LIVE. WORK. POSE. by Lorenzo La Magna Zimmermann

LIVE. WORK. POSE. Analysing the evolution and spatial appropriation of the Masquerade Balls of New York City

LORENZO LA MAGNA ZIMMERMANN

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I III XI 01

II X XII

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS GLOSSARY OF TERMS ABSTRACT PART I

PART II

spatial analysis of the Ballroom community

105

PART III

conclusions

113

| an 'open' end | a bit of magic, a bit of glitter

108 110

106

114

121

115 118

122

126

125

135

APPENDIX | list of Ballroom Houses | list of Masquerade Balls

LIST OF FIGURES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

FIG. 1 Octavia Saint Laurent, mother of the 'House of Saint Laurent', outside The Savoy Manor Ballroom.

FIG. 2 Promotional cover picture for 'Paris Is Burning' documentary film by Jennie Livingston (1991).

First of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my dissertation supervisor, Emily Crompton, for her continued support and enthusiasm throughout the entire research project. Your guidance has been precious to me, and fundamental to the development of this dissertation from our very first meeting. Furthermore, I would like to thank my family for their continued understanding and support, and for always taking an interest in my endeavours. Without your respect this research would not have been possible.

FIG. 2

Finally, I would like to thank everyone who has encouraged me in regards to pursuing this dissertation topic, your support was more important than I could ever have imagined.

I have then included the queer communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s subverted meaning, shown in pink below.

To help with the reading and comprehension of this dissertation, the following glossary of terms has been taken from the Cambridge Dictionary, which is arguably heteronormative.

GLOSSARY OF TERMS

III

BALL noun, a large formal occasion where people dance. | noun, the principal duty of the Ballroom community, an elaborate event where members of a 'house' compete in categories for awards. BALLROOM noun, a large formal room used for dance or other activities. | noun, originally African American sociocultural phenomenon which use performance to create an alternative discursive and a kinship structure. CATEGORY adjective, (in a system for dividing things) a type, or a group of things having some features that are the same. | noun, competitive pageantry based on the deployment of performative gender and sexual identities, where drag is always a central aspect of these performances. CHILDREN noun, boys or girls from the time of birth until they are adults. | noun, young, usually inexperienced, members of the Ballroom community.

CISGENDER adjective, an individual whose gender identity and behaviour matches the sex they were assign at birth. DYKE noun, often offensive term refering to a masculine-presenting lesbian. FAIRY noun, an imaginary creature with magic powers, usually represented as a very small person with wings. | noun, often offensive synonym of homosexual, especially referred to a gay man. FATHER noun, a male parent. | noun, stereotypically masculine-presenting mentor or authority figure of the 'house', this role is usually played even though embracing a non-heteronormative identity. GENDER noun, the physical and/or social condition of being male or female. | noun, a radically free performance of an identity.

HETERONORMATIVITY noun, the belief of considering heterosexuality as the only normal and natural expression of sexuality. INTERSECTIONALITY noun, the intersection of race, ethnicity, ability, class and gender which expresses someone's inequalities and experiences. INTERSEX adjective, an individual with indeterminate anatomical sex characteristics. HOUSE noun, a building where people, usually a family, live in. | noun, a socially produced familiar structure, mostly a social network rather than an actual dwelling. LEGENDARY adjective, very famous, admired or spoken about. | adjective, a celebrity-like status within the Ballroom community achieved by winning several trophies over a long period of time. Often use to used referring to a 'house' or to a particular individual.

VII

LGBT+ initialism, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender, '+' as an open category. MASQUERADE BALL noun, an event where participants are allowed to wear masks and/or clothes to hide your identity. MOTHER noun, a female parent. | noun, stereotypically feminine-presenting nurturer of the 'house', caring about health, diets and sleeping habits of their 'children', this role is usually played even though embracing a nonheteronormative identity. QUEER noun, synonym of gay, especially referring to a homosexual man. | adjective, whatever is at odds with the normal, the legitimate, and the dominant. | noun, individual whose sexual identity and embodiment is considered non-normative. A wide reaching term to encompass all differences.

VIII

DRAG QUEENS noun, mostly homosexual male individuals, sometime called 'female impersonators', who don female clothing with the explicit goal of performing in front of audiences. FTM (female to male) adjective, a transgender individual who is transitioning from female to male. MTF (male to female) adjective, a transgender individual who is transitioning from male to female. REALNESS noun, the state or quality of actually existing or occurring in fact, and not being imagined or supposed. | noun, the fundamental performance criteria in the Ball scene. The possibility of minimising or eliminating any sign of deviation from stereotypical gender and sexual norms that are dominant in a heteronormative society SHADE noun, slight darkness caused by something blocking the direct light from the sun. | noun, the act of judging or insulting someone discreetly or indirectly.

STRAIGHT-ACTING adjective, an individual who purposely does not exhibit the appearance or mannerisms of their homosexuality. STUD noun, African-American and/or Latina masculine-presenting lesbian. TRANSGENDER noun, an individual whose gender identity or expression differs from their assigned sex at birth.

FIG. 3 Contestant getting their make-up ready to compete at the Imperial Elks Logde.

FIG. 3

ABSTRACT

The Black LGBT+ community has been subjected to major discrimination caused by the prejudice of a heteronormative majority for their non-conformance to the stereotypical beliefs of race, gender, and sexual identity. sexual identity. Moreover, this community has also been considered a subculture within the broader gay world. gay world. Despite being marginalised in numerous ways, these individuals came together to perform alternative gender roles, create kinship, and forge a community that celebrated them within a 'straight dominated' dominated' world. world.

XII

Within this research, I intend to uncover the codified ritual of the 'Drag Balls' which took place in New York City during the 1980s. Starting with a historical analysis, this dissertation aims to make visible a hidden world of underground queer culture, locating (and validating) this 'queer minority' within the built environment of the American metropolis. Once the locations and events have been revealed, a more intimate space analysis will then investigate investigate the characteristics and design languages utilised by these 'black queens' to transform the space around them. In need of a space to perform and celebrate their their identities, this community created an alternative environment to both the white queer and black black heteronormative spaces (social and material) from which they had been excluded. The Ballroom The Ballroom community's appropriation of space highlights how social activity can help shape a world where acceptance, tolerance, and comprehension are interweaved with the architecture around us.

(Livingston, 1991)

You’re gonna have a hard fucking time."

But you’re black and you’re male and you’re gay.

"I remember my dad said, You have three strikes against you in this world. Every black man has two, that they’re just black and they’re male.

PART I setting the scene for the Ballroom community

INTRODUCTION

I came across the Ballroom community in an unconventional, yet 'millennial', way. I remember watching the opening episode of POSE, a FX TV series by Ryan Murphy, which presents the extravagant yet harsh lives of a large proportion of African American and Latino/a gay men and transgender women, living in New York City during the 1980s. Since then, I have had an interest in understanding how these individuals were able to 'live, work, and pose' in a predominantly straight environment. The existence of this 'queer community' deepened my curiosity in the tight bond between space and sexuality, especially in regards to the comprehension of how queers perceive, live, and transform the built environment around them. The Ballroom community (also called the 'House community') was not only able to survive within the context of racism and homophobia, but more importantly, it was able to find its own space to allow individuals to truthfully 'perform' their lives. The extravagant and informal spatial

occupation by this 'queer minority' located in New York City from the late 1960s to 1991 will form the basis of inquiry. This community, as a 'legendary' example of a queer survival strategy, was able to challenge the normativity of Western culture through a series of human stories intertwined by fear, love, and glitter. From studying this group of individuals, I have learnt to question what it is considered to be 'natural' or 'normal' within today's society, and by uncovering their story, I intend to emphasise the right to architectural settings which support the essential needs of a minority who was merely looking for a place to be true to themselves. Prejudiced for their race, gender, and sexual identity, the Ballroom community was forced to conceal their true selves from the society at large, as well as from the broader gay world. Not tolerated by the dominant white heterosexual culture, their lives were hidden and erased, but their stories are worth being told. For this reason, I have encountered a lack of academic research on this topic. I was able to find only a few academic papers which mention the Ball scene, and the majority of them were social studies focusing on their survival strategies, rather than comprehending their

spatial appropriation. As a consequence, I have considered a series of documentary films that were able to record this flamboyant spatial occupation, as main primary resources. Part I will set the scene for the Ballroom community, starting with a literature study of existing knowledge of the 'Drag Ball' culture, especially focusing on the key features which are crutial for the understanding of this queer community. The unique gender system, the family-like structures called 'houses', the competitive and flamboyant 'balls' which they produce, and the action of 'walking a category' will be addressed in this section to provide as a foundation to understand this particular queer community. Part II will then explore the spatial implications of this community, locating and validating their presence within the boundaries of Manhattan Island. This investigation aims to understand the earliest representations of these events, called the 'Masquerade Balls', and their evolution into the extravagant events staged by the Ballroom community. Furthermore, this analysis will examine how these 'users', who were mostly black gay or 'gender non-conforming' individuals, informally occupied and transformed the built environment around them to fit their behaviour.

To conclude, Part III will emphasise how these queer individuals had to reclaim and transform existing spaces in order to create a 'safe black queer space'. All the findings of this dissertation will be then provided as an open-source data-set, so that it can serve as an aid for future research. The choice of topic for this thesis has been heavily influenced by my own experiences as a queer man. For this reason, it feels urgent to me to remark my vested interest in this matter, which has spurred me on to develop a unique research proposal which addresses an under-researched area of queer history.

"…the fact that these people are so passionate about something that people will look at and feel was a waste of time, but these people are actually putting their all into it and really doing a good job. … when you put your passion … it makes people go far beyond what you would expect sometimes ..." (Kubicek, 2013)

This quotation, extracted from a survey conducted within the New York Ballroom scene, emphasises how important it is to express your true self in every aspect of your life. This research was born from a desire to add to a body of knowledge which validates and attempts to understand the spatial implications of queer communities. This investigation of unexpected behavior within the built environment aims to reveal a fundamental part of the LGBT+ culture, with the aspiration of enlightening others with a preliminary understanding. To provide a solid foundation to this research and to contextualize this extravagant and informal use of the space, the next section will examine existing literature to present a different understanding of few key terms related to the LGBT+ community. In particular, three main notions have been researched: the meaning of gender, the wide-reaching term 'queer', and the relation between space and sexuality.

LITERATURE REVIEW

In order to comprehend the Ballroom scene, we must be open to a definition of sexuality which may differ from the mainstream opinion of Western cultures. Cambridge Dictionary defines sexuality as "someone's ability to experience or express sexual feelings" but we cannot deny that contemporary society is based upon the assumption that two separate and distinct sexes refer to a strict binary definition of sexuality. For this reason, it seems obvious that, as Nikki Sullivan states in A Critical Introduction to Queer Theory, "heterosexuality has, in contemporary Western culture at least, attained the status of natural, the taken for granted" (Sullivan, 2003: 119). Moreover, heterosexuality is not only seen as coherent but also privileged (Berlant, Warner, 1998) and it is so embedded in our culture, that it has become almost 'invisible' (Witting, 1992). Rather than focus on the obvious privilege of heteronormativity, it is pertinent to understand how contemporary gender beliefs developed from contrasting

historic standpoints. Greek philosopher Plato, in his dialogue about Eros entitled Symposium, clearly states the existence of three primordial sexes: male, female and androgynous. Furthermore, a homosexual desire is not only normalized but it is described as a true value (Plato, 385-370 BC.). At this point, it is important to question whether heterosexuality is natural or if it is a cultural construct, packed and sold as a commodity for a specific society (Sullivan, 2003). In his text, The History of Sexuality, Michel Foucault interprets sexuality as a discursive construct that takes culturally and historically specific forms, and suggests that heterosexuality is no more normal or natural than other forms of sexual relations. If we accept that heterosexuality is not considered as natural anymore, but rather, is discursively constructed, it is possible to revise the mainstream considerations of sexual behaviour.

a different understanding of gender "The physical and/or social condition of being male or female" is the Cambridge Dictionary definition of gender. This statement inevitably remarks how embedded the binary is in relation to sex and gender in Western cultures.

The physical appearance of all males as men and all females as women is so compelling that it feels like an inevitable fact of nature (Wilchins, 2004), in fact, "a gendered identity is supposed to be an integral facet of 'inner' personhood produced by one's biological sex" (Wilchins, 2004: 130). Moreover, each gender identity must maintain a strict coherence among sex, gender identity, gender expression, and desire (Wilchins, 2004; Posocco, 2013). To summarise: female is to woman as woman is to feminine as to feminine is attracted to male. Many gender theorists have questioned that only two intelligible genders are believed to be natural since so many combinations are available. In fact, "the sexuality-gender nexus is an infinitely complex set of regulations, locked into different regimes and matrices of power, giving rise to a variety of sets and structures, histories and subjectivities" (Evans, Williams, 2013: 137). If we accept this turning point in Gender Theory, it is clear to understand why many theorists have argued that gender identities are merely historical and social constructions (Butler, 1990; Weeks, 1995; Rendell et al., 2000; Evans, Williams, 2013). On one hand, sex differences are most commonly considered to be differences of a natural or pre-given order, while on the other hand, gender

differences, although based on the biological difference between bodies, are believed to be socially, culturally and historically produced - changing over time and place. Furthermore, Jeffrey Weeks describes these identities as 'fictions' or products of particular social situations and struggles. At the same time, these presumed categorisations are potentially limiting since they fix and trap the involved subject (Weeks, 1995). Another relevant point of view on this matter can be found in Judith Butler's text Gender Trouble: Feminism and Subversion of Identity. She refers to gender as a repeated performance, which produces the illusion of the inner sex. Moreover, gender is a major part of how we play all manner of social roles and this means that we are forced to perform a gender whenever we participate in social life. On one hand, since gender is performative then it is radically free, which means that one can perform whatever identity one chooses in whatever way one chooses to (Bell et al., 1994). On the other hand, the American philosopher understands performativity as a pre-condition of the subject, as a discursive vehicle through which ontological effects are produced (Wilchins, 2004). It is not first the subject which performs, but rather the subject is constituted in and through performative processes (Sullivan, 2003).

Furthermore, if we accept gender as a performance, it has to be repeatedly performed to keep existing and it can also be 'misperformed', and performed in a way that may break the binary frame of gender (Evans, Williams, 2013). In fact, any divergence causes a gender to fall right off the grid of cultural intelligibility, that interprets male femininity or female masculinity, for example, as a kind of gender failure (Wilchins, 2004; Evans, Williams, 2013). From this perspective, gender is what culture makes of the sexed body, which could potentially shatter the illusion that there are only two genders, male and female, leading to the recognition of a great diversity of genders, sexualities, bodies, and pleasures (Wilchins, 2004; Evans, Williams, 2013). If gender is what culture makes of sex, then there is no reason gender could not be multiple and variable, even if sex is fixed and binary.

queer: in between a noun and a verb Once an alternative meaning of gender is acknowledged, we can now begin to deconstruct another word related to Gender Theory. The term 'queer' has been used in a variety of ways throughout history, so it is important to define its meaning in reference to this topic.

It has been used as a synonym for non-heterosexuality, as a "unifying umbrella which all 'queers' of all races, ethnicities, and classes are shoved under" (AnzaldĂša, 1991:250). This particular connotation has been discredited by most gender theorists, who now believe that "there is nothing in particular to which it necessarily refers" (Halperin, 1995: 62). Moreover, it is seen as not restricted to gay and lesbians, in fact, it can be taken up by anyone who feels marginalized as a result by their sexual preferences, which means that it does not refer to a specific sexuality (Halperin, 1995; Duggan, 1996; Cooper, 1996; Jakobsen, 1998). Furthermore 'queer' can be interpreted as a synonym for whatever is at odds with the normal, the legitimate, and the dominant - as a new perspective to challenge the normative (Halperin, 1995; Berry, Jagose, 1996; Goldman, 1996; Sullivan, 2003). For the purposes of my research, I will subscribe to the definition of the term 'queer' referring to non-normative logic and organisation of community, sexual identity, embodiment, and activity in time and space (Halberstam, 2005).

gendered space and queered space 'Gender' and 'queer' were previously analysed under a specific lens in order to grasp an alternative meaning and provide an appropriate context for this research. A similar analysis will be applied to the term 'space', exploring the relationship to gender. Henri Lefebvre, in his key text The Production of Space, clearly expresses that "space, which seems homogeneous, which appears as a whole in its objectivity, in its pure form, such as we determine it, is a social product" (Lafabvre, 1971: 341). Referring to the French philosopher, Dannie Chisholm states in Queer Constellations, Subcultural Space in the Wake of the City, "space is not just an empty container but a material of production" (Chisholm, 2005: 26). In fact, considering an urban space in particular, city dwellers are described as being able to produce space or at least significantly alter its production. "This is not space as it has traditionally been defined by architecture - the space of architect-designed buildings - but rather as it is found, as it is used, occupied and transformed through everyday practice" (Rendell et al., 2000: 101). Within this particular architectural research, space is seen as something real and imagined as well as something that can tell stories and unfold histories (Rendell et al., 2000).

Once this connotation of space is punctuated, Doreen Massey, within Space, Place and Gender, stresses the tight bond between space and sexuality, with the radical polarization into two genders which is typically hegemonic in Western societies. Moreover, space is not only itself gendered but, in its being so, reflects and affects the way in which gender is constructed and understood (Massey, 1994). Other theorists have considered a gender-free conceptualization of space (Binnie, 1997; Rendell et al., 2000), which is then gendered through its physical occupation or representation, for example considering the hierarchical system of a dominant male public realm of production and a subordinate private female one of reproduction (Rendell et al., 2000). This distinction between 'gender space' and 'gendered space' can be analogous to the relation between the terms 'space' and 'queer', which are analysed within Aaron Betsky's text Queer Space: Architecture and Same-Sex Desire. In particular, his research on 'queer space' reveals how "queerness emerged with the middle class in the middle of the nineteenth century" (Betsky, 1997: 8). This social class was able to invent certain institutions that were used to order a new space made upon efficiency, organization, and usefulness. These included the nuclear family (and its single-

family house in the suburb), the regimented and defined body and the notion of a correct way of public behaviour though which one might present oneself. None of these worked well for queer individuals, because "they did not have families at the cores of their life, the disciplining of the body turned into its reverse... and public space was where queer man had to hide his desire" (Betsky, 1997: 9). Since 'queers' are on the other side of the middle-class scene, they are seen to challenge the normative narratives of time and space (Betsky, 1997; Halberstam, 2005; Oswin, 2008; Goh, 2017). Going back to the meaning of 'queer space', this peculiar space occupancy has been debated between Gender and Geographical studies. Since 'queer' has been considered as a synonym for LGBT, 'queer space' has been identified as the space of gays and lesbians in opposition to a heterosexual space (Phelan, 2001; Oswin, 2008). On the other side, 'LGBT spaces' are distinguished from 'queer spaces' (Browe, 2004; Nash, 2005; Bain, 2007) since they do not necessarily transgress the normative. Generally, it has been defined as "something that is not built" (Betsky, 1997: 18), but as a practice, a production, and a performance of space beyond just the mere habitation of built and fixed structures. It is altogether ambivalent, open, leaky and ephemeral (DĂ¨sert, 1996; Betsky, 1997; Rendell et al., 2000; Halberstam, 2005; Chisholm, 2005).

Moreover 'queer space' has been described as having the ability to infect and inflect our built environment (Betsky, 1997; Halberstam, 2005). In fact, as Bell and Valentine state "the presence of queer bodies in particular locations forces people to realize that the space around them, ... the city streets, the malls, and the motels, have been produced as heterosexual, heterosexist and heteronormative" (Bell, Valentine, 1995: 18). "Queers queered the city" (Betsky, 1997: 8) suggests that queer individuals are able to 'queer' the environment around them, opening it up on the margins and pointing towards an opening, a liberating possibility (Betsky, 1997). If we examine this particular point of view, "sexual 'others' are among the groups seen ... as making cities as 'desirable' - a paradoxical rebranding for groups more used to being labelled as 'undesirables' " (Bell, Binnie, 2004: 1809). If we consider architecture as a medium which "allows us to place ourselves in the world" (Betsky, 1997: 6), we are able to understand 'queer space' as a performance; a show. Referring to queer individuals, "it was a show that presented them first of all to themselves, validating their existence in a real place, and then to the others who shared their tastes so that they might recognize each other, and, finally and defiantly, to the world" (Betsky, 1997: 6).

THE BALLROOM COMMUNITY

how to survive in a straight world In a world where heterosexuality is the assumed natural sexual predisposition, the black queer community has demonstrated to often experience stigma and discrimination due to race and sexual orientation (Choi et al., 2004). Often referenced as a 'minority of a minority' (Harry, 1974), these queer individuals have been described as a subculture within the broader gay community (Kubicek et al, 2013). Hebdige, in Subculture: The meaning of style, argued that subcultures bring together like-minded individuals who feel neglected by societal standards and allow them to develop a sense of identity. Regarding the Ballroom community, their complex and unique modes of discrimination can be understood considering KimberlĂŠ Williams Crenshaw's work on 'intersectionality'. This word summaries the intersection of race, ethnicity, ability, class, and gender in order to express the inequalities and experiences (Eden, 2017) that these black queer individuals had to face on a daily basis.

“I’m already Black, I mean and to have the gay thing... it’s just another reason for people to hate on me… Cause the gay community doesn’t just say “Come on in everybody, let’s all just hug...” ...I mean television and maybe movies and magazines are all this big rainbow. All lots of love. It’s not always like that. You know, a lot of shadiness and maybe unfriendliness.” (Kubicek, 2013)

FIG. 4

FIG. 4 â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;...white supremacist church begins national confer*ance*...â&#x20AC;&#x2122;: Paris Is Burning opening scene

As this African-American 'queen' stated, when interviewed in 2009 while attending a ball in Los Angeles, the broad gay culture often lacks on tolerance referring to black individuals, and this provides a vital critique of the seemingly organic nature of the gay community (Halberstam, 2005). "They make visible the forms of unbelonging and disconnection that are necessary to the creation of community" (Halberstam, 2005: 153), and for various reasons of social, racial, and sexual exclusion, they were able to create a segregated set of institutions as a unique survival strategy. The Ballroom community is a complex and longstanding form of cultural practice within the AfricanAmerican, and to a lesser degree, Latino queer community. It is often described as a clandestine network almost exclusively driven by black gay men, who use performance to create an alternative discursive and a kinship structure that critiques and revises dominant gender and sexual norms. Some non-transgender women and heterosexual men associate with the subculture but their numbers are few (Johnson et al., 2013). Three primary features are seen as constitutional within this sub-culture: the gender system , the anchoring family-like structures called 'houses', and the extravagant

and competitive balls which they produce (Arnold, 2009; Bailey, 2013; Kubicek et al., 2013; Johnson et al., 2013).

FIG. 5

There are few reasons for the close alignment between this cultural phenomenon and the black queer community. First of all, it creates "communal support in response to economic and social exclusion"(Murrill et al., 2008: 1074), which forges alternative familiar networks as a part of larger community formation; this practice of creating an 'alternative world' is seen to be rooted in Black cultural traditions (Browning, 1998; Diawara, 1993). Furthermore

FIG. 5 African-American queer individuals practicing their runway routine at the New York City Piers.

FIG. 6 A large gathering of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;queersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; at the New York City Piers.

since "the Black community tends to imagine itself as straight" (Bailey, 2009: 264), heterosexism and homophobia cause queer people of colour to be considered as a minority by the larger African-American community.

FIG. 6

Since "a city must be roughly 50.000 population in size to support a gay bar of any type" (Harry, 1974: 244), it is not surprising that the Ballroom community started within the urban environment of New York City. In fact, these segregated set of institutions, from gay bars to the 'Ballroom houses', achieve their greatest elaboration in large

cities where queers tend to migrate (Harry, 1974). Since its beginning in Harlem, New York, in 1960s (Chauncey, 1994; Lawrence, 2013), the Ballroom Culture has rapidly expanded to every major city in the United States, even reaching Europe and Asia by the end of the XX Century. In order to better understand the informal occupation of space that this subculture championed, it is relevant to highlight its constitutional features which made these cultural practices a way of survival in a predominantly straight world.

the gender system: â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;three sexes and six gendersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Contrasting from the stereotypical binary division of sex and gender within the dominant society, the sociocultural phenomenon of the Ballroom culture has its foundation within a complex and fluid 'gender system'. In general, practitioners of the scene reject the rigid boundaries of gender and sexuality that buttress heteronormativity and its heterogendered relations. Marlon M. Bailey states that, within the Ballroom, gender and sexuality are 'queer', meaning that they are fluid, malleable, relational and

subjective (Bailey, 2011). Even though these categories do not break entirely from the hegemonic notion of sex, gender, and sexuality, the Ballroom gender system allows more categories of gendered and sexual identity than those available outside of this sphere. In this context, the gender system can be described by three dimensions: sex, gender, and sexuality. Ballroom members expand all three while exposing the limits of gay, lesbian, and transgender identities (Bailey, 2013). Sex, which is implicitly linked to gender, is not believed as binary but it is presented in three categories: female (one born with anatomical female sex characteristics), male (one born with anatomical male sex characteristics), and intersex or transsexual (with indeterminate anatomical sex characteristics). Moreover, this dimension is seen as open and unfinished, which brings to a more varied consideration of gender, which is then divided into six primary identities (Arnold, 2009; Bailey, 2009; Johnson et al., 2013).

1 | BUTCH QUEENS Gay males, regardless of whether they present themselves as masculine or feminine. Their presentations range from straight-acting to flamboyant.

2 | BUTCH QUEENS UP IN DRAG Gay males who dress in women's clothing but do not take female hormones. Usually passing for a real woman, these female impersonators often use their hands to display feminine features.

3 | FEM QUEENS Individuals who were born as males and are at various stages of transition from being male to female (MTF). At the time when they start taking hormones, they are no longer Butch Queens. One who is a biologically androgynous male can be considered as a Butch Queen or a Fem Queen.

4 | BUTCHES Masculine lesbians, or any female who possesses manly mannerisms and appearance traits, regardless of sexual orientation. Since there are not many identities available for lesbians, this category catches FTM transgender men, studs and dykes.

5 | MEN Male individuals who are 'straight' in sexual orientation.

6 | WOMEN Biologically female individuals who can be of any sexual orientation, though most present as feminine.

BALLROOM CULTUREâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S GENDER SYSTEM

"Performance makes it possible to revise, negotiate, and reconstitute gender and sexual categories and norms, enabling Ballroom members to reconfigure gender and sexual roles and relations while constructing a more open minoritarian social sphere" (Bailey, 2013: 18). These performative identities, that construct a unique gender system, extend far beyond the balls themselves. In fact, the members of this community use these practices of selfidentification and self-fashioning in their everyday lives. Even though these categories seem to reformulate sex, gender, and sexual knowledge not only for the LGBT+ community but for all the others outside the 'gay world', it is important to stress how even this fluid system has its own limits. It is clear from the 'catch-all' category of the 'Butches', how, even within a gender fluid community, there still is a chiefly privilege for cisgender men and masculinity.

FIG. 7 Pepper Labeija, the mother of the ‘House of Labeija’, walking a category at the Imperial Elks Logde.

FIG. 7

house : â&#x20AC;&#x153;they look up at me to fill up that voidâ&#x20AC;?

(Pepper Labeija)

A 'house' is the core unit of the kinship system in the Ballroom community, it is a familiar structure that is configured socially, rather than biologically (Arnold, 2009; Bailey, 2011). Although in some cases 'houses' may be actual dwellings or 'homes' where members live and congregate, by at large, 'houses' are social configurations that serve as sources of support for the diverse membership of the Ballroom scene. They are organised through traditional

FIG. 8

FIG. 8 Mother Pepper Labeija with one of her children at their ‘house’.

family roles, guided by 'house parents': usually older and more experienced members of the ball scene. The main responsibility of these 'mothers' and a 'fathers' is to support, recruit, and prepare their 'house children' to compete at the balls. Since sexual minority youth frequently report rejection by their families of origin and find themselves homeless, older members of this community were able to create a viable alternative to the biological family from which they have been rejected (Durso and Gates, 2012). As Peppa LaBeija, a 'legendary' Fem Queens, stated when discussing about the 'house kids': “Some of them don’t even eat. They come to balls starving. And they sleep ... on the pier, or wherever. They don’t have a home to go to.” (Livingstone, 1991)

When young people joined a house, they did not just find like-minded individuals who supported gender and sexual diversity, but many experience forms of information,

acceptance, and love that they might not encounter in their communities of origin. These family-like structures were typically named after haute couture designers, such as the 'House of Dior' founded in 1974. At the same time, others were named after symbols that express qualities with which the parents wanted the house to be associated, for example the 'House of Ninja' which aimed to merge Japanese aesthetics and voguing. There are two different types of these 'gay gangs' (Livingston,1991), as Dorian Corey, a 'legendary' Butch Queen used to call the Ballroom houses, some are forged on the competitive side of the balls and some are more family orientated. In both cases, the members of these fictional families found themselves part of something bigger. A house is not only a social configuration, it is also a ritualized set of practices for housework (Bailey, 2013). In fact, similar to the gender dynamics which occur in a biological family, house parents uphold domesticated notions of gender, reflecting a division of labor that is consistent with mainstream heteronormative family ideals of feminised mothering and masculinised fathering, with the exception that usually both parents embrace nonheteronormative identities.

FIG. 9 The members of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;House of Saint Laurentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (1986).

FIG. 9

Usually 'Fem Queens' or 'Butch Queens Up in Drag' embrace the role of 'house mothers', caring about health, diets and sleeping habits of their children, as the nurturers of the house. On the other side, 'Butch Queens' or 'Men' assume the position of the masculine house fathers, with roles such as mentors or the authority figures to impress within the household (Bailey, 2009). Performing these stereotypical gender roles, these queer individuals tried to fit in the dominantly heterosexual society which would not accept their true fluid identities.

ball : â&#x20AC;&#x153;they called them competitions but believe me, they are warsâ&#x20AC;?

(Dorian Corey)

The fundamental duty of the Ballroom community is to organise extravagant and flamboyant events called the 'balls'. Usually, there are no balls without houses and no houses without balls (Arnold, 2009). These two constitutional aspects of this subculture are dependent on each other since each house aspires to host its own ball. A 'ball' is an elaborate event where members of a 'house' compete in categories for awards, such as trophies,

FIG. 10

FIG. 10 Venus Extravaganza, one of the children of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;House of Extravaganzaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, showing off her attire while walking a category during a ball held at the Imperial Elks Lodge.

FIG. 11 Contestants competing in a vogueing routine at a ball. This particular event was held in a space that resamble an indoor basketball court.

FIG. 11

cash prizes, and most importantly for the 'celebrity-like' status of winning a particular category. Most of the participants usually compete in categories based on the deployment of performative gender and sexual identities, where 'drag' is always a central aspect of these performances, which may usually involve 'voguing' or 'j-setting' (stylized forms of dance), 'lip-syncing' and 'runway walking' (Levitt et al., 2017). Since attending a ball does not require individuals to compete, some house members take on different roles such as administrative duties or costume designers (Kubicek et al., 2013).

These events are generally held late at night, starting around 3:30 in the morning, and they can be held in large venues such as music halls or convention centers, or in warehouses and non-traditional spaces. It is true that the conservative values of the dominant culture forced homosexual culture underground (Phillips et al., 2011), but at the same time its hidden nature seemed to be a major appeal for attending these events. â&#x20AC;&#x153;...I like the discretion because a lot of people donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t know what is going on. So it is like our own little world. It is like our escape to this place where you can ... be whoever you want to be. Yeah, I mean whatever person you want to be that night you can be that person.â&#x20AC;? (Kubicek, 2013)

Barred from white social spaces and forced to suppress their non-conforming gender and sexual identities in heterosexual spaces, black queer individuals had to create their own environments where to express themselves through performance (Bailey, 2013). These gatherings happened 'under the radar', usually really

FIG. 12 Pamphlet for ‘The Making Of A Legend’ Ball (1986)

FIG. 13 Pamphlet for ‘The Snow Ball’ (1988).

late at night, in order to ensure protection and anonymity to the attendees, as well as waiting "... to allow the working girls to get there" (most of them were showgirls, hustlers or prostitutes) (Livingstone, 1991). Moreover, locations were chosen according the community's very limited resources, as such balls were usually held on Sunday nights at the least expensive venues (Bailey, 2013).

FIG. 13

FIG. 12

These gatherings were both public and private: public since anyone could attend, however private since they were publicised solely through 'word of mouth', therefore one needed to be part of the Ballroom scene to know about where and when the next ball would be staged (Bailey, 2011).

These ostentatious and luxurious events did not happen with frequent regularity, for this reason the Ballroom members anxiously awaited and looked for them. On the night of a ball, contestants usually wore expensive gowns or other performance costumes, carefully tailored to achieve the effect necessary to win a category. The illusion of opulence was often achieved through stealing or committing robbery to obtain the materials needed to craft these extravagant attires (Johnson, 2013).

realness category : â&#x20AC;&#x153;...to a real, to be able to blendâ&#x20AC;?

(Dorian Corey)

To fully grasp the significance of a particular category within the ball ritual, it is important to stress how these events were staged to mirror daily experiences of its members in society at large. The concept of 'realness' is the fundamental performing criteria that require an individual to embody certain performances and attributes which capture the authenticity of the portrayed gender and sexual identity. As well considered as the 'art of erasing' (Hobson, 2014), though a specific 'work of the body' (Bailey, 2011) queers individuals

were able to control the overall presentation of themselves. Within these elaborate performances, this queer community aspires to be undifferentiated from the rest of the middle-class, aiming for complete mimesis of the dominant heterosexual community. This necessary survival strategy of minimising or eliminating any sign of deviation from stereotypical gender and sexual norms is seen as a creative response to the dangers of sharing the same urban space with a queer hostile majority. At the same time, it can be safely rehearsed within the ritual of a ball. Furthermore, 'realness' is seen as the nexus between the six-part gender system with the competitive categories of the balls, it gives them meaning as well as it underpins the criteria upon which categories are judged (Bailey, 2011).

SCHOOLBOY / SCHOOLGIRL REALNESS

FIG. 14 Contestant walking the runway for the Schoolboy/ Schoolgirl Realness category at The Imperial Elks Lodge.

FIG. 14

EXECUTIVE REALNESS

FIG. 15 Contestant walking the Executive Realness category.

FIG. 15

MILITARY REALNESS

FIG. 16 Contestant walking the Military Realness category at The Imperial Elks Lodge.

FIG. 16

HIGH FASHION EVENING-WEAR

FIG. 17 Fem Queen competing in High Fashion Evening-wear category.

FIG. 17

SEX SIREN

FIG. 18 Sex Siren category. This particular ‘body’ category emphasises the physical sexual appeal of the participants, usually Butch Queens, Butches or Men.

FIG. 18

BUTCH QUEEN FIRST TIME IN DRAGS AT A BALL

FIG. 19 Butch Queen First Time In Drags At A Ball category. Contestant unwears their wig to prove their ‘realness’.

FIG. 19

"Gay people - men - gather together under one roof and decide to have a competition amongst themselves. Balls.

Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s like crossing into the looking glass in Wonderland. You go in there and you feel... you feel a hundred percent right as being gay. And thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s not what itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s like in the world."

. . .

(Livingston, 1991)

PART II spatial analysis of the Ballroom community

METHODOLOGY

The methodology for this study is based upon Lefebvre fundamental statement: "(social) space is a (social) product" (1991: 26). Space will be analysed through the activity of the people who use it. Use matters: an alternative history of architecture, edited by Kenny Cupers (2013), sets out an argument for this approach. The aim of this collection of essays is to reconsider a history of architecture against the dominant periodisation of the twentieth century, through the primary focus on the 'user' experience. As Constance Perin argued in her book With Man In Mind, "there is a useful and crucial difference between being in an environment and doing things in it" (1970: 48), within this research, behaviour is considered as a valid indicator of a fit between people and the environment. Since the architect's role is not just to answer predefined needs, but to interpret possible practices (Stanek, 2013), analysing existing informal behaviours within the built environment is fundamental to expose what the architect was not able to understand or design for.

In order to locate these individuals in a specific place and time, I decided to produce a series of maps, alongside the main body of research. The mapping exercise, which precisely situates the balls within the context of New York City, combines data from several different sources. Firstly, many of the venue names were found in Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 by George Chauncey (1994). The online blog of Kevin Omni Burrus, father of the 'House of Ultra Omni', has been an indispensable resource regarding the specificity of Black Queer Balls dating from 1962. Information gathered from these sources was run through conventional research platforms in hopes of finding supporting academic texts, however this proved unfruitful. In order to overcome this shortfall, information was cross-referenced with the historical Harlem Newspaper The Amsterdam News. The exact location of several informal venues, which played host to the historic balls, were confirmed by articles in the newspaper - dated between 1923 and 1991. This laborious process was essential to identifying many hidden locations which were not mentioned in any other resources. Two main primary resources have been utilised in relation to the spatial occupancy of the balls (with a

particular focus on the ritualized practice of the balls): Jennie Livingston's documentary film Paris Is Burning (1991) and Marlon M. Bailey's book Butch Queens Up in Pumps (2013). Since a "place can be a subject rather than solely the set or backdrop for action in film" (Richardson, 2019: 18), the film analysis is focused on two parts. Firstly, formal aspects - identifying what kind of space is presented in front of the camera and how the practices of the Ballroom community were able to alter the physical connotations; and secondly rhetorical practices - how the characters of the story recall and experience the spaces that appear in the film. Cross-referencing Bailey's direct experience of the ball circuit in Detroit and Livingston's eye-witness of the New York City scene, I was able to highlight certain patterns and specific spatial needs of this black queer minority. Particular attention was given to the Imperial Elks Lodge in Harlem, because it is the primary setting for Livingston's documentary and it is found to be one of the more infamous venues of the era, shown through research and primary mapping analysis.

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;REAL PEOPLE IN TIME AND SPACEâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

mapping the Masquerade Balls Several African-American anthropological studies consider the ritual of 'Cake-walking' as the earliest representation of the Ballroom community (Baldwin, 1981; Hobson, 2014). These performances took place during the period of slavery in the Southern States, and they consisted of intricate dance movements and skills performed solely to entertain the white slave owners. Dancers were made to dress up in their finest to impress their judges, as not only a form of recreation but an outlet of satirising the manners of the whites that oppressed them (Baldwin, 1981). This practice, originally created as a form of entertainment, was then reclaimed by the larger Black community, informing the spatial occupancy which took place during the Masquerades Balls. These events, advertised as 'nights of phenomenal excitement', allowed "members of one sex who wish to impersonate members of the other group ... to assume the roles

FIG. 20 Extract from ‘The Amsterdam News’ (2nd March 1932).

FIG. 21 Manhattan Island map and the ‘three gay districts’.

of their desire" (The New York Amsterdam News, 1932: 2). The main spectacle of the night was a beauty pageant, where contestants would dress up in their finest garments to court the favour of the crowd and judges. The city's social elite was always present to watch and be entertained by the annual extravaganza. FIG. 20

At that time, New York was a notoriously 'wideopen' city, where 'fairy saloons' and 'degenerate resorts' were highly visible features of the city's sexual underworld (Chauncey, 1994). These earliest representations of the Balls were located within three major areas of the metropolis: Bowery, between Chantam Square and Cooper Square in Lower Manhattan, the Greenwich Village in East Lower Manhattan and Harlem in Northen Manhattan. The 'three gay neighbourhoods' (Chauncey, 1994) were characterised by a visible presence of individuals "whose acts certainly class them as subnormal, or, in the language of the street, 'fairies' " (The New York Amsterdam News ,1929: 2).

Highbridge Park

Upper Manhattan

HARLEM

Marcus Garvey Park Central Park

Mid-town

GREENWICH VILLAGE Union Square Park Washigton Square Park Cooper Square

BOWERY FIG. 21

Chantam Square

Lower Manhattan

MASQUERADE BALLS

1 2 4

5 6 7 10 8 9 11 12 13

16 17 18 21

19 22

20 23 24 25

FIG. 22

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

FIG. 22 Manhattan map showing the locations of the New York City’s ‘Masquerade Balls’.

Manhattan Casino | Rockland Palace Hamilton Lodge The Savoy Ballroom | Club Tracks Renaissance Casino Small’s Paradise Connie’s Inn Club Baron The Imperial Elks Lodge The Alhambra Club Danceland Lenox Club Liberal Club The Cotton Club NewStar Casino St. Nicholas Palace Astoria Hotel Madison Square garden Stonewall Inn Webster Hall Henrietta Hudson Columbia Hall | Paresis Hall 82 Club Little Beethoven Walhalla Hall

155th St 8th Ave 280 W 115th St 140th St Lenox Ave 138th St 7th Ave 2294 7th Ave 2221 7th Ave 131th St 437 Lenox Ave 160-164W 129th St 2116 A. C. Powell Jr Blv 332 W 125th St 288 Lenox Ave 124-125th St 250 W 116th St 142th St Lenox Ave 107 St near Lexington Ave th

66th St Columbus Ave 301 Park Ave 4 Pennsylvania Plaza 303 W 123th St 53 Christopher St 139 E 11th St 438 Hudson St 32 Cooper Sq 82 E 4th St E 5th Ave (approx location) 52 Orchard St

FIG. 23 A â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Masquerade Ballâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in the Greenwich Village (1920s).

In 1869 the Hamilton Lodge Inc. No. 710 of the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows, a black fraternal organisation, held The First Annual 'Masquerade and Civic Ball', also known as the 'Hamilton Lodge Ball', at the Hamilton Lodge in Harlem. Bowery and the Village, both representing the white middle-class gay community, regularly staged their Masquerade Balls in venues such as the Columbia Hall, also known as the Paresis Hall, and the Walhalla Hall throughout the end of the XIX Century (Hobson, 2014). These halls offered a safe space for gay and transgender men, but they were often prejudiced and unwelcoming to queer people of colour. Marginalised even by the broader gay culture, 'queens' and queers of colour considered Harlem a safe space where they were able to participate and compete in costume balls without the backlash of the white gay community. Even though Harlem was considered a 'black metropolis' where the presence of queer individuals was still a 'disrepute' to the neighbourhood and to the'race', the largest gathering of 'fairies' happened within this specific area. FIG. 23

FIG. 25

FIG. 24

FIG. 24 The exterior view of the Hamilton Lodge.

By the 1920s the number and the proportion of these events grew steadily, with more than seven main balls being staged every year (Chauncey, 1994). For the purpose of this research, which aims to analyse and comprehend their spatial occupation, it is important to denote the locations of these events. Most of them were held between the VillageBowery area and Harlem, but their popularity and acceptance within the city's middle-class led them to be staged even in Midtown venues, like the Astor Hotel and Madison Square Garden. The enlarged size and frequency of the New York balls suggest the initial cohesion of the gay world in those years, which reflects the presence of an extensive gay subculture which existed despite the dominant heterosexual society

FIG. 25 Extract from â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The New York Ageâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (6th March 1926).

which was hostile to queer individuals (Chauncey, 1994).

In 1927 the New York State legislature passed laws, such as the Wales' Padlock Bill, which prevented the public assembly of queers. Followed by two decades of oppression and arrests, the Ballroom scene was forced once again to the fringes of Manhattan. Events that were scheduled for Mid-

FIG. 26

These extravagant gatherings become known as 'Faggot Balls' which expressively signify a remarkable presence of queer individuals. Although drag queens had almost certainly attended the balls prior to 1926, this particular year was denoted as the first appearance of a considerable group of 'fairies' (Chauncey, 1994). Originally, these establishments were neither organized by queers nor they were exclusively homosexual in patronage, but rather were places that tolerated the presence of 'fairies' since they "provided the opportunity for that portion of city's male population whose one and greatest secret ambition is to imitate the female by donning the most gorgeous of feminine attire" (The New York Amsterdam News ,1930: 3).

FIG. 26 Extract from ‘The Amsterdam News’ (20th February 1929).

FIG. 27 Extract from ‘The Amsterdam News’ (19th February 1930).

FIG. 27

town venues were cancelled. Within the area of Harlem, the suppression of balls was short-lived and the 'Hamilton Lodge Ball' was held annually at the Rockland Palace.

During the 1940s and 1950s, these queer gatherings were again frequently staged around Harlem and Lower Manhattan. Once again marginalised by race, gender, and sexuality, the spaces for people of colour were often raided by the local police. As their numbers grew, and as cultural and political conditions permitted, the black queers had re-created the balls as their own by the early 1960s (Chauncey, 1994; Lawrence, 2013). The reclamation of this phenomenon coincides with the American Civil Right Movement,

FIG. 28 Extract from ‘The New York Age’ (6th March 1938).

FIG. 29 Manhattan map showing the location of the first ever ‘Masquerade Ball’.

FIG. 30 Manhattan map showing the evolution of the ‘Masquerade Balls’ (1890s).

FIG. 31 Manhattan map showing the evolution of the ‘Masquerade Balls’ (1920s).

FIG. 32 Manhattan map showing the evolution of the ‘Masquerade Balls’ (1930s).

FIG. 33 Manhattan map showing the evolution of the ‘Masquerade Balls’ (1950s).

FIG. 28

dated between 1954 and 1968, which ended the legalised racial discrimination and segregation (Verney, 2000). Shifting from being orientated towards the white spectators, the 'black drag balls' focused on creating a safe environment for gay and transgender people of colour. The first 'black queer ball' was recorded in 1962 (Gill, 2011) with the Ballroom community rapidly evolving into a supportive and educational social structure able to provide support and guidance to many vulnerable queer individuals.

1869

Hamilton Lodge

The 'Grand United Order of Odd Fellows' held the First Annual 'Masquerade and Civic Ball' at the Hamilton Lodge in 1869. This particular venue was located on 280 W 115th St in the northen area of Harlem.

FIG. 29 previous location new location

1890s

Harlem, the northen area of Manhattan, was still the 'safest environment' for these gatherings to happen, since the presence of 'fairies' was accepted. Hamilton Lodge

The Greenwich Village and Bowery, both 'white middleclass gay districts', held their 'Masquerade Balls' as well. Columbia Hall Paresis Hall Walhalla Hall

FIG. 30 previous location new location

During the 1920s, Harlem staged various events at different venues each year. These gatherings happened within the boundaries of this predominately black area, which was relatively welcoming to queers. Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace Renaissance Casino Connieâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Inn The Alhambra

1920s

Hamilton Lodge The Savoy Ballroom Club Tracks Smallâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Paradise The Imperial Elks Lodge Lenox Club Liberal Club NewStar Casino

The incredible popularity and acceptance of these events led them to be staged regularly even in Mid-town venues. Astoria Hotel Madison Square garden

Webster Hall Little Beethoven

FIG. 31 previous location new location

1930s

Even though America's Prohibition forced many of these gatherings to be cancelled, Harlem was still able to stage annualy the 'Masquerade and Civic Ball'. Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace

Club Danceland

St. Nicholas Palace

Most of the Mid-town and Lower Manhattan events were forced to cancel their scheduled events.

FIG. 32 previous location new location

Harlem never stopped staging these gatherings on a regular basis. Since the beginning of the 'Masquerade Balls', this district has always been a 'safe space' for black queer individuals.

1950s

Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace

Club Baron

Astoria Hotel As the conditions permitted these events were held again in Lower Manhattan. 303 W 123th St

Stonewall Inn

Henrietta Hudson 82 Club

FIG. 33 previous location new location

mapping the Black Queer Balls Drag queens, also known as 'female impersonators', have been depicted as an extravagant mix of glitter, pop culture, and 'shade'. Since the 'Harlem Black Balls' were a competitive, yet safe, environment for queens of colour, it is unsurprising that their beginnings were flamboyant and rich with drama and shade. In 1967 Crystal LaBeija, under the acclaimed title of 'Miss Brooklyn', competed at the 'Miss All-American Camp Beauty Pageant Drag Contest' held in the New York City Town Hall. Drag pageantry, started in the 1960s, consisted of white-organized balls, where queens of colour were expected to 'whiten up' their faces if they were to be in with a chance of winning the contest (Lawrence, 2013). The Queen, a documentary film directed by Frank Simon (1968), directly tracked this beauty pageant capturing all the rage of Crystal Labeija for not being designated 'Queen of the Ball'. FIG. 34

FIG. 34 Crystal Labeija showing all her rage and shade after loosing the title to Miss Harlow, a white drag queen (1968).

Scenes such as these demonstrate how queens of colour would have stood firmly against the anti-black bias behind these beauty contests. At the same time, these scenes must be placed into a socially significant context of America. A series of violent demonstrations, staged by members of the LGBT+ community against a police raid at the Stonewall Inn in 1969, was a turning point in the broader gay history. Regarding the 'Harlem Masquerade Balls', the 'Stonewall Riots' signified a fundamental change for the drag culture of people of colour. A few years later, in 1972, Lottie and Crystal, both Harlem drag queens, founded the first-ever 'Ballroom house' called the 'House of Labeija'. In the same year, they co-promoted the first annual 'House of Labeija Ball' at the 'Up the Downstairs Case' on West 115th Street and 5th Avenue. This event started a new era for the Harlem Black queer community, who was then able to fully express their diversity and fluidity within a safe environment dominated and defined by people of colour. The precise location of this ball is again considered incredibly relevant, since it testifies the emergence of an alternate use of the built environment, allowing an event

which was not sanctioned anywhere else. Even though this 'minority of a minority' (Harry, 1974) was still marginalized even in Harlem, where 80% of the city's African-American population lived (Chauncey, 1994), this particular scenario allowed this informal spatial occupancy to happened and flourish. Mapping this spatial practice through time and space, cements the Ballroom culture as an important fixiture within the urban environment of New York City. Places, which were receptive to the community hosting balls, became staples on the scene - with multiple balls being staged at the same venue for years in a row: for example, the 'Roller Rock Skating Rink', located on Broadway between the 134th and 135th street, was a recurring setting between the 1982 and 1983. Moreover, locations such as 'The Imperial Elks Lodge' and the 'Uptown Social Club', both in Harlem, were the main venues for most balls between 1984 and 1986. In general, the balls which were staged up until 1985 were mostly located within the boundaries of Harlem, considered as the 'safest' urban setting for queer people of colour. In 1983 Kevin Omni, the father of the 'House of Omni', held the first Mid-town ball on East 86th street

demarking a turning point for the black queer balls. For the first time, doors opened at 10pm, rather than the expected 3am start, allowing these gatherings to happen at a more 'visible' time of the day as well as in a typically white middle-class area. Throughout the 1980s, Harlem was still the epicentre of the ball scene, but the popularity and acceptance brought them back into Mid-town venues, such as the 'Roseland Ballroom', on 239th west 52nd street, and the 'Club Red zone', on 140th west 54th street. Moreover, at the beginning of the 1990s, the Ballroom community became deeply involved with many AIDS fundraisers which were held in down-town Manhattan. These events were located within the white gay environment of the Bowery-Village area, which demonstrates a further acceptance of this 'black queer minority' by the New York society as a whole, as well as within the broader gay community. In summary: the black queer balls started in Harlem, in the northern boundaries of Manhattan, but, as their popularity grew and as their collective experience became mainstream, these events creeped into Mid-town venues before eventually moving into lower Manhattan.

BLACK QUEER BALLS

1 2 4

6 7 8 10

12 13

15 16

FIG. 35

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

FIG. 35 Manhattan map showing the locations of the New York City’s ‘Masquerade Balls’.

Manhattan Casino | Rockland Palace The Jackie Robinson Center Uptown Social Club The Roller Rock Skating Rink The Savoy Ballroom | Club Tracks The Imperial Elks Lodge Cat Video Gallery Golden Terrace Ballroom Crystal Ballroom Up the Downstairs Case Club Red Zone Roseland Ballroom Constellation Club Hotel Diplomat Club Palladium Dyansan Art Gallery

155th St 8th Ave 181 135th St 163 W 145th St Broadway 134-135th St 140th St Lenox Ave 160-164W 129th St 2033 5th Ave 26 E 125th St 240 E 123rd St W 115th St 5th Ave 140 W 54st St 239 W 52nd St W 108 43rd St 108 W 34th St 126 E 14st St 122 Spring St

LIST OF THE BLACK QUEER BALLS Location

1972 .House of Labeija Ball

by Lottie Labeija and Crystal Labeija

Up the Downstairs Case W 115th St 5th Ave

1977 .Sir Michael Boone’s Ball 1978

Constellation Club W 108 43rd St

.’April In Paris’ Ball by Paris Duprèe

1980 .House of Plenty Ball part I

Brooklyn, NYC

by Candy Plenty and Rhonda Plenty

1981 .Harlem Fantasy Ball part I

by Peppa Labeija and Dorian Corey

Crystal Ballroom 240 E 123rd St

.Paris Is Burning Ball part I by Paris Duprée

.House of Dior Ball part I by Jay Dior

1982 .Mini Ball Brooklyn

Back Street Bar

.House of Plenty Ball part II

Brooklyn, NYC

by Kevin Omni

by Candy Plenty and Rhonda Plenty

unknown location

78 .Harlem Fantasy Ball part II

Crystal Ballroom

.Ebony Scandal Ball part I

Cat Video Gallery

by Peppa Labeija and Dorian Corey by Peppa Labeija and Dorian Corey

.Gene and Duchess Ebony’s Ball .Paris Is Burning Ball part II .House of Dior Ball part II 1983 .Paris Is Burning Ball part III .Easter Ball part I by R.R. Chanel

.Ebony Scandal Ball part II

240 E 123rd St 2033 5th Ave

Roller Rock Skating Rink

Broadway 134-135th St

Roller Rock Skating Rink

Broadway 134-135th St

by Lary Ebony and Richard Ebony

.Autumn In The Fall Ball part I by Avis Pendavis

.Birthday Ball

by Kevin Omni .first Mid-town Ball .first‘House of Extravaganza’ appearance .doors open at 10 pm, rather than 3 am

1984 .Paris Is Burning Ball part IV .Legends Ball part I

by Erskine Christian and Nephra Fran Duprée

.Easter Ball part II

E 86th St

The Imperial Elks Lodge 160-164 W 129th St Brooklyn, NYC

by R.R. Chanel

.Michael Princess and Andre Christian’s Ball part I by Michael Princess

Uptown Social Club

.William and Michael Andrens Duprée Ball part I

163 W 145th St

.Autumn In The Fall Ball part II

Golden Terrace Ballroom

by William Duprée by Avis Pendavis

.Ball

by Kevin Omni

26 E 125th St

Hotel Diplomat Club Sweatz

108 W 34th St

79 1985 .Michael Princess and Andre Christian’s Ball part II by Michael Princess

.William and Michael Andrens Duprée Ball part II

Uptown Social Club

163 W 145th St

by William Duprée

.Robbie and Crustal Saint Laurent’s Ball .A Night Of Living Hell And Punishment part I by Tenille Duprée and Max Debuciack

.The Making Of A Legend Ball

The Imperial Elks Lodge 160-164 W 129th St

by House of Princess

1986 .Paris Is Burning Ball part V by Paris Duprée

The Imperial Elks Lodge

.House of Extravaganza Ball part I

160-164 W 129th St

.A Night At The Oscar Ball

The Jackie Robinson Center

by Angie Extravaganza and David Padilla Ultima by Harold Chanel

1987 .Shade Ball part I

181 135th St

Club Sensation

by Erika Diviachy Shade

New Jersey

by Erika Diviachy Shade

The Imperial Elks Lodge

.House of Extravaganza Ball part II 1988 .Shade Ball part II .Snow Ball

160-164 W 129th St

.The Omni Roller Skating Party Ball part I

The Empire Roller Skating Rink

by Angie Extravaganza and David Extravaganza by La Rose Heyward Omni

1989 .Love Ball part I .The Royal House of Sunshine Ball by Pepper Labeija

Brooklyn

Roseland Ballroom 239 W 52nd St

80 .House of Omni Gospel on Skates

The Empire Roller Skating Rink

by La Rose Heyward Omni

Brooklyn

.‘Legends, Statements and Stars’ part I

Savoy Ballroom Club Tracks

by Kevin Omni

140th St Lenox Ave

.The Late Icon Kim Pendavis Ball 1990 .House of Labeija Ball

Savoy Ballroom Club Tracks

by Tommie Labeija

140th St Lenox Ave

.Shade Ball part III .‘Legends, Statements and Stars’ part II

Club Red Zone

by Kevin Omni

140 W 54st St

.AIDS fundraiser .AIDS fundraiser

Dyansan Art Gallery 122 Spring St

by House of Labeija, Christian, Omni, Pendavis, Del Rios, Magnifique, Fields and Corey

Club Palladium 126 E 14st St

. . .

FIG. 36 Manhattan map showing the location of ‘Black Queer Balls’ from 1972 to 1981. FIG. 38 Manhattan map showing the location of ‘Black Queer Balls’ from 1987 to 1990.

FIG. 37 Manhattan map showing the location of ‘Black Queer Balls’ from 1982 to 1986.

1972 to 1984

Even though not many balls have been recorded during this spacific period of time, these gatherings were firstly held in Harlem.

Up the Downstairs Case Crystal Ballroom

1972

1981

1977

Constellation Club

FIG. 36 previous location new location

1982 to 1986

82 Harlem was the safest urban environment for these 'black queer gatherings'. Many venues hosted more than a ball per year, yet these locations had a short consistency over time.

The Jackie Robinson Center 1986 Uptown Social Club Cat Video Gallery Golden Terrace Ballroom

1984 1985 1982

1984

1982 1983

Roller Rock Skating Rink

1984 1985 1986 1982

Imperial Elks Lodge

Crystal Ballroom

Kevin Omni, father of the 'House of Omni', brought the Ballroom community outide Harlem, hosting the first Mid-town Balls. 1984

FIG. 37 previous location new location

Hotel Diplomat

1987 to 1990

Harlem continued being a 'safe environment' for black queer individuals and their flamboyant balls.

The Savoy Ballroom 1989 1990 Club Tracks The Imperial Elks Lodge 1988

Club Red Zone

1990

Roseland Ballroom

1989

Their involvement with the AIDS activism, brought the Ballroom community to be welcomed even in Lower Manhattan.

1990

Club Palladium

1990 Dyansan Art Gallery

FIG. 38 previous location new location

FIG. 39 Octavia Saint Laurent fiercely walking a category at a ball.

FIG. 39

FIG. 40 After the ball extravaganza, a black queen has to face the ‘outside’ world.

FIG. 41 Manhattan map showing the locations of ‘Masquerade Balls’ together with the ‘Black Queer Balls’.

Harlem: a safe black queer environment When overlaying the locations of the 'Masquerade Balls' with the venues of the 'Black Queer Balls' only three locations coincide: The Imperial Elks Lodge, The Savoy Ballroom and the Manhattan Casino/Rockland Palace - these venues are all located within the boundaries of Harlem. This finding emphasizes how the Ballroom community did not continue the tradition of the 'Masquerade Balls' but they instead reclaimed and 'queered' the event. Despite being a marginalised minority they were not tied to a specific venue - therefore they recreated their own extravaganza in Harlem: the safest urban environment for black queer individuals.

FIG. 40

Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace The Savoy Ballroom Club Tracks The Imperial Elks Lodge

The Ballroom community, as a marginalised minority, was not tied to any particular venue. After having reclaimed the 'Masquerade Balls' as their own, their gatherings were initially held in the city safest urban environment for queers: Harlem. FIG. 41 Black Queer Ball Masquerade Ball Coincident location

MASQUERADE BALLS and BLACK QUEER BALLS

A CODIFIED INFORMAL SPACE USAGE

the Imperial Elks Lodge in Paris Is Burning Paris Is Burning is a documentary film directed and produced by Jennie Livingston, released in New York City on the 13th of March 1991. The film captures the extravaganza of late 1980s 'Ball circuit' focusing on the events that take place in the ballrooms, in the lead-up to the balls, and on the participants themselves (Sullivan, 2003). Following Malcolm Mclaren's 'Deep in Vogue' (1989) and Madonna's music video for her hit single 'Vogue' (1990), the Ballroom

FIG. 43

FIG. 42

FIG. 42 Willi Ninja, father of the ‘House of Ninja’, voguing for Mclaren’s ‘Deep in Vogue’ music video (1989)

FIG. 43 Madonna and her dancers voguing for the ‘Vogue’ music video (1990).

community was presented outside the music scene for the first time. This documentary provided a platform to the underground subculture, and it initiated a move towards the acknowledgement of the queer community by a mainstream global audience. The documentary presents the lives of these queer individuals in an unapologetic manner (Hobson, 2013), boldly recording the struggles of the iconic participants of the New York Ball scene. Even though Livingston's film is presented as a politically neutral documentary providing a candid, even celebratory, look at 'black drag balls', it fails to represent the influence that the Ballroom culture played on the daily lives outside of the balls themselves (hooks, 1992; Sullivan, 2003; Hobson, 2013). In fact, bell hooks argues that "the cinematic narrative makes the ball the center of their lives" (1992: 154), and the representation of these performances reconsolidates racist norms, values and social relations. hooks' criticism of Livingston's representation of femininity, which is substantially personified by the ideal of 'whiteness', is understandable, since the director explored the aspirations of a small, yet powerful, elite of legendary Fem Queens, generalising them to the whole Ballroom community. Livingston's description may not be truthfully

extendable to the whole 'black queer subculture', but it clearly depicts the need of acceptance and comprehension which is surely sought, in various ways, by all of its members. Furthermore, by questioning the way this community is presented, it enables any spatial analysis to go beyond the personal stories recorded in this primary source material. FIG. 44

The documentary takes its name from the 1986 'Paris Is Burning Ball' held at the Imperial Elks Lodge, on 160 West 129th Street in Harlem, hosted by Paris DuprĂ¨e, the 'legendary' mother of the 'House of DuprĂ¨e'. Most of the scenes are shot within this specific location, during at least two different balls, however three other venues are visible in the background of shots when the film is watched carefully. The spatial occupation presented in this documentary provides a clear picture of the ritualised performances staged by this subculture.

FIG. 44 Pamphlet for “Paris Is Buring Ball”.

a ritualized space occupancy Within his text, Butch Queens Up in Pumps, Marlon M. Bailey argues that "there is a core ritualized performance dimension to balls" (2013: 143) but the author does not suggest that the event itself it is a ritual but particular aspects of the ball that are, indeed, ritualised. Since these events were held at a variety of places and they could potentially be staged anywhere if the space was arranged properly (Bailey, 2013), the 'hosting house' had the duty of transforming the chosen venue into an appropriate space for a ball. “It is our responsibility to secure the hall, decorate it, organize the ball, and host the commentators and the out-of-town members of the house. Laying tile, arranging tables and chairs, cleaning dishes for the bar, decorating the platform and table for judges, cutting ribbons, lifting tables, hanging streamers, mopping the floor, and cleaning toilets and sinks.” (Bailey, 2013)

referring to 'House of Prestige' in Detroit

This process illustrates the inseparable connection between the ball events and the houses that organise them. Furthermore, the spatial arrangement is considered as an integral part of the event itself, so at every ball, the 'hosting house' takes great care to make sure that the space is organised in accordance with accepted Ballroom practices. These codified arrangements were well known throughout the Ballroom community, but these standards were not written anywhere, instead they were just known (Bailey, 2013). Moreover, the 'house parents' of the 'hosting house' had absolute 'decision-making power' since they had the duty to write the criteria for each category which would then take place at the ball. At the same time, Ballroom rules did allow members of the 'organizing house' to compete.

FIG. 46

FIG. 45

FIG. 45 Extract of a flyer illustrating the typical criteria for the ‘Butch Queens’ category.

FIG. 46 Extract of a flyer illustrating the typical criteria for the ‘Fem Queens’ category.

one space, five roles: analysing the space through its performers Upon reviewing the various spatial environments shown in Paris is Burning together with Marlon M. Bailey's research on the Detroit Ball scene, I was able to expand his spatial understanding of these ritualised performances. Generally expressed through the competitive runway categories, I have identified five different personas: the DJ, the commentator, the judges, the audience, and the performers. From the documentary film four venues have been analysed through the medium of diagrammatic floor plans. To demonstrate how these codified spatial arrangements signify, facilitate and maintain the social hierarchy of the Ballroom culture (Bailey, 2013), they have been compared to Bailey's spatial understanding. Furthermore, this crossreference allowed my research to evidence what happened in the New York scene as substantially identical to what described in Detroit.

1 | THE DJ No different to their role in the mainstream culture, this essential character mixes and spins the records to create the right soundtracks for the runway performances. Their table is positioned either just above the panel of judges or on one side of it. Their participation to the performances is accepted showing the fluidity in many of these roles. 2 | THE COMMENTATOR One of the most relevant actors of the ball, since their responsibility is to run the actual event as well as to maintain and preserve the community traditions. The commentator, ideally placed in a neutral position, has the right to override judges' decision in the most-likely 'conflict' following

FIG. 47 The DJâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s table.

FIG. 48 The commentatorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s table.

FIG. 49 The commentator handing the ‘Mother of the Year’ prize to Angie Extravaganza, mother of the ‘House of Extravaganza’, in 1988.

FIG. 49

the judges' score assignment of a specific category. Their fundamental role is expressed by their location within the ball itself: moving in between the judges and the contestants. Just like the DJ, the commentator can also take part in the runway performances.

3 | THE JUDGES These individuals have the power to grant 'celebrity-like' status to the winning contestants, for this reason their spatial location represents their authority. The panel of judges was

positioned at the front of the runway or on one side, allowing the judges to face the performers directly. Moreover, it can be often found elevated, on a stage for example, in order to give the judges the best visual perspective. Generally, community leaders or influential house parents comprise the judging panel which was previously wittingly selected by the 'hosting house'. They followed a codified voting system to crown the winners of each category (Kubicek et al., 2013). After their runway performance, participants were given a score, from zero to ten, which meant they could stand to the side and wait to battle another participants, or they could receive a 'chop', being eliminated for the night because they didn't meet the requirement for that specific category.

FIG. 50 The panel of judges and the trophies behind.

FIG. 51 The judges assigning the scores for a contestant in the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Executive Realness categoryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.

FIG. 51

4 | THE AUDIENCE The spectators' role was always active, their presence was indispensable since they were expected to help their 'family members' during their performances. They were generally positioned alongside the center of the ballroom and/or at the rear of the venue, creating what it can be described as FIG. 52 The audience around the central a 'T shaped' competition area. competition area.

FIG. 53 The audience from the judgesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; perspective, at the Imperial Elks Lodge.

FIG. 53

5 | THE CONTESTANTS The actual participants of the ritualised competitions of the ball. Usually waiting with their 'house families' within the audience, they took over the central area of the venue only when competing in a certain category. The performers' runway was a narrowly demarcated area which was usually positioned between

FIG. 54 The performance area.

FIG. 55 Contestants waiting to get their score from the judges after their runway performance.

FIG. 55

the spaces allocated to the audience on both sides and directly facing the panel of judges. This place of spectacle and critique was considered the focal point of the whole event, since it embodied the interrelationship among all the individuals present during the ball. Depending on the venue, the runway could be constructed in a variety of ways, as an elevated platform (Johnson, 2013), or as a 'shape' etched into the floor.

FIG. 56 Contestant walking a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;body categoryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; at the Imperial Elks Lodge. CASE STUDY I

The Imperial Elks Lodge

FIG. 56 FIG. 57 Diagrammatic floor plan of the Imperial Elks Lodge. The panel of judges, the commentator and the trophies are all located on the elevated stage. The audience is gathered around the central space, underneath and over the balcony, occupying even the back of the runway.

DJ's Table Panel of Judges

FIG. 58 Baileyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s floor plan for ball events.

Runway Performance Area

Back of Runway

Participant Observers

FIG. 58

Commentator(s)

FIG. 59 Exploded axonometric view of the Imperial Elks Lodge. Showing the interior space as a whole, which was not percieved from the documentary film stills.

FIG. 59

audience's balcony judges' stage

performance area double entrance circulation core

FIG. 60 The features of this venue, such as the marks on the floor and the net in the background, reveal how this ball was held in an indoor basketball court.

100

CASE STUDY II

Ballroom

FIG. 60 FIG. 61 Diagrammatic floor plan of the second case study identified in Paris Is Burning. The panel of judges is not elevated and the performance area is defined by the audienceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s disposition. The spectators are located all around the center of the venue, even in the back of the runway.

101

FIG. 62 Two contestants voguing in front of the judges on an elevated platform. CASE STUDY III

FIG. 62

Ballroom

FIG. 63 Diagrammatic floor plan of the third case study identified in Paris Is Burning. The panel of judges is elevated as well as an unusal extention of the performance area. The audienceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s disposition respects Baileyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s diagram, being just aside the central competition area.

102

FIG. 64 Venus Extravaganza walking on the elevated runway during a ball. CASE STUDY VI

Ballroom

FIG. 64 FIG. 65 Diagrammatic floor plan of the fourth case study identified in Paris Is Burning. The performance area is mostly occupied by an elevated runway. The audience is seated on the side of the central competition area. The judges are not elevated but they are positioned directly facing the runway.

103

Comparing the four case studies with Bailey's spatial understanding, few general conclusions can be drawn. The spatial arrangement of a ball could be altered at any time during the competition, however the audience's disposition seems to follow a precise organisation. Sometimes, the spectators' table are arranged with their width facing the runway with the audience around them, creating what can be described as clusters which they might represent individual 'families' since their members would gather as a tight unit (Fig. 65). In other venues, another set of tables is positioned in front of what it has been previously described, with their width pushed together and their lengths facing the center of the venue. This organisation provides a more defined runway area, even though ball attendees are seen to allocate themselves behind and/or in front of this extra set of furniture (Fig. 66). Moreover, it is generally difficult to distinguish the spectators from the contestants since the audience easily breaks the 'T formation' to be further involved with the performances. This testifies the fluidity of the spatial arrangement, and how much it could be affected by a particular performance, moment or atmosphere (Fig. 67).

104

FIG. 66

FIG. 67

FIG. 68 FIG. 69

These events were competitions, therefore winning a category, achieved by obtaining a trophy, was the most revered moment of the night. These desirable prizes where usually located behind the panel of judges or to the left of them, where the audience could clearly admire them from distance. Moreover, generally on both sides, aligned or in front of the judges, the audio speakers were positioned directly towards the runway and the audience.

105

FIG. 69 The audience invading the ‘performance area’ while a contestant is walking a category.

The spatial layout displayed and performed by the Ballroom community is relatively quite simple, but it indicates a very specific and ritualised social, and therefore spatial, practices which otherwise would be forgotten. As pictured in the four diagrammatic floor plans, the spatial elements required to create the space of the ball are all directly related to the five actors involved. “The space is not complete until the house music is playing, people are talking and socializing, participants are practicing their voguing and runway skills, the smell of cigarette smoke and alcohol are in the atmosphere, the runway is clear, and the commentator takes the microphone.” (Bailey, 2013)

The combination between the performances and their ritualised roles create the space of the ball itself. The participants can be seen as the conclusive element to the space, which is then inevitably socially produced. Relating back to POSE, the FX TV series, the same five actors are meticulously recreated to animate the set of a ball, which resembles the Imperial Elks Lodge as shown in Paris Is Burning.

(Livingston, 1991)

You don’t have to bend the whole world. I think it’s better to just enjoy it."

"Then you think, you’ve left a mark on the world... if you just get through it... and a few people remember your name. Then you’ve left a mark.

PART III conclusions

108

an â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;openâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; end This study demonstrates the depth of knowledge that is still missing from academia. There is far more work to be done to assist a further understanding of the spatial behaviours of marginalised communities such as this one. Having the chance to personally experience the aforementioned spaces or even having the possibility of meeting at least one 'legendary' member of the New York Ballroom scene (unfortunately not many of them are still alive), would have certainly provided many different, yet challenging, perspectives for a further investigation. This study focused on the events between the late 1960s up to 1991, when the documentary Paris Is Burning was released. After its mainstream exposure, the Ballroom community became a worldwide support network, which is constantly evolving to this day, and while some characteristics are similar to those early days, the Ball scene has transformed inconceivably. Therefore, many more balls and spatial occupations could be potentially mapped and analysed.

109

FIG. 70 Image from author’s own open source Google map.

Black Queer Ball Masquerade Ball

It locates the three ‘gay districts’: Harlem, the Greenwich Village and Bowey. Furthermore, each pin, when clicked, has a detailed description of all the events/balls held at that particular location.

All the information that I have gathered during these months of research has been digitalised and uploaded onto an online 'open-source Google map'. This is my attempt at leaving my research open as a base for future study, in hope that someone may continue what I have started. Open-source Google map link: https://drive.google.com open?id=1lODfd9eKpHEx4pNfxAg2EoPGVKcEDKQS&usp=sharing

FIG. 70

110

a bit of magic, a bit of glitter The Ball scene, as an extended network, was able to save so many lives from the effects racism, homophobia and later on even from the AIDS pandemic (Choi et al., 2004; Arnold, Bailey, 2009; Bailey, 2011). The scene was able to provide guidance and support to individuals who were not allowed to be themselves in a predominately straight world. Their existence deserved to be acknowledged since it highlights how necessary is to reconsider what the heterosexual dominant culture believes as 'normal' or 'natural'. These individuals were not only able to open the margins for definitions like sexuality or gender, but they also highlighted a gap, a failure of our architectural built environment. In fact, in a 'manpolized' world in which heterosexuality is the only intelligible option, these queer individuals were not seen to fit in such boundaries and their fluid identities could not be placed within any architectural environment. To survive, they had to perform lives which were not their own during the day, and had to exist 'under the radar' during the night to express who they really were. For this reason, this community had to reclaim and transform existing spaces in order to create their own 'black queer space'. Their spatial occupation evolved as both a celebration

111

of their existance and a survival strategy: these individuals, while performing, were rehearsing personas which allowed them to survive another day in the 'outside world'. Harlem, as a unique mix of queer individuals with a predominantly African-American population, can be considered as an example of tolerance and comprehension. The majority of the 'Masquerade balls', the events that accepted the presence of queers at the beginning of the XX Century, were located within this specific area of New York City. Moreover, when the Ballroom community reclaimed and recreated these gatherings as their own, they were staged within the same urban environment. Marginalised by both from the dominate heterosexual culture and the broader gay world, this community was not tied to any particular venue, yet they found a unique place where to 'live, work and pose' in Harlem. From an architectural perspective, this incredible example of tolerance should be a right granted to everyone, no matter class, race, age, gender or sexual orientation, within any built environment. Regarding the intimate spatial analysis, the Ballroom community was able to subvert the fundamental architectural principle pertaining to the importance of the context.

112

The French architect, Jean Nouvel, remarking how relevant is a thoughtful relation with surroundings, stated: "the land is not free or completely bare, it is not empty, there is a huge historic and geographic legacy" (Stott, 2013). For this 'queer minority', the spatial features of the chosen venue were not essential, since few modifications of the spatial layout were enough to alter the space itself. The venue was found and it was then subverted to fit their specific behaviours and needs. For this reason, the spatial environment created was yet more relevant than the one that was chosen to host their extravaganza. The Ballroom community is not just an example of how to survive in queer hostile urban environment, but they were able to prove how architecture can be socially manipulated. Without their flamboyant appropriation of space, these venues would have remained abandoned warehouses, conventions centers or indoor basketball courts. As a neglected minority, who were excluded from any architectural setting, they were able to transform the environment around them to create their own safe, flamboyant, and queer space: which allowed them to accept, validate, and celebrate their true selves.

113

FIG. 71 Pepper Labeija and the ‘House of Labeija’ walking away with their newly-won trophies, ready to face together the ‘outside world’.

FIG. 71

APPENDIX

114

115

LIST OF THE BALLROOM HOUSES 1972 .House of Labeija .House of Corey 1974 .House of Dior 1975 .House of Wong .House of Duprée 1977 .House of Cristian .House of Plenty 1978 .House of Ebony .House of Chanel 1979 .House of Pendavis .House of Omni .House of Princess 1981 .House of Danka .House of Cartier 1982 .House of Extravaganza .House of Essence .House of Saint Laurent

Founders by Lottie Labeija and Crystal Labeija by Dorian Corey and Chipper Corey by father Jay Dior by La Duchess Wong and Nicole Wong by Paris Duprée and Hernest Duprée by Andy Christian and Erskine Christian by Candy Plenty and Rhonda Plenty by Richard Ebony and father Larry Ebony

by mother Avis Pendavis and Kirk Pendavis by Thomas Omni and Kevin Omni

by Pam Danka and Murphy Danka

by Hector Extravaganza by mother Barbara Essence by Robbie Saint Laurent

116 .House of Voutique .House of Ninja 1983 .House of Mahogany 1984 .House of Jordan .House of Legend 1986 .House of Avant-Garde 1988 .House of Elite .House of Fields .House of Del Rios .House of Magnifique .House of Revlon 1989 .House of Milan .House of Ninja-Fields .House of Allure .House of Richards 1990 .House of Armani .House of Infinity .House of Prestige .House of Valentino 1991 .House of XXcentrica 1992 .House of Exotique .House of Saint Claire .House of Andromeda .House of Ungaro

by Spanky Voutique and Ki Ki Voutique by Willi Ninja

by father Larry Jordan

by Warhol Avant-Garde (Chicago) by father Devin Omni Pendavis Elite by Patricia Fields by mother Lucy Del Rios

by Tercy Omni Milan and Roger Omni Milan (Washington)

by Tommy Murphy and Ericka Tatiana Armani by Ross Infinity

(Florida) by Arial L.Exotique and Robert P. Exotique (Chicago) (Philadelphia)

117 1995 .House of Charles .House of Lords .House of Jordan 1997 .House of Cash Money .House of Bvlgari .House of Moshood 1998 .House of Viscay .House of Ovahness 2000 .House of Icon .House of Manolo Blahnik . . .

(Detroit) (Florida) (New Jersey) (Washington)

by mother Angel Richards Viscay (Chicago) by father James Icon

118

LIST OF THE MASQUERADE BALLS 1869 .1st Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1890s

Masquerade Balls venues in Bowery and in the Greenwich Village

Location

Hamilton Lodge 280 W 115th St

Columbia Hall Paresis Hall 32 Cooper Sq

Walhalla Hall 1920s

Masquerade Balls popular venues in Bowery and in the Greenwich Village

52 Orchard St

Webster Hall 139 E 11th St

Madison Square Garden 4 Pennsylvania Plaza

Astoria Hotel 301 Park Ave

Little Beethoven

E 5th Ave (approx location) Masquerade Balls popular venues in Harlem

New Star Casino

107th St near Lexington Ave

The Alhambra

2116 A. C. Powell Jr Blv

The Savoy Ballroom 140th St Lenox Ave

Liberal Club 250 W 116th St

The Cotton Club 142th St Lenox Ave

119 Connieâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Inn

2221 7th Ave 131th St

Lenox Club

288 LenoxAve 124-125th St

Smallâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Paradise 2294 7th Ave

Imperial Elks Lodge 160-164W 129th St

1923 .55th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1925 .57th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

New Star Casino

107th St near Lexington Ave

Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace 155th St 8th Ave

1926 .58th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1927 .59th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1928 .60th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1929 .61th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1930 .62th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

Reinassance Casino 138th St 7th Ave

Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace 155th St 8th Ave

120 1932 .64th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1933 .65th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1934 .66th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

.Masquerade Halloween Party 1935 .67th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

.Halloween Masquerade Ball 1936

Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace 155th St 8th Ave

Alkins Academy (unknown location)

Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace 155th St 8th Ave

Tylers Checken Club (unknown location)

.68th Masquerade and Civic Ball

Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace

.Masquerade Party and Dance

Club Danceland

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1937

155th St 8th Ave

332 W 125th St

.69th Masquerade and Civic Ball

St. Nicholas Palace

.Masquerade Party and Dance

Club Danceland

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

1938 .70th Masquerade and Civic Ball

by the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows

66th St Columbus Ave 332 W 125th St

Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace 155th St 8th Ave

1940 .Masquerade Ball

Amex Post Hall (unknown location)

121 1950 .Annual Fun Maker Ball

Manhattan Casino Rockland Palace

.Halloween Masquerade Ball

Club Baron

.Masquerade Ball

155th St 8th Ave

437 Lenox Ave

Club 82 82 E 4th St

1950 .Masquerade Ball

303 W 123rd St

1955 .11th Annual Masquerade Ball

Astoria Hotel 301 Park Ave

1961 .Mardi Gras Ball

St. Albanus Terrace (unknown location)

1968 .Masquerade Ball 1974 .Masquerade Ball

Linden Manor Ballroom (unknown location)

Bellrose Ballroom

1391 BedfordAve (Brooklyn)

LIST OF FIGURES

122

123

Fig. 1 | 3 - 19 | 39 | 40 | 44 | 49 | 51 | 53 | 55 | 56 | 60 | 62 | 64 | 69 | 71 Paris Is Burning (1991) Directed by Livingston, J. [Video] New York: Off White.

Fig. 2 The Queer King (2019) June 13th: Paris Is Burning. Medium [Online] [Accessed on 29th April 2020] https://medium.com/@alexmj.martinez/june-13th-paris-is-burning-15fc179464e

Fig. 20 (n.d.) (1932) 'Hamilton Lodge Ball Draws 7000'. New York Amsterdam News. 2nd March. p. 2. Fig. 21 | 22 | 29 - 33 | 35 - 38 | 41 | 70 Author's own maps

Fig. 23 Harlem World Magazine (2014) The Rockland Palace Dance Hall, Harlem NY 1920 [Online] [Accessed on 29th April 2020] https://www.harlemworldmagazine.com/the-rockland-palace-dance-hall-harlem

Fig. 24 NYC LGBT Historic Sites Project (2017) Webster Hall & Annex [Online] [Accessed on 29th April 2020] https://www.nyclgbtsites.org/site/webster-hall-annex/

124

Fig. 25 | 28 Lykes, J. (n.d.) Hamilton Lodge Ball. Queer Music Heritage [Online] [Accessed on 25th February 2020] https://www.queermusicheritage.com/nov2014hamilton.html

Fig. 26 (n.d.) (1929) 'Hamilton Lodge Ball Draws 5000'. New York Amsterdam News. 20th February. p. 2. Fig. 27 (n.d.) (1930) 'Mere Male Blossoms Out In Garb Of Milady at Big Hamilton Lodge Ball'. New York Amsterdam News. 19th February. p. 3. Fig. 34 The Queen (1968) Directed by Simon F. [Video] New York: Grove Press.

Fig. 42 McLaren, M. (1989) Deep in Vogue music video [Online] [Accessed on 8th April 2020] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Og3Px_7pL6I

Fig. 43 Madonna (1990) Vogue music video [Online] [Accessed on 8th April 2020] https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=GuJQSAiODqI

125

Fig. 45 | 46 Bailey, M.(2013) Butch Queens Up in Pumps: Gender, Performance and Ball Room Culture in Detroit, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press.

Fig. 47 | 48 | 50 | 52 | 54 | 57 | 59 | 61 | 63 | 65 - 68 Author's own diagrammatic floor plans.

Fig. 58 Author's own redrawing of Marlon M. Bailey floor plan from: Bailey, M.(2013) Butch Queens Up in Pumps: Gender, Performance and Ball Room Culture in Detroit, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, p. 148.

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126

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