Fall 2015
Of Mooncakes and Family The Complicated Joy of Bangladesh A Progressive Step Forward On Being Fetishized A Tragedy, A Lesson The 2015 Bishar State Election How to Get into College Behind the Mask
Asian Cultural Magazine
RICE Magazine is an outlet for students to explore unique issues concerning Asian cultures, perspectives, and experiences. We reserve the right to edit submissions and publish work as deemed appropriate. All views expressed are those of the authors.
EMAIL cornellricemag@gmail.com FACEBOOK www.facebook.com/ricemagazine
EXECUTIVE BOARD President Cyndi Chin Editor-in-Chief June Xia Vice President of Finance Christopher Cho Head of Design Crystal Liu Head of Publicity Rene Tsukawaki Secretary Jeanette Si
ASSOCIATE EDITORS
DESIGNERS
Nana Entsiwa Adenu-Mensah Aasta Gandhi Christopher-James Llego Yuhuan Qiu Abrahim Shah Shashank Vura Catherine Wei Helen Yeung
Rowena Chen Mitchell Poon
Contents Letter from the Editor Of Mooncakes and Family The Complicated Joy of Bangladesh A Progressive Step Forward On Being Fetishized A Tragedy, A Lesson The 2015 Bishar State Election How to Get into College Behind the Mask 4
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
06 08 12 16 22 26 30 35 39 5
Letter from the Editor
Letter from the editor 6
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
RICE Magazine’s purpose is to give the Cornell community a glimpse into the wide variety of cultures within Asia. The publication serves as a platform for students of Asian heritage to share their stories, but we, the staff of RICE, strive to go beyond simply anecdotes. With topics ranging from modern politics to the history behind long held traditions, we infuse the opinions and experiences of our writers with larger cultural trends in the hopes of providing a personal touch to more unfamiliar topics. Through our articles, we hope to inspire readers to learn more about the diversity of Asia and to dispel the misconception that Asians are more less the same. Asia is a conglomeration of distinct cultures, and RICE tries to convey that by featuring as many cultures and perspectives as possible. We also hope to make a meaningful contribution to the Cornell community by tying the rich cultures of Asia back to aspects of Cornell. By doing so, our writing will be more relevant to our readers. In addition, the Cornell community may be better informed on events that occur throughout campus and how they relate to, or are influenced by, the Asian heritage. Thank you so much for reading and supporting our magazine; we hope you enjoy it and learn something new. Best, June Xia RICE Editor-in-Chief
7
Of Mooncakes and Family
of
Mooncakes and Family by Sophia Yang
O
8
n a mid-September night this past semester, festivities on Ho Plaza carried late into the evening as various student organizations across campus came together to celebrate the Mid-Autumn Festival, a traditional Chinese holiday. Cornell’s celebration captured the feeling essential to the Mid-Autumn Festival holiday season: the joy from being reunited with family and friends. Not only does this holiday have deeply rooted historical significance, symbols such as the mooncake, a dessert representative of the festival, reveal the origins and cultural traditions of the Mid-Autumn Moon Festival. The Mid-Autumn Moon Festival is one of the most important holidays celebrated in China. The holiday falls on the 15th day of the eighth month of the lunar year, which is considered to be in the middle of the autumn season when the moon is at its fullest and brightest. Traditionally, this was usually around the time the rice in the paddies had fully matured and could be harvested, so agricultural communities would celebrate the bountiful crops as part of the festivities.
As the festival encompasses thousands of years of history, there is also culturally significant folklore intertwined with the origins of this holiday. One of the more popular legends is about a rabbit that sacrificed himself to feed a trio of immortals. The three immortals were so deeply moved by the rabbit’s generous sacrifice that they named the rabbit “Jade Rabbit” and permitted him to live on the moon, an celestial palace encompassing an immortal spirit of life. Other legends reveal the origin of popular practices during the celebration. One such legend speaks of the immortal moon goddess, Chang’e, who was separated from her husband on Earth. Only during the full moon of the Mid-
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
Photo Courtesy of The Huffington Post
Autumn Festival could they briefly reunite, by crossing the Milky Way. To help guide Chang’e back to her husband, people on Earth would light and wave paper lanterns to illuminate the path, a practice that developed into a tradition still popular today. Throughout the ages, traditions and myths surrounding the festival have evolved largely due to significant technological, cultural and economical changes in China. However, three traditions have withstood the test of time. First, friends and family typically gather together to celebrate this festival. A national holiday in China, the Mid-Autumn Festival grants people the opportunity to travel, often across vast distances, home to see their
extended family. The atmosphere is warm and friendly as people reunite in celebratory gatherings and reconnect. During this time, people like to sit outside so they can admire the full moon and reflect on the lore and legends, a custom believed to originate from the Tang Dynasty. Second, people use this time to give thanks and show appreciation. In earlier times, people gave thanks for the good harvest, but in today’s society, giving thanks is directed towards showing appreciation for the opportunity to reunite with family and friends. Lastly, this holiday is a chance to pray. This may consist of asking for material possessions, strong relationships, or a bright and successful future.
9
Of Mooncakes and Family
Photo Courtesy of Flickr
Photo Courtesy of The Chinese Quest
A mooncake is a Chinese pastry traditionally eaten during the Mid-Autumn Festival.
10
Mooncakes are essential to the festival, and the celebration would not be complete without sharing and enjoying this dessert with family and friends. The dessert’s exterior consists of a yellow crust usually emblazoned with designs of cassia trees or the Moon-Palace. The sweet interior of the culinary delight, stuffed with a thick red bean paste, delivers a taste that is equally sweet and smooth with every bite. Traditionally crafted from wheat flour and sweet pastes of sugar, red bean or lotus seed powder, the mooncake is much more than a simple pastry. One politically pertinent myth is that the mooncakes were used to successfully conceal messages concerning the Han Chinese rebellion against the tyrant Mongols at the end of the Yuan dynasty. Nowadays, the focus has shifted from the pastry’s political to the emphasis on the unity of families. Specifically, the round shape of the delicacy is meant to symbolize the completeness that is created when all members of the family gather together.
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
To help guide Chang’e back to her husband, people on Earth would light and wave paper lanterns to illuminate the path, a practice that developed into a tradition still popular today. Traditionally, the cake is cut into a specific number of pieces equal to the number of people gathered or a part of the family. The eldest person then distributes a piece to each family member, solidifying the significance of family reunion. The custom of enjoying slices of mooncake together under a full moon signifies that these people will be reunited in the future. Another tradition is to make the mooncakes on the night of the festival. Although this tradition is still prevalent in some places, modern lifestyles have led to many people simply purchasing mooncake gift boxes from stores as a convenient, but thoughtful, gift to family and friends. In addition to changes in practice, the mooncake itself has evolved from its humble origins. The symbol of reunion has transformed into a trendy dessert that is produced with a wide array of ingredients and fillings, offering creative flavors to suit all tastes. Despite all these cultural changes, the simple pastry’s original intention of fostering familial unity through reunion has been preserved through time.
The mooncake was just one of the many cultural delights that the community got to enjoy during the festivities at Cornell commemorate the Mid-Autumn Festival. In addition to performances given by popular groups such as E-Motion, Illuminations, Yamatai and Amber dance troupe, the event also featured free samples of an array of Chinese and Korean cuisine that drew long lines. Additionally, many sponsoring organizations hosted interactive booths with culturally related games and crafts to increase the awareness of different traditions practiced during the MidAutumn Festival. This cross-cultural collaboration by various organizations and the participation from students at this event truly embodied the essence of the Mid-Autumn Festival. In the midst of everyone’s busy schedules, it was the perfect moment to gather under the fullness of the moon to embrace culture, sample unique food, enjoy festivities, and best of all, savor the warm feelings of friendship and community. Sophia Yang is a sophomore majoring in Biological Sciences in the College of Arts and Sciences.
11
The Complicated Joy of Bangladesh
by Nuha Fariha
12
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
L
ast year, I talked to my parents about Bangladesh’s Independence War. We talked about the flag, the field of green with a drop of blood in the middle. We talked about the battles fought guerrilla style by the Mukti Bahini, the resistance movement spearheaded by civilians. We talked about the oppressors, the valiant rebels, and the nation they defined in 8 months, 2 weeks and 2 days. We talked about my uncle who died in the war, when his body returned to my grandmother in pieces in an unmarked black bag. We talked about my father’s three days of camping, hiding in the low-lying shrubs from the dangerous Pakistani paramilitary forces. My father is from Noakhali, a place he talks about fondly. When you walk down Noakhali today, you’ll see low-
slung houses with tin roofs, women in saris chattering away on cell phones. You’ll see worn paths where goats sometimes walk across, leading to small rooms with hard mattresses and bamboo stick furniture. Time is in flux here, a village with both Internet and outhouses. Hidden behind the placid facade is the location of one of the bloodiest riots prior to the Independence War. The riots here killed 10,000 Bengali Hindus, a third of the deaths from the war overall. Thousands were forcibly displaced, raped and slaughtered during a concerted attack largely by Bengali Muslims. Yet, in the movies I buy, the enemy is always outside the country, the malignant Pakistani or the towering British. In books, Bengali bodies are broken at the hands
13
The Complicated Joy of Bangladesh
JOY B These eternal words were originally spoken by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, leader of the national secular movement.
14
of the Pakistanis. Bengalis sit at Pakistani interrogation tables and get their fingernails pulled out one by one. Bengalis hide in small boats, under heavy tarps. Bengali women try to shroud themselves under saris only to be incessantly molested and raped by British and Pakistani armies. We were unjustly oppressed, weak, powerless. Framed by this narrative, it is easy to see ourselves as blameless. The Bangladesh portrayed to the Bengali diaspora is a clean, united nation. Reality, however, is hardly so clean-cut. In the years leading up to the War, the imminent partition of the Indian subcontinent led to large amounts of tension between the Muslims, the Indians and the secular nationalists. Like the corners of a triangle, the nation was torn between three perspectives. The first argued for a secular Bangladesh, united by culture. The second wanted to separate and protect Hindus from East Pakistan, which was largely Muslim. The third wanted to unite East Pakistan and Pakistan. These three voices argued and argued until they were hoarse and, though the third seems to have won, it comes with an Photo Courtesy of Energy & Power
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
BANGLA! ambiguous success story. It is rare, though, that a Bengali who grew up in the diaspora will even know that there were three perspectives on what the future of his country should be. Instead, today we shout at the top of our voices and write on banners “Joy Bangladesh!” These eternal words were originally spoken by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, leader of the national secular movement. Indeed, “Joy Bangladesh” has become a national slogan, one that is supposed to portray a happy, united, secular nation. Under this pretense, our countrymen continue to commit heinous crimes against their fellow countrymen of different religious backgrounds. “Joy Bangladesh” say the burning embers of the Hindu temples by Muslims destroyed in the Hathazari Riots of 2012. “Joy Bangladesh” echoes around the broken homes of the Hindu families
following the Jamaat hearings in 2013. In the diaspora, these lines are even clearer; there are only groups of either Bengali Muslims or Bengali Hindus, each with separate cultural groups and television channels. We sweep the murders under the pristine carpet of unity and pretend to not smell the corpses gathering around us. We commit the same crimes over and over with little repercussion. It is easier, perhaps, to maintain our complicit silence and simply shout “Joy Bangladesh”. Nuha Fariha is a junior majoring in Psychology with a concentration in Behavioral and Evolutionary Neuroscience in the College of Arts and Sciences.
15
A Progressive Step Forward
A Progressive StepTheForward: Rise of Female Influence in Taiwan’s Government
By Jonathan L. Hua
T
aiwan has had its fair share of historic milestones over the years. First of all, cross-strait flights between Taiwan and China reconvened in 2008 after a decadeslong hiatus. Then, tourism between the embattled countries blossomed soon afterwards. And the year 2014 marked the first time Taiwan and China held high level governmentto-government talks since their acrimonious split in 1949. Just a few years back, a meeting with such implications for cross-strait relations would have been simply unfathomable. Looking ahead to the 2016 presidential elections, Taiwan is making strides towards another event of historic proportions: the election of its first-ever female president. In light of the recent political party debates in the US election circuit featuring former HP CEO Carly Fiorina and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton as major contenders, we are in the 16
midst of a leadership revolution. This revolution is apparent in Asia as well, where we’ve seen a recent trend of women being elected as government leaders. However, no Asian female head of government has ever won office without riding on the legacy of a famous or popular relative. Notable examples include South Korea’s Park Geun-hye, Thailand’s Yingluck Shinawatra, and India’s Indira Gandhi. These women, while fantastic models of female leaders, stand in sharp contrast to Taiwan’s female candidates, who mostly climbed through the government and their parties’ ranks without the backing of powerful political families or copious amount of funding that other female leaders in Asia had at their disposal. The race started out as a thrilling battle between two female political stars, Tsai Ing-Wen of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and Hung Hsiu-chu of the Kuomintang (KMT).
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
Tsai Ing-Wen is the current chairwoman of the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan.
Photo Courtesy of GIS Taiwan
17
A Progressive Step Forward However, the KMT recently ousted Hung from the race and replaced her with Eric Chu, the KMT’s chairman and current mayor of New Taipei City. Despite this change, for the first time, females will represent half of the entire ballot. The current leader in the polls is Tsai, a 59-year-old former university professor and current chairwoman of the DPP. She previously ran in the 2012 election, where she lost to incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou. She also proudly holds a law degree from Cornell University (LL.M ’80). She will be running against Chu, who chose Jennifer Wang, a lawyer and former minister of labor affairs, as his vice president, and People’s First Party chairman James Soong, whose running mate is Hsu Hsing-Ying, chairwoman of the Minkuotang. This election promises to be simultaneously riveting and engaging. The inclusion of female political heavyweights in this election indicates a sure sign of progress in Taiwan’s relatively young democracy, which only began allowing universal suffrage in presidential elections in the 1990s. While the majority of observers think that gender will take a backseat to policy pertaining to China in these elections, a look into the proverbial past will reveal exactly how far Taiwan has truly come over the years in regards to gender equality. Before discussing the modern implications of a female president in Taiwan, it is imperative to look back
“
at the democratic framework that allowed women to rise to the pinnacle of influence. The infrastructure necessary for such a scenario had been laid out from the very beginning. Although the authoritarian KMT regime that ruled Taiwan during the postwar era had strong nationalistic values and patriarchal traditions, the party, in theory, supported an equalitarian ideology. This was first evident in Taiwan’s original Constitution that guaranteed women 10% of the legislative seats at all levels of government, but this figure turned out to be a conservative estimate. In the late 1960s, female re p re s e n t a t i o n slowly climbed to around 20% in most levels of government. However, the caveat to this achievement was that women were almost completely excluded from top-level executive positions in the government and the ruling party. Taiwan’s march to a more progressive attitude towards women was both tedious and grueling. But it wouldn’t take long for the speed to pick up. Years ago, nobody could have predicted Taiwan’s meteoric rise in democratic development. Just over half a century ago, Taiwan’s government still operated with its authoritarian imprint, and political power was concentrated within the same group of nationalists who first came into the country. Even though local elections were permitted, political repression was still very much palpable, with the
a look into the proverbial past will reveal exactly how far Taiwan has truly come over the years in regards to gender equality
18
RICE Magazine Fall 2015 government going to great lengths to minimize direct opposition to the “regime.” What the ruling party didn’t realize, though, was that these local elections created the underlying infrastructure for future reform because they allowed electoral competition to become legitimized and accepted; they also allowed various political factions and groups to better integrate into the main political scene. From that point on, it only took a few decades for Taiwan to transition to a policy of gradual and eventual liberalization, which included expanding the role of electoral politics and tolerating opposition factions and movements. This was important because it also permitted the formation of human rights groups and social movements that would pave the way for women in society to rise up and exert significant pressure on accepted patriarchal norms. The final stage of democratization reforms occurred with the 1986 acceptance of the formation of the DPP as a major opposition party. Although opposition factions were tolerated before 1986, the formation of new parties was still illegal under the martial law, which had been in place since the 1940s. However, martial law was abolished in 1987 and direct elections were instituted for all top executive positions in the government. The largest turning point came when opposition leader Chen Shui-bian was elected as President in 2000, signifying the emergence of the DPP as a full-fledged political force. This transition to democratic consolidation was also important because the DPP
introduced Annette Lu as President Chen’s Vice President who, to this day, remains the highest ranking female politician in Taiwan’s relatively short history. Former VP Lu brought a feminist agenda with her to office and sought to use her power to expose the gender inequalities that existed in Taiwan. Her aim was to challenge patriarchal systems and to advocate for a “new feminism” that Taiwanese scholar Ya-chen Chen says “included examinations of civil law on discrimination against women, advocating for employment without asking for gender, and abandonment of the myth of male breadwinners and female homemakers.” Her courage and influence set the stage for women’s groups to flourish. From this point forward, public awareness of women’s rights and influence in government slowly began to gain steam, and while it was never smooth sailing, women continued their gradual but impressive increase in legislative representation. According to the 2014 statistics of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, female lawmakers accounted for 33.6 percent of Taiwan’s legislature, higher than the global average of 21.9 percent. Even though this representation is still modest in comparison to their male counterparts, it was a step in the right direction and a triumph for women who wanted to open up the political playing field. As Taiwan became a more developed industrial nation, more women took on jobs in professional occupations while the increased access to higher education allowed women to obtain
19
A Progressive Step Forward
Tsai Ing-Wen, DPP’s 2016 presidential candidate, gives a speech at a news conference in Taipei.
20
advanced degrees. The increasing pool of well-educated women increased the number of women eligible for political office and effectively paved the way to increased representation in government. But through all of this, it was still difficult for women to gain true political independence and stature. This has all culminated in the rise of Tsai to the forefront of the gender equality movement. By setting an example for the younger generation of females to pursue higher education and more influential professional goals,
the candidates are helping to change social attitudes toward women, which, along with the rise of a knowledgebased economy, are opening more possibilities for women. DPP Presidential candidate Tsai said it best when she explained that: “Gender used to be a barrier of sorts for a woman to overcome when they wanted to be in politics. Today in Taiwan, the situation is somewhat different. Of course, there are some people in Taiwan who are still rather traditional and have some hesitation to consider a woman leader. In general terms, there is a preference for women candidates these days. Among the
RICE Magazine Fall 2015 Photo Courtesy of Reuters
younger generation, I think they are generally excited about the idea of having a woman leader. They think it is rather trendy.” I think Taiwan is ready for its first female leader. The small island may actually be better prepared for female leadership than even the United States, due to its political maturity. Because of China’s overbearing presence, Taiwan has stood isolated diplomatically, and often neglected on the world stage. However, despite the difficulty of maintaining the status quo in crossstrait relations, the Taiwanese people have held firm under intense scrutiny and pressure from China to cave into their One China policy. As Tsai and Wang managed to climb the political ladder without familial help, they are both uniquely qualified to help lead a nation that is struggling to develop meaningful relationships under China’s intimidating shadow. Throughout its history, Taiwan has constantly struggled to shake off its image as a renegade province of the Mainland. Taiwanese politics are often viewed in the context of China’s interests, with the issue of de facto independence bearing the most tension for both sides of the strait. While this topic is indeed a
critical issue in Taiwan’s elections, the relationship between both countries opens China up to a comparison that runs deeper than the typical superficial ethnic judgment. As Tsai has been thrust into the political spotlight, it is hard to ignore how far away China still is from any possibility of electing a female leader. Few women are in positions of power, and the highest tier in the Communist Party is dominated by men. Perhaps this progressive step for Taiwan will also positively influence China’s domestic politics. China’s Communist regime has yet to democratically elect its own leader and any sort of women’s civic engagement is limited to a strict Communist Party mold. Opposition is highly discouraged and women’s rights activists are treated as dissenters. The election of a female president in Taiwan would undermine China’s insistence that both cross-strait rivals are one and the same. In fact, it would bring significant attention to the genuine, gaping differences between the nations. In a recent interview prior to her withdrawal from the presidential race, Hung said, “I hope this battle between women will bring forth a whole new understanding and set an example of true democracy.” It is exciting to see Taiwan take the political stage by storm, leading by example. This battle is truly a progressive step forward for Taiwan.
Jonathan L. Hua is an MBA candidate in the Johnson Graduate School of Management. 21
On Being Fetishized
on being
fetishized by Reina Asai
YELLOW FEVER
noun | \`ye-(,)lō `fē-vr\ a term usually applied to white males who have a clear sexual preference for women of Asian descent
22
I
met Mike during O-Week my freshman year. Although Mike and I have not talked since that semester, I still remember him because he was one of the first people to ask me out here at Cornell. He would frequently suggest getting coffee, going out for dinner in the Commons, or watching a movie together at the Cornell Cinema. Even though he never explicitly stated that it would be a date, it certainly felt like it. Therefore, I was always careful to dodge these invitations and suggest something significantly less romantic like lunch at Okenshields. In the end, we never hung out, and the messages we sent to each other became increasingly infrequent until we finally stopped all communication. Frankly, I never thought I would ever mention him again until I was speaking to a female friend during our sophomore year. When I brought him up, to my surprise my friend not only knew who he was, but shared that she had also been pursued by Mike. However, as I talked to more of my
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
Photos Courtesy of gajmeditions, classicluv, and sellscarol on DeviantArt
female friends and acquaintances, I discovered that there was a pattern. Like me, these girls were outgoing, of Asian descent, and pursued by Mike at some point. That is when the realization hit. Mike had “yellow fever”. Yellow fever, as defined by Urban Dictionary, is a term usually applied to white males who have a clear sexual preference for women of Asian descent. Now, what is the problem with this? It’s perfectly fine for people to have a “type”. But as one of my favorite actresses, Anna Akana, pointed out in her YouTube video “Why Guys Like Asian Girls”, yellow fever is not just a type. It is a problem. The implication of having yellow fever is that “the only prerequisite for [a woman of Asian descent] to become [the man with yellow fever’s] potential partner is the color of [her] skin” and nothing else. Now, maybe Mike was actually just trying to get to know
me. It was not like he decided to be my boyfriend after only knowing my name, major, and race. Perhaps it was all just a huge coincidence. Mike could have truly liked these girls and their respective personalities, and not just the color of their skin. But I am pretty sure that to him, me and all these other girls being Asian was enough, considering that besides our race and gender none of us had anything in common. Mike was not the only person I have met with yellow fever either. I briefly dated someone this past year who asked me out after only knowing my name, major, and race. I had been eager to get to know him as a person, but was disappointed when I realized he didn’t seem to share the same sentiment. I asked him questions about his childhood, hobbies, and future goals - I was interested in getting to know him as a person. Meanwhile, he only had one question for me: whether 23
On Being Fetishized
or not I wanted to make out with while in bed together, in addition him. After similar exchanges to how he loved how exotic she occurred multiple times, I realized was. that this guy really didn’t care What is it about Asian about who I was and came to the women that makes them so easily conclusion that he was a douchebag. romanticized and fetishized? There In addition, after learning about has been much discussion about the his romantic and sexual history at dynamics between the “white man Cornell, which only included Asian and the Asian woman” throughout women, I realized he was not just history, including in famous works a douchebag. He was a douchebag such as the play M. Butterfly with the infamous “yellow fever” written by David Henry Hwang. that I was starting to become In the play, the protagonist, who uncomfortably familiar with. This is a white male, falls for a Chinese guy did not need to know who I woman whom he believes to be was, because the idea of me was the “ideal woman”. In his mind, enough. Of course, I was offended Asian women raise male selfand disgusted, and dumped him esteem and confidence, since they immediately. He took it as a cue to are made to be conquered as part go after a friend of mine, who was of a non-Western group of people, uncoincidentally a woman of Asian and are appropriately submissive descent. and docile. This is obviously Now, maybe this is just a an archaic fantasy. However, as random series of unfortunate Brooklyn-based artist Donna Choi events. I am just an unlucky stated in her discussion with The person who has had to face a few Huffington Post, “this fantasy is douchebags during the periods of still rampant within the minds of time I have been single. Or maybe, many men today.” She explained just maybe, it is an epidemic. I have that men think that “Asian women spoken to many women of Asian represent this fantasy woman: descent during my time at Cornell, delicate, hyper-feminine, never and an overwhelming majority of too contradictory,” and that they them have all shared at least one are “fascinated by Asian women experience of being fetishized by because we’re perceived to be men with yellow fever. The worst the opposite of Western women case of yellow fever that I have – whereas Western women are heard involved a man telling my headstrong and individualistic, friend to “speak Asian to [him]” Photo Courtesy of pikudesign on DeviantArt 24
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
Asian women are passive and communal.� However, a fantasy is just that - an idea with no basis in reality. Furthermore, many do not seem to realize that the “Asian women are passive� idea is just a fantasy due to inaccurate media representation. There is an obvious lack of Asian actresses in film and TV shows as leads and speaking roles. Thankfully, there are several Asian characters to date that have been breaking stereotypes... is what I would like to say, but I honestly struggle to think of any. I cannot emphasize enough how disturbing it is to be desired solely as a stereotype and not as a unique human being. I am more than my skin color. We are all more than our skin colors, and maybe people will start realizing this when the media stops selling this stereotype. Or even better, people will finally realize that they need to stop placing people of a certain race in a onedimensional square. *Names have been changed or omitted to protect the privacy of individuals.
25
A Tragedy, A Lesson
A Tragedy, A Lesson By Anna Kook
26
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
O
n April 16, 2014, South Korea’s Sewol Ferry capsized and killed over 300 of its 476 passengers. Most of these passengers were students of Danwon High School, who were en route to Jeju Island, an annual trip destination for the high school’s students. Though more than a year has passed since the incident, survivors are still grieving over the tragedy, and the public continues to blame South Korean institutions for the losses. As soon as the ferry tipped and began to sink, passengers were repeatedly told by crewmembers to remain put, as rescuers would soon arrive. After stating that it would be dangerous to move, most of the crewmembers, including the captain, Lee Joon-seok, disregarded their own words by jumping into the rescue boats as the ferry began to capsize. By doing so, the captain had completely neglected the law, which states that a captain must stay on board during a disaster. Meanwhile, the high school students trapped inside were sending final words, videos, and photos via instant message to loved ones. Subsequent investigations led to the discovery that an overly sharp turn led to the vessel’s capsizing. But the causes leading up to the incident reveal that the accident was little more than a man-made disaster. For example, the ship was overloaded, exceeding the cargo limit. This was not an unusual occurrence; in fact, it was discovered that the Sewol ferry had exceeded its cargo limit on 246 trips during the previous year. Because the cargo was not secured properly, the ship easily fell off balance as containers tumbled and
weighed down the vessel on one of its sides. Another issue lay in the delayed rescue response as coast guards missed the crucial period to rescue passengers. In that instance, the government failed to maintain communication with the ferry, as well as with the ill-informed rescuers. As a result, rescue divers took up to four days to enter the submerged vessel, and the Ministry of Security and Public Administration overstated the number of people rescued hours after the disaster. On top of this, experts have discovered that the Chonghaejin Marine Co., the company that operated the ferry, spent $58,000 for lobbying with only $490 on safety training. With so little spent on safety training compared to personal political agendas, it is no wonder crewmembers failed to efficiently evacuate the people on board within the limited time frame. For South Koreans, the disaster sparked not only mourning but also anger directed towards the deepseated flaws exposed by the country’s incoherent response. The newly elected first female president, Park Geunhye, was met with a fierce political firestorm; her approval ratings fell from over 70% to less than 50% in a matter of days. As a result of the catastrophe, Prime Minister Jung Hong-won resigned from his post, accepting government responsibility for the accident. Another immediate aftermath of the incident was that most members of the escaped crew were arrested on suspicion for manslaughter. The Captain was arrested on charges of homicide, ultimately receiving a sentence imprisonment of 36 years,
27
A Tragedy, A Lesson despite demands of a death penalty by the South Korean public. Most of the deadliest maritime disasters occur in terrible weather conditions or at a distance well off the coast. However, in the case of Sewol, the seas were rather calm and the vessel was relatively near shore. The ferry also took more than two hours to sink deeper into the Yellow Sea, which adds to the frustration and suspicion toward other contributing factors that led to this tragedy. Disaster experts cite a pile-up of errors — each of which in and of itself may not have been significant, but taken together can, and did, cause
significant damage. Mistakes such as lax inspection of the ferry, little safety training and responsibility, passengers being told to stay put when the boat began to list, the captain and crew fleeing immediately after the accident, and the lack of clear control centers to delegate responsibilities were enough to take the lives of 300 people, and leave their families affected forever. Carelessness, inefficiency, along with a number of other avoidable mistakes led to a nation-wide tragedy. The petty character of such factors stirred the nation to be furious initially, but it was also enough to make the bustling streets of Seoul pause in silence to reflect on its society as a whole. For the first time, the nation’s mind was no longer completely preoccupied with economic success, instead raising the question: at what costs have we become a successful nation? And what defines that success? Since the end of the Korean War, South Korea has largely defined the nation’s success by its economic success. The country has transformed itself from an economic ruin ruled by authoritarianism to a proficient democratic society. South Korea has undergone decades of Photo Courtesy of Yonhap-Associated Press development, approaching The President of South Korea, Park Geun-Hye, pays Western living conditions, tribute to the victims of the Sewol Ferry accident. boasting the thirteenth highest GDP. Its largest company, Samsung, as well as its education 28
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
system that produces the most diligent wrong?” “Bali-bali” or “faster, faster” and the intelligent students, is ofaPark national mindset Daily thatViapreaches Photohave Courtesy Young-Chul-Donga Getty Images. Rescuers investigating the wreck and searching for survivors.
often represented a successful image of South Korea. On the other hand, the sinking of the Sewol ferry has the markings of a Third World calamity. “Our nation has run headlong toward the goal of becoming wealthy for half a century,” says one in the JoongAng Ilbo, a major daily. “But we turned a blind eye to the goal of being a civilized and safe society.” It seems to be that in the process of South Korea rising to become Asia’s economic forerunner, it had ignored public safety. According to Lee Chang-won, a professor at Hansung University, South Koreans share an economicsuccess oriented mentality that overlooks rules. Describing South Korean mentality, Chang-won says, “Is it worth stalling a process to deal with regulations if there’s only a 1 in a 10 million chance that something goes
to move as fast as possible for future success. South Korea has never before experienced a tragedy on such a wide scale as the Sewol ferry accident, which exposed the costs of speedy economic development. Using the word “tragedy” to define this incident lies in the fact that hundreds of lives have paid for the side effects of a societal phenomenon that no one anticipated. Prayers still echo throughout the nation hoping that South Korea will prioritize the safety of its people by first growing as a more civilized and safe home, before fostering economic growth.
Anna Kook is a junior double majoring in China and Asia Pacific Studies and Government in the College of Arts and Sciences. 29
The 2015 Bishar State Election
The 2015 Bihar State Election By Shashank Vura
I
30
n spite of its burgeoning population of over one hundred million, India’s fastest growing state, Bihar, finds itself oft-overlooked in the international sphere. Home to the Bodh Gaya, where the Buddha achieved enlightenment, and the site of the Emperor Ashoka’s famous edicts more than two millennia ago, this rich land serves as the birthplace of India’s Golden Age empires, the Maurya and Gupta, along with three great religions, Buddhism, Sikhism, and Jainism. Teeming with lush, deciduous forests divided by the Ganges River floodplain, Bihar hosts some of the most beautiful fauna on the subcontinent, from the critically endangered Ganges River Dolphin to the Royal Bengal Tiger. Yet these legitimate sources of pride belie the severe difficulties that the state’s
Supporters for the Bharata Janata Party gather at an election campaign rally.
people live in today. With the lowest literacy rate (barely cracking 60%) and per capita income (well under ₹600 or $90) in the country, Bihar struggles with extreme poverty, developmental issues, and corruption as it adapts to the 21st century. Considered India’s most backwards region by many, Bihar finds itself struggling to catch up as the nation begins to flex its global economic muscles. Desperately in need of better governance, infrastructure, and development to improve the lives of its citizens, Bihar sits at a crossroads. Never before has it been more at the
RICE RICE Magazine Magazine Fall Fall 2015 2015 Photo Courtesy of Royal Bulletin
forefront of Indian politics in recent years than today. Little over a year and a half ago, India underwent a dramatic sea change. The United Progressive Alliance, a secularist center-left coalition of parties led by the Indian National Congress (INC), which had established itself as India’s natural governing party, was reduced to just 59 seats in the Lok Sabha (lower house of parliament) of 543 members. This was the worst performance in its long history. Beset by slowing growth, a number of severe scandals by its top leaders, and the seeming ineptitude of its candidate for Prime Minister,
Rahul Gandhi (the political scion of the Nehru-Gandhi family), INC’s ten years in government under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh came to an end. The Hindu nationalist Bharata Janata Party (BJP) became the first party to command an outright majority in parliament since 1984 and entered power as the head of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), a centre-right coalition. Much of this extraordinary victory was attributed at the time to its leader and now Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, a charismatic, yet deeply polarizing, figure who had seen dramatic economic growth while serving as
31
The 2015 Bishar State Election
32
Chief Minister in the northwestern state of Gujarat Since assuming office in 2014 as Prime Minister, Modi’s administration has had some successes, although some of this can be attributed to outside factors. Electricity production has ramped up and inflation cooled, and Modi has mostly avoided the serious scandals that beguiled his predecessors while fostering ties with neighbors like China and industries like Silicon Valley. Modi has so far avoided embroilment in class or religionbased politics, and he has been praised for his response to the devastating earthquake earlier this year in Nepal. Yet the government has not made much policy progress at all on one front—revitalizing the increasingly moribund economy that India so desperately needs to bring millions out of poverty. The government’s attempt at creating a goods and services tax has stalled, and its policies on social welfare directly conflict with the agricultural base that still pervades much of the country. Although Modi enjoys high job approval ratings, often exceeding 70%, this honeymoon period is bound to end unless he can meet the high expectations he set upon entering office. Perhaps the biggest roadblock to implementing some of his neoliberal policies has been his government’s weak position in the upper house, the Rajya Sabha, which is indirectly elected by state governments on a staggered basis. The NDA currently holds only 64 out of the 245 seats in the body, a number smaller than that of the opposition,
and depends on a highly unreliable crossbench of regionalist parties to pass its agenda. Thus, Bihar, which just finished holding its state election, was the site of an extremely important electoral event earlier this month. Ironically, the BJP, as a junior coalition partner, was in government in Bihar until 2013, when its alliance
The third phase of the Bihar State Elections had more than 50 per cent voter turnout rate.
with the Janata Dal (United) Party, or JDU, fell apart due to personal animosity between its leaders, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and the newly appointed BJP leader Modi. The former cited Modi’s actions during the 2002 Gujarat religious riots as his reason for leaving the NDA, claiming that Modi was not committed to secularism. Although Kumar briefly resigned after his party suffered a major defeat in the federal election in Bihar, he returned to his post in
RICE Magazine Fall 2015 February. In a remarkable bid to thwart defeat at the hands of the BJP and its allies later this year, Kumar formed an unprecedented coalition with another regional party, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), led by Laloo Prasad Yadav, a colorful and famously corrupt former Chief Minister who possessed a base among Muslim voters and
Photo Courtesy of Catch News
the backwards Yadav Hindu castes of Bihar. In addition to allying with this traditional enemy, he brought the increasingly marginalized INC into the fold, effectively consolidating an anti-Modi alliance. Meanwhile, the BJP-led NDA under Sushil Modi (no relation to Narendra Modi), the estranged former finance minister under Kumar, made an unprecedented bid to win the election outright. The Prime Minister and his supporters hoped this would significantly bolster their position in the Rajya Sabha, easing their path to implementing their agenda, while maintaining political
momentum in several other upcoming major state elections, including West Bengal in 2016 and India’s most populous state, Uttar Pradesh, in 2017. The opposition hoped to shatter the party’s aura of success and fracture its seemingly unshakeable hold on power, desiring to reinvigorate their own positions in the years preceding India’s 2019 general election, where the NDA government will seek re-election. Much of the election has seen backing for both alliances based on religious or caste-lines. The BJP’s Hindu base consisted of most upper castes and the lowest castes, the Dalits. The JDU/RJD/INC coalition maintained support from Muslims (who make up almost 20% of the population in the predominantly Hindu state), mistrustful of Modi, and the so-called “middle castes” like the Yadavs who constitute a major part of Bihar’s population. Communal tensions have risen as the coalitions fight for the swing Hindu voters, with the BJP hoping to lure them from their traditional base in Kumar’s or Laloo’s camps to repeat its success in last year’s federal election. There existed some internal contradictions in the antiNDA alliance, with Kumar promising to continue the economic development he has overseen in recent years, while Laloo playing to the anti-middle class sentiment of his traditionally poorer, more rural base. All parties in this group, however, including the INC, made a hefty play for the votes of minorities, arguing that the upper caste, Hindu dominated BJP does not best fit their needs. The BJP promised to bring the economic growth that
33
The 2015 Bishar State Election
34
Modi presided over in Gujarat to the state, while continuing their feel-good, outsider image, while the JDU/RJD/ INC promised to protect minorities and increase availability to electricity and other forms of energy. Both sides aimed to focus on issues such as healthcare, education, infrastructure, and other initiatives to alleviate the severe crises that plague Bihar, but much of this became engulfed in the hurricane of personality-based politics instead. Thus, issues like violence against women and the 40% rise in crime in recent years went largely unaddressed in the partisan battles, which have took center stage in the campaign. Regardless, the new government must tackle a heavily agrarian population that lags behind other states in infrastructure. Some scholars have suggested that the winner must pursue a unique model based on tourism and the fostering of a knowledge-based service industry to bring Bihar out of its stupor. In addition, the federal implications of the result have loomed quite strongly over the rest of the country. In the end, the result, widely predicted to be close, turned out to be an unexpected landslide. As early returns showing the BJP’s decisive lead faded, the NDA alliance lost 37 seats, finishing with only 34% of the popular vote and 58 seats. Meanwhile, the Janata Parivar group led by Kumar won 42% of the electorate and an extraordinary 42% of the votes, securing itself an immense majority. It appears as if the strength of regional parties, the lack of vote benefiting the NDA, fatigue with the Modi government,
and the failure of the religion-based politics promoted by the BJP led to this outcome. The opposition parties have hailed this triumph as the beginning of a new political order, while the BJP has sought to play down the defeat. Regardless, the government, having already suffered a major defeat in urban Delhi, winning only three out of seventy seats against the reformist Aam Aadmi Party under now-Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, has suffered another major blow. While the re-elected government in Bihar under Nitish Kumar turns away from campaigning to governing a troubled state as populous as the Philippines, Modi’s chances of future wins in regional elections have diminished significantly, meaning that he will have to work with the opposition in the Rajya Sabha, as this result suggests that he is no lock for re-election in 2019. To pass his largely neoliberal agenda, including items such as a potentially groundbreaking new goods and services tax, Modi will have to work with his traditional enemies, including Kumar, Laloo, and the possibly reviving INC. And of course, the verdict of the people must be respected. Over twenty million new voters showed up, and in the five rounds that concluded on November 5, 2015, turnout reached almost 57%, reflecting the significance of this vote across class, religion, and geography. This result will determine the future of both India and its third largest state for quite some time to come. Shashank Vura is a freshman, currently Undecided, in the College of Arts and Sciences.
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
How To Get Into College (Ivy, Flagship, or Bust) After ByJunot Diaz Snigdha Sharma
35
How to Get into College
W
36
in a spelling bee or two. Or three. Or ten. That’s what you’re known for, anyway. That’s what all we brown kids are known for. Never forget how to spell “pillage” or “trattoria” or “lissome.” Even if you do forget, it’s okay because Mama will always be there to remind you that you missed those words in 2002, 2006, and 2008 and had to leave the stage and sit back down with the audience and watch the show go on. That’s good enough for now. You’re only twelve. As long as you don’t talk to that aunty down the street whose kid goes to Northwestern. Already twelve? She’ll say. Mera beta, her son, took his first SAT at twelve. A practice one, of course. Through the gifted students program. We took him up to the high school and he sat with all those big high schoolers. He must have been so nervous. Poor bachcha. Poor kid. “A” stands for average. “A-plus” is good. “A-minus” is dangerous territory.
You’re slipping. “B” has no definition because of course, it’ll never happen. It’s nice being “the smart kid,” isn’t it? All those years of after-school Kumon sessions paid off. You never liked math, though. Your Kumon worksheets took far too long and were full of mistakes. But you did enough of them. Enough so that in time you could pass as being “good at math.” Because you have to be. If an Indian kid isn’t good at math, then what is she good for at all? But it wasn’t all bad. They let you read books after you were done. Your parents knew the director of the place so he let you borrow them, too. But there was one you never returned. A Little Princess. It’s still your favorite. Ten years later. When you were six, you asked your first-grade teacher how to spell “abandoned.” She almost asked why, but spelled it for you anyway. You used it for a ghost story you were writing in class for Halloween. It was maybe five
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
Photo Courtesy of Tumblr
sentences long. Mama put that story on the fridge for several weeks. None of your Kumon booklets ever made it to the fridge. There are over fifteen trophies and certificates on display in the living room. Most of them are from spelling bees. The tall ones are first-place trophies. The short ones are secondplace. The others are music awards. Piano and violin. All your non-school friends play those, too. Violins are okay. A little screechy for your taste. You never really practice. But you’re naturally pretty good, which is lucky. It’s fun sometimes. You like John Williams and Georges Bizet. The orchestra directors scare you a little, both at school and in the local youth symphony. Auditions are the worst. At least you like the piano. It’s not really a piano, though. Those are too expensive. It’s a digital keyboard.
There’s one in every Desi home. Real pianos are too expensive for both your parents and all your parents’ friends. But everyone loves you on the piano. Mama calls home to tell your dadu and dimma and dada and dadi how wonderful you are. You almost begin to love yourself on the piano. It’s like reading a book, but the words are clefs and notes and key signatures. The first time, you read only what’s on the page. Just so you know what you’re doing. Then you go back a second time. A third time. A fourth. Each time, you
find something new. A subtle piece of foreshadowing. A reference you didn’t catch before. You add something new. An accent here, a swell there. Before long, your books and your music become old friends, pieces and pages to laugh with and cry with and feel with.
37
How to Get into College
38
It’s high school now. You hate dinner parties. Every weekend you end up in some middle-aged aunty’s house eating mediocre chicken curry with rice. There are around seven other kids there – some a year or two older, some a year or two younger, but no one exactly your age. They’re not your friends, not really, but you’ve all been to each other’s Indian parties since you were six, so you tolerate each other comfortably. They all like to watch R-rated movies and use lots of swear words and tell you things you feel like you shouldn’t know about them. You’re uncomfortable, but you smile and nod. Mama always talks about how Mitra Aunty’s daughter is studying to be a doctor. You never talk about how Mitra Aunty’s daughter sneaks around and brings strange boys home to have drunken sex with while her parents are upstairs sleeping. Mama says you should try to be more like that Vivek boy, the one who is in Science Olympiad and just came back from math camp a t Stanford a n d who also smokes pot and b u y s alcohol for Mitra A u n t y ’s daughter with his fake ID. The aunties
ask you if you’re in Science Olympiad too. You’re not. They ask if you’re doing any research before college. You’re not. They ask what your SAT score was. You smile and laugh and say you’ve forgotten now that it’s behind you, then run upstairs with your cup of tap water, hoping your 2240 is enough to make up for your lack of science fair medals and summer internships. Meanwhile, beneath a veil of politeness, they’re asking your mother why she didn’t have a stronger presence in your obviously second-rate education. Then one day, you’re in. You did it with your music and your Latin club and your community service and your writing. You made it to the Ivy League. The first in your Indian community to do so. Mama cried when she read the letter. Papa almost cried. Then he piled everyone in the car and drove to the temple to pray. The aunties fawn over you. They’re so proud. You’re a role model. They’re not surprised that a brilliant girl like you made it this far. They ask you how you did it. You answer honestly that you don’t know – you never won a math competition or shadowed a surgeon and one time you got a B in calculus. They laugh. Then your younger brother comes to give you a hug before running off to play Xbox with his friends. Next Thursday, he’s taking part in his first spelling bee.
Snigdha Sharma is a sophomore majoring in English in the College of Arts and Sciences.
Photos Courtesy of New England Flag & Banner
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
BEHIND THE MASK S
By Rene Tsukawaki ince t h e turn of the 21st nerves, century, I, along a with the rest of the tangible world, have been a witness form of to multiple epidemics. In 2002 I defense against was living in Japan, and SARS was an untimely death, on everyone’s minds. I remember my unlike the soap and water. mother fervently telling me constantly, One day my mother stopped daily, to wash my hands and rinse my murmuring her prayer. I stopped mouth. She repeated it like it was a washing my hands as if it would prayer that would keep me healthy. determine my family’s survival. I took I took a mask from one of the many off my mask. So did everyone else. boxes of them we had in our house and Strangers were once again more or less put it on every morning before I left distinguishable, now that the entirety home for school. of their faces were visible. I was not an anomaly by any means The boxes of masks remained - not at the train station, on the train in my home long after. In fact, they itself, nor on the street. Everybody was were restocked whenever the supply wearing a mask to protect themselves ran low. As a high schooler in Japan, as advised by the news and the media I would still open one regularly every or by their own mothers. Everyone time I was sick. I did it to prevent had a box of them at home anyways. others from catching whatever I had, It was a shield that calmed each of our an act of a conscientious citizen.
Photo Courtesy of Bing
39
Behind the Mask
40
Photo Courtesy of Mark Beresford Photography
RICE Magazine Fall 2015
Girls wearing surgical face masks in Tokyo, Japan.
When enough of my classmates got sick or the annual flu season rolled around, I wore a mask as well, but this time to protect myself from their diseases. I was not an anomaly in either case. I have a box of masks in my apartment room here that has mostly gone untouched. I wore one from it to my classes right after fall break back in my freshman year, as my First-Year Writing Seminar professor told me that was when most students got sick and advised me to do so. They all go home during the break and then bring back to Cornell not just themselves, but also local diseases, she had said. Her words only served to reinforce the concept that I had grown up with - wearing masks was a natural thing, and a smart thing to do at that. So during the days when I was sick and had a cough, I decided to wear a mask. Much to my surprise however, the mask, meant to protect others from my germs, caused unrest and distrust among those who knew me particularly the people I knew at work. Back home, I thought, people do the exact opposite - they get nervous if I cough and am not wearing a mask, and view me as discourteous. Here, without my mask, my coughing was viewed as harmless. With it, suddenly I was perceived to be dangerously contagious. The face mask made me an anomaly. My supervisors at work were antsy, asking me if my mask was for me, or for them. “For others,” I had answered. Why are you wearing one? Should you be here? The questions continued. I feel fine, I thought. I don’t have a fever, and I’m as contagious as the rest of the large number of students on campus who are sneezing and coughing their way through the day. I am confused. Are my supervisors worried just because of one harmless mask? When they stayed unconvinced despite me insisting that I only had a common cold, my
41
Photo Courtesy of South China Morning Post
Behind the Mask
A composite photograph of people wearing various types of facial masks in Beijing, China.
42
confusion grew. I was surprised about the entire ordeal. I imagine that so many more people could avoid getting sick if we took it upon ourselves to complete the simple task of putting it on a mask, especially when we are sick. It’s not expensive - there are free ones at Gannett. It’s not time-consuming, nor difficult to keep on either. I personally think that as long as it’s the right-sized mask, it’s very comfortable and not at all inconvenient. But these reasons alone are not beneficial enough for people here to do it. In my case, I would rather go without it than deal with borderline aggressive questions from my supervisors at work. I take off my mask. My coworkers and supervisors are at ease, and all is
well once again in my world - I no longer need to sarcastically tell them that yes, I do have Ebola. I cough into the sleeve on my arm instead, and wonder what I should do with my now kind of useless box of masks. I still think wearing masks when I’m sick is smarter: I help prevent others from becoming ill. I think it’s even smarter to wear it if I’m surrounded by people that are sick, like in crowded lecture halls with many students coughing or sneezing. But I guess sometimes social norms prevent logical actions. Maybe I’ll just only wear them to my lectures where no one will really care what I have on my face, nor why. Rene Tsukawaki is a junior majoring in English in the College of Arts and Sciences.
RICE Magazine welcomes writers from all backgrounds interested in submitting articles on Asia related topics. If you would like to write or contribute to our publication in any other way, or have any questions about the magazine, please contact us at cornellricemag@gmail.com.
Sponsored by Cornell University Student Assembly Finance Commission
RICE Magazine Photo Courtesy of SBS