ABSTRACT When legislators draw the districts from which they are elected, conflicts of interest are unavoidable. Despite recognizing that such competition and selfdealing causes great harm to our democracy, the Supreme Court is not equipped to mediate political gerrymandering claims, which inherently require first-order decisions about the allocation of raw political power — bipartisan cooperation. Herein, a study is proposed that would enlighten areas of wasteful spending and allow for the efforts of congressional committees to be contributory, both in funding and policy.
Megan A. Westbrook
Public Policy and Governmental Administration
CONGRESSIONAL COLLABORATION The Counterintuitive Nature of Legislative Action
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Congressional Collaboration
Megan A. Westbrook New England College Capstone SP213 3 4 April 2013 Professor Paul Dann
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Chapter One
Background The United States has grown exponentially since it was first pioneered. Although the nature and content of the original constitution has changed dramatically, a vast number of laws and amendments have muddied its true meaning, giving rise to greed and corruption. Furthermore, the boundaries set for congressional authority are grayed through gerrymandering and lacking term limits, to encourage pursuits of power. In order to ensure concentrated efforts of congressional representatives, which lead to sensible and sustainable legislation, a paradigm shift is proposed, that will protect and maintain the integrity of the most dynamic leg of the American federal government. Incentives exist for congressional representatives to appeal to voters during election times and to lobbyists prior to election times if the funds needed for projects and campaigns are to be raised successfully. Based on organizational theories and project management strategies, a more collaborative approach to developing laws and social programs is likely to produce favorable results in both aspects. Currently the national debt is more than $16 trillion and climbing (Kessler 2013). Violent crime on a national level is up approximately 1.9 percent from 2011, property crimes have increased 1.5 percent, and arson increased 3.2 percent (Mueller 2013). Therefore, it is apparent that no more time and money can be wasted by allowing bad legislation to be passed and budgets cut in lieu of a more prudent application of federal funds. While the system is unlikely to change, the suggestions contained in this study for improving the structure and design of congressional action, do not require evasive alterations nor
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do they add to the expenses of running a government. Rather than suggesting a modification to the way business is conducted at the congressional level, it is proposed that their efforts be pooled with committees whose purpose compliments or overlaps that of another’s. Therefore, the incentive to create new laws and programs will be considered by committees that will share in the outcomes. Better alignment among the diverse objectives of Congress will serve as a selfmaintaining tool for checks and balances. One way to accomplish collaboration would be to simply require an opportunity for adjoined committees to have first review of proposed policy or legislation, before bringing the works up for debate. In addition, it is recommended that programs be incorporated into primary and secondary education curriculums that will specifically address and mitigate problem areas identified by the departments of welfare and corrections. Furthermore, incorporating educational requirements in exchange for welfare benefits will serve to end the cycles of poverty. This practice should reduce the need for additional laws and increase the success rates of social reforms. Facilities could potentially use government buildings whose purpose was discontinued or moved to a newer location. Not only would this practice better the communal environment and morale by putting to use otherwise abandoned properties, but it too would also provide jobs to skilled laborers and educators. Moreover, the welfare programs would be serving the people fundamentally, while giving them an opportunity for self-actualization. The United States is a perfect example of the civil determinism inherent in the human spirit. Rising out of a rebellion to create a country built on liberty and freedoms, the Framers of the U.S. Constitution saw fit to create a government that moves slowly and deliberately in order to avoid the impetuousness and the passions of governing men [and women] (Bilmes 2011). Therefore, further research is required in order to determine the actual cost savings and social
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benefit obtained from the modifications suggested herein. A preliminary hypothesis is that it would, given the efficiency does not more readily accommodate poorly formed and misdirected legislation. For the purpose of this study, an examination of congressional action will be minimal as the focus will be on theoretical solutions to the costly shortcomings of the U.S. Congressional branch of government.
Thesis Statement: The development of collaborative practices within congressional committees will yield a leaner and more efficient government; at a lesser cost.
Secondary Research I have chosen to utilize qualitative research method for the purpose of this paper. The inductive nature of this method will allow me to interpret the issues inherent in our current congressional system and to then suggest corrective action that will address the areas identified. By examining the interactions that take place between congressional committees, lobbyists, and the mass public, grounded theories will help to support suggested changes to existing processes. Moreover, this method of research will allow for greater autonomy in determining the best course of action. Sources were selected from a broad range of dates, in order to present a comprehensive account of congress and its evolution. There is not a lot of information available that presents the ideas found in this study, therefore, it was necessary to draw on theories and strategies expressed on similar topics. The problems and solutions identified may not affect the House and Senate in the same manner; however, the research was collected with the intention of capturing a
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holistic view of congress and all its moving parts. Allowing the focus of the study to get too broad was a concern, therefore the literature is centered on three main themes: congressional design, congressional structure, and political tools of the trade. A more detailed review of the literature will be provided in chapter two of this study along with an annotated bibliography of the sources used throughout this work.
Project Approach and Methodology The goal is to develop a solution that is relevant, viable, and applicable. In order to accomplish this, focus groups and interviews will be needed to isolate the problem areas affecting the largest group of citizens. The questions used for the interviews will have to be careful not to steer respondents’ answers toward any conclusion. Unbiased members of a research team will be responsible for carrying out the testing and the results will be tallied by an outside source as well. Much of the research used in this study will be derived from secondary research obtained from a myriad of scholarly journals, online newspaper articles, governmental websites, and books written by reputable authors on the subject. It is important that tangents be avoided, especially those that do not support the studies’ main thesis. While the objective is to suggest corrective action for areas of congress that are not functioning at optimum rates, evidence to the contrary is also presented, when available. This ensures both sides of the debate are given equal attention, arriving at the best possible solution not just the one proposed by this project.
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Focused groups will be formed with this in mind, for the purpose of designing a plan for relevant research to test the merits of this study. Allowing participants from several different political parties, of varying ages and occupations, income ranges and demographics will ensure the data obtained is complete and unbiased. This method will produce the most reliable and accounts of the efficiency and effectiveness of achieved by the suggested changes in the processes of congressional action.
Implications of Research Interview participants will be chosen at random while members of the focus groups will be chosen based on age, income, occupation, race, and political party. It is important that equal portions of focus group members be selected in order to protect the integrity of the results. All volunteers will be provided a written statement of confidentiality and a signed copy will be obtained for the project files. Furthermore, testing sites will be handicap accessible, ensuring everyone the right to participate. All findings will be processed by an outside source as well.
Project Limitations The inductive nature of such a study requires hypothetical projections in lieu of hard evidence. As stated previously, much of the research used in this study is empirical in relation to its implications regarding congress. The situations used to exemplify the need or purpose of suggested reforms is not likely to be replicated and therefore, are applicable parallels intended to
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illustrate the solution suggested. Further analysis is necessary if these ideas are to be validated and suggestions for carrying out these studies will be presented in chapter four.
Conclusions and Recommendations Less waste and overlapping efforts will surely contribute to shrinking the size of government and the federal budget. This leaner application of federal dollars will allow more incomes to be applied toward the repayment of the national debt. Whereas the systems currently in place tend to work against one another, it is proposed that we begin working together. Reducing the strain on social programs by increasing the productiveness of congress will lessen the need for welfare benefits; thereby lessening the cost of providing such benefits. Additional economic relief could be derived simply reducing the amount of bad legislation which drains the limited time representatives have to address matters of policy. Collaboration is the means by which all congressional incentives will modified toward making better use of resources and providing more consistent legislative outcomes for constituents while still providing solutions for common social ills. Change is necessary if we are to achieve self-actualization, as a nation. Half attempts are unlikely to produce the results desired. A paradigm shift toward the needs of the people, better measures and educational applications, and a modification to the ways in which congressional committees’ function, are all opportunities for improvement and would require minimal costs to implement. Collaboration has proven to be an efficient way to consolidate efforts while increasing consistently positive outcomes. The application of a collaborative congress with education being the foundation for public dissemination will produce a more balanced,
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productive, and fulfilled people, that will need less assistance from their government. Continuing the status quo will not help to alleviate the national debt, nor will it ensure the need for social programs diminishes.
Chapter Two
Abstract Going forward, the United States can no longer afford the broad strokes, often producing little in return, or the frequent inaction of Congress. By drawing on organizational theories and a thorough review of congressional action, it is conclusive that corrective action is required. Utilizing qualitative analysis, the following questions will be answered, would the United States benefit from a more effective Congress, and would existing congressional committees become more efficient if collaborative exercises were more prevalent. Incorporating collaborative strategies to the congressional committees already in existence would increase productivity and eliminate costly waste and overlap; however, further study is required to determine the actual cost savings and benefits to society.
Key words: collaboration, gerrymandering, filibuster
Literary Review
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The founders of the United States designed our system of government with the best intentions. Although their foresight has proven remarkable, the time has come for a paradigm shift among members of the executive branch. Poor legislation, party games and power plays can no longer be allowed, as there is simply no room for it. Instead of conjuring up new reasons to further red tape society, reforms need to pass through the education system, for a bottoms-up approach to mitigating crime and poverty. This review suggests a more collaborate Congress, whose incentive is to implement best practices with optimum cost/benefit outcomes. This can only be achieved if members of the legislator are willing to change the way they do business. The development of collaborative practices within congressional committees will yield a leaner and more efficient government, at a lesser cost. The Framers might have intended for conflict between the House and Senate, in order to encourage healthy debate; however, it is unlikely they thought it prudent for a branch of the government to wield its power unchecked, with little thought as to its impact on society (Bilmes 2011). Census data exemplifies well how the U.S. benefit system is geared toward helping the elderly and the disabled more so than the unemployed (Ben-Shalom et al. 2010). Studies suggest that employed voters have been manipulated into believing the unemployed are less deserving of benefits than their disadvantaged counterparts (Ben-Shalom et al. 2010). Congressional abuses of power are only a portion of the problem in Washington (Chafetz et al. 2010). The voting public too is responsible for allowing representatives to maintain their seats considering policy shortfalls and failures (Chafetz et al. 2010). Senatorial tools, such as the Filibuster, are intended to provide a check on the powers of Congress; however, it is rarely used as intended and even then, ineffectual (Chafetz et al. 2010).
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The discontent of the people is evident, considering the public demonstrations that are gaining momentum throughout the country. The tea party and libertarian’s rise show opposition to the two major political parties and their representatives, Occupy Wall Street too illustrates the people’s perception of being overlooked by their government. Moreover, terrorist attacks, which are tending to be homegrown rather than foreign, show a growing desperation and relentless opposition to apparent political injustices. While the assertion is made that four possible answers can be applied to the same question, will the Framers’ intended principles hold up in modern times, the answer is clear, the Framers’ wisdom is proving insufficient for leading the people of today. British levies on American property, to the revolution; the forming of the Constitution and the agreement made between the American people and their government, taxes have always been a piece of the puzzle; for it is not without expense that a government is able to provide (Neopolitano 2010). Unfortunately, policy preferences are tied to campaign contributions and caps on political contributions may not decrease the likelihood that legislative decisions would be consistent regardless of lobbyist involvement (Pastine et al. 2010). The potential for corruption is inherent due to the amount of cash flows involved in political campaigns (Pastine et al. 2010). Thomas Paine’s, Common Sense outlines the necessary structure of the new world order, based on his observations of the English Parliamentary system (Haines 2013). The passage of leadership and the shortfalls in the relationship between the America and its motherland are what gave Paine pause (Haines 2013). He was optimistic towards the future of America, but voices unease in lack of a national debt (Haines 2013). Whether he would have been in support of a
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$16 trillion national debt, no one can ever be sure. At the time of his deliberation, Paine felt it advantageous for a country to hold some credit (Haines 2013). Any good or service provided by the government must be derived from some other entity, such as the exchanges that occur in the form of taxes and social programs, toll roads and sidewalks, property taxes and public schools (Williams 1999). Furthermore, any power or authority held by the government is only possible because the people granted such reaches (Williams 1999). In order to have the type of government purposed by our nation’s founders, we must be prudent and fully aware of the opportunity costs involved (Williams 1999). Within the legislative process exists a bias toward corporate entities and as a result, civic enterprises and individuals is less of a priority (Barley 2010). It has been found that organizations shape their environment; if this is true, then the power struggle inherent in congressional leadership would create an unstable and uncertain environment (Barley 2010). Making decisions in this type of setting would be challenging for anyone. A review of the interworking of Congress from 1973 to 2004 provides a framework for how the size of a social network impacts its vitality (Fowler et al. 2010). A comparative analysis of academic collaboration expresses the material nature of the size and scope of government (Fowler et al. 2010). Collaborative efforts in congress will eliminate redundancy and waste among House and Senate committees, while also reducing the incentive to collude with lobbyists or special interest groups. The American public is a widely diverse group, with multidimensional belief systems. Winning over everyone is not likely for any politician. Understanding how and why voters vote will better equip researchers in identifying and addressing the best applications for measuring congressional improvements. The Bayesian Item Response Theory (IRT) is a system designed
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to consider voter’s personality differences when measuring the preferences of voter ideology. While most researchers have relied on surveys to gather similar data, this method is able to penetrate the voter’s natural desire for moderation. IRT quantifies voter ideology by examining the voter’s attitudes toward public policy, often increasing the accuracy of attempts to predict voter behavior (Hillygus et al. 2009). Findings suggest that policy preferences found in the American electorate can be divergent from issue to issue (Hillygus et al. 2009). Where some may be more liberal in some respects, the very same people are conservative in others (Hillygus et al. 2009). Health insurance and health reform have been major topics of late. While none would argue the importance of finding a solution, many have stood in the way of progress; for fear that even greater expenses would be imposed as a result of changed legislation (Cummins 2011). The bill on healthcare is a perfect example of congressional inaction, which did not bring any greater outcome to fruition. In order to get anything accomplished in Washington, you must have others on your side. Congressional representatives are charged with the task of winning over other members of Congress, if not on the merits of the proposal, then by any means necessary (Feinstein et al. 2010). Obtaining bill sponsorship is only a portion of the policy-making process (Feinstein et al. 2010). The U.S. healthcare system: its availability, insurance related constraints and contingencies, and the ever-increasing costs of providing coverage do not seem to get in the way of the healthcare plans provided to members of Congress (Xiang et al. 2010). Changes to the healthcare system that will cause the least disruption and costs to implement are addressing the measures employed by the industry to determine the cost verses benefits of increased education and preventative medicine (Xiang et al. 2010). Ideological reform is called for as well as systematic, to encompass the whole of providers and recipients (Xiang et al. 2010). A three-
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pronged approach is provided for an address of the entire system: fundamental right to care, government reform to run and regulate the program, and economic reform to fund the program (Xiang et al. 2010). A similar address of the United States Congress would serve to lower the cost of government, increase the relevance of legislation, and protect the integrity of the federal government.
Annotated Bibliography Abrams, Jennifer. "The Supreme Court's disenfranchisement of the American Electorate: Advocating the application of strict scrutiny when reviewing state ballot access laws and political gerrymandering." Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development. 12. no. 1 (1996): 145-169. http://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcred/vol12/iss1/10 (accessed April 5, 2013). Barley, Stephen. "Building an institutional field to corral a government: A case to set an agenda for organizational studies." Organization Studies. 31. no. 77 (2010): 777-805. DOI: 10.1177/0170840610372572 (accessed March 7, 2013). Ben-Shalom, Yonatan, Robert Moffitt, and John Scholz. "An assessment of the effectiveness of anti-poverty programs in the United States." Oxford Handbook of Economics of Poverty. (2010): 1-60. Bilmes, Linda. "Federalist nos. 67-77: How would Publius envision the civil service today?" Public Administration Review. 71. (2011): 98-104. DOI: 10.1111/j.15406210.2011.02468.x (accessed March 7, 2013).
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Burden, Barry. "Candidate positioning in US congressional elections." British Journal of Politics. 34. (2004): 211-227. DOI: 10.1017/S000712340400002X (accessed April 2, 2013). Buttice, Matthew, and Walter Stone. "Candidates matter: Policy and quality differences in congressional elections." The Journal of Politics. 74. no. 3 (2012): 870-887. DOI: 10.1017/S0022381612000394 (accessed April 2, 2013). Carson, Jamie, Michael Crespin, Carrie Eaves, and Emily Wanless. "Constituency congruency and candidate competition in primary elections for the U.S. House." Midwest Political Science Association Meeting. (2009): 1-28. Carson, Jamie, Jeffery Jenkins, David Rohde, and Mark Souva. "The impact of national tides and district-level effects on electoral outcomes: The U.S. congressional elections of 1862-63." American Journal of Politics. 45. no. 4 (2001): 887-898. Chafetz, Josh, and Michael Gerhardt. "Is the filibuster constitutional?" Cornell Law Faculty Publications. 160. (2010): 245-267. http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub/160 (accessed March 7, 2013). Chen, Jowei, and Jonathan Rodden. "Unintentional Gerrymandering: Political Geography and Electoral Bias in Legislatures." Ann Arbor 1001 (2012): 48109-1045. Cox, Gary, and Jonathan Katz. "The reapportionment revolution and bias in U.S. congressional elections." Social Science Working Paper 1011. (1998): 1-28. Cummins, Jeff. "Party control, policy reforms, and the impact on health insurance coverage in the U.S. states." Social Science Quarterly. 92. no. 1 (2011): 246-267. Diamond, Martin. "Democracy and the Federalist: A reconsideration of the Framers' intent." The American Political Science Review. 53. no. 1 (1959): 52-68.
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http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=00030554%28195903%2953%3A1%3C52%3ADATFAR%3E2.0.CO%3B2-7 (accessed March 7, 2013). Feinstein, Brian, Kathryn Pearson, and Eric Schickler. "Congressional parties and civil rights politics from 1933 to 1972." The Journal of Politics. 72. no. 3 (2010): 672-689. DOI: 10.1017/S0022381610000095 (accessed March 7, 2013). Fowler, James, and Wendy Tam Cho. "Legislative success in a small world: Social network analysis and the dynamics of congressional legislation." The Journal of Politics. 72. no. 1 (2010): 124-135. DOI: 10.1017/S002238160999051X (accessed March 7, 2013). Gimpel, James, Frances Lee, and Michael Parrott. "Business interests and the party coalitions: Industry sector contributions to U.S. congressional campaigns." NCAPSA American Politics Workshop. (2012): 1-54. Glazer, Amihai, Bernard Grofman, and Marc Robbins. "Partisan and incumbency effects of 1970s congressional redistricting." American Journal of Political Science. 31. no. 3 (1987): 680-707. http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=00925853%28198708%2931%3A3%3C680%3APAIEO1%3E2.0.CO%3B2-3 (accessed April 5, 2013). Godwyn, Mary, and Donna Stoddard. Minority women entrepreneurs: How outsider status can lead to better business practices. Sheffield, UK: Greenleaf Publishing, 2011. Haines, Al. Project Gutenberg, "Common Sense by Thomas Paine." Last modified 2008. Accessed March 7, 2013. http://www.gutenberg.org/files/147/147-h/147-h.htm. Hanson, Royce. "Rorshach tests, art criticism, and the jurisprudence of gerrymandering." Wake Forest Journal of Law & Policy. 2. no. 2 (2012): 355-374.
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Hillygus, D., and Shawn Treier. "The nature of political ideology in the contemporary electorate." Public Opinion Quarterly. 73. no. 4 (2009): 679-703. DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfp067 (accessed March 7, 2013). Kessler, Glenn. Washington Post, "Why is the national debt $16 trillion." Last modified January 04, 2013. Accessed April 3, 2013. http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/factchecker/post/why-is-the-national-debt-16-trillion/2013/01/03/e2a85386-55fc-11e2-8b9edd8773594efc_blog.html. Litton, Noah. "The road to better redistricting: Empirical analysis and state-based reforms to counter partisan gerrymandering." Ohio State Law Review. 73. no. 4 (2012): 839-881. Mueller, Robert. U.S. Department of Justice: FBI, "Preliminary semiannual uniform crime report, January - June 2012." Last modified 2013. Accessed April 3, 2013. http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/crime-in-the-u.s/2012/preliminary-semiannualuniform-crime-report-january-june-2012. Napolitano, Andrew. "Liberty vs. tyranny: A constant struggle." Regent University Law Review. 22. no. 2 (2010): 291-300. Pastine, Ivan, and Tuvana Pastine. "Politician preferences, law-abiding lobbyists and caps on political contributions." Public Choice. 145. (2010): 81-101. DOI: 10.1007-s11127-0099555-3 (accessed March 7, 2013). Pevehouse, Jon, and Felicity Vabulas. "The role of informational lobbying in U.S. foreign aid: Is U.S. assistance for sale?" International Political Economy Society Conference. (2012): 137. Rave, D. "Politicians as fiduciaries." Harvard Law Review. 126. no. 3 (2013): 671-739.
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Williams, Walter. More liberty means less government. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1999. Xiang, Hui, and Yi Zhu. WebmedCentral, "The US healthcare system: Current issues and proposal for further reform." Last modified 2010. Accessed March 7, 2013. http://www.webmedcentral.com/article_view/913.
Chapter Three
Introduction The agreement made between the people of the United States and their government is one that is too big to fail. Currently, the national debt is the largest it has ever been, there is rampant unemployment, and the banking and housing industries are struggling to regain momentum after economic recession. Now is the time for a bipartisan effort to clean up the everyday business practices of Congress, thereby allowing their example to lead those they govern. This change does not have to come at such a price as to sacrifice the integrity of the system developed at the country’s start. This study examines how developing collaborative practices within congressional committees will yield a leaner and more efficient government, at a lesser cost.
Stakeholder Summary The broad benefits of such a study would ultimately be the people of the United States. Congressional representatives too could appreciate their value to the American people by better
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serving their needs at a reduced cost. Furthermore, it is hypothesized that the individuals within congressional committees would also benefit from collaborating with other committees. This share in resources and shared due diligence would certainly impact the requirements of policy creation. Sharing ideas would be a simple task, offering very few opportunity costs. There is no proprietary ownership in Washington and most representatives would not scoff at increased publicity for participating more in policy-making decisions.
Approach and Methodology Testing the merits of this study will require further review of qualitative research. The suggested changes must be implemented on some level and its affects measured against general statistical data. This could include congressional polling numbers prior to and following the incorporation of collaborative strategies. Poverty, unemployment, and crime data would also help to judge the merits of collaboration. Following the review of this further research, it would then be possible to conduct focus groups and interviews of congressional representatives. This examination is not needed prior to a comprehensive study of the qualitative research and could potentially interfere with the results.
Research Design When conducting the final interviews, it will be imperative that no leading questions are used. The objective is to gain a purely organic account of how collaborative practices made the functions of Congress leaner and more efficient. Addressing specific personal experiences will
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not help to verify this studies thesis, nor will it further the betterment of Congress. Questions should require only a yes or no answer and should be consistently short and easy to understand. The most reliable responses are those that are delivered first before the brain has a chance to caveat. Members of Congress should participate regardless of the level of collaborative practices adopted by their committee. This will provide a broader account of the resounding changes in Congress, including observations as well as personal accounts. A combination of interviews and focus groups should deliver a good consensus.
Ethics Considerations The rights and privacies of all participants will be honored and always respected. Responses during interviews or focus group discussions will be confidential and only researchers assigned to this project will review interview recordings.
Limitations This project is limited by the length of time it would take to conduct. The changes suggested would first have to be implemented. That alone could take several years to accomplish. Furthermore, during the study, members of Congress may change, the committees they serve may change, and the districts that cast their reelection votes may change. The costs for carrying out the actual study would be incredibly low; however, the duration of the project itself may deter many from taking on the challenge.
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Chapter Four
Introduction The United States remains a leader in the world, in industry, development, wealth and freedom. That fact is not being argued. It is the motivating force behind this project. If the country was not great and the people devoid of character so much so that corruption could not be told from rightful action, then this project would hold no merit. This country is great; however, and that is why developing collaborative practices within congressional committees is proposed here, which will yield a leaner and more efficient government; at a lesser cost. Maintaining the status quo will lead to failure.
Conclusions The Framers of the United States system of government had amazing foresight and profoundly conventional wisdom of a timeless nature. The time and care they took creating this great nation are commendable and, on most accounts, irrefutable. Much of their original work is present verbatim in the documents binding our national agreements and the structure set by those words is what outlines the operations of the three branches of government today. This study does not suggest an overhaul of this system. Instead, it is suggested that the various moving parts, operating within the system, find ways to benefit from the expertise of their fellow officers. The research presented in chapter two supports this idea, further suggesting the works
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produced by a collaborative congress would be prudent and considerate of the fixed and variable costs of implementation, distribution or enforcement. Incorporating collaborative practices into congressional activities does not require additional work be done by members of the House and Senate. Party affiliation is immaterial, as is the length of time a representative has been in office. Collaboration simply means adding an additional level of due diligence to each piece of legislation put up for debate. In the House for example, let us say a bill was proposed to reform healthcare. Committee members from the Department of Health put together what they saw as a solution to the rising costs associated with healthcare. Their preliminary bill then went to members of the Department of Welfare and the Department of Education. After reviewing the original bill, each committee would then offer suggestions on how to improve the work, so that the greatest benefit would be produced with a single piece of legislation. Requesting input from Veterans Affairs would also contribute to developing a meaningful and functional bill, capable of improving healthcare in America. The Senate would also benefit from this mode of policy creation by having less legislation to debate, where the poorly formed bill causes a consensus to be unreachable. The Senate too would do well by collaborating more on how proposed legislation could be edited to meet the requirements of enactment. Communications technology has advanced the abilities of organizational members to collaborate without ever having to leave their desk. Congressional representatives could share information and ideas without added travel or expensive training. Project management software is available to track, organize and combine a myriad of team member contributions, and would serve well in this aspect. Encrypting the data for security would involve some expense; however, the cost would be variable. Although the research does not directly suggest this
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method of collaboration be used in the public sector, Tam Cho and Fowler stated that “the social structure of Congress affects the dynamics of legislation” in their article, “Legislative success in a small world: Social networking and the dynamics of congressional legislation”. Should the primary research prove collaboration to be less effective and more costly, it is suggested that research be performed to inquire on the actual ways collaboration was used to better legislative action. This will provide insight into the underlying factors related to effective collaboration within a congressional environment. Research from this study has shown that organizations are shaped by their environment; therefore, paradigm shifts in Congress may require environmental change. This study is intended to improve upon the current practices of congressional members and the committees which making up the bureaucracy. Their efforts are respected and appreciated and will only be lessened by accepting this project’s recommendation. Gains in time and money will be shared by the American people, future citizens of the United States and the policymakers themselves. Resistances to change will only further the rising debt and unfulfilled promises that plague the people today.
References Abrams, Jennifer. "The Supreme Court's disenfranchisement of the American Electorate: Advocating the application of strict scrutiny when reviewing state ballot access laws and political gerrymandering." Journal of Civil Rights and Economic Development. 12. no. 1 (1996): 145-169. http://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcred/vol12/iss1/10 (accessed April 5, 2013).
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Barley, Stephen. "Building an institutional field to corral a government: A case to set an agenda for organizational studies." Organization Studies. 31. no. 77 (2010): 777-805. DOI: 10.1177/0170840610372572 (accessed March 7, 2013). Ben-Shalom, Yonatan, Robert Moffitt, and John Scholz. "An assessment of the effectiveness of anti-poverty programs in the United States." Oxford Handbook of Economics of Poverty. (2010): 1-60. Bilmes, Linda. "Federalist nos. 67-77: How would Publius envision the civil service today?" Public Administration Review. 71. (2011): 98-104. DOI: 10.1111/j.15406210.2011.02468.x (accessed March 7, 2013). Burden, Barry. "Candidate positioning in US congressional elections." British Journal of Politics. 34. (2004): 211-227. DOI: 10.1017/S000712340400002X (accessed April 2, 2013). Buttice, Matthew, and Walter Stone. "Candidates matter: Policy and quality differences in congressional elections." The Journal of Politics. 74. no. 3 (2012): 870-887. DOI: 10.1017/S0022381612000394 (accessed April 2, 2013). Carson, Jamie, Michael Crespin, Carrie Eaves, and Emily Wanless. "Constituency congruency and candidate competition in primary elections for the U.S. House." Midwest Political Science Association Meeting. (2009): 1-28. Carson, Jamie, Jeffery Jenkins, David Rohde, and Mark Souva. "The impact of national tides and district-level effects on electoral outcomes: The U.S. congressional elections of 1862-63." American Journal of Politics. 45. no. 4 (2001): 887-898.
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