 2022 July session