After decades, there is something tangible for the peoples that inhabit Pakistan to believe in
Getting past the finish line of a 65year old struggle for provincial autonomy
Sunday, 10 July, 2011
Pakistan’s
Devolution Revolution By Hashim bin Rashid “We have done our job and now the provinces have to protect the devolution and their autonomy” Senator Raza Rabbani, Head, 18th Amendment implementation committee
The idea of provincial autonomy remained integral to the early Pakistan movement – with the consent of provinces, especially Bengal, won for the Lahore Resolution of 1940 by clearly articulating a demand for the creation of ‘autonomous states.’ The departure from this, and the struggle for provincial autonomy, began when Jinnah reversed the move on 7 April 1946 in Dehli. The word ‘states’ was replaced by ‘state’ to the opposition of Bengali representatives – and the struggle of the provinces and indigenous ethnicities against the ethos of the new Pakistaniat and the Pakistan State began. It is important to remember this: the struggle for provincial autonomy began before partition. Sindh, NWFP, Balochistan and Bengal had raised their concerns on the progress towards a Federal State before its creation. Hyder Bux Jatoi (Sindh), Bacha Khan (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Ghaus Bux Bizenjo (Balochistan) had spoken out. Each became the founding father of the movement for provincial rights in their provinces. That Punjab did not produce a name of such worth reflected its own position at the centre. The Punjab dominated at the expense of four other provinces under the constitutional disguise of Federalism and the rhetorical logic of ‘preserving the State’. It was the ‘One Unit’ that brought about the independence of Bangladesh and stemmed provincial autonomy movements in Sindh, NWFP and
The federation has another chance
The 18th Amendment not a miracle pill
There is a fundamental flaw within debate on the subject. Almost across the board, the question asked in national discourse has been: are the provinces up for it? Those who believe it is within their right to speak for their imagined nation have said: “The provinces now have their chance. Let us see if they succeed.” Hoping to themselves that the provinces fail. It is in fact the reverse. The provinces have been kind. In reality: the federation has been given another chance. And thankfully it has followed suit, despite attempts to disrupt, dislocate and even shelve the transfer process. A federation that began dismissing provincial assemblies in 1948 (NWFP by Governor General Jinnah) and sending armed forces in to keep the federation ‘together’ (Balochistan 1948) and asking them to culturally give up themselves (Dhaka 1948) has been given another chance. Only two of the three nodes of grievance have been redressed. One, the president gave up the right to dismiss provincial assemblies. Two, curriculum – and thus cultural control – was devolved. But the withdrawal of the armed forces is yet to come. Armed forces run the roost in Balochistan, are planning an offensive in Kurram Agency and remain the standing sentinels that defend Karachi (despite the brutal killing of an unarmed youth). And even now there are still those who continue to argue that curriculum must remain national for national identity to be unified. This is in the face of 65 years of the failure to create a unified national identity and the failure of the created national identity to produce social harmony (the Islamist rise is sharper where state-backed education is able to de-root children from their ethnic culture). It is time for them to step back and let provinces develop their own curriculum. It is time for the resources of provinces to be left to themselves. The promise of provincial autonomy made within
Provincial autonomy was a promise some claim was made in the 1973 Constitution. Others, including Hasil Bizenjo, in a recent meeting with this writer, say it was only a verbal commitment by Bhutto. However it may be, and Bhutto did not have a great track record on provincial rights, having dissolved the NAP (National Awami Party) government in Balochistan and sending troops there later, the abolition of the Concurrent List became impossible during a 30year period of overt and covert military rule (and interference). The PPP government of 2007-11, however much it may be deemed to have failed, has delivered crucially where it was most needed. It has steered the 18th Amendment to its conclusion. Those unwilling to accept the power of democratic governments must now come to terms with the fundamental change in ‘governmentality’ brought about under the PPP. “But all will not be rectified, will it?,” ask skeptics. “Of course,” should be the response of those who favour. The problems that manifest the Pakistani state are deeper. Let us take Balochistan as example. Balochistan is not an issue that any 18th amendment will be able to rectify on its own. The wounds inflicted by the Pakistani state are too deep. Deep and untended to they are now rotten and puss is flowing. A constitutional amendment and a token ‘hand-over’ shall not do. The continued predominance of the military and continuation of extrajudicial killings does not bear well. The continued instance of the federation to be re-leased the Saindak mines and maintain control of the Chamalang coal mines is another hurdle. The Baloch road is longer and more tedious for the centre. And at the moment it has not thought about it beyond its lust for Baloch resources. Let us remember that the 18th Amendment is not a miracle pill. Its implementation is. And that is a struggle that requires all our strength and effort. After decades, there is something tangible for the peoples that inhabit Pakistan to believe in. That faith must be rewarded.
Illustrated & Designed by Javeria Mirza
A two-year or a 65-year old struggle?
the Lahore Resolution has been negated in the 64 year history of the Pakistani State. It is time to redress it.
6 Notes on LGBT discourse in Pakistan 8 Charles Masson was here
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nd it came and it appeared no one had noticed… Such is the middle class’ lack of memory that the 18th Amendment feels like it has yet to register. What has been termed a ‘silent revolution’ has come and the provinces now attempt to get ready. The federal cabinet approved the devolution of the last seven ministries from the 17 ministries to be devolved under the third and final phase of the 18th Amendment’s devolution process. The promise of abolishing the Concurrent List was fulfilled. July 1 – signaled a new era. The celebrations on July 1 were three-way: one, to remember the undoing of the notorious ‘One Unit’; two, to mark the undoing of the concurrent list; three, to mark the move to provincial autonomy.
Balochistan. The 18th Amendment’s implementation is only a first step towards rectifying provincial alienation.
Punjab: Of fodder and cow The Punjab governmentt is crying out at the centre’s retention of key powers and revenue units
the review
By Umair Aziz
(Health),
the
“The Punjab government will provide the fodder, while the federal government milks the cow” Senator Pervaiz Rasheed Punjab government spokesperson
“T
he Punjab government will provide the fodder, w h i l e the federal government milks the cow,” is how the Punjab government’s spokesperson Senator Pervaiz Rasheed summed up the devolution of federal ministries to provinces under the 18th constitutional amendment. His tirade is a reference to finances, important institutions, billions of rupees worth of assets and powers still retained by the Centre despite the devolution of the federal ministries concerned.
Incomplete devolution Under the 18th amendment, 46 subjects of 17 ministries have been devolved to provinces, while the seven ministries handed over in the third and final phase of devolution are Health, Environment, Sports, Women Development, Minority Affairs, Food and Agriculture and the Ministry of Labour and Manpower. However, despite the completion of the devolution process, the federal government has retained Sheikh Zayed Hospital, Sheikh Fatima Institute of Nursing and Drugs Regulation Act
Pakistan Cricket B o a r d (Sports), t h e Evacuee Property Trust Board (Minority A f f a i r s ) , PASSCO and agricultural research (Food &
the matter in the cabinet (with Q-Leaguers on it) instead of the Council of Common Interests (CCI), attended by all chief ministers to settle any outstanding issues among the provinces and the Centre. It appears that the somewhat belligerent senator was moved by the same when he blamed the federal government for “killing” the spirit of the 18th amendment the very day Information Minister Firdous Ashiq Awan w a s
elucidating the boons of a “historic” devolution to journalists in Lahore. A senior Punjab bureaucrat shed light on the matter saying the constitution only mentions federal and provincial subjects and not ministries, terming Punjab’s grievances were “about not being consulted”.
The bones of contention
Agriculture) and Employees Old Age Benefit Institution and Workers Welfare Fund (Labour). The EOBI and WWF alone have a combined financial outlay to the tune of Rs 80 billion, which, along with other assets and institutions, the Punjab govt demands be distributed among the provinces as per the “spirit of the 18th amendment.”
Not consulted However, the sentiment is rooted in the provincial regime’s “displeasure” over the federal government handling
The Punjab govt wants the federal government to allow provinces to take up outstanding issues to the CCI. It also wants the federation to hand over all provincial subjects, such as, hospitals (being a health subject) to provinces without delay. However, the Punjab govt also needs to understand is there is no harm if the Centre retains certain powers and institutions to maintain a national spirit. The PCB appears a clear case. If devolved a thriving national support shall become an Independence Day saga on national television with the need for ethnic quotas. A similar case
is drugs regulation which, if devolved, shall lead to further complications and a decline in standards. Interestingly, Punjab was the only province in the Inter-provincial Coordination Committee’s first meeting to say no to the devolution of the Drug Regulation Act. However, it took a somersault m o v e when a
summary was sent to the governor (which he refused) to adopt provincial drug regulations. The move was termed another attempt to be at loggerheads with a “stubborn” Centre at all costs.
Focus on capacity building The architects of the provincial administration should instead be focused on capacity building to efficient handle devolved subjects devolved and transferred powers. The recent Monsoon in the provincial metropolis, for example, laid bare the government apparatus and its inability to manage rainwater at its lowest tier. The accumulation of state power, be it at the Centre or the province, is not advisable in times like these when the need is to develop service delivery systems. The federation has taken the initiative by handing over important subjects to the provinces, which have begun to stretch out their necks without planning for resolving peoples’ issues. Taking up outstanding issues in the CCI might be a genuine demand, but the provincial regime should never forget that high Monsoon rains are expected again, and it shall take a lot more than gracing the CCI to prevent flooding.
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa: Optimizing local resources amidst hopes of peace A limited resource base and an uncertain security situation means KP faces a long struggle
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midst a limited resources and a worrying security situation, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) government has set about to optimize the function of the 17 devolved ministries in accordance with the 18th amendment. While devolution offers hope, it puts more pressure on the provincial leadership too.
Sunday, 10 July, 2011
Ministries with meager resources
Illustrated by Mahwish Ahmed
02 - 03
By Shamim Shahid
The KP government is set to add 35,000 employees to its resource base. In the NFC award, the federal government promised to pay the salaries of these additional employees for three years. After this period expires, the provincial government shall have to take care of their salaries. Almost 70 percent of the current KP budget is used to pay the salaries and pensions of government employees. The present government has planned to add a further 35,000 employees on its payroll during its five year tenure. In contrast, the assets of the devolved ministries seem meager. The Tourism Development Corporation, museums and education department being the anonymities, all remaining ministries and departments operate from rented buildings. The devolved ministries are service providers and not productions – and therefore revenue generation remains a question yet to be answered. However, the KP government considers the hand over a significant achievement.
Uniquely disadvantaged KP, however, is uniquely disadvantaged. Industry in KP is negligible. Its geography also disadvantages it from the potentials of commercial agriculture. In such a situation, the never-ending militancy has produced an industrial and economic crisis. Statistics reveal that industrial labour decreased from 53,000 to 25,000 in 2011 in a span of three years. The KP economy remains based upon trade and transportation. Pak-Afghan transit trade has become the major economic activity in KP and its adjoining tribal regions but frequent attacks on supplies to the US and NATO forces have deprived the province and FATA from reaping these potentials. In 2011, 40 percent of Afghan transit goods were supplied through Central Asia and 60 percent through Pakistan. In the future the US wants to increase Central Asia’s share to 70 percent. KP thus faces the loss of a major income resource. From 1965 till 2009, the entire Af-Pak transit trade was carried through Pakistan.
A turn to local resources The KP government has been forced to turn its attention towards local resources. KP promises rich hydroelectric and mineral potentials. The KP government has therefore turned to prioritise the construction of small dams and agro-mineral-based industrial units. The KP government currently runs three dams that
generate 100 MWs of electricity. The KP govt plans to construct 12 more dams and increase power generation to 44,000 MVs. Three dams are already in progress and the feasibility reports of the remaining are likely to be completed within a few months. The government has offered the construction and running of new dams on a BOT (build and operate) basis. KP Chief Minister Amir Haider Khan Hoti has announced a policy to generate electricity from KPs dam to power the industrial sector. Apart from its hydel resource base, the KP government has also turned to its oil, gas and mineral resources. The current revenue from oil and gas is Rs 15 billion and the government hopes to increase it. Earlier, oil and gas waste was being shifted to Lahore to manufacture plastic items. The current KP government has decided to establish plastic industries alongside the oil and gas plants in the Karak and Hangu regions.
The terrorism nemesis While the KP govt is ready to address the problems which have hampered the industrial sector and KP’s economy but the militancy appears the biggest hurdle. A return to peace is the KP govts top priority. KP Chief Minister Amir Haider Khan Hoti stressed on the implementation of the 3D-formula. The provincial government continues to offer the militants the dialogue table, no end to the militancy appears in sight.
Balochistan: An insufficient concession Baloch political forces make it clear that ‘appeasement’ won’t work without the end of the military operation in the province By Shahzada Zulfiqar
“The devolution process under the 18th amendment empowering the provinces may be a good start, but is it relevant in Balochistan’s context where a military operation is in full swing? Armed forces personnel and intelligence agencies are involved in the genocide of the Baloch people through their ‘kill and dump’ policy.” Agha Hassan Baloch BNP(M) central information secretary
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espite empowering the provinces to have control over their resources under 18th amendment by abolishing the concurrent list, Baloch nationalist forces have declared the initiative insufficient posting demands ranging from maximum autonomy to the right of self-determination to complete independence. The devolution of 17 departments promises mineral rich Balochistan control over its minerals and its 1129 kilometre long coast line.
Mere ‘appeasement’ While nationalist forces have long struggled for provincial autonomy – and the transfer of all subjects except defense, foreign affairs and finance – but political forces except the National Party and Pashtooonkawa Milli Awami Party have maintained their silence on the subject. With emotions in the provinces population running high against a Punjab-dominated
Islamabad, mere constitutional measures could hardly be expected to work. Baloch political forces have therefore declared the measure as ‘appeasement.’ Baloch nationalists still remember when the Balochistan National Alliance government (1989-1990) headed by slain Baloch nationalist Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti demanded provincial autonomy, the centre took it as a demand for independence and the provincial govt was declared traitors. When Baloch nationalists attempted to enter parliamentary politics, in 1970 and the 1988 general elections, they were sabotaged by the centre. Therefore, Baloch political forces ask for more. The National Party (NP), a pro-parliament and liberal Baloch nationalist group, demands no less than maximum autonomy. The Balochistan National Party (BNP) headed by former chief minister Sardar Akhtar Mengal asks for the right of self determination. Other Baloch political forces support the struggle of the ‘Sarmachars’ (freedom fighters) fighting from the mountains and accuse both the NP and BNP of serving Islamabad’s interests by taking a weak stand on the Baloch issue. On the other hand, the Balochistan National Party (Awami) and Awami National Party have wholeheartedly welcomed the PPP’s efforts for empowering the provinces. However, the provincial govt did not arrange any function to celebrate July 1 as “Provincial Autonomy Day” despite the federal initiative.
Struggle for full control Initiated in 2000, the fourth phase of the Baloch struggle, Baloch parliamentary parties began to demand full control of natural resources and the coastline. When the demand was met with a military operation, political forces began
to side with separatist groups. Even late Nawab Akbar Bugti, regarded as pro-establishment throughout his life, became part of the armed struggle and paid with his death. Current Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Mohammad Aslam Raisani leading a sevenparty ruling coalition as parliamentary leader of Pakistan People Party is a nationalist at heart. He demands the maximum provincial autonomy envisaged in the 1940 Lahore resolution which has continued to annoy the PPP’s central leadership. CM Raisani has been asked by both PPP high ups and the military top brass to maintain silence on the 1940 Lahore resolution.
Threatened by ‘kill and dump’ policy “The devolution process under the 18th amendment empowering the provinces may be a good start, but is it relevant in Balochistan’s context where military operation is in full swing? Armed forces personnel and intelligence agencies are involved in the genocide of the Baloch people through the ‘kill-and-dump’ policy (killing Baloch youth and dumping their dead bodies in streets and desolate places),” says BNP(M) central information secretary Agha Hassan Baloch. Both groups of the Jamhoori Watan Party have declared devolution a fruitless exercise without an end to the on-going military operation, the end of the ‘kill-and-dump’ policy and the resolution of the missing persons’ issue. The Voice for Baloch Missing Persons produces a list of 1100 missing persons while political forces claim over 12,000 are missing. However, the Federal govt only admits 48 missing persons. In the same period, the bodies of 164 Baloch youth whisked away and killed by intelligence agency personnel have been found.
Issues of capacityzz While devolution has happened, Balochistan is also marred by issues of capacity and vision. No monitoring cell to check the progress of devolution exists. Only an Inter-Provincial Coordination ministry headed by a 21 grade officer has so far looked after the process. In the case of Balochistan, a total of 551 sanctioned posts in the 18 devolved departments exist out of which 378 are filled while rest remain vacant. The Balochistan govt deems these departments as liabilities since it is without the financial capacity to fund them. Department employees are considered on deputation till their fate is decided. The CM has demanded federal finance for initiatives like National Commission for Human Development (NCHD) but it is no where to be found. A Balochistan govt official revealed, “Most govt assets are located in Sindh and Punjab while there is nothing in Balochistan to be considered an asset. What should one term the employees, rented properties and old vehicles: a liability or an asset?” Such is the depth of the skepticism within Balochistan where opinion is that the federal govt has never let provincial capacity to develop. CM Raisani has said that all four provinces are unanimous in the view that the federal government should continue to provide finance for the devolved departments till the next National Finance Commission Award is announced. However, the Balochistan govt stands for division of assets in terms of cash after evaluating the movable and immovable assets of devolved departments, which are mostly located in Karachi and Lahore. Devolution may have formally happen – but belief in Balochistan is wearing thin.
Sindh: On the wrong footing? Amidst bureaucratic wrangling and poor governance, the Sindh government ‘welcomes’ devolution on the wrong footing By Ahmed Yusuf
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t is not a mere coincidence that devolution has been warmly received in Sindh, President Asif Ali Zardari’s home province and the PPP’s primary support base. The province with a notso-inconsequential nationalist and separatist movement, a pervasive sentiment has long existed that Sindh needs to evaluate the terms of the relationship between “Pakistan” and itself. With devolution, however, the PPP has been able to dampen separatist aspirations and usher in an era of structural transformation in federalprovincial relations. But while the PPP takes deserved credit, a combination of bureaucratic wrangling and not-so-good governance have put the Sindh government on the wrong footing to embrace devolution fully. Before understanding the dynamics of the devolution process in Sindh, it is worth revisiting divisions in political thought in Sindh. The PPP’s foundations are premised on the concept of one federation, acting upon which it has empowered provinces. Most PPP-affiliated Sindhi leaders argue that “Pakistan” is a necessity since the people of the four provinces are bound together not only due to familial relationships but economic interdependence. The ANP follows the same ideology. The MQM, who flirted with Sindhi nationalism during its anti-establishment days, also eventually settled on the politics of
one federation. Nationalist parties such as the Jiyay Sindh Qaumi Mahaaz argue for a separate homeland altogether, citing that their ideologue GM Syed. Other nationalist groups debunk GM Syed and prefer complete provincial autonomy.
Exploited by the Centre What binds all parties and groups in Sindh, however, is the perception of having been exploited at the hands of the Centre and Punjab. The argument that Karachi provides over 70 percent of revenue but Sindh does not get commensurate returns is an old one but continues to be touted; Sindh Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah recently put the returns figure at 23 percent, attributing the loss to the population formula in the NFC Award’s calculation. Similar claim are made on the distribution of natural resources. The NFC Award addressed some grievances with its emphasis being on redressing the structural imbalance in financial flows. In terms of vertical distribution, for example, provincial shares increased from 48.75 percent to 56 percent in the first year, and from then on, to 57.5 percent. The NFC Award major concession was that general sales tax (GST) on services would be collected by provinces. The Federal government estimated that provinces would gain upto Rs 30 billion through the decision, and Sindh’s authorities have set a target of receiving Rs 25 billion under this head in 2011-2012. The Sindh Revenue Board has been set up for the purpose of collecting taxes and started function on July 1. The provincial government expects to receive
over Rs 15 billion from the telecommunications sector alone. While previously, the federal government racked up a significant wage bill for bureaucrats and the armed forces, the responsibility of regularising and maintaining staff has now shifted to provinces. The provincial government has already passed the Sindh Civil Services (Regularization of Absorption) Bill-2011, providing legal cover to employees absorbed from different federal departments. It is because of such steps that Sindh remains the only province willing to keep on board employees of the National Commission for Human Development even though the Federal government and other provinces were not particularly keen on doing so. Similarly, planning for Sindh’s higher education commission was also in its advanced stages before the Federal government decided on delaying HEC’s devolution.
Funds for existing projects The hindrances to devolution are not from Sindh’s side. Raza Rabbani handed the baton of the fight for adequate funding for projects already initiated by the Federal government to the provincial governments after failing in his haggling with Federal government bureaucrats. For Sindh, seeking funds for projects previously run by the Federal government is especially crucial: the provincial government is already squeezed in financial terms since its resources and reserves have been directed towards rehabilitating and reconstructing entire districts wrecked by the 2010’s floods.
Most projects in question pertain to human development: initiated by the Federal government under the Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP), but with devolution, the schemes were transferred and provincial governments were asked to fund the projects themselves. This has irked the Sindh government, since at an earlier meeting of the Council of Common Interest (CCI) –chaired by Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani and attended by all four provincial chief ministers – the Federal government had committed to provide funds till the development schemes of the devolved ministries reached completion.
Reluctant to absorb employees Due to the Federal bureaucracy taking such decisions, Sindh is now reluctant to absorb all Federal employees in the devolved ministries. The breech of trust from the Centre means that provinces are not assured of funds to provide salaries to government officials, and Sindh itself shall be unable to free up enough resources to pay the transferred officials. Impediments from the Federal bureaucracy aside, what the Sindh government has been unable to match steps taken in terms of formulation of laws and institutions to smoothen the transfer of power and accommodation of officials. Although devolution, in theory, provides the starting point for a structural transformation, implementation depends on the practice of politically-based appointment being abandoned. As with other provinces and areas, this remains a challenge in Sindh.
What went wrong in Afghanistan?
It’s an attempt to assess the political dynamics of Afghanistan from the rise of the Taliban through the war against terror to the installation of the Karzai regime
the review
By Basharat Hussain Qizilbash
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fghanistan may be a barren, desolate and poverty ridden land for many but in the eyes of the NATO commanders, who huddled together at the annual Summit in Riga, Latvia, in 2006, this insignificant country would be of great significance because the security of the world and the surrounding regions in the 21st century would depend on how this troubling state is rebuilt, made secure and stabilized. Dr Rasul Bakhsh Rais’ book ‘Recovering the frontier state’ tries to assess the political dynamics of Afghanistan from the rise of the Taliban through the war against terror to the installation of the Karzai regime. The above stated statement of the NATO commanders clearly shows that the US and the West have long term interests in Afghanistan. What are these interests, can be anybody’s guess? Ranging from the news of ‘discovery’ of vital minerals in Afghanistan to the laying down of pipelines to sell the oil and gas of Central Asian republics, the US presence would enable her to manipulate the situations in China and Iran to her advantage if and when she desires. When did Afghanistan become a key in American strategy, we do
not know for sure? Was this strategy formulated in pre or post- Soviet invasion of Afghanistan days, we need access to the archival material lying in the record rooms of Pentagon and the State Department to comment upon, however, circumstantial evidence suggests that the ground was leveled for US influence in Afghanistan after the Soviet attack notwithstanding the unsubstantiated assertion that it was the US that sucked Russians into Afghanistan. The Americans attacked Afghanistan on the pretext to clean the place of the Muslim militants threatening global security but then why did the US radicalize the Muslims throughout the Islamic world in the first place to wage ‘jehad’ against the Soviets? Not only this, the US actually facilitated the flocking of the Muslim militants in Afghanistan and gave them a free hand for years to turn into battle hardened warriors. Did the Americans experts and analysts manning the policy departments and scores of the think tanks fail to gauge the future potential of such Islamic radicalization or the things actually developed the way they wanted them to develop in Afghanistan? There are definitely some ‘sages’ in the US, who should be made responsible for initiating and fanning the fires of religious militancy among the Muslims. Were the US policy makers so blinded in their hatred of the Russian commies that they totally neglected the possibility that these
radical guerilla fighters could turn their guns against their Western masters or could wreak havoc in their home countries once the ‘jihad’ against communism would be over? Equally intriguing is the fact that during the ‘Afghan jihad’, the militants never declared the Americans as their next enemy. Throughout the Cold War, with the exception of a few proSoviet states such as Syria and Libya, the Muslim world in general, stood by the US and the Western world. Religious militancy never became an issue between
Recovering the frontier state (war, ethnicity and state in Afghanistan) By Rasul Bakhsh Rais Published by Oxford University Press, Karachi Pages: 237 Price: Rs 695/-
The Quaid’s vision of Pakistan
Written by a political activist, the book tries to find the answer to a question most critical: what was the Q
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Sunday, 10 July, 2011
By Syed Afsar Sajid ayyum Nizami, the author of Quaid-e-Azam Bahasiyat Governor General is a well known political figure. He is one of the senior-most members of the Pakistan Peoples Party who had to go through rigorous trials and tribulations during Gen. Zia-ul-Haq’s Martial Law regime. He served as a minister of state in Premier Mir Balakh Sher Mazari’s interim government (1993). He is also a popular newspaper column writer. The present book carries an account of the characters and events relating to Quaid-e-Azam’s tenure as the first governor general of Pakistan. The author is of the view that today’s Pakistan does not come up to the ideal conceived for it by its creator. He has therefore attempted to find an answer to the question as to what was actually the Quaid’s vision of Pakistan. The topics broached by the author in this book give an exhaustive overview of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s profile, struggle and achievements narrated and analyzed with necessary facts and figures in the sixteen sections of the book. In the opening chapter
biographical data is interspersed with some interesting anecdotes bearing upon the Quaid’s personal qualities and conduct. Jinnah viewed character, courage, hard work and perseverance as the cornerstone of human life. The word ‘failure’ was unknown to him. Renowned jurist M.C. Chagla commenting on Jinnah’s legal acumen remarked, “His presentation of a case was a piece of art.” On the two-nation theory, Jinnah wrote to Gandhi: “We maintain that Muslims and Hindus are two major nations by any definition or test as a nation. We are a nation of a hundred million, and what is more, we are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral codes, customs and calendar, history and traditions, aptitudes and ambitions.” Quaid-e-Azam’s political career spanned three distinct phases: one, a staunch nationalist freedom fighter and Congress leader; two, an ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity and a common leader of the Congress and Muslim League, and three, a devout advocate of a separate Muslim state in India and an undisputed Quaid-e-Azam of the Muslim League who founded Pakistan and acted as its first Governor General. The charisma of his leadership lay in his indomitable self-confidence and firm political conviction. The author has in passing (without making an objective probe into the matter) referred to the resignation
of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan in December 1947 in the wake of an incipient friction between Miss Fatima Jinnah and Begum Ra’ana Liaquat that was turned down by the Quaid. He has also cited Sharifuddin Pirzada to imply that Quaid-e-Azam was not happy with Liaquat Ali Khan, which was the reason why he was indifferently treated by the latter on his arrival by air at the Karachi airport from Ziarat, in a state of serious illness. Quaid-e-Azam’s air journey from Delhi to Karachi on August 7, 1947 as Governor General-designate of Pakistan was a historic occasion. A long-cherished dream was coming true thanks to his ceaseless efforts backed by his singular qualities of head and heart. The writer has also dilated upon the ‘myth’ of a common governor general for India and Pakistan and rightly concluded that it was in the fitness of things that a personage as strong, popular and foresighted as the Quaide-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah should have been the governor general of the newly born state to lend it a measure of self-sustenance and viability in the face of multitudinous looming crises. The Time magazine’s comments in its issue dated September 13, 1948 would amply justify this view: “No succeeding Governor General can quite fill his place, as the ‘Father of the Nation’ his prerogatives were enlarged by popular acclaim far beyond of limits laid down in the constitution.” Quaid-e-Azam’s first address to the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947, after his unanimous election as its president, was historic
as it contained the guidelines of governance, based on the golden principles of Islam, for the new polity. According to him the government of Pakistan would be ‘a popular representative and democratic form of government and its parliament and cabinet responsible to the parliament will both be finally responsible to the electorate and the people in general without any distinction of caste, creed or sect which will be final deciding factor with regard to the policy and programme of the government that may be adopted from time to time’. In the subsequent chapters of the book the author relates the various decisions and measures taken in the making or building of the new state. The subjects touched are administration, public servants, use of the public exchequer, framing of the constitution and allied issues, rule of law, parliamentary democracy, relations between the centre and provinces, education, economy and industry, position of women, minorities, foreign policy with special reference to the United States, Palestine and the Islamic world, Iran, Afghanistan, India, Russia and Great Britain, the armed forces and Quaid’s person and character. In the last chapter of the book, the writer has concluded that our deviation from the teachings of the Quaid has led us into the present morass. The chronology of Quaide-Azam’s biography together with excerpts from his speeches and some rare photographs appended to the book serve to enhance its documentary value.
the two, as communism was considered as the common enemy but with the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Islamist groups and the countries supporting them were projected as the ‘new enemies’ of the future in the discourse of the American scholars and the security experts. And as Afghanistan had become the hub of militants involved in terror acts around the globe under the alQaeda leadership therefore it had to be invaded. The militant guerillas had become a threat to regional and international peace and security. US, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia share the responsibility because none of them realized what these battle-hardened militants would do once the Russians withdrew and where would these militants go once the ‘mission was accomplished’ in Afghanistan. It was the short sightedness of the Americans that they failed to realize the potential of the militants and left Afghanistan without a durable and stable power arrangement. This resulted in a civil war among different Afghan factions, which were armed to the teeth and religiously radicalized. The growing chaos sucked in the neighboring states of Pakistan, Iran, Russia and Tajikistan, each of them jockeying its favourite warlord for strategic gains. Pakistan desired an Afghan government that would not raise the issue of borders in its north-west and would deny influence to its regional rivals. The Pakistani policy makers looked at Afghanistan solely through the prism of security: as a country that could provide her strategic depth in times of geo-strategic crises.
In other words, Afghanistan had to be just a political pawn in the hands of the foreign powers, and that continues till today. There is another possibility yet unexplored whereby Afghanistan can remain friendly with us over long term. And that is a peaceful Afghanistan, whose economy and trade routes are geographically so integrated with Pakistani market that the Afghans would have no choice but to stay friendly with Pakistan irrespective of the fact whether a friendly or an unfriendly faction ruled the country. For example, according to one estimate, the volume of informal trade between the two countries stands at $3 billion per year. The US policy after its occupation of Afghanistan has suffered from many faults. Its primary objective has been to subdue the Taliban yet it has failed, in all these years, to dry up the chief financial source of the Taliban to procure weapons: the drug production. Ironically, it is under the US watch that Afghanistan emerged as the largest producer of raw opium in the world. In addition, in 2006, Afghanistan produced 90 percent of world’s heroin, 70 percent of which ended up in the streets of the West. The same year, the worth of the Afghan opium economy was estimated to be $3.1 billion which constituted 32 percent of the entire economy and involved 12.6 percent of the country’s population. With so much money available to the Taliban, the resistance against the Americans can continue for an indefinite period. (The writer is an academic and journalist. He can be reached at qizilbash2000@yahoo.com)
Quaid’s vision of Pakistan?
VOICES
Desert spring Devoted to Yemeni, Tunisian and Libyan literature, Banipal presents the hopes and aspirations of the Arabic-speaking peoples in modern times By A.J. Thomas
S
pring is just over in the great patch of desert that stretches westward from Oman in the Persian Gulf region to Morocco and beyond, reaching to the Atlantic coast of Africa. Figuratively too, a season of the flowering of the liberal democratic aspirations of the Arabs and North Africans in this Arabicspeaking swathe of land, has come about since end-2010. Protest movements against the ruling class that began in Tunisia and then spread to Egypt, saw the long-reigning despotic rulers of both countries depart. The bloodless nature of the protests earned it the nickname “Jasmine Revolution”. However, the bloodshed that has characterised the Libyan protests that began on February 15, 2011, during the initial week of which regime troops massacred unarmed protesters who had then to take to arms, led me to name it the “Red Hibiscus Revolution” in a recent essay. The pro-democracy protests that began in Yemen almost along with the Tunisian one, form a close second behind Libya in terms of bloodshed, followed by the Bahrainian and the Syrian ones in which several hundreds have been killed by security forces. Countries like Oman, Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Algeria and others have been trying to stave off protests by actually bringing in, or promising, sweeping pro-democracy changes. All these together are known now as “Arab Spring.” How did this come about? The answer is, the common people were slowly becoming aware of their individual “selfhood” as modernity percolated down to their basic belief systems over the latter part of 20th century, topped off by the advent of the mobile phone and the internet here in the last decade, and social networking sites like Facebook, Twitter etc. However, Arabic literature that emerged from here has obviously played a lead, pioneering role much earlier on, holding a mirror to their “selves”, pushing them into a self-reflexive mood.
Special issues
Title: Quaid-e-Azam Bahasiyat Governor General Author: Qayyum Nizami Publisher: Jahangir Books, Ghazni Street, Urdu Bazar, Lahore Pages: 226; Price: Rs.425/-
Here, an interesting coincidence catches our attention. Almost presaging the revolutions in Yemen, Tunisia and Libya were the special issues of the magazine of modern Arabic literature in English translation, Banipal (named after the great Assyrian king Ashurbanipal, a great patron of the arts, who set up the first systematic, organised library in Nineveh) devoted to Yemeni, Tunisian and Libyan literature that came out over the last few months. Founded in 1998 in London by Margaret Obank, (who remained Publisher/Editor up to Issue No. 37, when Deputy Editor Samuel Shimon has been elevated as Editor) this magazine presents the hopes and aspirations of the Arabic-speaking peoples in modern times. Of course,
the coincidence is confined merely to the realm of chance here as the literature in English translation published in these issues had appeared in Arabic original much early on, except in the case of a few novels in progress, shortstories and poems. Maybe it was a portent. Issue No.36 dealing with Yemeni literature, carries about 50 poems, seven short stories and excerpts from six novels. Modern Tunisian Literature is the focus of Issue No.39. Along with special features like poems from the celebrated Syrian poet Adonis’s “Printer of the Planet’s Books” excerpted from his forthcoming book of poems, Adonis: Selected Poems, there are works of 12 poets, excerpts from five novels and short stories by six authors. A number of surveys and critical articles also adorn this issue. There are tributes to Tahe Wattar (1936-2010), and Farouk AbdelKader (1938-2010). Issue No.40 is focused on Libyan Fiction. There are eight novelists and ten short-story writers featured. The short story is acknowledged to be the dominant genre in Libyan literature. This issue also contains essays on the Libyan novel, short story and profiles on writers like Ahmed Fagih by Susannah Tarbush, Ali Mustafa alMusrati by Margaret Obank and one on translating Ibrahim Al-Koni, the celebrated Libyan novelist, by Elliott Colla. More than 30 translators contributed to these issues.
Women writers Another interesting aspect about these three issues is that, of the 103 writers presented, 26 are women, a percentage perhaps much higher than that found represented in any one literary publication or programme in India! A great many of these writers have either been directly or indirectly involved in the freedom movements in their respective countries; many have been jailed, exiled or gone on self-exile, (especially the Libyans). Hence it is only natural that their works exude the spirit of
freedom, and of rebellion against the oppressor and inspire the reader to dream of an egalitarian society. Samples are found in Yahya Taher Abdulla’s stories and excerpts from Habib Abdulrab Sarori’s novel in the Yemeni literature special, and in the Tunisian one, in the poems by Amina Said and Ines Abbasi (whom I had met in an international writers’ conference in Pohang, South Korea in May-June 2008). In the Libyan Literature special, apart from several short stories, excerpts from novels like Hisham Matar’s autobiographical novel Anatomy of a Disappearance, published in 2011, reveal the horrible crimes the Libyan regime commits against its own citizens like abductions, forced disappearances and mass murders of political activists in the prisons. This famous work describes the state of fear Libyans live in under the Gaddafi regime.
the review
Notes on LGBT discourse in Pakistan While there is space for LGBT (short for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender) discourse with historical Muslim cultures, Western cultural imperialism has not been a welcome entry
T
By Hashim bin Rashid his more than any other article I have written before requires that the audience for it is defined before one sat down to write it. It also requires that I define myself and the particular sense in which I am situated within these debates. The article has four audiences. First: those western intellectuals, activists and governments that wish to ‘help’ the LGBT community of Pakistan. Second: members (Englishspeaking only) of the LGBT community of Pakistan. Third: non-members of the LGBT community who support their cause. Four: those who find the idea of being LGBT repulsive to their faith and their notions of what it is to be human. All ideas articulated in this article are for all four – unless otherwise stated.The need to speak arising out of the genuine fear members of the LGBT community that I know have experienced after the US Embassy in Islamabad’s intervention, purportedly to ‘protect them.’ Never have I seen such fear come after a promise to protect from a superpower. Nor has such a non-story ever been played up as much.Within
Muslim cultural history
The first point shall be to run through my own story. Situate myself and to allow the reader to re-situate their understanding of a part of Muslim culture that may have been hidden from them, withheld or they may have otherwise ignored.I think we may best be served by choosing a reference urban bourgeoisie culture in Pakistan will identify with. Let’s work with a couplet from Iqbal’s Shikwa:
Bullah (with Shah Inayat) comes from a male possessing supreme spiritual depth. There are other Sufis that find that inspiration within an innocent youth. The influx of Muslims into the subcontinent itself gave credence to such. Ayaz, the fabled lover of Mahmud, has served as governor of Lahore. Babur, the first Mughal king, himself expresses his love for another male, Baburi, in the Baburnama.Thus – even late manifestations of subcontinental Muslim culture were able to integrate a more fluid understanding of masculinity.
A tryst with British cultural imperialism
And it is this that brings us to the second point I wish to make: the significant influence of earlier British imperialism (colonization, you may call it) in re-shaping the legal and cultural contours of being LGBT in the subcontinent. The effects of these shifts are integral to how the late hegemonic Muslimness has imagined masculinity and femininity. First, at the level of discourse, a run through of the British Gazetteers (and I do encourage you to read any) on the subcontinent reveals their discomfort with sub-continental sexuality. A prime concern remained, what the British would read, as gender fluidity. And it could not be digested under heavily Christian Victorian values. Thus, this translated into how the British employed power – and importantly how one could legitimately consider the clear, categorical distinctions between male and female that sub-continental urban spaces are intimate with, as being a product of the colonial period. Second, at the level of law, it was the British that introduced laws criminalizing being ‘LGBT’ (if the category could be read into history).
of fundamental values. One of the new values set up was the strict separation of male and female genders – a binary that did not know itself in history quite similarly. Thus we move to the third point: to turn to existing cultures within Pakistan that are open to the idea of being LGBT – and doing so while being ‘culturally located.’ Here, I must make a candid admission. History is the subject I am more comfortable with. Existing culture is a matrix that requires much careful study. The sense is however that Seraiki masculinity and masculinity with segments of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa operates on a different node. Within urban spaces, the fashion circle is also understood to operate with different understanding too. Again, these are not clear-cut derivations. But again it is important to realize these exist. What is also important is to realize that not all turns to queerness are healthy or voluntary. It is a question that a number of people have narrated from their experiences in same-sex boarding schools during the age of their puberty. A student, otherwise of the devout variety, suggested that it would be impossible for one to not have a queer encounter at a particular private boarding school and then he narrated his own story of frustration and desire. In so many ways, the imposed silence about questions about sexuality remains a key note for people of all persuasions reading this article must ask. Anyhow the boarding schools example may give those who condemn being LGBT more ammunition than I would like them to have. So, we must remind them of madrassahs and the repression around child molestation that prevails within them. Again, as a journalist, I have encountered an instance of a madrassah student backtracking on an expose because of fears that he shall be murdered by groups sent after him. Again, this is not to stereotype, but to demarcate areas where silence and jokes cover up for the lack of serious discourse.
Illustrated by Sana Ahmed
06 - 07
Sunday, 10 July 2011
A turn to social sciences and Bol
Aik hi saf mein kharay ho gaye Mehmood o Ayaz Na koi banda rha na koi banda nawaz [Mehmood and Ayaz stood in a single file Neither remained servant nor master] Iqbal chose to present them by isolating the historical metaphors attached to them. Iqbal chose the metaphor of master-slave becoming equals. What Iqbal conveniently ignored was that Mahmud and Ayaz, in the Sufi tradition, became the quintessential Muslim male lovers. The theme under which they were historically represented was love, not equality.The same sets of stories are translated across a number of narratives considered distinctively Muslim.Male love, as a means to intellectual and spiritual growth, has been integral to Sufi traditions in Persia, Arabia and the subcontinent. The fundamental rupture that produced both Rumi (with Tabrez) and
Being transgender was made a crime under the Indian Penal Code 1860. All hijras were added to the Criminal Tribes act and the legal requirement to try someone for being transgender was merely crossdressing. The consequences of this legal shift have, sociologically, not been fully traced out. But, in a recent research project I supervised, traces of the discourses of criminality affiliated with the transgender community (which also found themselves into the Supreme Court of Pakistan judgment granting them ‘third sex’ status) took formal roots within State practice. The trantsgender became the criminal. And so comes to be that Pakistan’s hijra community continues to suffer (uniquely) from police harassment.
Speaking from within culture
Third, at the level of Muslim discourse, it is in the colonial period that Muslims, accused of being morally and sexually lax, began to reinvent themselves and constitute a new set
And at this note about discourse, I turn to the fourth point of the article: to turn to discourses from within the social science to articulate a distinction between ‘gender’ and ‘sex’ – which if a step be taken back is very much common sense. It is clear that our understanding of gender comes from social mores. I was cultured into being a male – according to the culture that surrounds me. I accepted. Female culturalization operates similarly. There are specific disciplinary regimes that go into constructing one’s gender. The question to ask is: if gender was natural, why would anyone need to tell what being a male or being a female is? It is a powerful moment within Shoaib Mansoor’s Bol when the sister slaps her transgender ‘brother’, dressing up in female clothing in front of the mirror, and says, “Is this how men behave?,” in ignorance of the real biological sexuality of him. The question the movie is able to articulate is: how are we to deal with alternate biological sexualities? The question engaging in LGBT discourse makes you ask is
however a bit different. It is: how are we to deal with alternate social sexualities? I have my answer. But there is no point to imposing it here.
No to Western cultural imperialism
But it is important to make this articles fifth point: that the US declaration of support was not needed and should not be welcomed by LGBT activists. That is the only normative claim in the article that I stress upon. While homophobia seeps deep into the social contours of postcolonial Muslimness, the space for acceptance has been more than it has been in the traditional west. The need for violent LGBT struggles in the subcontinent has not been needed in the same way these were needed in the West. The liberal discourse in the West, the change in the stance of the Christian Papacy is the product of the particular sociomaterial conditions of the West – where persecution has known itself to be worse and more systematic than anywhere, or any period, within Muslim societies. Postcolonial Muslim perspectives, even if keeping queer identity a pedestal down on the social ladder, had not declared them worthy of persecution (doctrinally). The current declaration of exile of ‘all such individuals’ by Jama’at i Islami is in fact unique. And it is so due to the attempt by the new imperial power (US) to create a cultural hegemony over what it is to be queer. It would have been best for the US to stay out of matters in Pakistan. And it would be best if it learns before a systematic persecution of LGBT actually begins. As a concluding note, however, it must be said, that all that has been said above, promises nothing for the most systematically discriminated against queer community in Pakistan: the hijra (transgenders). Hope for them lies in the constitutional change and culturally located critiques such as Bol. Only through these, and not US cultural imperialism, shall they be able to be reintegrated into a social fabric they were so brutally de-rooted from by the last imperial cultural project. Let us hope that US cultural imperialism does not do more damage to the queer cause in this already fractured socio-polity we label Pakistan.
closing bell
Review
“that’s right, i’ve decided to give myself zero pay raise this year.”
GARFIELD
Aries
tAUrUs
gemini
Be sure to use this time to try to get your message across. Fine-tune the image that you want to present and then take the opportunity to promote yourself. For you it is the key to great success.
New opportunities would make this time interesting for you. People will be supportive of you but don’t start taking them for granted. Focus on doing what's right and try not to let your plans get too far ahead of you.
Soon you will have everything you need to start moving forward towards a better future. Take the time to prepare wisely now so that you won't have to make excuses for yourself later.
CAnCer
leo
virgo
This is not a good week for chasing new schemes or new business contracts. There are many openings ahead for job seekers. Patience pays off. Good days are ahead for elders.
This week money will come from unexpected source. Your plans go without any opposition. Working women should not become emotional. Avoid social function and take some rest in the mid week.
Business matters are under control. Social life is exciting. Tuesday is a good day for purchasing property. Be careful while traveling at night. Be tolerant of co-workers.
librA
sCorPio
sAgittAriUs
A very pleasant trip is ahead with family or relatives, it will give you energy. Interest in teamwork and social affairs will rise. Money making opportunities will knock. Co-workers cause some delays.
Do not jump into financial situations without examining all your options. A little caution can contribute to any long term success. A secret rendezvous is possible at the end of this week.
Avoid close relatives in pain to avoid any disturbances. Not a good week for meeting and discussions. Tackle small home repairs by yourself. Be careful in proceeding and don’t put savings at risk.
CAPriCorn
AQUAriUs
PisCes
Joining hands with creative people would put you in a strong position. You will be able to trust colleagues and work for a collective goal. You need not to be afraid of what you want.
Equip yourself with strong communication and inter-personal skills to brighten your chances of a rewarding career. Disappointment in love life as your one-sided infatuation does not materialize.
learn how to handle cash successfully. While impressing people remember to save for security as well. Be eager to leap into action and take centre stage. Learn to respect and care for your sweet heart.
cRoSSwoRD
SUDokU
By Sana
Across
DoWN
1. denounce 4. aim 8. offense 10. sudden enlightenment 12. present day 13. excavate 14. shout 15. vital 17. sonnet 18. bleat 22. prophecy 23. local language 27. knife 28. suspended 31. agitate 32. distasteful 35. jiggle 36. rant 37. stupid person 39. lease 40. noisy 41. label 43. time 44. howl 45. fleshy covering on bird 46. matted cotton 47. pungent 48. acronym. trademark
1. manage 2. decompose 3. quick 5. senseless
DILBERt
woRD SEARch
how to pLAy
BRIDGE
Fill in all the squares in the grid so that each row, column and each of the squares contains all the digits. the object is to insert the numbers in the boxes to satisfy only one condition: each row, column and 3x3 box must contain the digits 1 through 9 exactly once.
By Sana
Army Derives its strength From the PeoPle oF PAkistAn AnD is AnswerAble to them AnD their rePresentAtives in PArliAment sAys generAl kiyAni
Today’s soluTions
ASSESSInG thE BLAmE
6. conceit
WHITE TO PLAY AND MATE IN 2 MOVES
configuration overlay
8
16. battered 19. small insect
7
20. partly open 21. aggressive
6
22. exaggerate 24. on board
5
25. general idea 26. skeptic
4
29. coconut husk 30. halfway point
3
33. peril 34. country code for germany
2
37. unresolved 38. elsewhere
1
40. group 42. divine ruler 44. exclamation of triumph
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
chess solution
13. acronym. Device
1.Nh5 Qd7 2.Qg3
11 malarial fever
chESS
sudoku solution
9. type of grain
crossword solution
7. slaughter
Charles Masson was here
I
By Salman Rashid
n the autumn of 1826, Charles Masson, one of the more enigmatic travellers of his time, having passed through the Rajasthan desert arrived in the erstwhile State of Bahawalpur. Enigmatic he certainly was because under his pseudonym he traipsed around India pretending to be an American when, in reality, he was a deserter of the army of the East India Company. But he was a very gifted person: in fourteen years of travelling, from 1826 to 1840, in Sindh, Punjab, Balochistan and Afghanistan, Masson emerged as a man of great erudition. To this day he is acknowledged as one of the earliest, and ablest, numismatists and historians of this area. Time was when people read different meanings in his work. Many assumed he was a spy; perhaps for the Company itself, but ordinary readers have all along only enjoyed and benefited from his four-volume Narrative of Various Journeys. A quarter century ago when I first read Narrative, I undertook several short journeys in Masson’s footsteps to discover for myself the country he had known. One journey remained; and that was to Allahabad, in Masson’s time part of the State of Bahawalpur, now in Rahim Yar Khan district. Masson had arrived in Ahmedpur, today better known as Dera Nawab Sahib, where he was ‘entirely prostrated’ by an ‘intermittent fever.’ To compound that, the Nawab of Bahawalpur not being available for an audience, he could not get along with a minor court functionary. And so, despite his fever, leaving his meagre baggage behind, he set out for Allahabad ‘taking nothing but my sword.’ His narrative gives not even the shadow of an idea of what the purpose of this visit was. Such secrecy perhaps gave rise to the notion that Masson was spying for someone though
it beats me what he possibly could have sought in Allahabad. He tells us the distance between the two places was ‘twenty cosses’ (about seventyfive kilometres) which is a trifle exaggerated because Allahabad lies just fifty kilometres southeast of Dera Nawab Sahib. But his fever prevented Masson from travelling rapidly and he took over a week for the journey, in between pausing for three days at a roadhouse in the village of Varni. Like most inns of those times, this one was also run by a woman. He was apparently well looked after by the inn-keeper because he was soon fit to resume the short march to Allahabad. Masson wrote, ‘The approach to this town was more pleasing than I had anticipated, for the ‘jangal’ ceasing, I came upon a rivulet of running water, beyond which stretched a large expanse of meadow, and in the distance I beheld the cupola of the principal mosque of the place, embosomed in groves of date-trees.’ Over the years I had learned that it is impossible to expect the scenery to be even remotely as described by Victorian travellers, but somehow Allahabad remained fixed in my mind as a village that might still be picturesque. Just outside the village, again overcome by fever-induced fatigue, Masson rested under a spreading pipal tree near which he noted a pavilion. Later he saw several other such buildings and commented on their simple yet elegant style of construction. Allahabad evidently lay in the middle of a shikargah for Masson writes that the Nawab of Bahawalpur used these as hunting pavilions. As evening fell, Masson left the shady pipal and approached the town. At the entrance he was greeted by a ‘well-dressed person’ who immediately invited him to his home. There this kindly person called the local physicians to minister to his guest’s health. But Masson was not convinced that the ‘conserve of roses and sugarcandy’ could cure his fever and so he got the local barber to bleed him in both arms. Thereafter Masson recovered quickly. Surely the generous spread that his host Salam Khan Daudpotra daily laid out for him had much to
do with his recovery. If his treatment at Dera Nawab was niggardly, this good man left Masson quite breathless with his kindness and largesse. And when it came time for Masson to return to Dera Nawab, he rode on horseback with Salam Khan acting as escort. Unlike Masson, I approached Allahabad from the south and not on foot but in a car. The ‘jangal’ of his time was gone and the countryside lay fallow after the cotton harvest. From the distance the town, sitting on a high mound, even today looked rather picturesque with its central part dominated by tall brick buildings but the mosque Masson had seen was nowhere visible. Imran, my
this one. But I know, even before this building can be rescued for preservations, this door will be wrenched out and sold for a few rupees. In its place they’ll content themselves with a lousy chipboard thing. Though the ground floor façade had been painted a similar shade, the delightful brickwork of the first floor was still intact. The arrangement of cut-brick florets in zigzagging lines to create a pleasing array of squares together with pyramids, inverted as well as right side up, caught the eye. Above this panel were five arches, two of them open, two with windows and one blind. Square wrought iron fanlights, eight in all, surmounted
guide, was waiting for me at the union council office and without wasting any time took me walkabout. We stopped at a haveli undergoing some repair work. The family had come to Allahabad from Patiala in 1947 and the patriarch, about seventy, mouthed the big untruth that we all like to so believe: ‘This is a tiny house. In India Muslims had the biggest palaces ever.’ Few rich Muslims left their homes in India; it was only the poor and some of the middle class and only after we arrived here and took over evacuee properties did we invent stories of the riches we had left behind. These yarns became gospel for succeeding generations until the unpleasant truth of past poverty was lost in it. The beautifully carved timber door into the main family room was so thickly plastered with offwhite paint that I cringed: it would take serious sand-blasting to restore
the arches and above ran another repetition of cut-brick trimming. We were led to the upstairs rooms to check out the gaily painted ceilings that echo across this country from Sindh to northern Punjab. This house could not have been built earlier than the 1930s and whoever it was that spent a pretty penny on it from his hard-earned money, sadly could not live very long in it. I wondered if the real owners had ever returned for a visit. Would they have wept? Or did a strange equanimity come over them? Do they still keep their ownership documents and hope they can one day return in better times to reclaim what is theirs? To reciprocate, will these people return to Patiala to the untruth of the palaces they very likely do not wish their children to know? We checked out a number of other havelis, but all of them in advanced stages of dilapidation were locked and abandoned. Imran, my young guide, said
it was too expensive to restore these buildings inside the narrow alleys because the only way to get building material in was either to man haul or by donkey. A two-rupee brick, he said, could cost as much as eight in the central part of town. Consequently people were simply moving on, letting these priceless buildings, raised by others, to fall to pieces. Imran walked me around the entire central part of Allahabad. The narrow streets of the bazaar were roofed with tattered jute matting to keep out the intense summer heat, just as Masson had seen it. Otherwise, the shop fronts now had steel shuttering instead of the old-fashioned timber doors. Everywhere we saw abandoned buildings in various stages of decay and heaps of debris. The new children of Allahabad who mostly seem to have come from Patiala have not looked after their town well. Since the Daupotras are now also surnamed either Abbasi or Kalhora and because I wanted to meet with a descendent of the good Salam Khan who tended to Masson, I asked if any of the two clans lived in Allahabad. There was one Kalhora who was ‘more than a hundred years old’, said Imran. This man lived some ways outside the town, but he could reportedly not remember anything. My guide did not know of any other old Daudpotra family native to the town nor had he ever heard anyone flaunting the name of Salam Khan. This thing about a plethora of centenarians in Pakistan is hogwash and when I said so, Imran told me there was one who was a hundred and twenty-five years old. A local journalist was called who had interviewed the man only six months before my visit and his Urdu newspaper piece, which he brought along for my edification, said so. I said it could mathematically be proved that this was nothing but rubbish and so with the journalist in tow we drove a few kilometres from town to meet with this marvel. The man was clearly about eighty or so. He said his age was forty-five and I thought we had another gaga on our hands. But then he corrected himself: ‘One hundred and forty-five.’ On
Pictures by the Author
08
Sunday, 10 July, 2011
my prompting, the journalist said the last time he had seen him, the old man had said he was a hundred and twenty something and now, within the space of six months, he had aged twenty years. The man did not remember if he had been interviewed, but he insisted he remembered the onset of the First World War when he was in his ‘thirties and married with grown children.’ A little bit more quizzing and I realised that it was the Second World War the man was talking about. I tried to tell him that if he was in his thirties in the First and nearly a century and a half now, we must be living in the year 2029. Simple arithmetic not being their forte, no one seemed to understand what I was carrying on about. Also everyone being so proud of having such a Methuselah amongst them, they did not wish to believe otherwise. I tried another angle and his son, about my age, shut me up saying he was already seventy therefore his father could not be any younger than he said he was. The usual tripe about pure and good food was trotted out. I angrily turned on the man about what good food a poor man could afford. A hundred years ago, a handful of millets was all anyone as poor as they said they were could get for a meal a day. Good food, I cruelly rubbed it in, meant fresh fruit, vegetables, beans, dairy and some meat. But reason shall not prevail. We left the octogenarian and his son convinced that the man was a century and a half old. Indeed, even the journalist was not impressed by the sums I did to show that the man did not know what he was talking about. Allahabad keeps some of its old flavour, but Masson would scarcely recognise it today. What little remains will be lost in a few years. If it were within my province, I would declare Allahabad a national heritage site, acquire some of the better homes and set them up as show pieces. But then dreams are not horses. –Salman Rashid, rated as the best in the country, is a travel writer and photographer who has travelled all around Pakistan and written about his journeys.