the review
The Anti-Women Practices Bill attempts to rectify the long-standing bias against women but has come up against the usual procedural and cultural impediments
N
ovember 15th saw the passing of the much needed Anti-Women Practices Bill by the National Assembly which while suffering from a fair share of weaknesses, is nonetheless, an encouraging piece of legislation. As I sat down to pen this article, a programme called ‘FIR’ on a private channel narrated a case regarding a young girl who had refused her childhood engagement. Her former childhood fiancé shot her two days before her wedding to another man as she was sitting for her mayoon (a pre-wedding functions for a bride). The Anti-Women Practices bill is an attempt to combat such uncivil practices which rights groups have been publicly decrying for years. On the subject of women, only a selected number of cases have drawn media attention and forced higher courts to take suo moto notice – but, as the Mukhtaran Mai case proved, little has changed on the ground. That women’s issues are on the back burner is evident if one traces the slow, tedious journey the current bill was put through. Introduced as a private members bill in June 2008, it took more than three years for it to be passed by the National Assembly. A similar bill (with slight changes) had been put before the National Assembly in 2006 by members of the then ruling party but never reached the debate stage and lapsed. The 2008 bill had two additional provisions to the current bill: one, it declared watta satta (exchange) marriage criminal; two, it had a provision in relation to lia’n (imprecation) proceedings. The current bill dropped the watta satta provision but passed a modified provision in relation to Lia’n and dissolution of marriage was retained. While watta satta could fall under the forced marriage provision, L’ian posits a complexer subject which could have sparked the return of the debate on the Zina sentence for women. So while not all that could be done has been done, there is space for practitioners and victims to raise a legal challenge against prevalent oppressive cultural practices. The nitty-gritty’s of the bill: Defining ‘offences against women’ Now we look at the bill itself to understand what it offers and where it can improve.
In January 2004, amendments in the criminal law introduced in Section 310A made it a punishable offence to offer a female in marriage as compensation in a murder case. The provision was not sufficient and women continued to be given as compensation in a variety of other criminal and civil cases which were not covered by law. Jirgas and panchayats persisted in passing judgements in cases of kidnapping, ‘enticement’ and sexual assault to offer a female member of the offender’s kin to the aggrieved party. Media even reported cases where fathers and other male family members gave women in marriage to free themselves of loans. The current bill has substituted this provision and enhanced its scope to cover any criminal or civil liability or in the name of any practice like swara or wanni (Swara is the practice in certain Pushto speaking areas of giving a female to settle a feud. The same practice in parts of North Western Punjab is called wanni). Punishment has been set at three to seven years imprisonment and Rs 500,000 as fine. The bill has introduced a new chapter in the Pakistan Penal Code under the header “Offences against women.” This declares as crime both depriving a women of inheritance (punishable with five to ten years in jail and/or a fine of Rs 1 million) and depriving a woman from marriage through marriage with the Quran or oath to remain unmarried (punishable with three to seven years in jail and/or a fine of Rs 1 million). The bill has introduced another amendment in the Criminal Procedure Code barring the provincial government’s authority to suspend, remit or commute any sentence of a rape convict. Procedural hurdles: The criminalisation of Anti-Women Practice on face value hides certain weaknesses built into the law. While the punishment has been kept severe by including a hefty prison sentence and fine and the crimes categorised as non-compoundable; that is, no compromise is permitted, there is a procedural hurdle as police are not empowered to arrest without a warrant, which takes the sting out of the law. The question is that, while the standing PPC allows police to arrest without warrant for crimes under current section 310A, why does the proposed provision, set to substitute the current Sec 310A take away the power to arrest without warrant? The second significant loophole is in the inheritance provision. It can impose “imprisonment
or fine or both.” Theoretically speaking, the provison may allow many a powerful man to be let off with fines while saving their properties from division. Does mere criminalization mean change? The Anti-Women Practices bills statement of objectives reads, “There are several practices and customs in vogue in the country which are not only against human dignity but also violate human rights.” While that is true, the question is whether the bill, implemented in its true spirit, can combat heinous crime against women alone or is there need for additional legislation? And, can the mere criminalisation of certain practices protect women and promote women rights? The answer to both questions is no. The bill itself needs supporting legislation and for higher court precedents to be set. Also, the practices for which penal provisions have been introduced can be divided into two categories. One, those in which criminalisation can assist a female victim. These include: offering a female in redressal or forced marriages or the prevention of marriage through marriage to the Holy Quran. When section 310-A was inserted in the PPC in 2004, legal precedents for these began to be set. Originally, for cases that preceded the date of the amendment, prosecution could not occur, however, when the Supreme Court was directly approached in 2006, it started hearings on a petition from women rights activist Samar Minallah on swara and wanni. While the legal recourse appears suited for these practices, other issues such as depriving women from inheritance appear best settled out of court. The need is for proactive preventive measures to be taken by relevant state functionaries to ensure women receive their share of rights. How to make the bill effective? No legislative efforts will be successful until and unless attitudes and prejudices against women are tackled. In every society there are all sorts of prejudices especially against women but in Pakistan’s case the fundamental concern especially since the “Islamisation” process of the late 70’s has been the state’s view of women rights and their role in the society. That process not only introduced anti-women and anti-people laws but created a very Continued on page 8
That women’s issues are on the backburner is evident if one traces the slow, tedious journey the current Bill was put through. Introduced as a private members Bill in June 2008, it took more than three years for it to be passed by the National Assembly
2 Shame, honour – and nudity 4 Another unique release by OUP
By Sohail Akbar Warraich
Illustrated & Designed by Babur Saghir
One small step for women…
CMYK
Sunday, 11 December, 2011
Shame, honour – and the fig-leaf
If you deem Veena Malik’s bare shoot immoral and unacceptable, don’t buy the magazine or look it up on a website By Usmann Rana
Sunday,11 December, 2011
V
eena Malik’s nude photo shoot for Indian edition of FHM men’s magazine has raised quite a hue and cry in her homeland, Pakistan – incidentally, a country ranking third on Thomson Reuters Foundation’s most dangerous country for women to live in. Malik denies posing nude for the magazine and has sued FHM which insists the photographs are real and has in retaliation sued her with a hefty amount of 250 Million Indian Rupees. In another part of the world, Alya Almahdy,an Egyptian blogger in the midst of the ongoing Egyptian revolution posts photographs of herself online, clad in nothing but boots. Even the Egyptian Left was quick to wash their hands off her for fear of falling out of favor in the first democratic elections after a four decade dictatorship. Though the contexts are wholly separate, Malik and Almahdy but bring to the fore the issue of nudity, a serious taboo for majority of the world, especially the third world Islamic countries such as Pakistan or Egypt. It is not the first time that conservatives have whipped themselves into a frenzy over the issue of nudity. Take the case of American Robert Mapplethorpe’s nude art which still remains a controversial topic to date. While the supporters of the exhibition entitled Mapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment saw the homoerotic and sado-masochistic nude photographs as a sign of artistic excellence, the opposition saw it as blatant and obscene display of immorality. For Almahdy her nude photographs were a means to struggle against a misogynistic society. For Mapplethorpe, it was the aesthetic beauty of the nude human form which inspired his art. And for Malik, and FHM, it was an easy road to big bucks. But what is so inherently wrong with nudity that it should cause such blanket denunciation? After all, if everyone’s consent is involved and the photos are not shoved into the faces of the Puritanminded, what’s the big problem? The sanctimonious outcry about how it is against the honor of women and is an immoral act is precisely what Alya Almahdy is fighting against - the notion of shame/honor that our societies so cherish which has long denied women sexual autonomy, turning them into caged virgins. Ironically, this line of argument is not only used by conservatives and the right wingers, but also certain factions of feminists who believe that nudity results in the objectification of the female body. The argument goes thus: women flaunting their bodies and sexuality leads to vulgar and cheap objectification of women. Firstly, does this mean I, a man, have the permission to pose nude for Playgirl magazine’s next cover? Why was there no brouhaha over the nude shots of Antonio Banderas for of Playgirl magazine? What about the nude photos of male subjects? Or the alpha male projection of male heroes in Hollywood? Does that not objectify men in a certain manner? How many of us are Hugh Jackman?
The word ‘vulgar’ has an overtly value judgement attached to it and morality, as long as it does not harm someone, is subjective. If you deem Veena Malik’s bare shoot immoral and unacceptable, don’t buy the magazine or look it up on a website. Then there are some feminists who argue that nudity leads to the commodification of the female body for capitalistic ends. On the flipside, there are those that believe the burqa is a form of objectification. See what I’m getting at? The argument of objectification can very well be used against the guardians of tradition and female honor themselves, keeping in mind how socially constructed sense of propriety, femininity and honour is forced on women to suppress their natural sexuality. Then there is the other equally significant argument that people like Malik or AlMahdy do not really represent Pakistan or Egypt. For the starters, they are not Cultural Ministers of their countries. Yes, to a certain extent, they do have certain obligations under the silent contract with the society. But does that mean they have to compromise on their art or intellect? Who represents Pakistan? That is the question troubling the country, with or without V e e n a Malik. But the fact is Malik is very much a product of this society and so another representative of it. She maybe a reaction to Pakistan and its conservative values as am I, someone who has been tagged ‘Liberal Fascist’ for merely challenging orthodoxy, sexism and homophobia. In all honesty, a nation known for being a safe haven for terrorists, all over the world, and with Munawar Hsaan, Zaid Hamid and Ibtisam Ilahi Zaheer purporting to represent our society, Pakistan has little to fret over as to how Malik’s nude, real or morphed, photos are a concern for national pride and proper representation of Pakistan. As Nosheen Iqbal’s Guardian article puts it “The fuss over Veena Malik’s ‘nude’ FHM cover is Pakistan’s real shame”. She goes on in the article to point out quite rightly, “A flash of skin causing more frenzied controversy than jihadists posting beheading videos online. That, by a long measure, has to be the real national shame.”
Sadequain’s Art: Influences and Inspirations
Most of Sadequain’s paintings display elements like exaggeration, horror, metamorphosis, drama and myth which reflect their themes
BBC’s documentary of deception
S
adequain was a great thematic painter of Pakistan. He had worked in various styles ranging from linear to ‘painterly’ ones. Since he was a thematic painter with personal and individual observations of life, he opted to depict grotesque elements from an inner and outer world, to find truth and reality. In this pursuit, he painted his canvases with figures, which actually are characters taken from religion, history, mythology and literature, with backgrounds suggesting either the time period they belong to or the inward feelings, they were spellbound with. The diversity in Sadequain’s work, both in technique and in thought, encompasses the wide range of influences and inspirations owing to different reasons and circumstances
the artist comes across throughout his life. These inspirations and influences served and fed Sadequain’s art in a manner that enabled him to extract his themes from a variety of subject matters – from gods and goddesses to the great thinkers and philosophers of Greece and Persia, in terms of characters, while in connection with literature, he touched Sophocles on one end and Shakespeare, Iqbal and Ghalib on the other. By composing his frames in a theatrical way, Sadequain put on show conceptual as well as the corporeal aspect of drama in life, an element that Baroque art is famous for. Most of Sadequain’s paintings display elements like exaggeration, horror, metamorphosis, drama and myth in their themes. As far as figures or characters are concerned, he has looked back into history, religion and mythology (regardless of origins i.e. Greek or Indian) to portray characters
that can enrich and elaborate his themes, for this purpose Sadequain has painted, celestial figures, philosophers; who had great ideology and impact like Aristotle, Socrates, Ibn-i Khaldun, scientists ranging from early periods of enlightenment like Ibn-i Haisam, al-Khwarzami, or Ibn-i Sina, to the modern era of twentieth century known for new theories where, his brush personifies Einstein or Karl Marx. Taking his themes into consideration first, we can find him as a lover and admirer of the darker and crude form of life contrary to the beautiful, subtle and aromatic aspects. Since this concept of grotesque or (malamat) was not a new one in this part of the world as it had been discussed and displayed on various levels by different schools of Sufism that became popular in the subcontinent. In his book, ‘Image and Identity’, Akbar Naqvi says: “Sadequain’s art
enacted the drama of malamat in its Zahiri [external] and batini [internal] aspects – the coincidence and confusion of appearance and reality as awareness of truth in the definition of the self.” The concept of Malamat has been in vogue in the Sufi tradition here in the subcontinent, where Sufis were not of view to adapt themselves to the clear and straight rules of life, rather they groped the reality through a grotesque and more ritual way of life where, dance, music, intoxication and supernatural ambiance were created and strongly believed. With this approach in life,
By composing his frames in a theatrical way, Sadequain put on show conceptual as well as the corporeal aspect of drama in life
Sadequain was expected to reveal the realities of life through dance, drama, and rituals in an ambiance farfetched from the physical world and close to the mystic vagueness. These subjects helped him in carrying out paintings with subjects matter taken from mythologies, and enactment of the rituals, which ultimately caused him in putting dynamism within his frame along with the concepts he painted upon. In his thirst to paint themes he had admired throughout his life, Sadequain was seen quenching
his desires, through romantic and modern painting styles and concepts when he painted with selfconscious approach and themes (a romantic attitude) at one place while with abstract expressionism and symbolic style at the other. He also followed modern art techniques, wherever needed to give expression to his inner and individual thoughts. As his interest never faded out of mythological and religious concepts and literary epics and stories, from where his characterization got enriched, he also indulged in emphasis, exaggeration, hyperbole, horror, theatricality (action, drama, movement), and dynamism, which reminds us of the art of Baroque style. Collectively, Sadequain was inspired from diverse influences that prevailed either in European art and literature or in the Eastern tradition of grotesque mysticism (Malamat).
BBC’s documentary of deception From page 3 backed color revolutions, covert military operations, sanctions, invasion, and even funding terrorists groups including the US State Department listed, French/ Iraqi-based Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK) and Balochistan groups who straddle the IranianPakistani border. Riedel is indeed right about the threat of a nuclear armed Pakistan being destabilized and falling into the hands of extremists, but by now it should be clear by looking at Riedel’s background that these are extremists like those armed by US British and NATO forces in Libya, who were then provided air cover to commit sweeping genocide before handing the nation over to the West’s proxy rulers. And in Pakistan, the forces of destabilization are likewise being armed and backed by the West.
By Hashim bin Rashid
According to the report, 20% of Pakistan’s mineral and energy resources reside in the sparsely populated province. On page 4 of the report, the prospect of co-opting the Balochi rebels and using them against both Islamabad and Tehran is proposed. The 2006 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace report makes special note of the fact that above all, the Balochistan province serves as a transit zone for a potential IranianIndia-Turkmenistan natural gas pipeline as well as a port, Gwadar, that serves as a logistical hub for Afghanistan, Central Asia’s landlocked nations as well as a port for the Chinese. The report notes that the port was primarily constructed with Chinese capital and labor with the intention of it serving as a Chinese naval station “to protect Beijing’s oil supply from the Middle East and to counter the US presence in Central Asia.” This point in particular, regarding China, was described in extricating detail in the 2006 Strategic Studies Institute’s report “String of Pearls: Meeting the Challenge of China’s Rising Power across the Asian Littoral.” Throughout the report means to co-opt and contain China’s influence throughout the region are discussed. The Carnegie Endowment report goes on to describe how the Balochi rebels have fortuitously begun attacking the development
of their province over concerns of “marginalization” and “dispossession.” Harrison’s February 2011 piece, “Free Balochistan,” calls to “aid the 6 million Baloch insurgents fighting for independence from Pakistan in the face of growing ISI repression.” He continues by explaining the various merits of such meddling by stating, “Pakistan has given China a base at Gwadar in the heart of Baloch territory. So an independent Balochistan would serve U.S. strategic interests in addition to the immediate goal of countering Islamist forces.” Harrison would follow up his frank call to carve up Pakistan by addressing the issue of ChinesePakistani relations in a March 2011 piece titled, “The Chinese Cozy Up to the Pakistanis.” He begins by stating, “China’s expanding reach is a natural and acceptable accompaniment of its growing power—but only up to a point.” He then reiterates his call for extraterritorial meddling in Pakistan by saying, “to counter what China is doing in Pakistan, the United States should play hardball by supporting the movement for an independent Balochistan along the Arabian Sea and working with Baloch insurgents to oust the Chinese from their budding naval base at Gwadar. Beijing wants its inroads into Gilgit and Baltistan to be the first step on its way to an Arabian Sea outlet at Gwadar.” We see a clear, over-arching
Critical lens
US attempts to destabilize Pakistan One group amongst this “force,” are the Baluch that straddle the Iranian-Pakistani border. In a 2006 report by the corporatefinancier funded think tank Carnegie Endowment for International Peace titled, “Pakistan: The Resurgence of Baloch Nationalism,” violence starting as early as 2004-2005 is described.
strategy not aimed at Afghanistan, not even aimed at Pakistan, but ultimately aimed at disrupting and ending Chinese interests on their own border. This “trifecta” could also be seen successfully at work in the Southeast Asian country of Myanmar where covert military operations, coupled with foreign-funded NGOs, and political propaganda supplied by fake “democracy icon” Aung San Suu Kyi, were successfully used to stop the construction of a joint ChineseMyanmar mega-dam in the northern state of Kachin.
Conclusion
Quite clearly then, Riedel’s fears regarding Pakistan are somewhat disingenuous. In reality, he knows that the grand strategy is aimed not at neutralizing the manufactured threat of terrorism, but at containing China, a policy that was openly declared by current US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton within her article titled, “America’s Pacific Century.” That BBC produced a two-hour long “documentary” to shoehorn every aspect of the “War on Terror” into the new narrative of “Secret Pakistan” and elude that the war “has a life of its own,” is a horrific piece of propaganda aimed at perpetuating, even expanding an already catastrophic conflict. BBC willfully misleads its audience into believing that Pakistan has “betrayed” its Western allies and
is partially responsible for the now, thousands of US, British, and NATO troops that have died in the war. In reality, Pakistan is doing what it must against a nation that invaded its neighbor under false pretenses and has conspired within the halls of its corporate-funded think-tanks to subvert, overthrow, and then invade Pakistan. BBC and the corporate media have by far helped send more US, British and NATO troops to their needless death with their lies than any Pakistani intelligence agency. The words of Kagan, Reidel, and Harrison, who are documented to have conspired against the sovereignty and security of foreign nations, must be spread far and wide. If soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines want to continue fighting with full knowledge that they do so for a corporate-financier agenda to eliminate Wall Street and London’s global competitors, so be it. At least they have the right to know what they are really fighting for and for what they may potentially die for. Pakistan can likewise defend itself from this army of mercenaries without disingenuous liars like the BBC twisting reality around and portraying Pakistanis as “duplicitous.” Excerpts from ‘The Coming War with Pakistan’ originally featured in Infowars Ireland.
CMYK
By Nadeem Alam
By Natasha Shahid Kunwar
Designed by Sana Ahmed
“Nuclear Pakistan - Strategic Dimensions” Publisher: Oxford University Press, Karachi Pages: 275; Price: Rs. 725 Year: 2011
04 - 05
Sunday, 11 December, 2011
By Syed Afsar Sajid
Solidarity International (Bimonthly) Published by: PPA Publications,H.6,St.39,G-6/2,Islamabad Chief Editor: Khalid Athar Editor: Khurram Khiraam Siddiqui
Journal of Social Sciences (Vol.4,No.2-Aug 2011) Patron: Prof. Dr. Zakir Hussain Editor: Ghulam Ghous Published by: Government College University, Faisalabad Pages: 191; Price: Rs.300/- (US $20)
Best
Sellers of the Week
CMYK
Those who are wellversed in the issues of Pakistani defence and its various apparatuses, would be glad to receive a much needed fresh dose on an old subject of great importance
By Khalid Mir
Instead, conversation and political debate will be swamped by trivia, personalities, entertainment values, and momentary considerations. Books, as anchors in a floating world, help us both take a step back from ourselves and the times we’re living in, as well as illuminating them
Pilgrimage to
Mother Mary W
Catholic Christianity adopts the culture of the urs as hundreds of thousands of Pakistani Christians walk barefoot, cycle and even cartwheel to Mariamabad
Designed by Atif Rafi
the review
By Misha Rehman and Hashim bin Rashid
hen we imagine a folk-festival in rural Pakistan, we imagine the urs. The urs is the pilgrimage to the shrine of a saint, part of the tradition of how Muslim identities merged into subcontinental identities. The urs is a matter of belief, where the believer returns to offer to his patron saint, upon successful intermediation. But the ursis also a manifestation of culture. An entire set of festivities, folklore and a fair develops next to the shrine at the moment of the urs.A contested traditional within modernist and doctrinal Islam, the culture of the shrine forms the spiritual soul of the subcontinent. It is the recognition of this spiritual soul by Catholic Christianity that is the mela of Mariamabad - the Ziarat-eMuqadas Mariamabad (the Holy Pilgrimage to Mariamabad). Located 80 kilometres from Lahore following the GT Road to Sheikhupura, the village of Mariamabad, settled in 1892 by three priests and three Christian families, grew to a 2,000 acre settlement home to Pakistan’s largest Christian coming together. The pilgrimage itself began in 1949, when a Belgian capuchin, realising the growing popularity of attending urs’s, decided to replicate the pattern on September 8, Mary’s birthday. A set of stories of children from Mariamabad having dreamt of apparitions of Holy Mary appearing before them on a sand mound in the village began to circulate. A church and grotto, in image of the Our Lady of Lourdes grotto in France, was created. Villagers donated food grains to prepare a langar. With this began the first annual pilgrimage attended by 950 people.The pilgrimage to Mother Mary subsequently became a yearly event from September 9th-11th.
06 - 07
Sunday, 11 December, 2011
Our first – but the 62nd pilgrimage to Mariamabad We are narrating the tale of us travelling to Mariamabad on the 62nd Annual Pilgrimage. Before we narrate, we must qualify that as young travelers, only growing into the cultures that have built up in decades, at times centuries in the subcontinent, the two of us, remain cautious about our little peak into the Mariamabad pilgrimage. The Mariamabad pilgrimage, we are told, includes individuals walking barefoot and cartwheeling all the way from Karachi to the village. We are skeptical but then Pakistan is a strange cultural creature and we are unsure what to expect. The minute we cross Sheikhupura, signs welcomes us to the festival to celebrate the birth of Marium. A couple of kilometers after, we see the first groups of boys banded together in orange shirts and headbands, lazying on the side of the road. Despite the scorching
heat of the sun, the inner peace of the voyage is apparent on their faces. The closer we are get to Mariamabad, the frequency of such groups increases: some color coordinated, others wearing cross’, some wearing security uniforms, and others with nothing but their devotion guiding them to the site. Amongst the pilgrims many do not wearing shoes, some wear socks, while others wear bandages to protect their feet from burning. But not all of them walk: many cycle or perch themselves on donkey carts. When we stop to take photographs a band of brothers stops and poses. They introduce themselves as Samuel, Niyamat and Naeem. They were walking from Sheikhupura and had covered 20 kilometers barefoot and still had another 12 to go. To the question of what draws them there, they answer, “We go to Marium and make a wish and a pledge (manat). If the wish comes true, we fulfill the pledge.” It is interesting to see, how in Pakistan, the concept of sainthood, having been inherited from Christianity during the early Islamic period, has been transferred from back from South Asian Islam into Catholicism in Pakistan. After a two and a half hour journey, we arrive at Mariamabad to find thousands of people amidst tight security. The mela itself spans as far as we can see. On one side, are two big towers, both bearing crosses. On the other side, is a church and the Mary Gretto. Both are walled. It is a massive congregation. Security officials tell us at least ten thousand people are there. Over the three-days, they say over a million Christians have paid tribute to the Grotto. The two towers are being climbed by boys and young men and adorned with colourful cloths, in a replication of the practice of chadar charhana. While we await security clearance to enter the Church and grotto area, we walk through the mela. Vendors sell images of Mary, some offer to tattoo Christian symbols, others sell beads and artificial jewelry, others sell clothes, all carrying the symbols of the faith of those who congregate. It was rather refreshing being asked by a malangni, “Ma Marium de na te kuch de do?” (Give me some cash in the name of Mother
Mary) The symbols of the space have changed so much that even the language of beggary and sainthood changes from that which we are attuned to. We walk up to the towers, in the meanwhile, we discover we have been granted permission to see the Grotto. The moment we
The mela itself spans as far as we can see. On one side, are two big towers, both bearing crosses. On the other side, is a church and the Mary Gretto. Both are walled turn away from the towers and take a step, our feet are wet with a splash. We look down and a 2-year old boy is urinating, as ten women ten women behind him burst out laughing. We pull an embarrassed but genuine smile. When we walk into the enclosed section housing the Grotto, thousands of people are lined up to see the Grotto. Over two thousand people are camped in different areas as some gospel singing is taking place on a stage. Behind the stage, is a bricked hill, a top which the Mary Grotto is placed, and a never-ending line of people await their turn. People weep at it, touch it and pray to it. When they are done with their prayer, they put a cloth on the wall (chadar charhana). The side of the hill is where candles are being burnt and prayers being made by those who cannot go up, or, those who have come down. Women are also seen weeping, looking for solace, at the wall which is filled up with candles and incense. It makes for a powerful sight. As we stand here, an announcement is made that the Pope’s representative and the Punjab Minorities Minister Kamran Michael are about to arrive to initiate the procession to carry a Mary statue to the hill in a procession. At this point, we decide to return as Catholic Christians from across Pakistan keep arriving to complete their pilgrimage to Mother Mary.
Sadequain’s Art: Influences and Inspirations By Nadeem Alam
S
adequain was a great thematic painter of Pakistan. He had worked in various styles ranging from linear to ‘painterly’ ones. Since he was a thematic painter with personal and individual observations of life, he opted to depict grotesque elements from an inner and outer world, to find truth and reality. In this pursuit, he painted his canvases with figures, which actually are characters taken from religion, history, mythology and literature, with backgrounds suggesting either the time period they belong to or the inward feelings, they were spellbound with. The diversity in Sadequain’s work, both in technique and in thought, encompasses the wide range of influences and inspirations owing to different reasons and circumstances
the artist comes across throughout his life. These inspirations and influences served and fed Sadequain’s art in a manner that enabled him to extract his themes from a variety of subject matters – from gods and goddesses to the great thinkers and philosophers of Greece and Persia, in terms of characters, while in connection with literature, he touched Sophocles on one end and Shakespeare, Iqbal and Ghalib on the other. By composing his frames in a theatrical way, Sadequain put on show conceptual as well as the corporeal aspect of drama in life, an element that Baroque art is famous for. Most of Sadequain’s paintings display elements like exaggeration, horror, metamorphosis, drama and myth in their themes. As far as figures or characters are concerned, he has looked back into history, religion and mythology (regardless of origins i.e. Greek or Indian) to portray characters
that can enrich and elaborate his themes, for this purpose Sadequain has painted, celestial figures, philosophers; who had great ideology and impact like Aristotle, Socrates, Ibn-i Khaldun, scientists ranging from early periods of enlightenment like Ibn-i Haisam, al-Khwarzami, or Ibn-i Sina, to the modern era of twentieth century known for new theories where, his brush personifies Einstein or Karl Marx. Taking his themes into consideration first, we can find him as a lover and admirer of the darker and crude form of life contrary to the beautiful, subtle and aromatic aspects. Since this concept of grotesque or (malamat) was not a new one in this part of the world as it had been discussed and displayed on various levels by different schools of Sufism that became popular in the subcontinent. In his book, ‘Image and Identity’, Akbar Naqvi says: “Sadequain’s art
Most of Sadequain’s paintings display elements like exaggeration, horror, metamorphosis, drama and myth which reflect their themes enacted the drama of malamat in its Zahiri [external] and batini [internal] aspects – the coincidence and confusion of appearance and reality as awareness of truth in the definition of the self.” The concept of Malamat has been in vogue in the Sufi tradition here in the subcontinent, where Sufis were not of view to adapt themselves to the clear and straight rules of life, rather they groped the reality through a grotesque and more ritual way of life where, dance, music, intoxication and supernatural ambiance were created and strongly believed. With this approach in life,
By composing his frames in a theatrical way, Sadequain put on show conceptual as well as the corporeal aspect of drama in life
Sadequain was expected to reveal the realities of life through dance, drama, and rituals in an ambiance farfetched from the physical world and close to the mystic vagueness. These subjects helped him in carrying out paintings with subjects matter taken from mythologies, and enactment of the rituals, which ultimately caused him in putting dynamism within his frame along with the concepts he painted upon. In his thirst to paint themes he had admired throughout his life, Sadequain was seen quenching
his desires, through romantic and modern painting styles and concepts when he painted with selfconscious approach and themes (a romantic attitude) at one place while with abstract expressionism and symbolic style at the other. He also followed modern art techniques, wherever needed to give expression to his inner and individual thoughts. As his interest never faded out of mythological and religious concepts and literary epics and stories, from where his characterization got enriched, he also indulged in emphasis, exaggeration, hyperbole, horror, theatricality (action, drama, movement), and dynamism, which reminds us of the art of Baroque style. Collectively, Sadequain was inspired from diverse influences that prevailed either in European art and literature or in the Eastern tradition of grotesque mysticism (Malamat).
BBC’s documentary of deception From page 3 backed color revolutions, covert military operations, sanctions, invasion, and even funding terrorists groups including the US State Department listed, French/ Iraqi-based Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK) and Balochistan groups who straddle the IranianPakistani border. Riedel is indeed right about the threat of a nuclear armed Pakistan being destabilized and falling into the hands of extremists, but by now it should be clear by looking at Riedel’s background that these are extremists like those armed by US British and NATO forces in Libya, who were then provided air cover to commit sweeping genocide before handing the nation over to the West’s proxy rulers. And in Pakistan, the forces of destabilization are likewise being armed and backed by the West.
US attempts to destabilize Pakistan One group amongst this “force,” are the Baluch that straddle the Iranian-Pakistani border. In a 2006 report by the corporatefinancier funded think tank Carnegie Endowment for International Peace titled, “Pakistan: The Resurgence of Baloch Nationalism,” violence starting as early as 2004-2005 is described.
According to the report, 20% of Pakistan’s mineral and energy resources reside in the sparsely populated province. On page 4 of the report, the prospect of co-opting the Balochi rebels and using them against both Islamabad and Tehran is proposed. The 2006 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace report makes special note of the fact that above all, the Balochistan province serves as a transit zone for a potential IranianIndia-Turkmenistan natural gas pipeline as well as a port, Gwadar, that serves as a logistical hub for Afghanistan, Central Asia’s landlocked nations as well as a port for the Chinese. The report notes that the port was primarily constructed with Chinese capital and labor with the intention of it serving as a Chinese naval station “to protect Beijing’s oil supply from the Middle East and to counter the US presence in Central Asia.” This point in particular, regarding China, was described in extricating detail in the 2006 Strategic Studies Institute’s report “String of Pearls: Meeting the Challenge of China’s Rising Power across the Asian Littoral.” Throughout the report means to co-opt and contain China’s influence throughout the region are discussed. The Carnegie Endowment report goes on to describe how the Balochi rebels have fortuitously begun attacking the development
of their province over concerns of “marginalization” and “dispossession.” Harrison’s February 2011 piece, “Free Balochistan,” calls to “aid the 6 million Baloch insurgents fighting for independence from Pakistan in the face of growing ISI repression.” He continues by explaining the various merits of such meddling by stating, “Pakistan has given China a base at Gwadar in the heart of Baloch territory. So an independent Balochistan would serve U.S. strategic interests in addition to the immediate goal of countering Islamist forces.” Harrison would follow up his frank call to carve up Pakistan by addressing the issue of ChinesePakistani relations in a March 2011 piece titled, “The Chinese Cozy Up to the Pakistanis.” He begins by stating, “China’s expanding reach is a natural and acceptable accompaniment of its growing power—but only up to a point.” He then reiterates his call for extraterritorial meddling in Pakistan by saying, “to counter what China is doing in Pakistan, the United States should play hardball by supporting the movement for an independent Balochistan along the Arabian Sea and working with Baloch insurgents to oust the Chinese from their budding naval base at Gwadar. Beijing wants its inroads into Gilgit and Baltistan to be the first step on its way to an Arabian Sea outlet at Gwadar.” We see a clear, over-arching
strategy not aimed at Afghanistan, not even aimed at Pakistan, but ultimately aimed at disrupting and ending Chinese interests on their own border. This “trifecta” could also be seen successfully at work in the Southeast Asian country of Myanmar where covert military operations, coupled with foreign-funded NGOs, and political propaganda supplied by fake “democracy icon” Aung San Suu Kyi, were successfully used to stop the construction of a joint ChineseMyanmar mega-dam in the northern state of Kachin.
Conclusion
Quite clearly then, Riedel’s fears regarding Pakistan are somewhat disingenuous. In reality, he knows that the grand strategy is aimed not at neutralizing the manufactured threat of terrorism, but at containing China, a policy that was openly declared by current US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton within her article titled, “America’s Pacific Century.” That BBC produced a two-hour long “documentary” to shoehorn every aspect of the “War on Terror” into the new narrative of “Secret Pakistan” and elude that the war “has a life of its own,” is a horrific piece of propaganda aimed at perpetuating, even expanding an already catastrophic conflict. BBC willfully misleads its audience into believing that Pakistan has “betrayed” its Western allies and
is partially responsible for the now, thousands of US, British, and NATO troops that have died in the war. In reality, Pakistan is doing what it must against a nation that invaded its neighbor under false pretenses and has conspired within the halls of its corporate-funded think-tanks to subvert, overthrow, and then invade Pakistan. BBC and the corporate media have by far helped send more US, British and NATO troops to their needless death with their lies than any Pakistani intelligence agency. The words of Kagan, Reidel, and Harrison, who are documented to have conspired against the sovereignty and security of foreign nations, must be spread far and wide. If soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines want to continue fighting with full knowledge that they do so for a corporate-financier agenda to eliminate Wall Street and London’s global competitors, so be it. At least they have the right to know what they are really fighting for and for what they may potentially die for. Pakistan can likewise defend itself from this army of mercenaries without disingenuous liars like the BBC twisting reality around and portraying Pakistanis as “duplicitous.” Excerpts from ‘The Coming War with Pakistan’ originally featured in Infowars Ireland.
08
Sunday, 11 December, 2011
Veena Malik:
Product of a blinkered feminism The feminist debate surrounding Veena Malik’s latest racy photograph ignores the sentiments of majority of women in this country
Cultural considerations of sexuality are often lost in our society, as upper class women revel in their self-proclaimed ideals of feminism while negating everything that runs counter to the aspirations of their own class
By Tazeen Fatima
M
s Malik has a knack for singehandedly whipping the nation into an uproar. But this is more an indictment on the nation than a quality of Ms Malik’s. Her latest stunt has elicited the expected scandalized murmurs, moral outrage and even ardent support. The media, predictably, is having a field day with this one. Meanwhile, Ms Malik continues to befuddle us with her outlandish attempts to disengage unscathed from this recent debacle. This in summary, is Veena’s side of the story: a) Her picture was morphed. b) The tattoo on her arm was an idea proposed to her by Kabir Sharma, the editor for FHM magazine, which she agreed to as a joke. c) She does not believe that the entire world stands against what she pulls off- it is only a small fraction of those who call themselves the guardians of religiosity in Pakistan. d) She knows her limits - which she defines for herself. Those who herald Veena as the epitome of female liberation overlook her vehement claims that the photo is morphed and that she did not, in fact, pose naked for the FHM cover. But lets put aside these asinine details for now and turn instead to the deeper, more problematic notion that underlies this entire debate: that of sexual liberation. Before we examine the question as to whether or not Veena’s stunt was an act of liberation, there is another more important question that needs to be posed which is, who exactly does Veena Malik represent? Is Veena Malik your quintessential Pakistani woman? Is there even such a thing as a quintessential Pakistani woman? Pakistani women are certainly not a homogenous group and differ greatly according to ethnicity, class, cultural values, needs, demands and aspirations. Is the question sexual liberation even important to most Pakistani women at all? Sexuality is not just an innate or natural quality of the body, but has historically been the site of power relations. A woman’s experience in our society is defined and often controlled by notions of sexuality which our culture determines. The body, then, is a cultural rather than a natural entity and one cannot essentialise a global ideal of sisterhood which springs out of invariant or universal feminine characteristics. Cultural considerations of sexuality are often lost in our society, as upper class women revel in their self-proclaimed ideals of feminism and negate all that runs counter to the aspirations of their own class. Such vocal support-
ers brandish notions of ‘embracing ones sexuality’ and the ‘right to wear what one wants’ but are completely oblivious to the fact that their notions of sexuality are similarly construed by power relations –increasingly so by the dictates of the market. Veena speaks about how she is threatened by ‘religious fundamentalists’ that are after her freedom and liberty and all that is good and modern. These fundamentalists see the active sexuality of women as a threat to the social order and consequently require them to
stay confined to the domestic arena. They fetishize the sexuality of women as destructive and enjoin them to be submissive, asexual and selfless. But this is the view from the lens of a woman from the upper class, who has eaten to her fill and who can afford to choose what to wear or what not to wear. (and well, whether to wear or whether not to wear) Where is the lens of the multitude of women that we impose our ideals of liberation on? That lens, in our society, is almost absent. Those refined ideas of female sexuality,
that women from our class champion exist in a vacuum. Does Veena’s sexual liberation give any hope of liberation to women from a diversity of ethnic, cultural and class backgrounds? What does liberation even mean for these women? “To hell with Veena,” said Sakina, a household maid, “I don’t care what she does. I just saw her news on TV and it is shameless what she is doing. She is probably doing this because it pays her. I would never do it, even if it paid me.” I do not want to overanalyze Sakina’s comment here. Her ideas of ethics derive from her own circumstances, just like Veena’s ethics do. The point is rather that we are an intolerant society. We like impugning public figures for the choices that they make. We do not only enjoy it, we derive a sense of felicity and self-righteousness out of it. But then lets not pretend that it’s more than just that: entertainment. To make it into female liberation is to do a great disservice to the true cause of female liberation, the kind that is really relevant to the majority of women in Pakistan. While Veena Malik may very well represent individual freedom, I fail to see how she represents sexual liberation for Pakistani women. By posing for a male voyeur magazine, which essentially revolves around objectifying women and tying them to the cultural ideals of ‘body’ and ‘sexuality’, she rejects one form ‘fundamentalism’ only to embrace another equally destructive form of gender oppression. When we look at a very complex society from a very narrow lens, we fail to recognize the root problem. I do not lay claim to any ‘true’ definition of liberation for Pakistani women, or to knowing the root problem, my point very simply is this: our understanding of female liberation is dangerously narrow. We need to go beyond Veena and account for every Sakina out there, whose first issue is not whether she wants to wear or not wear clothes, but who is more concerned with mundane everyday matters of survival. Another story on Page 2
One small step for women… From title page hostile attitude towards women. The state has enacted discriminatory laws of that period and the controversial “Islamisation” process encouraged violence against women in many forms. Though in the past few years some of those problematic legal provisions have been removed from the statue books but the impact they created still remains. Getting ones hand on the bill is another predicament altogether. One can access actual texts of bills from the National Assembly website, but the problem is that such sites are not regularly updated. Till a few days back even after the passing of the bill, the one featured on the website was not the one which was passed by the house but the one which was introduced. This makes efforts to locate this bill unnecessarily tedious instead of making it easier for the public to educate themselves regarding such laws and making them more widely available. It is utmost
important that the government agencies and the civil society organisations publicise the provisions of the bill provisions across the country, especially through the media. The type of anti women practices which have been criminalised in this bill require a well organised support structures for women victims. In the current set up of police and subordinate judiciary it is not possible for women survivors of these practices to seek redress. The Federal and Provincial governments are required to introduce special help centres, in the existing crisis centres and state run shelters (Dar ul Amans), in police stations, in Union council offices and other such places. In addition to the awareness raising campaigns, duty bearers who perform some key functions and can play a vital role must be educated and subjected to close scrutiny in case of any wrong doing. In issues of marriage, whether in compensation or a forced one, nikah khawans (marriage solemnisers) and
Nikah Registrars can play a vital role. Years back, in a decision on a bail application in a case of alleged kidnapping and forced marriage before the Lahore High Court, clear directions were outlined for the nikah registrars by the court. The court said that the incidents giving rise to proceedings like the one in hand can be greatly reduced if the Nikah Registrars appointed under the Muslim Family Laws ordinance, 1961 instead of simply filling the various columns of the nikahnama, in routine realise that the duty they are required to perform is very sacred as several rights flow from a valid marriage. As public servants, which is essentially what they are , they should demonstrate more sense of responsibility before authenticating the nikah by making proper inquiries as to the competency of the parties to understand the nature of their act, their ages and whether or not they are so acting of their free will and with out any compulsion. (ref. Shah Din v. The State PLD 1984 Lahore 137)
Despite such clear instructions by the higher court there the working of the majority of nikah registrars and nikah khawans (marriage solemnisers) especially in the smaller towns and rural areas is appalling even after 50 years of the introduction of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance. There is no clear criteria and standard for the appointment of nikah registrars. Years, working in the area of legal awareness and experience of conducting of legal orientation sessions with nikah registrars in different provinces of the country has revealed that majority of them is least aware of the meanings of the clauses of the nikahnama and their duties. Many don’t recognise the clauses in the nikahnama related to protection of women rights in the marriage. There are isolated cases where negligence or wrong doing of a nikah registrar came in the notice of the higher courts and the person responsible was taken to task. To protect and promote women’s
inheritance rights a comprehensive judgment of the Supreme Court in the case of Ghulam Ali v. Mst. Ghulam Sarwar Naqvi PLD 1990 SC 1 has rendered guidelines which should be implemented in letter and spirit. If the revenue officials especially the Tehsildar and Patwaris act upon the directions of court detailed out in this judgment, there can be marked improvement on this issue. Once this bill becomes law, it must be extended to the Federal Administered Tribal Areas. Many such laws have not been extended to these tribal areas and women of those areas have no legal recourse against blatant violations. It is urged that all the Muslim Family laws along with the Family Courts Act, Protection of Women Act, Law on Harassment of Women at Work Place and other amendments in criminal laws which either repealed discriminatory provisions against women or introduced some protective and promoting provisions be uniformly extended to all the tribal areas.