Sunday, 7 August, 2011
The spectre of the
Baloch insurgency Asking the question: what has led Balochistan to the brink? By Hashim bin Rashid ‘The Baloch youth burn the national flag for money. They are targetted by state agencies for that. The army must rather restore the confidence of those who burn the Pakistani flag.’ –General Javed Zia Southern Commander, Pakistan Army
The political contours
The missing and dead persons’ question The rise of the political demand of independence is attributed to the now-brought-to-record security forces policy of ‘kill-and-dump.’ A recently released report by the Human Rights Watch names Pakistani security forces directly in its documentation of 45 missing persons cases. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), in guarded words, points the finger the same way. The Baloch, however, consider it a continuation of the domination of Balochistan by Pakistan. Continued on page 2
Illustrated & Designed by Javeria Mirza
The first question is to understand the political backdrop to the current insurgency in Balochistan. The suggestion to the reader is to do some digging on 2005 by themselves. That Bugti became an avowed state-enemy and died a martyr to the Baloch cause was not fated if his history of collusion be gazed. It is an irony of fate that his grandson now is acting spearhead of one of the leading Baloch insurgent groups. The current Baloch insurgency has centred itself around three figureheads: Dr Allah Nazar Baloch, Hadbiyar Marri and Brahamdagh Bugti. This Baloch insurgency itself also challenges traditional notions of Balochi resistance as sardar driven. The 1973 struggle had a Marxist-Leninist dimension. The current struggle has outreach into the Baloch educated middle class. The figure of Dr Allah Nazar Baloch remains omnipresent. The Bolan Medical College hostels in Quetta , where Allah Nazar graduated, are painted with BSO (Asad) slogans. Their library adorns Allah Nazar’s photos and tributes. The political core of the movement has been led by the Baloch National Front, a conglomeration of eight organisations, which has opposed parliamentary political participation in Pakistan and has stood by the call for revolutionary politics. The BNF, however, does not include any of the groups directly waging the armed struggle. While sympathies cut across, the BNF is the political front of the current struggle. Outside the struggle, but part of the voices for provincial autonomy, the National Party and the Baloch National Party (Mengal) are the two Baloch parties that still believe in a working arrangement within the Pakistan. Of influential Sardar families only the Raisanis appear closest to the Pakistani state since they have access to power. The Mengals, the Marris, the Bugtis have all cut the cord. It is through media silencing that the strength of the Baloch struggle is underrepresented. Under the veil, Balochistan has remained the site of many a military operation after 2005. Reporters who have attempted
to report have been brought in for questioning, with allegations thrown that they are RAW supporters. Even Baloch families that find themselves aligned with the Pakistani state, feel the Baloch are humiliated by it. During conversations, a member of the Raisani family said, “We are able to secure benefits through our political affiliation, however, the day-to-day discrimination against the Baloch at the hands of the Pashtun-dominated FC and the daily return of butchered Baloch bodies means we have to reconsider our position.” The same remains true of the National Party and BNP-M. The BNP-M’s vice president, which lost a senior leader to the violence recently, told this writer that he was holding onto a slippery rope and had been declared a traitor. “With each body that turns up mutilated, our faith in the Pakistani state lessens,” he said. There is the question of foreign (specifically Indian involvement). To the Baloch, the question is in fact the reverse: where does the Pakistani Army get its weapons and funds? Nawab Khair Bux Marri was blunt enough to state in 1982, in an on-record interview, “If we accept foreign weapons, why is it an issue since we are fighting against the American-weapon built Punjabi army?” During the Dera Bugti operation in 2005, a New York Times report uncovered ‘Made in USA’ labelled bomb-shell. The discovery of Indian-built weapons has, however, not been reported. The spread of the insurgency is far-and-wide. Loralai, Gwadar, Khuzdar, Mastung and Quetta – all lie under the grip of the insurgency. The Quetta-based reporters tell that the only place in the province where you will find a Pakistani flag is Quetta. The BSO (Azad) activists interpret the flag in a different way. In a meeting, they say, “The Pakistan army raises the Pakistani flag wherever it is able to conquer. The flag represents our being conquered.” They also declare the will to martyrdom in the Baloch cause. “We do not fear death. It may be our destiny,” is what one of the BSO (Azad) Education wing activists tells this writer. The activists I meet are all enrolled in Balochistan’s top universities. They are well-articulate critics of Pakistan’s relationship to Balochistan. Asked about missing persons and the dead, a cold reply is received, “they have fulfilled their destiny.”
2 Enough of the fascist beasts 8 Reconstructing lives
S
ardars, resources, development – are the three catch phrases anyone within the State uses for Balochistan. Punjabis, colonisation, rights – are the three catch phrases any Baloch would use. In the year 2005, began the fifth Baloch insurgency against Pakistan. Each insurgency, 1948, 1958, 1963, 1973 and now was blamed on India and foreign elements. Narratives of partition recall ‘Indian-funded Baloch anti-Pakistan elements had knocked at every door in Balochistan… before the army went in… and all the Baloch cheered and shouted ‘Pakistan zindabad.’ Matters of course, were far more nuanced, far more stark for the Pakistani state then. The tables, however, slowly turned. And in so many ways, the terms are starker for the Baloch today. Professor Saba Dastiari, killed in the middle of the Quetta Cantonment, one of the few killings that resonated amongst the Punjabi middle class, would call the Baloch people to resist the colonial occupation of Balochistan. The question to ask, as a Punjabi, or a Pakistani, is: why? Why have the Baloch not accepted Pakistan? And, more importantly, why do we continue to view it through the lens of a colonizer? As children, our geography books introduce us to Balochistan as, the poorest province. A second idea is added to that: we are told the people are tribal and the population is little. However, it has rich resources which can aid Pakistan’s development, we are made to further absorb. This simple three line understanding of Balochistan constitutes the founding justification of what the Baloch consider as the Pakistani colonisation of their land. What is the correct understanding? How do we define Balochistan in 2011, a definition that may allow us to re-evaluate our relationship to the Baloch and perhaps save it? “Balochistan, is the province with the poorest people and the richest resource base.” Its mineral resources are vast. Its port potentials are vast. But their first right belongs to the people that inhabit it. A battle for resources remains the site of most indigenous struggles within the world, especially neighbouring India. But Balochistan is not as clear cut a clash of worldviews as it is a clash of egos. The Pakistani ego, trumped by its military, has cast
a shadow over Balochistan, a shadow it is yet to escape from. The problem is that 2011 is not the 1970s. So India realises with Kashmir. Voices from within have emerged, substantively Arundhati Roy, that have spoken of the injustices that have been committed within Kashmir by Indian security forces. And so, does Pakistan need a moral conscience. There is a need to speak of the injustices done against the Baloch by the Pakistani security forces. There is a need to speak, lest time be lost. This particular article does not, however, aim at becoming such a moral conscience. It just aims to discuss some of the injustices done and make some lay suggestions. Nothing substantive, for this writer certainly does not possess the moral substance of an Arundhati Roy.
Enough of the fascist beasts
One of the deadliest inheritances from the Musharaff years lay in his resurrection of the dispersed and nearly broken MQM By Khawaja Manzar Amin
A
million curses on Gen. (Retd) Pervez Musharaff, and his eight years of hypocritical, self-serving misrule whose legacy is now haunting this unfortunate nation and tearing it apart. Among his many crimes and mistakes (apart from the duel with the superior judiciary a n d
the proclamation of the Emergency) were in allowing the Americans a free rein after 9/11 which gave us drone attacks, the Raymond Davis affair and the unilateral Abbotabad raid, and the killing of Sardar Akbar Bugti, which transformed the Balochistan insurgency into a full-blown separatist movement which shows little sign of abating in the foreseeable future. But one of the deadliest inheritances from the Musharaff years lay in his resurrection of the dispersed and nearly broken MQM, and it in turn became his most
loyal and trusted ally. The party showed its true colours (which was the redness and freshness of blood) on May 12, 2007, when 43 people died and hundreds were injured in a day of mayhem intended by the ‘Eternal Coalition Partners’ to please their mentor -president by preventing the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry from setting foot in Karachi to address the Sindh High Court Bar on its fiftieth anniversary. The same gentle folk (talk of the rich culture of Lucknow!) were also in the nasty habit of dumping the brutally tortured and quartered bodies of their rivals in bags on the streets of Karachi as a warning to others. They also systematically slaughtered all the hundred
or so police Station House Officers who had participated in the 1995 police operation to cleanse the city of the criminals and murderers who operated under the umbrella of this extortionist fascist political party. And this was supposed to be basically a middle class party of the sober, timid bourgeois and educated office and factory workers! And before one could say ‘hello’, the ‘Saeen’ of London (ex-90-Nazimabad, Karachi) was soon on the line dishing out his mix of homespun universal ‘wisdom’, ethnicity and threats to a captive audience rounded up by his ‘sector’ thugs, and delivered in his peculiar intonation accompanied by much Hitlerian gestures and rolling of the eyes. The party too presented its bill to Musharraf for services rendered. It manipulated many of Karachi’s voting constituencies by the simple but duplicitous device of gerrymandering, apart from its
The spectre of the Baloch insurgency
02 - 03
Sunday, 7 August, 2011
From page 1
When does ‘kill-and-dump’ begin and what are its effects, remain the two questions this writer intended to seek answers to. The Quetta-based journalists tell the narrative begins with the kidnapping of three Baloch leaders, all part of the Baloch National Front. On April 3 2009, Baloch National Movement (BNM) president Ghulam Muhammad Baloch, Baloch Republican Party (BRP) joint secretary Sher Muhammad Baloch and BNM ex-vice president Lala Munir Baloch are acquitted by the Anti-Terrorism Court, Turbat on charges of aiding insurgency and terrorism. In abeyance of the court’s order, on the same date, when the three were with their lawyers Advocate Kachkol Ali Chambers, they were abducted by security agency officials. On April 9, their bodies turned up and riots break out at Karachi, Khuzdar and Quetta. The HRCP points the finger squarely at security agencies in an independent investigation into the incident. After this incident, the toll begins to pile up. The targeted begin to include officials of the HRCP. The HRCP’s Pasni core coordinator Siddique Eido is picked up by ‘security agency clothes wearing officials in security agency vehicles’ is how the HRCP terms it, in a letter to the president. On 28 April, 2011, however, Eido’s bullet-ridden body is recovered near Gwadar. The irony is that the body of BSO (Azad) activist Yousaf Nazar accompanies Eido’s. The question ‘whodunnit‘ is directed only one way. This is not the only HRCP death. On 1 March HRCP Khuzdar coordinator Naeem Sabir is shot dead at a stationary shop. The death that shakes the Punjabi intellectuals is the shooting of Prof. Saba Dastiyari in the centre of the Quetta Cantonment. This means sporadic protests in Lahore, Karachi and Islam-
abad and a few editorials and columns – but nothing more. The Pakistani media’s gaze however begins to turn to Balochistan. Perhaps in opposition to the desires of those running the show in Balochistan. The discovery of mutilated bodies continues. On the side, a number of Baloch are reported to have been picked up by intelligence agencies. Family members continue to nag the police, are threatened and silenced until the emergence of the Baloch Voice for Missing Persons. Made up of direct relatives, the organization goes about documenting the missing Baloch and organizing a legal and political campaign for their recovery. Its records now document over 1,400 missing Baloch. A number of them have since reappeared as mutilated bodies. The unofficial figure it cites is 14,000 missing but the figure it claims to represent remains the documented. What is more troubling is that the tale of the missing and killed leads into Karachi’s Baloch community. A number of the pick-ups are from Karachi. During interviews at Karachi, the Baloch community express fears to another journalist friend. It appears that another tale, the tale of Karachi’s missing Baloch remains untold. It is in this context, while the Pakisan Army Chief General Kiyani has denied claims of the army and intelligence agencies involvement in the kidnap and murder of the Baloch, that the denials are made in Islamabad and not Quetta is instructive. The Pakistan Army’s Southern Commandor Javed Zia, however, spoke a different tone when addressing journalists at the Quetta Press Club. “If mutilated bodies continue to appear, Balochistan will declare independence,” he said. However, he subsequently retracted a part of his statement claiming, “no
state agencies are doing so.” Responding to a query over this, a Quetta-based journalist suggested that both statements were a “manifestation of the complex dynamics within the military over Balochistan. Some are now saying, ‘how many more Baloch will we kill?” It is either a positive sign, or, a manifestation of how the dynamics of media and the outreach of the Baloch, now running an independent radio station from Brussels, have changed the Pakistan army. A former chief was known to have unashamedly called for the slaughter of Bengalis during 1971 and similar statements were made by him on Sindh. The need to issue denials at the centre means at least a basic set of questions are being asked about Balochistan and the army is being made answerable. However, with 200 bodies ‘killed-anddumped’ last year, too much has gone under the table to be resolved amicably.
The resources question
A critical point of dispute between is the ‘siphoning off of Baloch resources by the Pakistani state.’ It would be useful to break down two existing projects, Saindak and Chamalang, before discussing the broader contours that shape disputes around future projects. The Saindak project, as revealed by a Mines and Minerals department insider, should have been in control of the provincial government since its inception. Saindak constitutes a Copper-Gold project worth Rs 18 billion. A little game was played to hand the project to the centre. In the 80s, when the exploration contracts were being sanctioned, Saindak was leased to the federal government whom then gave it to its Mining department, who subleased it to its own company, Saindak
Metals Limited (SML), whom then leased it to the Chinese Metallurgical Construction Company (MCC). The SML and MCC are 50-50 stakeholders in the project, with provincial royalties coming at two per cent of the sale price. Through manipulation of the lease, the centre has deprived the Baloch of a constitutional right to the projects profits. With both the federal governments and MCC’s leases come up at the end of this year, the mining officials cites pressure to extend both leases. He also reveals that the troubles with Saindak lie far beyond these. The Chinese firm involved has never been monitored and it is expected that it has been draining the mining site for more than allowed and so shall decrease the life of the project. AnAsia Times Online report, puts actual production at 24,000 tonnes compared to the 15,800 tonne capacity anticipated. The mine is originally expected to last 19 years, is expected to have little left after the 10 year Chinese excavation. The benefits of the Saindak project have spiraled to the Chinese and the Federal government. Only a meager 2% return has spilled over to the Baloch government with nothing to show for the project. Before a run-down of the Chamalang project, it would be a bit of dark humour to suggest that you watch an ISPR-funded documentary on the Chamalang mine titled Black Pearl. It begins with the statement, “Greed always breeds crime and halts progress and prosperity. The personal ambitions of a few tribal chiefs in Balochistan have held the province in a state of fear and lawlessness.” The Chamalang mines are located 70 kilometers south-east of Loralai with proven coal deposits of approximately 500 million tonnes worth Rs 200 billion. The mines are located in
perpetual hold over the governorship of the province and some leading ministries. The city nazim Mustafa Kamal at a businessmen‘s dinner on July 2008, in the presence of President Musharraf, while asking the audience not to transfer their money from Karachi, made the intriguing remark that ‘if they came back after six months or one year the region and its geography may not be the same’. This gentleman was also much pampered by the US State Department, and could meet senior officials with an astounding ease. Perhaps we might soon learn what he meant by these words. So, long before the ‘Sindh card’ came the ‘Mohajir card’, and it is most unfortunate that it was played deliberately by a serving army chief and later president, with the obvious ulterior motive of strengthening and retaining his sole grip on power. People who had gone into self-exile or absconded because of an unenviable long list of criminal charges against them, were brought back and installed in leading executive positions or appointed as advisors and ministers. The fun times were back, something unimaginable before the Musharaff coup of 1999. And now, thanks to Musharraf’s patronage, the highly weaponised party has today turned Karachi’s power struggle into a daily blood bath. However, this is not to deny the role and equally violent reaction of the other parties, also brimming with arms, and the gangs operating unchecked under their auspices.
the
Marri area. IN 2006, the Pakistan A r m y (under the Balochistan government’s name) signed an accord with Muhabbat Khan Marri, a known tribal enemy of Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, and the Luni (Pashtun tribes) to extract the coals. Immediately after, Marri tribesman began to resist the deal. 5 drivers transporting coal from the Chamalang project site were reported killed in July 2011 alone. This constitutes another example of the armed forces and government of Pakistan exploiting the differences between the Baloch to obtain short term benefits from mineral resources located within Balochistan. The funny thing is, while national daily’s now report it as a ‘Government of Balochistan’ operated project, all prior newspaper source material and an interview with a civilian operator of the project show the project falls strictly under the purview of the armed forces of Pakistan, whose chief has been distancing himself from any formal negotiation processes. What do they offer in return? A Mines and Minerals department official told us that 3,000 children from the area were being taught at army schools from the Chamalang development fund (Rs 500 per tonne of coal extracted goes into it). The same official had spent the first 20 minutes of our meeting trying to explain how ‘education must be indigenous.’ Of course, the narration of the wonders of the project meant asking him, “whether this was merely PR or was local goodwill involved?” We never received a satisfactory answer, other than, “The first batch of Baloch children must first be ‘nationalized.’ The next batch can study on their own cur-
The MQM’s problem, after long years of always being coalition partners (‘even in opposition’!) with assorted governments, lies in its inability to countenance any rival to its pre-eminent position in Karachi. It fears the PPP’s restoration of the old administrative system as a means to that end, as also the ANP’s fast-growing Pakhtun population, while the mere mention of the Haqiqi faction make its talk show participants foam at the mouth. This combination of one leader, of dominance and violence, on the back of an imagined grievance of discrimination, is typical of the fascist mindset. The MQM will go to any length (even seeking the protection of all too willing external actors, so beware the Arab Spring, a short cut to aggression and interference) and not be averse to seeking a final showdown over the issue at a time when the country is enmeshed in complex problems. The canny ‘Saeen’ seems to have flipped completely as is apparent in his latest advice to the citizens of Karachi of storing rations for one month, of the Mohajirs burning their boats in 1947 and burning their boats of patience today, of fifty million of them being forced into going back to India, there was even mention of Sonia Gandhi, in an incomplete sentence. Such is the calibre, inner stability and political vision of our petty blackmailing leaders. It does not help matters any that the Sindh chief minister is an aged person (despite his jet black
side patch of hair and shining brow), clearly unequal to the task of controlling the deteriorating Karachi situation; that the federal interior minister also cannot cope and should have resigned ages ago; and, the presence of the loose cannon known as Zulfiqar Mirza as well as the president’s unfortunate tendency to utilize this volatile firepower from time to time, resulting in the MQM’S repeated sulkiness and hard line. But now things are moving fast and furious. The MQM is apparently returning to the wicked ways of the past, in settling disputes with the gun and the knife, rather than tamely surrender its supremacy through the ballot (by a justified readjustment of constituencies) and the administrative moves of its rivals (the restoration of the Commissioners).The party is growing increasingly desperate and extremist in outlook, and with an abundance of those desiring to fish in troubled waters around, and perhaps even egging the top leadership on its collision course, the stage is set for an extremely tense and uncertain period in ‘mini-Pakistan’. One thing is for sure: the present impossible situation cannot continue, cannot be allowed to continue, and the Pakistani state has to move with firmness and determination to protect the lives of the common citizens and to impose its writ over this sprawling giant of a city. The bloodshed and the descent into anarchy must be reversed, whatever it takes.
riculum.” In effect, this ‘education’ project constitutes a continuation of the same old Baloch paradigm. No substantial or consequential difference exists within it in terms of how the project views the Baloch as the “Baloch lawless, Army savior,” documentary continues to project. Things are more nuanced on the field. The simple matter is: the Pakistani State has exploited Baloch natural resources and shall continue to do so under the guise of development. ‘Development’ is the word used to enact the greatest economic injustices in the modern world. And so it shall continue to be used by each scouring vulture around the Baloch carcass. The question to ask is: can the Baloch manage these projects themselves? Talking to a mining department official, this writer asked, “How many well-qualified engineers does any project require?” He responded, “20.” “So why have we not been able to produce 20 Baloch PhD engineers that can operate such a project,” I asked back. The silent response was stark. The official, however, himself said, “no international mining covenant is being met in Pakistan. At least 10% of mining profits must go into community building projects near the mining site area. And that is what we are trying to ensure for the future.” However, with the growing interests around the Reko Dig and Gwadar port, it is clear that the national and international greed that fuels their relationship with Balochistan shall make itself manifest more crudely. However, as the resistance movement around Gwadar and Chamalang suggests, this will not be an easy task, and shall come at the greater alienation of the Baloch. And so it is that we move to conclude this article. The Baloch question It is in the context of what the Ba-
loch read as a history of injustices and a continuation of Pakistani colonization that the current political contours around it must be negotiated. The current PPP government has been the first to recognize this unequal relationship and has tried to redress the damage done by the Musharraf regime. The NFC award and the Aghaz-i-Haqooq-i-Balochistan packages are insufficient steps but still offer beginnings. In fact, if the wording of the Aghaz i Haqooq i Balochistan be unpacked, it is interesting to note that it is worded, “The Beginning of the Deliverance of Balochistan’s rights.” In its wording is the tacit acceptance of the history of injustices that has marked the relationship between Pakistan and Balochistan. It is unfortunate that it has taken 64 years to do accept such – and thus the onus lies on the Pakistan government and not the Baloch to compromise. The first step must be a full stop to kidnap operations by intelligence agencies in Balochistan. The second must be the army’s withdrawal from active operations and the decentering of its historical political control over the province. The third step must be the empowering of the Baloch provincial government and allowing it the space to do politics. However, there are stronger steps required if the political government really wishes to recover Baloch trust. A full inquiry into the army operation in Balochistan must be set up. Those responsible for the killing of citizens must be brought to account. Killing citizens by calling them traitors cannot be allowed. But it is to be wondered if the current political government shall do so, while its prime minister, who continues to show more concern over killed Punjabis than Baloch, continues to ask the wrong questions about what went wrong in Balochistan.
Hina Rabbani Khar offers hope to Pakistan Reaching out to India over Kashmir, Pakistan’s young foreign minister truly represents the country and its aspirations By Shehrbano Taseer
A
s soon as Hina Rabbani Khar touched down in New Delhi last week to meet SM Krishna, her Indian counterpart, HRK and Birkin – her initials and the name of her handbag – began trending worldwide on Twitter. Across the border, reactions to Khar – who, at 34, is Pakistan’s youngest foreign minister – were surprising. The Indian media gushed (“First they sent bombs, now they send bombshells”), while Pakistan’s was less enamoured (“Does this expensively dressed minister represent a country which is under hefty debt?”). But Khar – Hermes purse, Roberto Cavalli sunglasses and all – very much represents Pakistan. And especially Pakistani political culture. The rich-poor disconnect in Pakistan is increasing. A 2010 study estimated that 32 per cent of Pakistan’s 180 million population subsists below the poverty line. According to the Human Development Index, 60.3 per cent live on under $2 a day. Wealth distribution in Pakistan is highly uneven and the richest pay little in taxes; Khar only paid Rs8,000 (less than £60) in taxes last year. So her ability to accessorise while millions in her country are homeless, jobless and malnourished is hardly surprising. It is indicative of the gulf between the haves and the have-nots in Pakistan today. Khar’s early political career is symbolic of Pakistan’s version of democracy, where political parties are treated like family heirlooms and party leadership as an inheritance. Although Khar was elected twice to the national assembly – on a proMusharraf ticket in 2002 and on a proBenazir ticket in 2008 – she has never publicly campaigned to win an election. Her seat has been held by the Khar family for years and she owes her win largely to her politician father, Ghulam Noor Rabbani Khar, who, not having graduated from college, could not run himself. Mr Khar propped her up instead, campaigning on her behalf and ensuring her win from rural, conservative Muzaffargarh, where their family owns land, fisheries, mango orchards, sugar cane fields, and reigns supreme. Given the military and Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate’s long history of involvement in Pakistan’s foreign policy, many wonder how Khar can make a difference, especially when her predecessor apparently lost his job for resisting diplomatic immunity for CIA operative Raymond Davis, who killed two Pakistanis in January. As part of a government that has had its hands tied by the army, and a nation that is often labelled “an army with a country, not a country with an army”, Khar and her prime minister are not the real decisionmakers. And no foreign minister will be any time soon.
Yet she offers hope. Pakistan has countless women like Khar – perhaps not in terms of lifestyle, but in how they choose to live their lives, dedicated to public service. From Fatima Jinnah to Benazir Bhutto, from Sherry Rehman to Asma Jahangir, Pakistani women are no shrinking violets. During the draconian Zia years, it was women who led the protests. Women artists, entrepreneurs, politicians, authors and professionals have always rejected the corseted roles men have sought to cast them in. Although the Hudood laws continue to cripple the status of women in Pakistan today, the Women’s Act, the criminal law amendment against “honour” killing, the protection against harassment of women at the workplace bill, and the acid control and acid crime prevention laws are powerful strides forward. Today, nearly 30 per cent of doctors and 22 per cent of parliamentarians – including the national assembly speaker – are women. In 2009 Khar became the first woman to present the federal budget in parliament. Pakistani women are dynamic and unafraid, and this fact is one of the saving graces of our benighted country. Khar has been criticised for being too young and for having a degree in hospitality management. But we are a young country with a young population (the median age is 21), so it is fitting that we have a young representative. While her father has no degree, Khar has two (the other in economics). What was achieved in Khar and Krishna’s first meeting represented a marked change in outlook for the relationship between the two nations. Both sides agreed to boost trade by doubling the number of days the Kashmiri line of control would be open for commerce. Pakistan will give India most favoured nation status and India will lower tariff duties. Travel restrictions will be eased. India issued a statement that could be read to mean it was satisfied with Pakistan’s progress in the 2008 Mumbai attacks case. We still have a long way to go. It is unfair to expect Khar to magically set right a history plagued with distrust. Our relations with India and America are complicated, and will remain so. But by confidently reaching out to India, she represents Pakistan and its people’s aspirations better than any man – military or civilian – ever could.
Art and Society in Pakistan
the review
A gust of fresh air in the suffocative aura of a contemporary geo-political scenario obtaining across the globe let alone here
By Syed Afsar Sajid
I
n our strife-stricken environs, responses to art and artistic activity are understandably on the wane. Art that sustains on creativity, innovation, aesthetics, and liberalism also seems to be in a state of perennial conflict with obscurantism and its odious offshoots, fanaticism and terror. The two books with the lead titles The Rest is Silence and Art in Pakistan, being reviewed in this column, would serve as a gust of fresh air in the suffocative aura of a contemporary geo-political scenario obtaining across the globe let alone here.
The Rest is Silence “My biography is perhaps of no importance to you. And I myself am searching for the answer. I ask this question every morning when I wake up. I am struggling. Searching and looking for the answer and this is what life is all about.” (Zahur ul Akhlaq – 1941-99) The book is a biography of the celebrated Pakistani artist Zahur ul Akhlaq who met a tragic death alongwith his artiste daughter and
her fiancé, at the hands of a callous assassin at his Lahore residence, in January 1999. The narrator Roger Connah is a world reputed scholar, researcher and connoisseur of architecture, based in Ruthin, North Wales (GB). He has also been a roving lecturer in the art and presently he is associate director of graduate studies in architecture and urbanism at a Canadian university. Written in rhythmical prose, the book has three parts viz., fragments from a critical life, critical fictions, and
Art that sustains on creativity, innovation, aesthetics, and liberalism is also in a state of perennial conflict with obscurantism and its odious offshoots, fanaticism and terror strange history. The design though impressionistic, has an architectural finesse about it. The writer has ferreted about the personal life of his subject for unfolding the labyrinth of information and (‘the infinite game’ of) critical evaluation related to the deceased artist’s life and art. Thus the
book is ‘a timely volume which reappraises this artist and the critical fictions made about him, offering an unusual enquiry on society and culture at a time when Pakistan has never been more important.’ Sara Suleri’s remarks, dating back to the year 1989, quoted in the epilogue are quite pertinent to Zahur ul Akhlaq’s image as an artist: “A deeply respected artist and teacher in Pakistan, Zahur ul Akhlaq brings into focus a dynamic of influence that Title: The Rest is Silence keenly illustrates Zahu ul Akhlaq – Art and Society in Pakistan the aesthetic dialogue that Author: Roger Connah continues to be Publisher: Oxford University Press, Karachi enacted between Pages: 390; Price: Rs.2000/eastern and western cultural reformulate the images it shapes, both traditions. In the context of the visual arts in reference to indigenous aesthetic this dialogue involves both a practices and to the adulteration modification and a resuscitation of inevitably brought into such practices the two-dimensionality of the eastern by the historical fact of colonization. tradition. It further suggests how Zahur ul Akhlaq’s work is singular in a formerly colonized culture must its ability to image and reflect upon
Getting the facts right (especially of the left) The book, divided in 11 chapters, deals with subjects such as history, colonization, the leftist movements and the democratic process in Pakistan By Aamir Riaz
04 - 05
Sunday, 7 August, 2011
A
shfaq Saleem Mirza is an exceptional talent among contemporary Pakistani intellectuals. He has had diverse experience in working with laborers, peasants, and intellectuals, as well as with government departments and civil society. One can taste the flavor of his varied preoccupations in his writings. Born in Jalandhar in 1944, Mirza did his Master’s in philosophy from Government College, Lahore. He started his career in Pakistan National Oil and later moved on to Pakistan National Council of the Arts. Here he was one of the editors of a well known magazine, “Saqafat”. The magazine had published accomplished articles about the Indus Valley civilization and Ghandhara Art. The Mazdoor Kissan Party was his political love, and this enabled Mirza to gauge the pulse of the people. Currently closely linked with SAFMA, Mirza always tries to engage with the left-liberal forces in Pakistan. One can read his articles in Awami Jumhoori Forum (a progressive magazine), quarterly Tarikh (Dr. Mubarak Ali’s venture) and the Karachi-based quarterly Irtaqa.
The book under review is an assortment of articles written by the author from 2003 to 2009. The subtitle of the book ‘Some Incomplete Discussions’ reflects Mirza’s agony and vision regarding the relativity of truth. In his preface, unlike his fellow historians and researchers, he does not behave as if he were the final authority in history and politics. The book, divided in 11 chapters, deals with subjects such as history, colonization, the leftist movements and the democratic process in Pakistan. In all these articles, the author has quite effectively raised many questions of substance. Unlike many historians, he did not prop up the religion based anti imperialist struggle. While criticizing the conformist Pakistani left, he holds a position close to social democrats. His love of modernity was initially brought about by the British colonizers in what was then the Indian Punjab. He uses Ghalib’s Persian prose work ‘Dastunbu ’ to shatter historical myths about the resistance movements, including the so-called First War of Independence in 1857, but the author has failed to mention Punjab’s role in the ‘mutiny’. Like many of the progressive intellectuals, Mirza also tended to downplay or ignore the social and political movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century in the Punjab. He rightly mentioned that after the victory of Buxer (1864) there
was no power in India which could stop the advance of the British. But it is also a fact that from the late eighteenth century till the first half of the nineteenth it was the Punjab that resisted and held up the British advance for nearly fifty years. From 1799 till March 29, 1849, the Lahore Darbar ruled independently in a vast area that included Ladakh , Kashmir, central & southern Punjab, Peshawar and FATA. The British historians have tried to paint Ranjit Singh as a fanatical Sikh ruler despite the presence of many Hindu, Muslim and Europeans among his advisors and soldiers. After annexation of the Punjab, court historians like Kanhya Lal under the influence of the new colonial masters included many misleading facts and concocted stories to defame the erstwhile
Title: Philosophy, History, Colonization and Democracy Author: Ashfaq Saleem Mirza Publisher: Sanjh, Mufti Building, 17/31 Temple Road, Lahore Price: Rs. 300; Published: January 2011
Obituary - Ifti Nasim
No submission to bigotry His friends describe him as being bold, outspoken and straightforward as well as displaying an intellectual fierceness By Xari Jalil
Title: Art in Pakistan – Traditions and Trends Author: Ashfaq Rasheed Published by: PWCS, Lahore Pages: 177; Price: Rs.1500/-
This book is claimed to be ‘an insightful attempt… to know the trends and traditions of Pakistani Art and its significance in the society through dialogues with the prominent artists of the country’. Ashfaq Rasheed, its author, is a bilingual writer focused on art, culture and literature. He also has a novel and a collection of short stories in Urdu to his credit. Noted cartoonist, historian and conservationist Dr Shaukat Mahmood (Maxim) has written the preface to the book which as he perceives ’defines character and styles of leading Pakistani artists and art critics’ like Khalid Iqbal, Colin David, Zahoor ul Akhlaq, Jamil Naqsh, Zubaida
Javed, Saeed Akhtar, Salima Hashmi, Dr Ajaz Anwar, Muhammad Asif, Muhammad Javed, Bashir Ahmed, Shahid Sajjad and Marcella Carla whose biographical sketches as well as views on life, art and its traditions and trends construct and furnish its text. The author has ensured that these artists belong to possibly all areas of art like landscape, cityscape, portrait and figure, still-life, modern art, miniature, sculpture, and exposure of ‘the primitiveness of human psychology’ etc. The book is written in lucid, racy prose. The author seems to have an intimate knowledge of art – its history, techniques, trends and prospects. The ingenious tenor of the narrative serves to intently evoke the reader’s interest and curiosity in the subject. It is a seminal work on the younger generation (in chronological terms ) of the art patriarchy in Pakistan, likely to engage the attention of all those who are closely or remotely concerned with the paradigmatic significance of art in society.
rulers and also played a role in reshaping the history and culture of the Punjab. Even the progressive historians of the post-Partition Pakistan and India failed to challenge such distortions. Mirza has mentioned many such facts but a unified effort is still required to revisit the history and politics of the sub-continent’s last 250 years. The book is a commendable first attempt towards this end. According to the famous Indian Marxist historian Irfan Habib even Pandit Nehru was reluctant to call 1857 a ‘revolution’. On Nehru’s book Discovery of India published in 1946, Irfan Habib writes in his article ‘Understanding 1857’, ‘Yet he (Nehru) simultaneously believed that the uprising was essentially ‘a feudal outburst, headed by the feudal chiefs and their followers, and aided by the widespread anti-foreign sentiment’ (p.324). And, Nehru repeats this characterization at the end of his account of the rebellion as well (p.328): “essentially a feudal uprising, though there were some nationalistic elements in it”. But, after India’s independence, the father of Indian nationalism had to twist his views in favor of the nationalistic elements, and the 1857 uprising was declared as the First War of Independence. In chapter nine of the book under review, there is a useful exercise to analyze the historiography of the Pakistani left especially the Communist groups in Pakistan. The author has pointed many facts such as: Communists in Pakistan were divided in groups from day one; they did not have a national programme; there were many communist parties in Pakistan with all having a small number of workers; every communist group was controlled by a small minority section(a minority within a minority); the Pakistani left has
no archival record; many communists remained underground for years; they did not have a scientific analysis regarding Pakistani society; due to such adverse conditions, many workers either lost their interest or joined NGOs. A few years back, I read a PhD thesis on Marxism in India. In the opening sentences, the writer observed that she met with the leadership of numerous communist parties all over the world, but only the yet Indian communists had a distinction and that was factionalism. In pre -partition times, there was no united Communist Party. The famous Punjabi communist Har Kirishan Singh Surjeet, in an interview told me that when he joined CPI in the mid-1930s, there were more than three groups in the party and every group had its own policies and priorities. It is a hard fact that the Pakistani left will also continue to move in circles until it is able to revisit its past. In the absence of a proper archival record it is impossible to start such a revisiting process. Chapter 10 is an essential read for the students of philosophy and left politics. It deals with Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (August 27, 1770 – November 14, 1831), the German philosopher and one of the creators of German Idealism. His historicist and idealist account of reality as a whole revolutionized European philosophy and was an important precursor to Marxism. So, in this article Ashfaq Saleem Mirza tries to explain a plain fact, that is, without knowing contemporary philosophers and debates among leading intellectuals of his time, one cannot understand Marx. In short, the book is a good addition to commence a dialogue but the publisher must add the writer’s profile as well as an index.
the dictates of historicity that colour his unusual art.” Apart from its biographical significance, vthe book is an apt document on the prevailing situation of art and its sociological bearings on the current Pakistani scenario.
Art in Pakistan
In some primitive tribes There was a custom: The parents buried their female offspring alive. The birth of a male child was celebrated. To be gay is like being born as a female offspring. I would rather be buried alive When I was born than be alive and Can’t tell the suffering I am going through As a homosexual.
T
hese lines are from Iftikhar Naseem’s poem Infanticide, from his dynamic collection, Myrmecophile. His poems revolve around a myriad of themes: specifically he writes about everyday life, about socioeconomic issues, about issues faced by women and by children especially in wartorn countries, but most significantly, about his homosexuality. This theme forms the central focus of his oeuvre as he explores and expresses his experience of dealing with a society that could never accept him as he was. Iftikhar Nasim was a pioneer in every sense of the word: he was born and brought up with the odds stacked against him and fearlessly faced them with his signature humour and laughter. His friends describe him as being bold, outspoken, and straightforward and displaying an intellectual fierceness. He never shied of demanding his rightful place in a time and society that expected people like him to resign themselves to a life of silence and shame in a dark corner. Unlike them, Nasim was unwilling to limit himself to conforming to petty social norms. Instead this poet, writer, businessman and social activist spent his life disseminating love and light everywhere he went and supported those who were scared to speak out. His friends feel privileged to have known him, and all remember him fondly for his many admirable traits, most particularly his humour, his boldness, his amiability and his strong will. But the man is best known for his homosexuality and his unabashed and open declaration of this. This subject often found its way into his poems, dealt with in explicit detail. While even today several public figures prefer living in the closet to facing the wrath and disdain of society, Nasim never displayed any fear, whole-heartedly and publicly accepting this side of his personality. One can conjecture that the sustained and often brutal opposition he endured growing up in Pakistan, hardened him in a way. And while retaining his vulnerability and sensitivity, he became stronger too at the same time. He learnt how to defend himself, and never saw any reason to conceal his sexual orientation as though he was ashamed of it. Professor Wajahat Masood, a teacher at the Beaconhouse National University (BNU), says that while his poetry was strong and forceful, Nasim himself was not in the least bit an aggressive man. “He never received any support from his family, which was one of the reasons for his leaving Pakistan,” says Prof Masood. “And whenever he was questioned about or subjected to derision for his sexual orientation, his appearance or attire, he answered calmly, never displaying any anger or resentment.” Nasim was originally a resident of Faisalabad, but left the country about 25 years ago after at least two attempts had been made on his life because he was gay. He left for the US and had since then lived in Chicago, a city he dearly loved, as his writings reveal. To all he was known as a flamboyant dresser, boldly wearing outfits fit for an Indian prince, or those meant for a Hollywood actress. He wore jewelry, dresses, wigs, make up, and carried it off as if it was nothing out of the ordinary. In Chicago, he started out as a car salesman, and at the same time, as a gay and lesbian rights activist. Very soon, he co-founded Sangat a Southasian Les/Bi/Gay/Transgender organization and support group. He was also the president of the Southasian Performing Arts Council of America and was even inducted into the Chicago Gay and Lesbian Hall of Fame in 1996. Nasim also lectured on sexual diversity in the
South Asian Diaspora at different universities in the US and abroad and the World Peace Academy of Delaware gave him an honorary Doctorate of Literature. Friend and writer Saeed Ahmed remembers his friendship with this dynamic poet and describes him as being ‘one of the best human beings he has ever met’. “For me, he was a man with the highest of values,” says Saeed. “Many would remember him as a poet, but I am one of those who would remember him as both – a poet daring, aggressive, and colourful, and a man with values– caring, and generous.” His generosity and hospitality extended to any writer, intellectual or journalist who would be traveling from Pakistan to Chicago and they would be invited to stay in Nasim’s apartment with all living expenses taken care of. He would even buy new clothes for them and ask them to leave their old ones there. Unfortunately, writer Abdullah Hussain reveals that most writers talked behind his back upon returning home. “They went back and said things about him, like ‘its wrong that he is gay and that he is living with a Sikh’. This all came after they had used him and his hospitality.” One of his most moving poems about his homosexuality is Mere Baba (My Father). Nasim says: My father, everyone says my appearance resembles yours… Here he goes on to describe how he looks and walks, sits and talks just like his father. But the shattering query comes in the last verse. …A question comes to my mind. If I am exactly like you, then why is my sexual preference so much different from yours? Nasim’s thoughts and sensitivities regarding every little thing, inside and outside him, move the reader to such an extent that it could change the reader’s perception forever. In his poem I Have Two Cats, Nasim explores the love he has for his pets and how dependant they are on him, how they wait for him for food and water, and he is scared about suddenly dying one day and leaving them alone and helpless. In a morbid wave of thought he writes that he leaves the tap dripping so that in case he dies they could live off water and his flesh. ”But would they eat my flesh after the third day? I don’t know. Cats are so finicky.” He is not only sensitive about his sexuality but even his race. In Why Did The Children Not Knock On My Door, he writes that he hears some children come ‘trick or treating’ on his neighbour’s apartment door. ‘My jar is full of pennies’, he says, but the children do not come to ask for any. Heartbreakingly true to life, he says it is because he is a Muslim, and his skin is twice the shade darker than the average white man’s. Another of his most brilliant pieces is called Iraqi Children. In a frenzy of angry emotion, he bitterly speaks out against the war in Iraq by the US, and compares everything to a mindless Hollywood movie. As American culture is deep-rooted and very much associated with Hollywood, this comparison is befitting. Nasim bitterly accuses US Government of ‘creating a villain’, and a monster, because they wanted one. But the ‘armed forces are not extras’ and ‘Baghdad is not a movie set.’ Nasim was a person very sensitive to injustices springing from his own experiences. he widened his social activist work beyond issues of sexual orientation to women and children issues. That is also primarily why he is considered an important human rights activist in general and not just a gay rights activist. Even today, his poems are relevant to the South Asian society that does not accept people as they are and to the policies of the U.S that promote war and aggression and leave little children dying of hunger. Even today Ifti Nasim, through his poetry, lives on, and is remembered by all who have read him and who have met him, as one of the most important people rising from a rigid South Asian society.
the review Sunday, 7 August, 2011
06 - 07
Honouring the Dishonoured By lacking in courage to testify against such acts of injustice we inadvertently encourage them By Hina Hafeezullah Ishaq
L
ast week, a man in Tandlianwala, District Faisalabad, allegedly shot and killed his six daughters. The reason: he suspected two of them to be indulging in affairs. And, if reports are to be believed, he does not regret his actions one bit. This is not just any random piece of news, it is an alarm bell; a reminder that Pakistan is ranked as the third most dangerous country in the world for women, this according to the results of a poll published by the Thompson Reuters Foundation. As reported by Lisa Andersen, the poll asked 213 gender experts from five continents “to rank countries by overall perceptions of danger as well as by six risks: health threats, sexual violence, non-sexual violence, cultural or religious factors, lack of access to resources and trafficking.” Andersen further observes that “some experts said the poll showed that subtle dangers such as discrimination that don’t grab headlines are sometimes just as significant risks for women as bombs, bullets, stonings and systematic rape in conflict zones,” and therefore should also have been taken into account had it not been for their inability to be reflected in statistical terms. The fact of the matter is: according to figures by various human rights organisations, over a thousand females die in honour killings every year in Pakistan. So, where do we stand? In 2005, an amendment was made in the Pakistan Penal Code: a Proviso was added to the existing law on punishment for qatl-eamd, commonly translated as premeditated murder, which stipulates that the only punishment for honour killing, which includes karokari, siyah kari or other similar customs and practices, is either death as qisas or death or imprisonment for life as tazir, keeping the circumstances of the case in mind. Anything less is not available in cases of honour killings. The Honourable Superior Courts have consistently held that there is no legal, moral or religious justification for murder committed on account of ghairat, popularly known as honour killing, as no one can be deprived of the fundamental right to life. Honour Killing is not a mitigating circumstance which allows the concession of a lesser sentence to an accused. Furthermore, the act is also prohibited by Islam since murder is a compoundable offence in the religion. Legally, religiously, whichever way you look at it – it is an act that is not to be tolerated. But that’s just as far as black-and-white goes: the practical truth of the matter, however, is somewhat different.
A few years ago, there was such a case in our village. It is pertinent that the father who executed his married daughter and her alleged paramour himself was involved in an illicit affair. But sadly, this fact is irrelevant as all that we are able to focus on is the “character” of women. Even more horrendous is the face that the perpetrator got out of jail on the basis of “compromise”. So, what exactly is going wrong? Why are people still killing their women in the name of honour? And – more importantly – how are they getting away with it? To begin with, is our use – or misuse thereof – of Islamic law. As said above, as far as our religion goes murder or qatl is a compoundable offence in Islam. However, there is
According to figures by various human rights organisations, over a thousand females die in honour killings every year in Pakistan a slight catch in the affair when it comes to murders committed on the pretext of honour. More often than not, the accused is a family member, who can get away, when the offence is compounded, that is he is forgiven by the heirs of the deceased victim. The issue becomes serious as any change to this sparks the holier-than-thou debate and some quarters insist that it would be un-Islamic to do otherwise. What needs to be done is that instead of half-hearted amendments, a clear special law against all forms of honour killings, including karokari, which does not allow for compounding of offence, n e e d s to be
promulgated. The crimes of honour are intended to instill fear, intimidate a vulnerable section of the public and are a tool to advance an ethnic cause or custom, and should be exclusively tri-able by the anti-terrorism courts. Furthermore, women are killed on account of honour, not only for allegedly having affairs, but also for exercising a right to choose who they want to marry, which is their inalienable right guaranteed by Islam and law. There have been cases of married runaway couples being – along with their children – brutally slaughtered by vengeful family members. This kind of running away is not the usual misguided romantic elopement; this kind stems from intense repression and fear, it takes root in an atmosphere of unbearable suffocation where the basic fundamental rights are not even available and there is no concept of having access to them, ever. It is a subculture within our relatively moderate culture, where women are treated as chattels, denied access to education, are raised to serve the fancies and whims of the men folk and where their attempt to exercise any of their basic religious or legal rights, results in burying them alive under tons of earth. This sub-culture hits an all time high when the national representative from that area defends the barbaric act as a tribal custom which is not open to criticism! Another aspect of honour killings which is probably not much talked about is the property factor. In a sizeable majority of cases, the “honour” which is so dishonoured, is actually the fact that the perpetrators want to grab the property of the victims, be it male or females. Pakistan is not
notoriously famous for giving property ownership to its female population and having them removed from the scene on account of “ghairat” just provides the accused with free access to property. However, according to the principles of Islamic Law a person who commits homicide is disentitled from inheriting the property of the victim, but this principle will not be applicable if the victim has yet to inherit her share of the property. This, in simple terms, means that – for example – if there are fewer siblings, there is more to go round. So, who is to be blamed for all of this? Our government, our customs, our mullahs or our tribal leaders? To be honest, we all are. We are responsible as a society for not standing up for atrocities committed in our country. Killing of women and men, both, on the pretext of honour being one. We are responsible for electing people who do not represent the views of our silent majority. We are responsible for letting people who do nothing to protect our rights and safeguard our liberties and even worse, who are direct perpetrators, stay in power and make life a living hell for us. We are responsible for letting such injustices happen and yet not have the courage to testify and inadvertently promote such acts. This is the twenty first century. Burying infant girls alive was prohibited more than fourteen hundred years ago. Burying women alive was never condoned or advocated by Islam. Killing women over honour is a deplorable act which does not have the sanction of either religion or law. If the government does not rise to the challenge to curb this barbaric act and put an effective law in place, who is going to restore the ‘honour’ to the ‘dishonoured’ Pakistan, purportedly the ‘land of the pure’?
closing bell GARFIELD
arieS
taUrUS
geMini
Your independent streak's a mile wide as the week begins, so you'll want to be exploring your options in various (and maybe every) area. Just be sensitive about how it might come across. on wednesday and thursday, it's important to strive to be more grounded. Count those blessings and live in the moment. whether you're looking for a partner of some sort or just somebody who 'gets it,' this weekend is a good time to scout. talk to anyone and everyone -- you never know. on Sunday, your best bet is to lay low and take it easy.
You're in a questioning mode as the week begins, and it's a very fruitful state of mind for gaining a better understanding of yourself and others. Deepening connections is more than possible now. on wednesday and thursday, you're rock-solid -- the kind of person that friends turn to and workplaces treasure. Moreover, plans you make now are golden. things may seem weird this weekend; will you let it throw you off, or can you adjust and enjoy it with a sense of humor? and on Sunday, you just might be a little weird yourself. it's a good thing.
it's not like you to climb up on a soapbox and deliver a lecture; keep it that way as the week begins. there's a more interesting way to communicate! on wednesday and thursday, a relationship -- work, platonic, romantic -may be a bit difficult. think of it as an opportunity to bring an issue out of the closet and deal with it at last. Both networking and things that feed your brain are favored this weekend; if you can combine the two (a professional seminar, maybe, or a fabulous cultural event), even better. on Sunday, watch out for a minor misunderstanding.
CanCer
leo
virgo
expect a little weird energy with coworkers or a partner as the week begins. You may need to take care of something someone else said they'd do. wednesday and thursday promise positive energy and improvements across the board -- if you keep those eyes and ears open. Be responsive, and be clear. this weekend, get on the same page as a pertinent party when it comes to financial matters, whether it's a big budget or who's going to spring for brunch. (Splitting the bill may be best.) Sunday's custom-made for dreaming the day away.
things are heating up as the week begins -- warm and cozy stuff at home, hot work opportunities, even some sparks when it comes to romance. that fiery energy looks fabulous on you! on wednesday and thursday, be extra aware of others' reactions. their body language, as well as what they say, tells you which way to go. the solution to a problem or the resolution to an interpersonal issue may not be immediately apparent this weekend, and it's probably not the first one you come up with. look further to find it. on Sunday, let your intuition speak loud and clear.
that itchy feeling you have as the week begins may be work-related rather than dermatological. You want adventure; you've got responsibilities. well, you're good at multitasking. and on wednesday and thursday, work might have some very interesting fringe benefits, including an important interpersonal connection. Making a few shifts in your routine this weekend signals the universe that you're open to something new, so if you'd like a fresh opportunity or two, just mix it up! on Sunday, some solo time sounds mighty good.
liBra
SCorPio
SagittariUS
want a raise? got a certain romancerelated request? as the week begins, go on -- make your best case, and ask away. Be sure to get specific about the benefits to the other party for best results. Positive responses are favored now, so jump right in. Beware of the blues on wednesday and thursday -- or indulge in them, but only briefly. Do what it takes to help yourself feel good again and get your head back in the present. this weekend, on the other hand, looks to be full of sweet possibilities. try something new to get them flowing. on Sunday you can make great progress on an ongoing project.
Your enthusiasm could get the better of your best judgment as the week begins. take a second (and third!) look prior to leaping. on wednesday and thursday, however, your self-control is supreme -- you're an excellent negotiator now, whether it's business or personal. even reaching an understanding that involves making a compromise feels fantastic. this weekend could find you reorganizing your physical surroundings, while doing the same with the contents of your head or heart. and speaking of heart, Sunday could get romantic.
friendships are in the stars as the week begins, and you might even find yourself with a new admirer or two. You're downright inspiring now, so who can blame them? on wednesday and thursday, leave the credit cards at home, make your own lunch and find free fun -- you're a great improviser now, and your budget will thank you. while others might be discussing the latest blockbuster this weekend, you can find the person in the room who will delve into philosophical matters or jump onto your latest, greatest idea. Sunday, you just might stay in your slippers all day long.
CaPriCorn
aQUariUS
PiSCeS
Your hard work might not seem to be getting you anywhere as the week begins, but it's not like you to give up. hang in there, baby. By wednesday and thursday, you ought to be sitting in a much prettier position. look for results and recognition now, whether at work, socially or in the love department (or even all three!). this weekend, you may be considering revamping a certain plan, but unless you've got a crystal ball, there are a few factors you can't foresee. Minor adjustments are better than radical ones. on Sunday, art and culture feed your head and heart.
get yourself near people who share your values as the week begins. if work isn't the place to find them, seek out a social cause or arts hotspot where you'll both fit in and have your mind stimulated. on wednesday and thursday, your energy may flag. extinguish the candle at one end (at least), get some rest and exercise and eat with your health foremost in mind. You'll want to be in fine fetter for this weekend, when all sorts of excitement is in the stars. Your unique outlook sparks lots of interest -- share it! on Sunday, be financially frugal.
while it may seem counterintuitive, don't be too proactive about work issues as the week begins. take a wait-and-see, quietly observant approach. on wednesday and thursday, the cycle of karma is flowing; the help (and the love) you give comes right back around (albeit maybe in a different form). Your dreams and your intellect are integrated in some very interesting ways this weekend. let your thoughts flow while you share them with a like-minded soul. on Sunday, you've got all sorts of energy. what will you do with it?
2. observe
BRIDGE
fill in all the squares in the grid so that each row, column and each of the squares contains all the digits. the object is to insert the numbers in the boxes to satisfy only one condition: each row, column and 3x3 box must contain the digits 1 through 9 exactly once.
US DefaUlt CoUlD Be ChaotiC SenDing ShoCkwaveS aroUnD the worlD CaUSing high intereSt rateS anD Sinking finanCial MarketS
Today’s soluTions
cAStLE BRIDGE
chESS White to play and mate in 2 moVeS 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
chess solution
DoWN
how to pLAy
By Sana
1.Rxd6 Qxd6 2.e5 Qe7 [2...Qxe5 3.Bf4] 3.exf6 *
1. super power 3. top limit 6. arrears 9. pursue 11. prosperity 14. preposition 15. and so on 19. restrain 21. just 22. view 24. high cardinal number 26. mixing alcohol with acid 28. wrap 31. climb 34. acronym. American entertainment 35. atmosphere 36. simply 37. entire 38. financial plan 39. artificial leg 42. alteration 44. tactics 46. jewel 47. veto 48. submerge 49. change 50. US president
4. untruth 5. presently 7. jeer 8. elevated 9. executive mansion 10. contract 12. self-image 13. acronym. Load replacement program 16. cover 17. disaster 18. temporary suspension of breathing 20. non payment 21. inconsistent 23. pact 25. acronym. Occupational therapy 27. revolting 30. acronym. Personal relations 32. during 33. acronym. Ernst and Young 37. lizard which can change its colour 38. flying insect 39. musical instrument 40. resource 41. acronym. Lunar module 43. squad 44. pastry 45. conjunction
woRD SEARch
sudoku solution
Across
SUDokU
By Sana
crossword solution
cRoSSwoRD
DILBERt
Sunday, 07 August, 2011
Pictures by the Author
08
Reconstructing lives The flood did not only disrupt the lives of these two hundred and twenty-five. There are countless more
By Salman Rashid
W
hen the I n d u s River rose in August 2010, Wahid Buksh and his family fled their village Malhar Sheikh near Gambat (Sindh) for their lives. From the high ground of the raised bed of the road leading to the new KhairpurLarkana bridge across the river, Wahid watched the fertile farmland around his village go under the swirling, brown eddies. But the water would not stop rising and by and by his poor mud brick home too was lost. When, two months later, he returned from the displaced persons’
camp to what was his village, he found few homes standing and all of his four acres of sugar cane and two of cotton wiped off the face of the earth as if they had never existed. In his twenties, Wahid was no land owner, merely a sharecropper. Even so, his loss was great. As the summer drew to an end, he had little hope of raising enough funds to purchase wheat seed and fertiliser for the December sowing. But a man needs to win bread for the family and so Wahid Buksh resorted to daily wage labour in nearby Gambat. In February he heard that Participatory Village Development Program (PVDP), an NGO based in Mirpur Khas, supported by Church World Service (CWS) of Islamabad was offering three-month skill training programmes at the newly-established Construction Trade Training Centre (CTTC) in Gambat. The training on offer was for the trades of plumber, electrician, welder, carpenter or mason. There was no educational requirement other than the ability to read and write Urdu which suited the man. Wahid applied and was selected to train as a
Consequently, a large work force of young construction workers has since been at hand rebuilding the damaged villages. The centre in Gambat was on the lines of those that had been so successful in the north. Classes were from eight in the morning until three in the afternoon leaving no time for a daily wage earning labourer like Wahid to work after hours. The upside was that there was the two hundred rupees-per day stipend for all trainees. Even though he was required to pay fifty rupees for the lunch provided by the centre, Wahid was still able to take home some money for the family to get along by. At the end of the three months, the government’s Trade Testing Board examined the trainees and issued certificates. Each successful candidate was to receive from CWS-PVDP a complete toolkit appropriate for his trade on the day the testing board issued the certificate. Early in June, Wahid Buksh, the unskilled labourer of only a few weeks earlier, went to work with a building
mason. Earlier, CWS had run similar training courses in Mansehra and nearby districts after the earthquake havoc of October 2 0 0 5 .
contractor as a brick layer. I found him in a Gambat back street in the shade of a building preparing iron bars for the construction of columns at a nearby site. He pointed to the under-construction building with visible pride and said it was all his own handiwork. And it has to be admitted that the work was neat. In late July, seven weeks after he had graduated from the training centre, though he had passed the test, Wahid Buksh had not received his certification from the Trade
Testing Board. Delays being normal in governmental working, he is not bothered. However, because of that he was still deficient of his mason’s kit and was obligated to work with a contractor. ‘I get six hundred rupees per day because I use my contractor’s tools. When I get my own equipment, I’ll be making eight hundred per day,’ says Wahid. That is a darn sight better than being either a farm labourer or even a sharecropper. If things were good, he had to cope only with market fluctuations and his landlord’s cavalier attitude. Otherwise there was always the danger of floods or drought or crop failure. For the number of man hours he put in as a sharecropper, his net earnings were less than meagre. He also remembers times when he went into debt because of poor harvests – debts that took years to pay back. Now Wahid takes home a steady income and has a weekly day off to boot. Almost bashfully he notes that having been born in poverty and with only five grades of schooling, the end-all of his life once seemed to be farm labour or hauling bricks at construction sites. He could not imagine himself a skilled brick layer so early on in life. Neither could the other seventy-four young men, all of them locals whose lives were destroyed by last year’s floods. With fifteen in each class, the Gambat centre turned out seventyfive trained technicians in the first batch. All of them immediately went either into selfemployment or were hired by construction firms. Dominic Stephen of PVDP says that given the educational level of these young men, there was no way they could have been gainfully employed. They would never have been anything but unskilled labourers, shop keepers or sharecroppers. Now with just three months of training, they are useful members of the society sought after for their technical expertise. When I was there, the second batch of seventy-five was half way through their session. Raza Hussain of village Khemtia was a shopkeeper until last
year. Then the flood took his village shop and set him back by about three hundred thousand rupees. There was no question of being able to restart the business and so with a family to support, he resorted to unskilled labour until he enrolled in the training programme in June. With a high school certificate to show for himself, he joined the electricians’ class and was doing rather well. ‘The way I see it,’ says he, ‘the stipend is equal to what I earned as an unskilled labourer. Then I had no future to look forward to. But now, after I graduate from the centre, I’ll be a trained and properly equipped electrician ready to go to work.’ Initial funds provided by CWS for the CTTC were for only two sessions of seventy-five students each. However, even half way through the second session, the value and utility of the programme became more than evident and it was extended for a third session due to begin in September. But then funds will dry up and the centre will fold. Already dozens of young men come calling every day to ask why only flood-affected men are being trained and if there will be sessions for others as well. Dominic who supervised the establishment of the CTTC at Gambat is worried. At the end of the third session there will be two hundred and twenty-five technically trained men in the field. Going by the beneficiaries ’’own reports, the training and the complimentary toolkit has set them up as entrepreneurs as they could not have done on their own. Now the sky is the limit for these skilled technicians. But the flood did not only disrupt the lives of these two hundred and twenty-five. There are countless more. There are also all those young men who have the will to learn but lack the required education to join the government’s poly-technic institutions. It is them that Dominic is looking out for: why should this facility not be extended to them? Even as you read this, PVDP is hard at work to raise funds to sustain this unique and very useful programme. The funds will arrive, that much is certain, but from where, it is hard to say. Meanwhile, the number of youngsters waiting in the wings to join grows by the day. –Salman Rashid, rated as the best in the country, is a travel writer and photographer who has travelled all around Pakistan and written about his journeys.