By Natasha Shahid Kunwar Sunday, 18 December, 2011
the review
Illustrated & Designed by Babur Saghir
the Durand line and democracy
2 Anti Terrorism Tried, tested - and failed act 4 All the king’s men...
Gen. Dempsey,
Anti terrorism legislation has been systematically used to suppress civil liberties and quash political opposition By Bushra Sultana
Sunday,18 December, 2011
O
ver a year after Interior Minister Rehman Malik tabled the AntiTerrorism Bill 2010 in the parliament for approval, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani referred the Bill back to the interior and law ministries in October for review. The Prime Minister’s decision came after the proposed Bill was criticised for its civil rights infringements. It sought 25 changes to the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997 including a broader definition of terrorism, even more power to law enforcement agencies, and detention of suspects for 90 days before presenting them in court. Though there were some positive additions in the amendment, such as financial restrictions and a ‘no passport’ policy for members of banned outfits, it lacked a comprehensive approach to terrorism while keeping intact the sanctity of civil rights. The episode reignited a longstanding debate over the nature of anti-terrorism legislation, the extent of its benefits, and the costs of such legislation – primarily shouldered by Pakistani citizens.
With our murky and sometimes incoherent antiterrorism policy there isn’t much hope that the new amendment will be any more successful than the ones in the past
Repeating history
Legislation to battle “terrorism” started with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in whose term the word “terrorist” was introduced to legal terminology. Facing political dissent and ethnonationalist movements in Balochistan and North West Frontier Province (now Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa) Bhutto’s government promulgated the Suppression of Terrorist Activities (Special Courts) Act of 1975. This Act was precursor to the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997, passed by the Pakistan Muslim League government. Nawaz Sharif’s incentive for counterterrorism legislation was reportedly sectarian violence which had gripped the country, specifically Karachi, in the 1990s. Yet critics argued that the real reason for this legislation was to establish a parallel judicial system which the government could use for political persecution of opposing camps. There were certainly enough gaping loopholes in the Act for these accusations to carry weight. The government could exercise considerable influence over the court as the judges had no set tenure which meant they could be removed any time. The law also prevented appeals to regular superior courts. Instead special Appellate Tribunals were set up for this purpose and their decision was made final. In direct contradiction to the Criminal Procedure Court, which ensures the accused be present at his/her trial to challenge evidence presented, the ATA allowed the accused to be prosecuted in absentia after certain requirements were met. Understandably the law drew heavy criticism from national and international human rights proponents. When the Supreme Court of Pakistan issued an order terming 12 sections of the Act including the provision of Appellate Tribunals unconstitutional, the Nawaz government was left with little choice but to pass an amendment in compliance. From then on started
a series of amendments in the Act for political and myopic gains, with three amendments just in 1999, one in 2001, two in 2002, and then one each in 2004, 2005, 2007, and 2009. The overall pattern of these amendments, barring the first one, was expanding the definition of terrorism, adding various other crimes (such as kidnapping, extortion and hijacking) under the purview of this law, and increasing the powers of law enforcement agencies.
Violating civil rights
One of the most malicious uses of the Anti-Terrorism Courts (ATCs) was for political persecutions. Columnist Huma Yusaf, while writing in West Point’s CTC Sentinel, quotes Judge Syed Hasan Shah Bukhari of Karachi’s ATC I, who said, “until a democratic government was elected in February 2008, most STCs were issuing convictions on the authorities’ instructions, rather than on the basis of transparent trials.” Sure enough, General (Retd.) Musharraf’s regime defined the trend the ATCs were to follow in his nine-year tenure immediately after his military coup. In his drive to prosecute deposed Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, he amended the Anti-Terrorism Act twice. One of the amendments included extra offences in the ATA which were then used to convict Sharif. In addition to politically motivated prosecution, there are certain provisions in the ATA which are outright violations of civil rights. Lawyer Asad Jamal explains how in certain situations -- for example when a person is charged with failure to disclose “his belief or suspicion” that someone committed an offence under the ATA -- the burden of proof is on the accused instead of the state (Section 11-L). This flies in the face of the universally upheld notion of assumed innocence until proven otherwise. Similarly where children are concerned (legally defined as people under 18 years of age), the ATA overrides Juvenile Justice System
Ordinance (2000). This means that the ATCs can prosecute children together with adults and can sentence them to rigorous imprisonment and even death penalty.
Failures of justice
Speedy trials, for which these special courts were set up, place severe time restrictions on the case. Theoretically, under the law, the prosecution is bound to complete its investigation in seven days (unless an extension is given by the court), and the courts are also required to complete the trial within seven days. Moreover the court can not give adjournments for a period longer than two days. Charles H Kennedy, in the book Religious Radicalism and Security in South Asia, quotes the trial of Hakim Muhammad Said’s murder case as an example of the injustice done due to hasty trials. Nine suspects were arrested for their role in Hakim Said’s murder and were convicted in 1999. Two years later all nine were released by Sindh High Court which “accepted the defence’s contention that the original trial court had violated numerous provisions related to gathering and presentation of evidence -- including falsifying relevant evidence.” Now, ten years later, the state’s appeal against the acquittals is still pending before the Supreme Court. Consider this: if those arrested were innocent, they were sentenced to death by the special court in a procedure which was designed to bypass their civil rights. And in its pursuit of the appeal, with delay at the Supreme Court, the state has not looked elsewhere for the killers. But if they really were the killers, then our flawed prosecutorial setup led all of them to be legally declared innocent since the prosecution botched up the investigation.
Updating the legal system
Herein lies the core of the problem, often overlooked by zealous legislators pursuing effective legislative methods
While the SCAF has repeatedly paid lip service to the transition to civilian rule, the plan they have proposed tells a completely different story. The proposed framework for the new parliament leaves the country largely under military rule, even after elections
Egypt: The rocky road to change While SCAF and the Islamists look all set to dominate Egyptian politics, the renewed political consciousness of the people will not die out so easily to prosecute terrorists. The legal framework needs to be updated. Asad Jamal agrees. “How can a police thana (station) deal with a crime conceptualized at and conspiracy communicated from Waziristan or FATA or Afghanistan with the available legal and physical infrastructural means?” But the answer according to Jamal is not in harsher punishments or suppression of human rights. Senior analyst Dr Hasan Askari-Rizvi shares Jamal’s views. “The legal system which requires updating has three parts: a comprehensive law, the court system, and investigation and evidence gathering (prosecution).” Both Mr Jamal and Dr Askari believe that prosecution methods need to be revamped if any success is to be achieved with counter-terrorism laws.The need for such reforms is immediate as the conviction rate in terrorism cases remains abysmally low allowing alleged terrorists like Hafiz Saeed to be acquitted of majority of cases against him. In fact the first 9 months of 2010, 1,324 cases were registered under the ATA only in Punjab but just 199 cases ended in convictions. The US State Department in its annual Country Report on Terrorism (2010) puts the acquittal rate in the ATCs at approximately 75 percent.
No panacea
As officials in the law and interior ministries review the latest amendment being proposed to the counter-terrorism laws, it might be in best interest of everyone if they first understand the reasons why already harsh anti-terrorism legislation hasn’t worked. Instead of attempting to further curtail the rights of Pakistani citizens, emphasis need to be given to reforming the entire prosecutorial machinery -- from intelligence gathering and arrests to final convictions. With our murky and sometimes incoherent anti-terrorism policy there isn’t much hope that the new amendment will be any more successful than the ones in the past. The only possible way is for legislators and bureaucracy to get serious about treating the problem with a more holistic approach.
By Junaid S. Ahmad
N
ovember 28 marked the day when the Egyptian people flocked to the polls for the first time since the downfall of Hosni Mubarak in the wake of the ‘Arab Spring’ that took the region by storm this past year. Egyptians turned out despite repeated calls from more revolutionary factions to boycott the elections – perceived as a sham only to legitimize and perpetuate the rule of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF). The turnout has been seen by observers as “unprecedented” as Egyptians showed up in droves. The lines at the polling stations speak volumes as people waited for hours in queues of thousands stretching up to hundreds of meters, sometimes almost three-quarters of a mile. Much of the population saw this as a moment when they could finally participate in the political direction of their country. Aside from the millions voting at the polling stations, thousands of prodemocracy protestors turned to the now historic Square to lodge their discontent with the military regime. The situation was aggravated on November 19, when security forces opened fire on a small group of protestors at the Square. The incident was met with an eruption of rallies all over the country with a palpable undercurrent uniting them all: an end to military rule. At least forty people died due to the repressive state tactics, with tear gas and other chemical weapons – supplied by the United States and Israel – employed against civilians. As far as the elections go, the Islamist parties seem to be ruling the roost so far. Islamist parties have taken close to 70% of seats in the first round of voting The Freedom and Justice Party, the electoral front of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), has snagged about 40% of these seats and looks set to capitalize on these gains. Progressive political formations did not fare so well electorally, despite the huge numbers of people turning out for protests across Egypt. There seems to have been an inability to convert popular
discontent into electoral gains for those who have been at the forefront of mobilization in Egypt over the past year. Of course, for significant sections of these forces, the elections have not been a priority and they actively called for a boycott of what they termed an “undemocratic” affair. Nevertheless, there has been a great deal of debate among the Egyptian revolutionaries on the way forward. The political differences among the Tahrir activists range from outright rejection of the political process as it stands to others who maintain a cautious faith in the electoral system and its ability to beget change. One faction of protestors contends that a boycott of the elections is the only option because they are a farce: the subsequent Parliament will be deprived of any substantial powers with the looming presence of the SCAF over its head. Others think a genuine engagement with the democratic process can only follow from participation in the elections. Either way, it seems the protestors are unwilling to abandon their symbolic fort in Tahrir Square any time before their demands are met. The mood in the Egyptian population does not seem as optimistic as it was following the immediate overthrow of Mubarak. However, most people who have showed up at polling stations do so not necessarily out of naïve optimism, but with the pragmatic understanding that if they don’t cast their vote, the SCAF will be given a free pass to run the country as they please—without any accountability to the formal democratic set-up. Others vote out of fear that Islamist parties such as the Brotherhood and the Salafis will dominate the government, marginalizing the progressive and secular voices. The SCAF for many Egyptians symbolizes the continuation of the status quo, a remnant of the past. Largely constituted by military commanders who were key players in the Mubarak regime, SCAF for its part has maintained many of the policies of the old regime. Its agenda remains repression, neo-liberalism and subservience to imperialism— the very things the Arab Spring sought to expunge. The repression of
protests and derailment of the path to democracy has meant that the struggle in Tahrir Square is far from over, and many Egyptians are determined to prevent the mass mobilizations from degenerating into elite politics. In addition, the deep entrenchment of the ruling elite has made their removal from power rather difficult. As some commentators have pointed out, the SCAF will use the huge number of people who turned out to vote to legitimize their own rule. However, this reading of events speaks volumes as to how disconnected the Egyptian political national security establishment is, since the impressive turnout represents exactly the opposite—the rejection of the status quo, which includes the SCAF. While the SCAF has repeatedly paid lip service to the transition to civilian rule, the plan they have proposed tells a completely different story. The proposed framework for the new parliament leaves the country largely under military rule, even after elections. Furthermore, the army is not subject to any form of scrutiny. The military and its budget are beyond any sense of transparency. The Parliament will be far from supreme, as it theoretically should be, as it will be controlled by the same body it is supposed to be keeping under check—the SCAF. The notion of checks and balances between organs of government is completely absent under the proposed system, as the state machineries are given blanket immunity without being accountable to the Egyptian people. The rhetoric of the SCAF has not fooled most people in Egypt with negative popular opinion intensifying by the day. It has become painfully obvious that after ten months in power the SCAF is least interested in maintaining fidelity to the core values of the revolution, blatantly ignoring the need for political and economic reform. Its initial support of the anti-Mubarak supporters was borne out of pure expediency. It wished to capitalize on popular discontent in order to consolidate its own power, without any regard to the needs of the Egyptian population. In light of this heightened pressure from below, the SCAF was forced to push forward
its deadline to hand over power to a civilian government to June of next year. The rise of Islamist parties to the forefront of Egyptian politics has taken many by surprise. The Muslim Brotherhood in particular has been on the receiving end of much criticism for its perceived political opportunism. But the Brotherhood is indeed organisationally much better placed to contest in these nationwide elections than newer parties. However, some of the Brotherhood’s conservative tendencies have not resonated well with younger sections of the party, and they have split to form the Egyptian Current Party. Yet, the Brotherhood has managed to achieve substantial gains at the polls. There is a common belief that the SCAF has in fact a ‘gentleman’s agreement’ with the Brotherhood, and other Islamist groups, and has enabled them to receive vast resources and preferential treatment – in order to keep the more serious challenges to military rule at bay. The Egyptian elections certainly do represent the burning desire for democratisation and a need for change. However, they do suffer from a scarcity of candidates who are capable of fulfilling these expectations. The Brotherhood and other emergent parties are seen by some commentators as a continuation of the same brand of politics as under Mubarak. Others point out the powerlessness of democratic institutions under the watchful eye – and forceful hand – of the military. However, all these perspectives seem to be missing an important point: the Egypt of today cannot merely be seen as a continuation of the past, because the Egyptian people have both achieved and acted upon a much higher degree of political consciousness. Whatever the results of these elections may be, Egyptians will not slip back into the supposed complacency and apathy of the past, and in this mood lies true democracy. The spark of revolution sowed at Tahrir Square will not be extinguished until a better tomorrow is in the offing. Junaid S. Ahmad is a faculty member in the Dept. of Law & Policy, LUMS.
World-shifting By Charles Yu
Designed by Sana Ahmed
Haruki Murakami 1Q84 Translated from the Japanese by Jay Rubin and Philip Gabriel Alfred A. Knopf, October 2011. 925 pp.
04 - 05
Sunday, 18 December, 2011
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All the king’s men…
Designed by Atif Rafi
the review
m and ri g ry ve g in k o lo is P P P e th The future of strategy in t if sh l a ic d ra a s d e e n y rt a the p
By Sidra Qadir
W
hen the Pakistan People’s Party came to power they did so with the promise of a revolution for
crowds. It is no secret that there is
i m m e n s e
no love lost between PML(N) and the
strain
of the
establishment and PPP has lost some
war
against
of its public support, so, an alternative
terrorism
the establishment of an egalitarian
had to be sought and PTI emerged as
the
democracy and the application of
the quick answer to fill the vacuum.
unemployment
socialistic ideals to realize social
With Shah Mehmood Qureshi roaring
soaring
and economic justice. It was without
the Bhutto’s questions in the Bhutto’s
one-third of the
added thorn in Zardari’s side are the
doubt the one slogan, “All power to
style to the masses gathered for Imran
population living below the poverty
birds that are weighing their wings
the people,” that won the hearts and
Khan, one wonders that PPP might
line, astonishingly long fuel lines, the
to fly off the once sacred tree of PPP.
minds of masses. Bhutto symbolized a
just have had their last turn as the
industry closing down due the power
The side-lined leaders of the BB’s PPP
hope for peasants and laborers but “All
ruling party.
shortages, nothing has been enough
have endured very patiently after their
Sunday, 18 December, 2011
on
economy, high,
power to the people” seems to have
“ Youth is with us” is the new
to call the government to its duty,
slogan in vogue these days, whether
voices of dissent and whispers of a
eluded the proletariat till now, and for
instead, it has completely invested
it is Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, Maryam
forged will were silenced successfully
all the hopes invested in it, has taken
its energies in hanging on to power.
on more of a hollow ring. Bhutto’s
Nawaz or Imran Khan, all the parties
by the ruling leaders. Looking back
Political alliances were made and
legacy has apparently trumped its last
are throwing the dice, striving for the
into history, Kissinger’s threat to
broken and remade only to break
card. BB Shaheed’s sacrifice and her
untapped wealth of the young vote
Bhutto, “We will make an example of
again.
forlorn photographs have kept Zardari
bank. A shawl-clad Bilawal sitting
you”, has reverberated in the annals of
snug in the Presidency so far, but
solemnly with the prime minister
winds of change have started to blow…
is a comforting sight for the PPP
The ‘small heart attack’ must
loyalists. Although only 23, Bilawal is
have given the president ample time
the grandson of the man who was the
to ponder over the noose tightening
youngest federal cabinet minister at
around the government. Whenever
30 and the only son of the first woman
it is the time for regimen change
prime minister at 35. A lot rests upon
in Pakistan, ‘national interest’ and
his shoulders if PPP has to survive as a
‘treason’ are the two words that keep
main stream political party. Although
cropping up repeatedly, and once
he looks slight, expectations from him
again, these words are making profuse
are dauntingly immense.
This has also enabled him to
the Pakistan’s history ever since. The
take many unpopular decisions upon
situation has not improved even now.
which he chose to keep the nation
Even with an independent judiciary
confused. This has distanced him
and a strong media, the people
greatly from the public. Emerging
of Pakistan still lack the power to
from his barricaded presidency only
exercise their own will. Establishment
for a foreign tour, the president has
and the vested interests of the global
proven he would rather be a president
powers continue to mould the fate
than a leader. Shaking hands with
of this nation. Liaqat Ali Khan,
the same Q-League that was once the
Z.A.Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto were
target of PPP’s fiery accusations has
slain for putting their foot out of the
greatly damaged the party’s image and
line. This vicious circle of controlled
hurt the feelings of the loyal workers.
democracy and army taking turns will
True, politics and morals cannot go
never let the nation reap the benefits
hand in hand and masses do have a
of its immense potential and as for
short memory, but not this short. Re-
PPP as long as it stays “leader-less” it
opening the ZAB murder case is just not
might survive in power by coming in
going to cut it. With no more sympathy
handy for the establishment, having a
appearances in popular discourse.
A daughter of another martyred
The ‘memo-gate scandal’ is one such
Bhutto, Fatima, is being admired
event that has opened the floodgate
by the Pakistani youth. Intellectual
of outraged voices. Hussain Haqqani
and brave, she is a young Bhutto
was towing the government line but
whose writings are patriotic and her
the scandal seems to have made him
demeanor is gallant. She would be a
a worthwhile target as any allegations
Bhutto people will find easier to love,
on him would soon make their way
but Benazir Bhutto’s PPP would not
votes at its service, its high time PPP
true leader is a crime that has not been
directly to the president. Now with
be banner she would want to carry.
reverted to its original manifesto and
forgiven in history.
the Supreme Court involved, the ploy
In addition to the political balance
start working towards social justice.
seems to be in full motion. The critical
of power heavily against PPP, the
civil-military balance has been gravely
economic conditions
threatened by the NATO attacks. The
gravely
entire nation is baying for blood and
as
full sympathies are with the armed
T h e
forces. The government has risen to
06 - 07
Whenever it is the time for regimen change in Pakistan, ‘national interest’ and ‘treason’ are the two words that keep cropping up repeatedly
the occasion for once and taken timely measures with the NATO supplies suspended and the Shamsi air base
evacuated.
But
the ominous question lingering in the highly inflamed
political
atmosphere is, what now? The PPP Government buying
time
is to
see which way the wind is blowing on the Afghan side of the border, while PML(N) and PTI make their way to PPP’s home base
–Sindh
–
to
try their luck with erstwhile loyal PPP
worsened
well.
h a v e
The
Art Review
Reincarnation of a Romance Khalid Saeed has revived miniature as an art form, literally giving it a new life By Nadeem Alam
I
t is always difficult to convey your full meanings in subtle and very delicate means, but at the same time, only subtle and delicate means can do it. Free flowing lines, opaque and transparent layers of water based tinges and diminutive scales are what miniature painting is all about. Since ages, this form of painting has been best suited for the illustrated works, either they were to explain through the holy scriptures of celestial books or through the mystifying dictum of mythological concepts. This style was the embodiment of illuminated manuscripts of the great Persian tradition and was the source of preach and teach in the Rajasthani traditions related to the teachings of exaggerated sensuousness, stretched through the elongated yet voluptuous body of the woman. This is the same radical and fragile woman of South Asia, who has been active, passionate and expressive in giving vent to her concealed and open thoughts and feelings. Khalid has pictured this woman in command of her male conjugal partner, whenever they are painted in a love scene or in a romantic composition. Traditionally, in Indian Literature, Mythology, Religions and epics, Indian woman has been portrayed more eloquent then the man. On the other hand, Khalid has painted the male figure in a very static way with nothing but his eyes wide open, gazing at some alluring parts of his beloved’s body. The male individual, in Khalid’s paintings, is more like a repeated character who appears frequently, to fill the vacant space in the frame.
‘The sensuous curvatures and the transparent folds over and across the dexterity of figures breathing out of ‘Vasili’ are what takes me away, away from all the depressions and anxieties, with a feel of lightness and tranquility’ Jains in their compilations known as Kalpasutra. In the sixteenth-century AD, Mughals brought with them the Persian painting style that was to be assimilated with the Gujarati pictorial practice in the subcontinent. Actually, that was the beginning of an Indian style which later, with the passage of time and due to the patronage of the royal Mughal Courts, defined itself as the Mughal Miniature style. That style evolved with diversity of subjects such as; hunt scenes, court scenes, regal celebrations and love scenes while rendering of royal attire added
a quality of visual documentation to this painting tradition. When royals fell, and the power went to British East India Company, the court painters ascended over the hills where the courts were still alive! These court artists, after being patronised by the hill courts, intentionally or unintentionally, helped in originating and shaping the Pahari Style. Pakistani miniature painting in its early period was under influence; either of the court style or the Bengal School whereas, Pahari style became another inspiration for few! Khalid Saeed Butt is one of those artists who are deeply in love
with miniature style of painting. He describes his passion in these words, “Today I feel that I cannot paint anything other than miniatures. The sensuous curvatures and the transparent folds over and across the dexterity of figures breathing out of ‘Vasili’ are what takes me away, away from all the depressions and anxieties, with a feel of lightness and tranquility.” Dr Shaukat Mahmood (Maxim), a scholar and a critic, comments, “Khalid Saeed has revived this noble art form and has given a new life to it.” If we could look at the style of Khalid, concerning his rendering of the female figures, one can find
This male figure seems wearisome, contrary to the charismatic and opulent character of the female. The gorgeous female overwhelms the painting surface with a display of curves and contours, under the translucency of her apparel. The backgrounds and the foliage, in Khalid Saeed’s frames, are obviously inspired by the Pahari Miniature paintings with minute details and meticulous renderings. Moreover, Khalid has repeated this detailed and ornate floral depiction when he paints the fabric caressing over the female body or covering the male characters. The night scenes that Khalid has captured, remind us the traditional illustrations of Ragmalas and Gita Govinda. Khalid is also using large canvases and oil paints, instead of traditional Vasili and water-based pigments, for his very miniature style. This neologism will earn him what? Only time will determine!
Investing in the future The needs of the youth have been on the backburner far too long, it is imperative to formulate a comprehensive and contemporarily relevant policy that addresses these By Mian Khuram Shahzad
‘Y
outh’ has become quite the buzz word these days, forming the central theme of much of today’s political rhetoric but this is accompanied by the all too conspicuous absence of a larger framework for policy, governance structures and public processes specifically targeting the youth. The state has the most capacity (and responsibility) in this regards to make tangible changes and hence needs to be galvanized into becoming more responsive to the needs of the young demographic. Many might not be aware that we do, in fact, have a Ministry of Youth Affairs which was created on November 18, 2005. It presented the National Youth Policy in December 2008 which was approved in January 2009. Before the formulation of National Youth Policy, there were a number of ministries and organizations that were already working in various areas related to youth. However, the aim of the policy was to integrate their programmes and provide an overall sense of direction consistent with the
needs of the country. When the government decided in light of the 18th amendment to initially devolve five federal ministries, the Ministry of Youth Affairs was one among others and the federal government devolved these ministries to provinces on Dec 2, 2010. As part of the plan, Ministry of Youth and its international affairs, foreign aid and inter-provincial matters would be overseen by the federation while legislation powers regarding youth, youth organization forums and youth centers were delegated to the provinces. The Information, Culture & Youth Affairs Department, in this backdrop prepared the first draft of youth Policy Punjab in August 2011. But without any reasonable cause or prior warning, Youth Affairs was picked up and saddled off with the Archeology, Sports and Tourism Department. Apart from the fact that this move makes absolutely no sense, it also disrupted the work that had been going on there. Needless to say, this is yet another manifestation of government apathy and disregard for youth affairs. There have recently been attempts to remedy this, by attempting to formulate a comprehensive policy
aiming to harness the talent and energies of the youth and address the challenges being confronted by today’s youth. BARGAD – Organization for Youth Development and UNFPA jointly started a project to work on youth policy Punjab in July this year with Ms Sadia Ata, National Program Officer Youth playing a central role. It would be fair question to ask at this point, what exactly constitutes youth affairs and what issues would a youth policy address? Of course, a youth policy cannot be taken in isolation from the larger context but there are issues that are specific to this demographic which need to be addressed. In order to answer this question and gain deeper insight into the kind of issues facing the youth today, BARGAD and UNFPA in collaboration with Youth affairs department, Government of Punjab held a series of meetings across the province of Punjab. Of the numerous themes that arose in these discussions, the idea of youth ownership of their country and part in the political process was a dominant theme. Unfortunately, political discourse is largely dominated by a few squabbling politicians and young people, having constantly been fed this image, have to a large extent become
disillusioned with politics. The revival of student unions in Pakistan is vital in this regards, especially in inculcating leadership skills and helping the youth develop a clear political voice. There is also need to be brought within the legislative process. Spaces need to be opened for the youth to speak else marginalization from political processes opens up the possibility of the youth turning to the other channels and becoming increasingly radicalized. There is a need to understand that the ‘youth’ is not a homogenous category and include a wide crosssection of classes, ethnicities, religions etc and all of these need to be addressed specifically as well. A young boy living on the streets comes from an entirely different context from his counterpart in a school, and this fact needs to be appreciated. In this respect, promotion of indigenous skills is highly necessary for young people not only to feel proud of their own distinct cultures and skills, but to be able to make a respectable living as well. For those section of the youth out of school and employed in labour, nodes of informal education need to be developed in order to meet their needs. Skill-development, peer
education, youth centers, training of street youth by their counterparts in school are some of the mechanisms through which to accomplish this and many more approaches can be developed if we commit to this and think creatively. The
curriculum
needs
urgent
attention and must be revamped if we are to have any hope of salvaging our
new
generation.
Additionally,
there is a need to cultivate a civic sense and communal spirit in society for
which
it
is
imperative
that
volunteerism be inculcated by making community service compulsory in secondary with
young
schools. people
Conversations also
revealed
that public transport for women is a major issues, both in urban and rural areas. Facilitating transport and mobility is the responsibility of the government and can hinder access to education. Youth have always been at the forefront of social movements and change and are imperative for its success. If we want to real change in our society, then we cannot afford to be blind to the problems of young people.
Sunday, 18 December, 2011
In defence of
Zardari Despite its failings, the current PP government is the first mature boP-led ut of democracy since early Bhutto
By Hashim bin Rashid