Maspero parallel participatory project by Madd Platform

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‫‪MASPERO PARALLEL‬‬ ‫‪PARTICIPATORY PROJECT‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺎﺳﺒﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺎﺳﺒﻴﺮﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺯﻱ‬

‫‪MASPERO PARALLEL‬‬

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All rights reserved . No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the authors, except in the case of a reviewer, who may quote brief passages embodied in critical articles or in a review. This report is part of Maspero Participatory parallel project’s outcomes.

Project by: Madd Platofrom In partnership with Egyptian Center for Civil and Legislative Reforms, Gateway Studio and former Ministry of Urban Renewal and Informal Settlements.

Project Director: Ahmed Zaazaa Research and Urban Design Team Leaders: Ahmad Borham – Ahmed Zaazaa - Mohamed Abo Tera Urban Designer: Aly Mohamed Ahmed Junior Researchers and Urban Designers: Amr Abo Tawila – Aya El Mansy – Nouran El Marsafy – Reeham Murad – Rim Alaa Interns: Ahmed El Baz – Ibrahim Hany - Omar El Tawansy – Mohamed Mohsen – Samar Samy Photographers: Mohamed Saad - Omar Samy Legal Consultants: Egyptian Center for Civil and Legislative Reforms, Mr. Baher Shawky – Mr. Mohamed Abd el Azim Planners Team (Final Phases in Partnership with Ministry of Urban Rewal and Informal Settlements): Gatway Studio Ahmed Abdel Aty – Ahmed Abbas – Saeed Mohamed - Prof. Walid Nabil (Urban Economist) Advisory Board : Prof. Dina Shehayeb – Prof. May El Ibrashy – Ms. Olfa El Tantawi – Mr. Yehia Shawkat Board of Officials: Dr. Laila Iskandar – Mr. Medhat Abo Zeid Local Inhabitants Team: Mr. Amr Hedeya – Mr. Mahmoud Shaaban – Mrs. Rehab El Sambo - Mr. Sameh Seif – Mr. Sayed Laby – Mr. Sayed Shalaan Layout / Grpahics: Mohamed Hassan – Ahmed Zaazaa 1st Edition Cairo - December 2015

Partners:

Project by:

Sponsers:

Acknowledgment

Meeting the right people in the right time always renews the hope for change. Our mentors and esteemed colleagues who care to set aside their egos to make others dreams come true. Maspero residents who are capable of standing up for their rights and crystalize the meaning of community.

This research could not have been completed without the help of Maspero inhabitants and their representatives (Maspero Association to Defend Land and Houses). The team would like to thank Mr. Sameh Seif, Mr. Amr Hedeya, Mr. Sayed Laby, Mr. Mahmoud Shaaban, Eng. Sayed Shaalan and all inhabitants of Maspero.

The team is grateful and pleasured to work side to side with Prof. Laila Iskander, the former minister of Urban Renewal and Informal Settlements, for believing in people. Thanks to her for pushing the project and wanting it to happen to act as a precedent to support low-income groups in other areas.

Equally we thank the experts and professors who supported us with their knowledge and feedback: our mentors Prof. Dina Shehayeb and Prof. Mai el Ibrashi who was also our partner through Megawra and Mr. Yehia Shawkat from 10 Tooba. And thanks to Mr. Medhat Abo Zeid for backing up the project by wise advises.

Special thanks goes to The Egyptian Center for Civil and Legislative Reform, Mr. Baher Shawki and Mr. Mohamed Abd el Azeem, who through their strong belief in people and human rights have been our most appreciated partner in this project. The team has learned a lot from the planning project partners. GateWay Studio, Mr. Ahmed Abdel Aty, Mr. Abdallah el Attar, Mr. Ahmed Abbas and Mr. Saeed Mohamed. Thanks to Prof. Cornelia Redeker, Prof. Barbra Pampe, Prof. Florian Seidel, and all architectural department, staff and students, in the German University in Cairo, for the innovative ideas that they supported the team with. Also thanks to each of: Omnia Khalil, Eman Assal, Dima el Halaby, Omar Samy, Mohamed Saad, for their help in the Project. Last, but not least, the whole team is expressing their gratitude to The Arab Digital Expression Foundation for their great help though out the project, in terms of knowledge and financial support, Mrs. Ranwa Yehia, Mr. Ahmed Gharbeia, Mrs. Marwa el Soudi, and above all, this research is a humble token in memory of Mr. Aly Shaath, may his soul rest in peace.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY WHAT IS MADD Platform? INTRODUCTION: Parallel Practices Incremental Developmentprocess PART ONE Questioning Neo-Liberalism arallel System: The Rise of Informality A Parallel Evolving City: The Informal Economy

1.1 1.2 1.3

1.Global Crisis

2.Democracy and Planning

Communities in Urban Transformation: The 2.1 Choice Between Moving and Improving Realism in Policies, Policies, Regulations and 2.2 Standardizations 2.3 Meanings of PParticipation: Community Matters in Planning

PART TWO

3.1 The State as a Corporate and the City as a Commodity 3.2 Housing in Egypt: The Government Between Profitability and Responsibility 3.3 Disappearance Threat of Historical Neighborhoods 3.4 Criticizing Top Down Planning

3.Local Dynamics: The Messy Vitality of Cairo

4.Maspero

4.1 4.2 4.3 4.3 4.4

Why Maspero? Stakeholder Analysis Economic Aspect Conflicts A Need for Intervention

5.1 5.2

Street Morphologies Appropriation of Public Space

6.Understanding Architecture

6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5

Unit and Building Typologies Living in Residential Units Structural Systems for Buildings abric and Buildings Significant Urban Fabric eatures Architectural Features

5.Understanding Urban Fabric

8.1 Methodology for Intervention 8.2 Re-picturing Maspero

8. Participatory Design

7.1 SWOT Analysis 7.2 Needs Assessment

7.Preperation for Intervention

PART THREE

9.1 A formal Process 9.2 Final Outcomes

9. Not Parallel Anymore

Epilogue

Appendix: Maspero Parallel Housing Project

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This research aimed to pinpoint that local issues are not disconnected from global ones. The research is classified into 3 part, for 3 different layers in dealing with the project. The first part is an attempt to understand local problems in the built environment and economy, through tackling the global crisis. While in the second part is more focused on local dynamics in planning and housing. The third part is presenting the design process up to the outcomes of the project.

In part one, the first chapter introduces the side effects of the neoliberal paradigm domination from urban and economic perspectives, being reactionary modes of resistance represented in the emergence of informal societies and economies. What is to be noted here is that the label of informality is often one that is assigned by the regime to systems that are marginal to it even if they were its precedent, let alone a reaction to it. The second chapter discusses democratic planning, how much an individual or a society can participate in the decision making related to their urban environment. The chapter starts by differentiating between the choices of relocation and development, whether to relocate residents collectively to other areas, or to intervene for the purpose of development while the residents remain in their neighborhood. The chapter also tackles the issue of forced eviction utilized by governments and what this entails, whether harmful or beneficial. The chapter then evaluates the solution of alternative dwellings that governments provide demonstrating its limited vision as one that considers the house to be solely a product consisting of 4 walls while neglecting core elements of livelihood (services, economic basis, social interconnectivity, individual dissimilarities and the locality of social and cultural conditions). Lastly, the chapter discusses concepts of participatory planning and design in collaboration with key stakeholders as an attempt to establish justice and democracy in the process of decisionmaking.

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In part three, the first chapter presents an analysis of societal needs, of opportunities and threats to neighborhood and residents, and the project team’s recommendations and methodology of intervention in the neighborhood. The research continues to present the whole design process, until reaching tangible and intangible products. This part crosscuts the project from working independently and working with the government and the different processes.

In the light of this theoretical background, the second part turns to the geographical context of the problematic starting from the city of Cairo and reaching to Maspero Triangle, being thus divided into 2 chapters. The third chapter discusses the role of the state between being responsible for the public interest and a provider of services on one side, and its role as corporation or business agent on the other, and the consequential alternation of the city’s from a place for common living, social and cultural integration to one where it poses as a commodity or opportunity for investment. The chapter focuses on the issue of the state’s role in housing between generating profit and responsibility, as well as its role in preserving traditional and historic neighborhoods. The end of the chapter introduces a critique of the prevalent top-down planning approach in terms of its impact on the community, its individuals as well as on the built environment. Chapter 4 then focuses to the case of Maspero Triangle. The chapter discusses in the beginning the history of the neighborhood’s development from its geographical origins as spillover of the river, to the early role of the neighborhood of Bulaq, its urbanization and key incidents that affected its urbanism. The chapter then introduces the current problematic by presenting and analyzing stakeholders involved in the neighborhood, their goals, capacities and interrelations. A further demonstration of the problematic is then presented through an explanation of the conflict of interest that arises from varying visions and goals. The previous chapters are concluded with the affirmation of need for a design intervention from a third neutral party, which entails an in-depth urban research, presented in the part that follows. This part is followed by the studies that were conducted in the attempt to read and understand the case in hand. The urban and architectural studies, forming together with the social research an indispensable basis for the design intervention.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Maspero is our Egypt. We

have been raised upon loving Egypt. We have been taught to defend Egypt. We have been growing up on the notion of the meaning of Egypt is embedded in the people of Egypt. We have been told, through media, that we have to die for our Egypt. Maspero is our Egypt. We will dig graves in Maspero to be buried in our land, when they come to take us out and tear Maspero down.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;

Mahmoud Shaaban, a teacher living and working in Maspero.

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WHAT IS MADD PLATFORM PLATFORM?

local initiatives

open source

empowerment

participation

MADD is an independent non-institutional entity that is composed of researchers and practitioners of architecture and urbanism whose activities have been focused on the public domain through projects, investigations and voluntary work in research facilities and universities. MADD works under an ethical umbrella that could be summarized in 4 key concepts: social empowerment, societal participation, the publication of all information of projects that it does as open-source, and working solely with initiatives that popular organizations have instigated

expertise professionals

local initiatives

real project

support

professionals

knowledge

awareness and recruitment public conferences one on one meetings

experience

planner

MADD has previously worked on 2 urban projects through collaboration: the project of re-design for the main artery (Qasaba) of Al-Kom Al-Ahmar village, which included the addition of incomegenerating activities for the village residents as well as services and cultural activities; and the project of re-design for Sylvana square and its surrounding streets, zone of entry to the Mit Oqba neighborhood, which included offering consultancy on how to improve 9 of its internal alleys.

NGO

inhabitants

traditional model

MADD communicates with the society through popular initiatives, networking the needs for the realization of projects with ideas, proposals and support of experts and craftsmen who work under similar ethical umbrellas gathering all capacities in implementing projects for the benefit of society. MADD’s work is not limited to urban projects only, but it works also on documenting projects through research, in order for other groups to benefit from the process of research and design as well as from points of strength and weakness in each scheme. After a project is turned into a documentation research of the process, work is directed towards reform or state’s change of policies. This process could also be conducted in reverse, starting from research to policy to experiments on the ground.

policies

review laws and regulation give alternatives for urban policies review institutional frameworks and roles empower and raise awareness for the community to participate in decision making for thier urban evironment

knowledge transfer

practice

develop researches towards integration and participation develop academic curricula + application in ﬁeldwork develop media and raise awareness ﬁnd and activate knowledge transfer streams

projects and program execution work directly in local initiatives with grassroots network potential efforts create opportunity and career in the development ﬁeld

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INTRODUCTION

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Parallel Practice. Incremental Development.

An introduction to a paper about urban development became well known to most of practitioners and expertise. Asking questions about ownership, who takes decisions & how, and criticizing the top down approach of decision-making and laws, and stating the importance of empowerment, participation and sustainability. So building upon what we all know, we need to start by what most of urban design expertise and activists had reached, in general and through â&#x20AC;&#x153;Learning from Cairoâ&#x20AC;? conference in particular, that can be reduced into two main recommendations: The importance today to transgress traditional view for urban planners to help establish new standards of acceptability for the use of urban space and promote a more open and heterogeneous public sphere to be community specific, rather than dealing with the city as a map, and imposing a master plan that suppose to fit different groups, and by trial and error, it seems that, in most cases, it not efficient at all. AND, the drastic need to integrate the informal with the formal more effectively and presents several case studies that highlight process a type of planning that does not have a fixed end result but unfolds in several directions over time. As due to changes and transformations that the world is

expertise to work and experiment in their areas, through participatory approaches. Now, there are few architects and urban designers, taking responsibility with local inhabitants to upgrade their areas through environmental, urban, social, health aspects… etc. This model of urban development is contradicting the formal model, since it is about building increments of small process models that are built simultaneously or asynchronously, to cover a large spectrum of urban problems on the city scale.

This approach might sound like an anarchist approach, which is not exactly, since the government’s role is not neglected, as the government must be aware of these new frameworks, to sync them in the broader visions and plans of the state, so that these small actions are guaranteed to be sustainable and not clashing with the state’s vision. To achieve that, the government is obliged to be more transparent about state’s plans and to ease the access to information.

witnessing, the scientific mindset today is changing in different fields, from predictability to uncertainty, from linear to network, and from equilibrium to non-equilibrium systems. Whereas these changes had to change on ground actions in urban development field from centralized management to decentralized management, from revenue orientation to people orientation, from large working plan to micro plans, from target orientation to process orientation, from unilateral decision making to participatory decision making, from controlling people to facilitating people, from department to peoples institutions, and from fixed procedures to experimentation and flexibility.

Building upon these previous outcomes, and in this situation of uncertainty where the right to the city is repeatedly contradicting with the law of the city, and till this is resolved, architects should rethink their role. Hired by the state or the fortunate they become always biased. Ethical responsibility obliges architects and planners to liberate themselves from such bias and make an independent stand.

The messy vitality of the urban condition comes from unpredictable intermingling and negotiation of different stakeholders, classes, races, and social and cultural groups making their own places in the city. The spontaneous and flexible character of the world’s cities is revealed to be both a means of survival and form of personal and collective expression. But can these principles form a work plan and a framework for urban practitioners? After 2011’s revolution, the social mobility produced local community organizations and comities in different areas all over the country. These organizations and local comities opened the door for urban activists and

To reach the transparency and collaboration from the government, academia should take role in this framework, where a body of scientific advisory is drastically important to back up the practice by knowledge. Moreover, to set a coherent sociopolitical structure in the light of the Now and Here. A massive task to be carried out by Academia alone and hence the redefinition of Academia is required to transform its role to be the mind of the people. This will be a huge step to intervene policies and make policy reform more stable and more doable. The four corners square between community, urban expertise & activists, government and academia, is not enough, NGOs and political parties, are playing important roles in this framework, as they are responsible to push the government to take actions and decisions, and responsible also for the collecting funds for projects.

inhabitants

Traditional Model in Planning

This is not supposed to be false idealism, not also a “YES WE CAN” motivation and dreamy story. We are already in midway to achieve a solid model to theorize the process. Academics, students and urban practitioners space are increasing everyday to adopt this approach analysis of development. Adding to it, refining it, to define it. On the other hand, the government already started - Although very slightly - to shift the paradigm and raise the notion of participatory actions in informal areas. Schools ﬁnalize of architecture are now focusing on urban problems, and encouraging students to leave their working studios and work in field, more. NGOs that deal with urban and architectural issues are increasing.

State

space

power

Business men

By defining roles and by building trust between different stakeholders of this framework that can absorb different forms of appropriation and emerging uses over time, city governments can create friendly places enabling residents to actively fashion public settings for desired ends. And this approach won’t be as guerilla as it seems now, it will be much more mainstream.

Political parties are taking advantages to be postpart of the game, and helping in fund raising. planinng

Conferences, talks, workshops, seminars, presentations and public lectures are everyday, in lots of different venues. A theoretical framework is needed quickly to include all these dynamics together, and to define roles and potentials.

planner Planners

inhabitants User/ Community

state’s traditional model

human rights culture and identity health education social inculsion

power

public pressure

Project

Fund

State

Civil Society

+ NGO

+ planner

+ State

parallel practice model

opinion resources information legalization

inhabitants

1 28

part one

Global Crisis Questioning Neoliberalism A Parallel System: The Rise of Informality The Evolving City: Informal Economy

2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3

Democracy and Planning Communities in Urban Transformation: The Choice Between Moving and Improving Realism in Policies, Regulations and Standardizations Meanings of Participation: Community Matters in Planning

1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3

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PART ONE

Global Crisis

part one

1.1 Questioning Neoliberalism

In 1979, the British Conservative party attained parliamentarian majority and Margret Thatcher, as party leader, became prime minister. In the following year in a press conference for American journalists, she voiced one of her famous sentences “There is no alternative”. This soon became a political slogan verifying Thatcher’s economic policies and marketing the Neoliberal project that she sided with not only in Britain but also across the world. In the same year, on the other side of the Atlantic, Republican candidate Ronald Regan arrived to the oval office in the United States to become the second wing and the major power to support the new project. Nonetheless, the project was not entirely new having been experimented before in Chile with American blessing under the rule of Augusto Pinochet (1973) whose coup d’état over Social Democrat Salvador Allende had been supported by the US. The project experiment had accomplished some economic success later to be branded as a “Chilean miracle”. Alas this “miracle” hadn’t been entirely miraculous in the view of many for being the cause of social inequality, failing to be equitable in the distribution of services and wealth. The experiment was ended in 1982 with an economic crisis that American economist Milton Friedman, one of the forefathers of neoliberalism, had attributed to the blunders of the Chilean Minister of Finance. Neoliberalism, as defined by David Kotz, is an economic theory and a political stance. The theory claims that the capitalist regime that is liberated of state regulation (or Laissez-Faire) does not only embody the freedom of individual choice, but also achieves a perfect economic performance as regards to efficiency, development, technological advancement and equitable distribution. According to neoliberalism, the state assumes a limited responsibility: defining property limits and ensuring the actualization of fund-organizing contracts. It views the intervention of the state to amend errors of the market with suspicion, on the grounds that it causes problems more than it offers solutions.

David Harvey offers another interpretation, which views neoliberalism as a project that aims to restore class powers of the elite; in being so, it derails from being a utopian project that presents a theoretical framework for the rearranging of international capitalism. Thus, according to Harvey, it aims to ensure the accumulation of capital among the hands of the economic elite, which is a process that has the following characteristics: 1. Expansionist activities, considering growth to be inevitable and esteemed; 2. The sustainability of growth through the exploitation of labor in production; 3. Accepting class struggle as a harmless general condition; 4. Technological progress is inevitable and highly esteemed;

5. Dealing with the contradictions of the system and its eventual instability; 6. The inevitability of crises and their nature of constant accumulation; 7. If the surplus was not absorbed, it is devalued. As a result, the main characteristics of the policies of neoliberal governments include restraining public spending as much as possible, privatization and compensating the pursuit of public interest with the encouragement of the individual economic liberty and responsibility.

part one

The neoliberal state seems at first glance to be insistent on withdrawing from the market and from the public realm, except that this view lacks precision since governments that adopt this philosophy in reality intervene in everything including neutral independent institutions (e.g. universities) with the intention of opening them to the market and disposing of the burden of defining and caretaking for the public interest. This is achieved through assigning societal needs to the market, while maintaining the role of executing the rule of law rather than problem solving. By the end of the 1980s, the Anglo-American alliance succeeded in imposing the project almost across the world, coinciding with the fall of the Soviet Union, with varying impacts. Europe, which has been presided by social democratic rule ever since the end of the Second World War, headed right until the moderate social democratic parties struggled even to provide for limited services to citizens in line with the neoliberal regime. This happens in Europe, where there is in effect a reasonable extent of sufficiency, liquidity due to industrial prominence, wide-ranging economic infrastructure, and education. The result was limited to the increase of unemployment, the weakening of social and labor organizations, and reflected negatively on wages and basic services. It has not, though, lead to the same range of problems in other countries like those of Africa or Latin America. The proposition (or adoption) of the neoliberal project in developing countries (whether through the pressure of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund or the World Trade Organization) leads to such problems and more due to the difference in economic base, deficiency of education and lack of awareness regarding basic rights compared to Europe. This was a difference in the degree of harm. As for the nature of harm, the biggest influence can be attributed to opening the market of these countries to global capitalism. This has led to major damage, affecting not only labor and consumers, but also local industries; the only beneficiaries were middlemen and agents who represent the local partners of international economic bodies. Returning to industrialized nations, David Kotz, in comparing the growth rates of gross domestic product in 6 industrialized countries between the period of state intervention in regulating the market in the 1960s and the neo-liberal era of the 1990s, finds that the rates were higher in the first period in all 6 countries. It follows that the project is detrimental on the long term even to industrialized nations and giant corporations, assuming that employees and workers will continue to accept the pressures of economic and living conditions.

If neoliberal policies are as such damaging, how is it that governments continue to adopt them and how do they provide a convincing argument for the success of the project and its philosophy? Answering to this, David Harvey suggests that neoliberalism has certain accomplishments that are being exported to the public opinion to continue market the project. There are always those who benefit or else the regime could not have survived, as there continues to be a concentration of wealth in the hands of a minority that gains enormous fortunes and are presented to the public as evidence that the regime allows financial prospering that enabling the obtaining of all needs through consumption, and therefore the fault is of those to qualify themselves well enough for the competition. This, of course, is a major fallacy from the perspective of human rights since it transforms basic rights as medical treatment, education and housing to commodities, positioning it in the field of competition instead of equitability. The second argument that the regime provides on the national level is similar. There is always an economic beneficiary from the project, like Japan or the United States in intermittent periods of the 1980s and 1990s. But what the argument omits is that this benefit almost always comes at the stake of other nations whose market has been opened by compulsion, either through pressure from the International Bank or through immediate force, as in the case of Iraq. Finally, neoliberalism presents itself with moral foundations like the freedom of individual choice, linking welfare with efficiency, technical progress and ensuring the rule of law; these are values which are difficult to oppose, either for the public or the individual, except by as such demonstrating its neglect for fundamental rights and the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role in guaranteeing them, along with failing to deliver the economic success that it promises or, through a careful look, the values that it preaches.

Sources: Coner, D. 2000.Globalization and Neo-liberalism. Rethinking Capitalism Journal. Issue 12. Harver, D. 2006. Space for Global Capitalism. Verso. www.margaretthatcher.org/speeches

part one

1.2 A parallel System: The Rise of Informality

The Informal Communities During of the advancing of the uprising in the streets of major cities, the poor were occupied with their search for basic living needs. Afterwards, some took advantage of the superficial collapse of the security apparatus through annexing hundreds of vacant buildings and abandoned apartments to their possession to use and renew them as their own properties. Since the choice of land appropriation has become unlawful in many countries of the middle east region especially after the independent movements and revolutions such as the free officers movements in Egypt and the Islamic revolution in Iran, the seizure of land and property without permit has accelerated. This phenomenon has contributed to rapid growth in both major and minor cities in the following years of these revolutions. What is in common between the perpetrators of those acts is a life style in which basic necessities are at risk

divided their agricultural land among them, and built their houses over them without official permit from the authorities. Rural emigrants who have been displaced from the countryside in search for better living, along with cemetery dwellers and residents of informal areas, have formed quasiindependent communities on the outskirts of major cities. The expansion of these communities and their persistence on providing themselves with better living conditions has forced the authorities at some point to supply basic infrastructure to these areas. For example, the volume of informal water consumption in Alexandria reached around 3 million dollars (yearly?) as street vendors moved to occupy many of the city’s main streets to display their goods. Thousands of poor Egyptians make their living through tips from parking cars beside sidewalks or in vacant lands, attempting to accommodate the largest number of cars to generate the largest possible of daily income. From the view point of authorities entrusted with the management of the city, this amounts to chaos. But on the other hand, all attempts to ban these activities have failed. Those who adopt these informal practices have relied on resisting the authorities through tactics of fast escape, swift resistance or non-compliance with instructions. Examples of street politics are numerous, among which are the Attaba square, Sayeda Zeinab square, Bulaq El-Dakrur, the Friday market in Imbaba and the forced relocation of the used books market around the fence of the Azbakeya garden. Additionly, there are also a numeros informal modes of transportation commuting people to areas not reachable by the formal ways whether due in accessibility Similar politics take place in cities throughout Asia. In South Korean cities, any person can occupy a spot in any street with a display board on wheels appropriating it as his own to showcase his merchandise. In such circumstances, taxation becomes a nearly impossible mission. Famous brand chains like Luis Vuitton and Ralph Lauren cannot prevent street vendors from selling

prompting a constant need to defend them. How many times have the residents of informal areas attempted to demand the supply of water and electricity but were met with rejection or have been stalled by local authorities, left no choice but to resort to collective efforts and to acquire their needs through informal practices? Residents countlessly have undertaken the paving of streets, establishing of clinics, building of prayer halls and libraries, managing waste and water supply. They have founded leagues and social organizations to organize their livelihood in a model that is independent of the authorities. This model, which is termed by some as ‘silent encroachment’, has extended to the labor market. Unemployed poor, joined by peers belonging to the middle class, resorted to the family-business model, which is based upon social relations of friendship and relativity. The rest have launched themselves in the streets of the city as street vendors, peddlers and parking attendants. They set up kiosks, stands on which to hang their merchandise and display boards that can be easily folded and dragged on wheels to escape in the event of being chased by the authorities. They lit these markets by connecting their electric wires to those of a street lamp. These collective efforts have transformed the sidewalks to crowded marketplaces full of color and life. But the authorities could not tolerate such activities, types of appropriation and use of public space, so it waged a war on those street vendors joined by shop owners who saw such activities as a menace to their business. Some researchers have termed these clashes between the authorities and informal vendors as ‘street politics’. This type of practice happens on a daily basis in all developing countries across the Middle East. In Egypt, there are over a hundred informal areas, so-called slums, with over 7 million inhabitants. Those have

part one

lives of below-ordinary people to circumvent the difficulties of life and improve their living conditions. These silent encroachments, as coined by Asef Bayat, generate change that is seen by this group as having a major impact on their lives without necessarily causing disruption to the political structure of the state. This daily resistance is nearly a political practice whereby residents are involved in a way or another in collective decision making, observing the political weight of such acts and decisions through being exposed to danger or through observing threats to their gains and interests. Often the source of conflict between the state and marginalized groups are the economic and political burdens endured by the authorities and distinctive groups of society as a cause of silent encroachment, since the informal distribution of public benefit does steer any returns towards the state. When a society as such reaches complete independence, the state thus becomes obsolete; with no role or meaning. Societal control over contracts, urban spaces and cultural activities detracts a key segment of the state’s political domain. Herein lies the point of collision. The state’s intervention in this domain comes when the accumulative growth of this group extends beyond the “allowed limit”. Therefore, street politics often depend on appearing in a tolerable and limited form whereas expansion, encroachment and appropriation increase in a way that escalates resistance against them. Hence, slum residents can at times prevent others from settling in their areas and street vendors can ban their peers from approaching zones within their assumed control in order to avoid spread beyond the allowed limit of the state. Some resort to bribing government officials, while others become reluctant to share their practices with colleagues. Eventually, all of them and their families take the same path and their increasing numbers make them an influential social force. This compound mixture of individual and collective acts is the source of their strength. In the case that encroachments exceed the limit

counterfeit products except through buying the spots where they stand to put them on display. Similar practices have emerged in Latin American cities. In Santiago, Chile during the 80s, nearly 200,000 families have utilized informal methods to connect themselves to the official networks of water and electricity while the authorities were left unable to discover how. These popular movements since then came to be called Basimo, which means local social collaboration. In South Africa, over 20% of the urban population lives in slums and refuses to pay in return for urban services. In response, the government and the business community organized the “Culture of Payment” campaign in 1994, or what is known as Masahakan to avoid the damage that results from this kind of appropriation. It is difficult to deny that the main concern of the majority of the marginalized urban population is to provide for basic living needs. Nonetheless, it is a concern that is accompanied with the ambition of improving their standard of life slowly and silently. It is not true that the struggles of this group are merely defensive. There is a type of daily resistance to the aggression of the more powerful groups. Despite the fact that these struggles are of a silent type and are likely to be done individually, yet they are posed against the privileges of the dominant groups of society in an attempt to adjust the balance of resources, independence and power in favor of the marginalized groups. This is what enables the informal communities to maneuver collectively without prior planning. In addition to their continuing attempts to gain the support of the state, their daily actions remain striving to create real change in their lives. Driven by the force of necessity, they move individually and slowly like turtles in a manner that can barely be observed. These usual silent encroachments form a type of slow, persistent progress in the

allowed from the standpoint of the state, collision becomes inevitable; although most probably it will fail because it will probably be too late, while the encroachments will have been socially rooted and interlinked with its economic surroundings. Then, silent encroachments would have arrived to a critical mass and have become a reality that is difficult to change. Contrary to other groups of organized labor, street vendors are in constant liquidity. They are individuals who work and move outside the domain of organizations and trade unions. They don’t have an institutional capacity through which they can pressure the state for their rights. They may participate in demonstrations and other forms of legitimate participation, but this happens under external leadership and in cases of stable democracies. Such encroachments are a result of the prevailing non-democratic political situation in the area of the Middle East, as well as the absence of civil society organizations. Therefore, this group probably does not follow politics of demonstration, but street politics that are often individual and with immediate return. Street politics are essentially a set of struggles between groups of residents and the authority that are embodied periodically in the material and social domain of the street whether an alley, a sidewalk or a square. What makes this conflict political is state control over society’s movement in the street, while in the past, local communities enjoyed greater autonomy and ability for self-organization. Silent encroachment is thus a natural and ethical reaction to the necessity of survival and the pursuit of decent livelihood. It is the marginalized majority’s search for justice. Spatial justice is the main concern of all urban policies for governments in the past century. The absence of urban justice is embodied clearly in the spatial arrangement of cities; an arrangement that reflects the fact that 10% of the population generates 28 times the income of the rest of the population. The absence of urban justice appears to the foreign visitor even before they arrive to the city. During landing at the airport, the spreading fabric of naked masses can be observed revealing red brick walls topped with temporary structures of wood and tin, demonstrating the extent of informality that now characterize Cairo’s built environment. Cairo is a screaming example of the fact that informal communities cannot be avoided, and are becoming key segments of the Egyptian society, its culture and economics. Informal areas around Cairo appear like cancerous masses spread in chaos with no discernible order or clear boundaries. But after a closer look, we can start to recognize the hidden order behind the assembly of those housing units. This order is dissimilar to what architects and planners are taught in universities. Recently, research studies have started to emerge as a result of the increasing consciousness to the importance and extent of complexity of the informal sector in an attempt to understand its internal structure logic. Many of these researches have shown the flexibility of this sector and its ability to adapt to surrounding circumstances socially and economically.

part one

The Formal and the Informal: A Tangled Relationship Formal

1a: belonging to or constituting the form or essence of a thing b: relating to or involving the outward form, structure, relationships, or arrangement of elements rather than content 2a: following or according with established form, custom, or rule b: done in due or lawful form 3a: characterized by punctilious respect for form b: rigidly ceremonious 4: having the appearance without the substance Informal 1: marked by the absence of formality or ceremony 2: characteristic of or appropriate to ordinary, casual, or familiar use â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Webster Dictionary, 10th edition

Informality It is a behavior, a procedure and the result of a process whether formal or otherwise. It is a system that includes tangled informal practices on the level of individuals, groups and institutions that are involved in an oppressed relationship with the formal system. The informal system emerges in order to fill a vacuum resulting from the failure and inefficiency of the formal system. Informality is a pattern of behavior deemed alien by the formal system due in its methods. But in spite of all that may be said, the formal system cannot dispense with the informal sector in the modern society. Even within the informal system, there are varying degrees of informality. Systems can be informal not only in their relation to the formal system, but also in their relation with other informal systems. There is a space where the formal merges with the informal. This space is where the principal rules of the informal structure are generated. We can look at the informal system as an attempt to adapt with the imposed formality. We need to develop methods of analysis and intervention that are more flexible to deal with informal conditions.

The formal and the informal have become inseparable, often depending on one another, and in some cases it is difficult to distinguish between them. Therefore, we need to go beyond the perception that they are two poles of a dialectic relation. Breaking with the traditional boundary between the formal and the informal is the way to integrate spaces that have long been isolated from each other, as well as creating suitable social conditions to reevaluate public spaces and to allow the emergence of urban settlements that have better infrastructure and services. We can assume that the degree of informality in a given society can be associated to its fragility and how much it is marginalized. The Advantages of Informal Housing Areas Most attempts to provide a so-called housing for the poor in Egypt on a large scale through massive governmental housing projects failed. This was the beginning of the transition from the path of providing to that of empowering, and the spread of the collective-effort model through urban development projects, both at the level of site and services. Among the rigorous advocates of this trend was John Turner, who believed that

housing is a process and not a product. Acknowledging the effective aspects in the methods of informal construction, which are rooted in their local context, has led some researchers like Amos Rapoport and Paul Oliver to consider informal areas as the contemporary popular neighborhoods. • Informal housing areas represent the huge capability and potential of individuals to contribute in solving their problems through personal and collective efforts, whether in housing finance processes, in the organization of work or in the management of the construction process. The individual’s sense of ownership of the house is an important factor for the stability that drives them to work, produce, develop their dwelling and improve it; in addition to creating a spirit of cooperation in those communities, which should be invested in the improvement, development and upgrading of the housing environment. • Informal areas provide more appropriate alternatives for low-income residents. The alternative is represented in prompt dwelling that accommodates essential and basic needs of residents, before setting out to phases of improvement and upgrading of the dwelling and its surrounding environment. • Informal housing represents a positive social value for providing basic needs of services, since its population was successful in organizing itself and in setting up a social life through which it established service facilities like prayer halls, clinics and schools that fulfill its needs. • Social commitment and settlement with tradition may be the alternative that complements laws and decrees.

Lieben. D, 2013. Why We Love The Urban Village. The Vertical Village. Hamburg Museum

Sources: 1. Un-civil society: The politics of the ‘informal people’, Asef Bayat , Third World Quarterly , Vol. 18, Iss. 1, 1997. 2. Laguerre, Michel S. 1994. The informal city. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

part one

1.3 Evolving City: The Informal Economy

In light of a global crisis consisting of totalitarian capitalist globalization operations which affected many developing countries since the 1980s, and the collapse of the communist regime in the 1990s which resulted in high rates of deinstitutionalization and marginalization, there appeared strategic alternatives towards reducing the volume of labor employment without any vision of what would happen to the economic situation, nor prospects of job creation in the near future. At the beginning of the 1990s, during the transition to free market policies, the percentage of stable employment in countries of the third world decreased to become 5-15%. In Africa, the unemployment rate increased to 10%, while the percentage of job entry in the formal sector continued to decline. Under these circumstances, a large group of the educated and qualified segment turned to assume governmental positions while a broad spectrum of peasants became engaged in the so-called informal economy.

The informal economy is an impulsive autonomous system that grows more rapidly than any other economic system. This system, from a superficial view, seems to be random and chaotic, but is governed by tacit unwritten rules. Predominantly based on self-help and characterized by autonomy, it is at the same time closely linked to the formal economy. It has contributed to the growth of many cities over time. It is literally a global economy that is not limited to a country or a particular political system. It is primarily considered an important alternative that provides income for classes whose interests the state has failed to care for. Many economists and politicians are not in favor of such economy, often describing it as a threat to public order for its evasion of taxes. Some criticize it for lacking social security protection (health insurance, pensions, etc.) for its workers, despite the fact that the formal sector itself in many countries does not provide this kind of protection for workers that fall under its umbrella. Nevertheless, it is acknowledged by everyone that the informal economy has become an integral segment of the

society. This economic system is not considered to be formal since it does not adhere to generally accepted conventions of the free market in terms of rules of growth and development that have been established by the West. These rules assume any economic system to be highly ordered, subject to monitoring and measurement as well as permitting the state to be included within it. The modern state considers any work that does not have specific work hours, a license and is not officially registered to be non-formal. Since the informal labor sector does not fall under this domain nor abides by these rules, the state thus considers it as an enemy and a source of harm. The colonial economy was the founder of this view, as it marginalized the value of local labor and weakened their creative capacities, which has led to economic stagnation and the dissolution of traditional socio-economic networks. This was when the informal economy arose as an alternative and a naming. The informal economy carries out legitimate activities, but it does not commit to issuing the necessary permits nor does it keep accounting logbooks that make it subject to taxation. Thus the informal economy provides goods and services that are not criminal from a legal point of view. The informal economy, termed at times as a parallel economy, usually spreads in developing countries. Since Egypt is considered to be among those countries, the informal economy in recent years has become of interest to the academic community. Several theses addressed the potential and means to transform this sector into the formal economy, allowing it to be included within the national fiscal database, and to provide a better work environment for its labor force. The Size of the Informal Economy The size of this informal sector continues to grow around the world; in Spain it is estimated to be 200 billion euros. In October 2009, the size of the informal economy in Ireland reached 6.1 billion sterling pounds, while the Swiss government has recorded in 2007 the volume of trade in the informal market to be 35 billion dollars per year. Estimates to determine the size of the informal economy in Egypt vary. According to renowned economist Fernando de Soto, the informal economy in Egypt is estimated at 395 billion dollars, equivalent to 2.6 trillion Egyptian pounds. A recent estimate of the Federation of Egyptian Industries puts it at about a trillion Egyptian pounds. The informal economy extends to the realm of services, since usually the prices of goods and services provided within it are less than those offered by the formal economy, due to its evasion of taxes both in purchases and in sales, besides the presence of other forms

part one

the workers of the unorganized sector (units that employ 10 workers or less). • The vast majority of construction workers whom we see working, for example, on the construction of new settlements (as in New Cairo and the Sixth of October City). • Vendors of corn, chicken peas drink (Halabessa), local coffee shop attendants and others. • Vendors of shoes, clothes, toys and other products whom we see squatting the sidewalks of Attaba, Sayeda Zeinab, Sayeda Aisha and Ramses squares, among others. • Gatekeepers that are not insured and who do not possess a formal employment contract that guarantees their rights. • Daily wage farmers, who assist in the digging of canals or in collecting seasonal harvests for a modest daily wage.

of abuse in all phases of its economic activity. The informal economy model poses an alternative value to economic efficiency, critiquing its different facets. For example, why does central planning, represented in large commercial markets whose activities and sales rates are easy to monitor, is considered to be a better practice than a model that guarantees employment to a greater number of people such as the informal commercial markets? Likewise, why is price-fixing considered to be better practice than open negotiations? In this context, the informal economy, with its limited but diverse size of trade activities, may be regarded as more efficient than the traditional model of economy that runs on the logic of large commercial chains.

Thus is clarified the characteristics of the informal sector as follows: • Work that is not registered within the different official records of the state (trade registry, industrial registry, work permits, social security, trade union organizations) and that lacks a written or registered employment contract. • Work of an individual nature, since 92% of the informal sector’s set ups in Egypt are estimated to be individual projects. • Small-scale operations, measuring the number of employees with or without pay, permanent or temporary. • Limited capital, since the informal sector’s projects are largely considered “poorer” in comparison with those of the formal sector in terms of the capital employed, in addition to the difficulty of obtaining finances from official channels making its capacity to expand and diversify extremely limited. • Dependence on manual operation, which is the case for the largest percentage of informal sector set ups, with no need for equipment, complex or expensive tools.

While the state has failed to provide sustainable job opportunities and fair resource distribution, the informal economy has succeeded in allowing a wider range of employment opportunities for a larger segment of labor, while at the same time achieving greater growth rates in more flexible ways, managing to deliver its benefits to a wider segment of the population.

What is meant by the informal sector is that class of craftsmen, tradesmen, workers and farmers that operate outside the framework of taxation and social security of the state. The informal labor sector can also be defined in simpler terms for non-specialists as follows: “a set of economic activities that are not subject to government monitoring or taxation, and are not included within the gross national product measurement value, as opposed to the registered activities of the formal sector.” Unsteady employment constitutes 60% to 80% of the total workforce in Egypt, and exists in all sectors starting from the construction sector, to land transport, street vending, mining, quarrying, and agriculture, reaching to

The beginning of the road may be through the acknowledgement of governments to this kind of economy and the vital role that it plays in economic growth and development. Consequently, important following steps may be in the global recognition of this sector, the insurance of the rights of those working within it, and that its benefits return to the public domain.

It is important not to view the reform of the informal economy through the logic of tax collection and improving the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s revenues only; the fact that this sector is the largest operator in the Egyptian labor market must be put into consideration. According to studies conducted 2 years ago, it was found that the informal economy employs about 73% of new entrants to the Egyptian labor market. Therefore, it is necessary to involve the workers of this sector, and listen to them regarding the measures proposed for their inclusion within the formal economy.

There is an important psychological factor, which is to deliver a message to workers of the informal sector that the state is not against them, nor after them, but seeks to legalize their status, include them within the system of the national economy, and that it will be at their service through its agencies and institutions. Removal of informal markets has to stop; these practices have proven their failure in many countries, such as what happened in Angola in early 2010 where the government removed one of the main and largest informal markets in the country with catastrophic results both for the region and the tradesmen, which reminds us of the incident of removing the Rod El-Farag market and relocating it to Obour City.

Other factors include facilitating the licensing procedures, reducing the fees for existing set ups of the informal sector en route to including them within the formal economy, providing incentives by the government such as the reduction of social insurance for workers by 30 to 50% on condition that the government compensates those reductions from its general budget, and specifying fixed periods until these institutions are encouraged to provide health and social protection for their employees. Realizing the importance of such informal economic activities, economist De Soto proposed its annexation to the formal milieu to benefit from the vast amount of liquid money and labor energy that it contains. Yet, the formal milieu with its laws and regulations might become an obstacle that limits the growth of the informal sector. Researchers propose strategic alternatives that conserve the autonomy of the informal economy while ensuring the return of its benefits to the state economy. Among these strategies is the exemption of workers in this sector from taxes while issuing them licenses in return for a fee that guarantees they will not be chased or detained by the authorities. Whether we accept it or not, both the formal and informal economies have become strongly intertwined. As a general tendency, many economists wish to limit such

part one

economy either through its criminalization or through connecting it to smuggling practices, and thus keeping it outside of the formal domain. But the question remains: isn’t it viable to think of changing the existing economic system, i.e. the free market, having proved its inability to accommodate more of the global labor? Sources:

tions: The Global Rise of the Informal Economy by Robert Neuwirth, 1. Stealth of Nations: Anchor; Reprint edition (October 2, 2012) 2. 3.

‫االقتصاد غري الرسمي واالستفادة منه مبرص عبد الحافظ الصاوي‬ 2012 ‫ مارس‬15(( ‫ دعوات إىل ضبط االقتصاد غري الرسمي ودمجه – هالة عامر‬:‫(مرص‬ :‫ (مرص‬- http://ksa.daralhayat.com/ ksaarticle/374495

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part one

Democracies and Planning

part one

2.1 Communities in Urban Transformations: The Choice Between Moving and Improving

Enough time has passed for urbanists to conclude that this social experiment was a catastrophic failure. Jane Jacobs, a writer and activist, was one of the first urbanists to point out how the powers that be failed to listen to the needs of the community, convinced that they were building towers for the ‘greater good.’

Poster designed to oppose a high-rise tower in Vancouver

“They (the planners and architects) did it dishonestly. They could justify it because urban renewal was a greater good, so they would bare false witness for this greater good. Why was this a greater good? Everybody knew it because slums are bad. But this isn’t a slum. …. They didn’t care how things worked anymore. That was part of what was making me so angry. “

Talk to most planners and architects today and you’ll hear lots of marketing terms like ‘smart growth’, ‘green building’, ‘sustainable management’ and so on. But these terms were created merely to soften the negative image of capitalist development within liberal social circles. Gentrification is not some unforeseen byproduct of increasing density or improving the livability of our streets. Cycles of divestment and gentrification are intentional, deliberate schemes formulated to generate the most profit possible for banks, developers, and private investors. The recipe is simple: build something new and rent it at top dollar, let people move in, let the neighborhood fall into ruin over the course of a generation or two, then cite ‘safety’, ‘crime’, ‘dilapidation’ as reasons for radical redevelopment once the property value tanks, raze it all and build brand new shiny buildings for current waves of residents after you’ve priced out the existing community. Developers talk about improvement and ‘good urbanism’, but for whom? Rarely does a city invest in bettering the streets and buildings of a neighborhood for the people who already live there. Quite the contrary. The planners will readily admit this: new capital investments are made for incoming residents almost certainly of a higher income level than those already living here. Forced eviction is considered to be a violation of human rights according to international conventions that have been established over time. Regimes and their governments often utilize it in order to pass top-down

part one

planning projects that do not reflect the interests of marginalized and poor groups that become subject to eviction. We attempt here to open the discussion over the dangers of forced eviction, how to confront it in accordance to internationally adopted charters and laws, and the availability of methods to provide alternatives that better reflect the interests of those affected, especially of the poor and marginalized. “Forced evictions intensify inequality, social conflict, segregation and “ghettoization”, and invariably affect the poorest, most socially and economically vulnerable and marginalized sectors of society, especially women, children, minorities and indigenous peoples.” – Basic Principles and Guidelines on DevelopmentBased Evictions and Displacement, Art. 7 Forced eviction is defined as “the displacement of individuals, families and/or communities, permanently or temporarily against their will, from homes or lands which they occupy without the provision of appropriate means for legal protection or other guarantees”.

Humanitarian Practice Network,2008. Humanitarian Exchange. Overseas Development Institute, London.

The UN committee that is assigned to economic, social and cultural rights has stated that cases of forced eviction are not consistent with the provisions of the International Covenant, and emphasized that the state “must refrain from executing forced evictions, and to ensure the enforcement of the law over its agents or thirds parties that carry out the evictions.” The committee considered that the legal security of tenure is a crucial element in determining the appropriateness of the dwelling. It stated that “legal security of tenure may have various forms including rental (public and private), cooperative housing, owner tenure, housing in cases of emergency, informal occupation, including the land acquisition or real estate; and apart from the type of tenure, everyone should enjoy a degree of security that guarantees legal protection against forced eviction, harassment or other threats. Therefore, signatory states should take necessary measures aimed at providing legal security of tenure upon those persons and families currently lacking such protection through genuine negotiation with the affected persons and groups.” The UN committee has considered that “genuine negotiation” with the affected persons constitutes a fundamental safeguard for protection against forced evictions. The committee has confirmed that “state parties shall guarantee, prior to commencing an eviction processes, especially those involving large groups, the exploration of all feasible alternatives in consultation with the affected parties in order to prevent the

consider all feasible alternatives proposed by the affected community. • How will the implementation of evictions and resettlement be done, including the names of private actors, workers involved and the details of their roles and responsibilities. • Opportunities to appeal the decisions or any of the aspects of the eviction process before courts and administrative bodies. • The objectives, methods and time frame for the consultation processes (including the opportunities to involve various actors who are likely to be influential) and the available opportunity for those affected to submit proposals regarding the effectiveness of the process. • The authorities must make sure that the provided information is available to all members of the affected community, and not only to its representatives. The information must be provided in writing, in the local language or in the language of the community. The local authorities must also ensure allowing the residents access to their homes, and to fully acquire all commodities and services, including water, sanitation and electricity throughout the period of notice until the day of the actual eviction. In the case that the consultation process is concluded in disagreement, local authorities must provide a sufficient and reasonable notice to those affected by the eviction process beforehand. The notice must specify a date and time for the carrying out of the eviction process, and to identify the various steps contained in the process. It must also include detailed information on the measures of compensation and resettlement that should be adopted, and instructions regarding the posing of questions and appealing the decisions concerned with the eviction, compensation or resettlement before courts and administrative bodies alike. Local authorities can play a positive role through involving the affected communities and experts of urban planning in presenting alternatives to the eviction processes. Upgrading settlements with minimal rearrangement and construction of high-

use of force or, at least, to diminish this necessity to the minimum.” Local authorities should adopt these guarantees starting from the planning for the eviction process until the resettlement of all persons concerned. In accordance with the international law for human rights, forced evictions shall not be executed except as a last resort and only after exploring all possible alternatives in genuine consultation with the persons affected. Then, forced evictions may not be carried out except after providing appropriate procedural and legal safeguards towards those affected, such as the following: • To provide a sufficient and reasonable notice before the start of the evictions. • To provide information regarding the proposed process of eviction, as well as the alternative purpose for which the housing or land will be used in a reasonable time. • The presence of government officials or their representatives during the process of eviction. • To ensure that the evictions will not be carried out in bad weather conditions or at night. • To provide legal assistance for those who need it in order to seek compensation from the court. The provision of complete and accurate information in due time is essential for the efficient involvement of those affected in any consultation processes. Those affected by the proposed eviction process should be provided with complete information about the following issues: • The proposed eviction process, the reasons for eviction, and the intended use of land or property after the eviction, in addition to the identity of each of those responsible for executing the process of eviction. • Options for fair compensation and alternative housing to be provided, in addition to the exceptions. • Before making a decision concerning a certain eviction process, the authorities must

part one

The history of the Gänge quarter dates back to the 17th century, as it was built on the land of the castle of Hamburg after the Hanseatic city walls were extended. The area continued to grow until the late 18th century when the urban mass of the neighborhood was completed. The density of the city started to increase until around the year 1840 to the extent that backyard gardens were filled with buildings. In the 19th century, the entire city of Hamburg had a boost in demographic growth and consequently a sharp increase in the need for housing, which applied to the Gänge quarter as well. The closing of city walls according to schedule continued until the year 1860, and even though the life within the city walls was very lively that the demand for housing continued to increase. Due to the high population density of the quarter, efficient and condensed use of urban spaces was essential. Walkways and streets in the artisan’s district became narrow and rarely were there open or public spaces. Most of the quarter residents were families of workers from the poor and middle classes, and they had built their homes of semi-wooden structures. The population density and urban character of

THE CASE STUDY OF GÄNGE NEIGHBORHOOD IN HAMBURG, GERMANY: THE ‘COME INTO THE ALLEYWAYS’ INITIATIVE

density housing units in consultation with local communities could represent an alternative to avoid evictions. In the case that the evictions are a result of a dispute over land ownership or an attempt to restore the land to its lawful owner, the local authorities can play the role of mediator between parties of conflicting interests and to propose options, such as sharing the land, which could lead to the halting of the evictions.

the city changed between the year 1860 and the beginning of the Second World War in 1939. By the end of the 19th century, semi-wooden houses had disappeared to be replaced with modern buildings, as they had become old and unfit for living. Many buildings were destroyed during the Second World War, leading to a significant decline in population density as well as in the livability in the region. In 2008, Dutch investor Hanzevast Capital N.V offered to buy the Valentinskamp multi-purpose building from the city of Hamburg. The project required the demolition of 12 houses in rare and valuable buildings. As a consequence, the ‘Come into the Alleyways’ civil initiative was launched, succeeding in maintaining the Gänge quarter having learnt about the investor’s intention to demolish the entire historical quarter and to construct administrative buildings in its place, preserving

only a number of traditional facades and integrating them into the project. In the 22nd of August 2009, 200 activists occupied 12 empty buildings that were the last remaining heritage buildings of the workers’ district inside the Gänge quarter. They pumped the since-abandoned neighborhood with life through organizing exhibitions, concerts and evening discussions. Their motto was “Komm in die Gänge” which is an expression in German meaning either ‘Come into the Alleyways’ or ‘Get Things Moving’. This was the first act of political participation for many of those who participated in the occupation. The media dubbed them, as “the Artists of Gänge” as a large number of them were originally independent artists alongside students, graphic designers as well as unemployed. Despite that it was difficult to determine if the restaurant worker who organized the nightclub events was originally an artist or an employee in the club, yet their objective was clear: it was to defend their freedom to do what they think is best for the Gänge quarter. They did necessary maintenance work, negotiated with politicians, and put their own development plans for the neighborhood. This was all sustained by popular support that included several parties, among which were leftist political figures, writers, directors and even the conservative Hamburg evening newspaper. Thousands of the residents of Hamburg came to take a tour by the activists to get introduced to the historical quarter that is located in the heart of a city that is filled with glazed facades and shopping malls to increase the popular support for their cause. In 2009, the Come into the Alleyways initiative succeeded in forcing the Hamburg city council to repurchase the quarter from the investor. It was the Dutch investor’s plan to build a residential/administrative complex and demolish the whole quarter until the initiative emerged and introduced the project and its threats to ‘old Hamburg’ to the public opinion making the occupy movement famous among all age groups and classes. As a result, politicians could not take the responsibility of selling the heritage quarter, moreover many of them teamed up to speak about it until the media was talking about the Hamburg miracle. Response started to come from the city council. After the repurchase of the quarter from the investor, the city authority responsible for environment and development commissioned the Steg Hamburg office to develop a collaborative project for the development of the area by September 2010 after a series of discussions and planning phases among all parties. In October 2011, Hamburg’s city council announced the Gänge quarter to be a zone of restoration and development. In 2013, the redevelopment board was elected. In September 2013, the quarter’s activities were open to the public.

Sources: Twickel.C, 2013. Squatting from the Heart – Saving Hamburg’s Historic Gängeviertel. Goethe Institute Evans. J, 1991. Tod in Hamburg. Stadt, Gesellschaft und Politik in den Cholerajahren 1830–1910. Hamburg http://www.hamburg.de/gaengeviertel/chronik/

part one

of ownership -a recurrent problem in most urban deteriorated areas- since property used to be either what is known as hikr, where a certain fee is paid monthly by the residents to the government, or squatted. The neighborhood was not listed within the administrative urban territory of the city making it impossible to acquire any types of loans from housing banks or otherwise, which has led to a decline in the urban and economic level of the neighborhood. The lack of infrastructure, services and garbage collection facilities all contributed in the environmental degradation of the area. Therefore, the project, in cooperation with the residents and local bodies, focused on granting all occupants of the land the right to its ownership and possession with the necessary guarantees to encourage the maximum degree of investment in building and improving the residential units. Additionally, development efforts were financed through the financial income resulting from offering the dwellers land plots at nominal prices as well as offering other land plots for sale at market price. The project has also preserved the diversity of uses in the new development area through allowing non-residential activities on all lands, and providing units for rent to be utilized in the revitalization of the economic sector of the area. Self-efforts and popular involvement (participation) had pivotal roles in the project as the residents

The project area lies 2km north of the urban mass of the city of Ismailia, bordering the ring road. It was considered the largest informal residential settlement in the city whose residents belong to the poorer classes. The project for upgrading Al-Salam neighborhood is one of the successful examples in the field of housing and urban development in Egypt. The project stems its importance from the fact that it was one of the first projects in Egypt to be self-financed through local agencies and limited technical and financial support from the British ministry of development. Actual implementation of the project began in October 1987. The project elements were based on the upgrading of a deteriorated neighborhood through formalizing its planning, improving its roads, and supplying it with public utilities and services, in addition to aiding and encouraging the improvement of the dwelling. In addition, a new area was planned and divided for development using the methodology of construction sites, supplying it with infrastructure and services through phases. Land plots of various surface areas were provided and offered for sale through lottery at nominal prices. A limited number of plots, being of prime locations, were offered for auction as investment plots. Lands were also allocated for the resettlement of households that were affected by the demolition the old zone. Moreover, models of architectural designs for the dwellings were developed as a kind of technical assistance for the residents. Before the upgrading, the neighborhood had suffered from a number of problems that led to its urban deterioration, most important among which was the insecure (unstable) legal status

PROJECT FOR THE UPGRADING AND DEVELOPMENT OF AL-SALAM NEIGHBORHOOD IN ISMAILIA, EGYPT

participated in determining the priorities of work and accomplishment, arranging them according to their actual desire. The residents also participated in the process of design as the decision-making process allowed for responding to the pressure of the masses in opening certain streets, or in changing the minimum limit for land prices. The project incorporated the participation of the residents in the economic development of the site through personal attempts to create employment opportunities either in the activities linked with construction or in the provision of stores for commercial use or for rent. However, in spite of the previous, popular participation and self-construction did not gain the interest that was expected for it as construction works were confined to specialized contractors and the land ownersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; role was only limited to supervising the construction process. The project could not make use of the efforts of the existing voluntary NGOs, and instead relied entirely on political and popular leadership. As regards to financing, the main idea behind the project was for it to be self-financed through the returns of the squatted-land sale operations and the vacant land plots in both the old and new areas, in addition to the strategy of selling the prime land plots which represented the main source of finance for the establishment of infrastructural networks in both the old and new areas. The contribution of the Suez Canal Authority and some governmental bodies also had a role in supplying the neighborhood with necessary services and utilities through the different service directorates of the governorate. Lastly, the British government had granted a sum of 60,000 sterling pounds to Al-Salam neighborhood in contribution to financing the establishment of iinfrastructural networks, in addition to offering a team for the technical assistance in the establishment of an agency for the proposed project. The project has succeeded in achieving many positive outcomes for the area; it played an effective role in the improvement of the urban environment, it provided public utilities gradually, and increased the cultural, economic and social standard of the inhabitants through making available the relevant societal services. Moreover, it achieved the highest percentage of cost-recovery according to the cost-analysis unit during the implementation period. Although the project program was directed towards low-income groups, the area has become attractive to various other income groups to settle in it after the improvement of its living conditions. Yet, the project also had several negative side effects such as that the generally low-income level of most targeted families along with the imprecision in selecting the targeted low-income residents both led to their inability to pay for their financial obligations. Residents and property owners faced difficulties in paying the loans that were due to them, prompting many of them to concede their allocated lands to others. A high percentage of the low-income groups were unable to obtain land plots of the project leading them to relocate to other areas for squatting and land seizure. As a result, new unplanned areas emerged. Sources: 1.Emad, M. 2002. Site and Service Projects to Constrain Informal Settlements in Egypt. El Benaa Magazine. Issue October 2002.

part one

2.2 Realism in Policies, Regulations and Standardizations

and modify legal, financial and organizational frameworks, including laws and standards. The appropriation of planning modalities has to be in direct relationship with the actual needs of local communities. Moreover, the existence of inapplicable standards or ones that do not fit to their context has to be resisted. Practice is the organized way through which an individual or group implement a specified activity. Despite the fact that these activities may be coated with guidelines or even laws, practice is essentially the fruit of the individuals’ actions and primarily consists of tacit knowledge that is rooted within the experience of those individuals and groups. It is difficult that a practice can be substituted with other practices on a wide scale since it is usually linked to the environment in which it takes place and is formed by the specificities of this environment based on its informally acquired knowledge. One of the largest difficulties, but also a point of strength, to understand the concept of practice is its relative resistance to change. Policies are a set of data that determine how to reach certain objectives and that seek to form and structure defined fields of practice that is carried out by a large number of people. Yet, policies cover a small percentage of practices. Policies are formalized through writing, while practices are embodied in actual experience. Although policies may be the fruit of wide-scale discussions, yet they are not based on an understanding of the practices of groups, but on a decision that is made by a person or agency of authority. These decisions are supported by aspects such as core values, assumptions, fears (predominantly) and office researches. The biggest challenge for policies is their applicability in practice. Policy-making is about summoning the future in the present and, in some cases, reforming the past for the future. Above all, policy-making is concerned with dealing with change and the definition of practice; in other words, policies are directed towards organizing modes of operation of various activities. Effective policy-making requires a clear

Cities as human gatherings are places of action, activity and interaction among people. Thus, a scheme for local public decisionmaking is needed, through which collective consensus can be achieved in matters that concern the population and that realize their interests in the present and the future. Such popular participation in the local decision-making process is the key to local development, its guide and determining factor for the level of contribution of urban populations in achieving its goals. Viewing the city as a big house, it is thus unimaginable that it would be planned without the participation of its dwellers. How is it possible that activities are distributed, standards are set, and requirements and levels of urban development are set without taking into account the inclinations of the local public opinion through its representatives in local assemblies? Marginalizing the residents and not involving them in the local decision-making process leads to development that is distorted and incapable of responding to their true needs and unable to address the problems that increase in complexity day after day. Planners can no longer predict the future based on a linear relationship that connects several variables to come up with nearly certain results. “The fundamental rule for the establishment of a strategy for an efficient shelter is that governments should review the already existing legislations and regulations, their impact on the production of shelter, and to improve or remove those that clearly appear to be unworkable.” – The Global Strategy for Shelter to the Year 2000, UNCHS, 1990 This issue is considered to be of the highest priority; one that is taken into account in the global action plan which calls on governments to avoid inappropriate interventions that lead to the limiting the supply and distortion of the demand for housing and services. It also calls on governments to periodically review policies

part one

objectives, they could be harmful to many on the overall. Many development schemes and factors of change affect the consumption patterns, the composition of the labor market, the level of expectations, and the sociopolitical culture. This emphasize the need to involve residents in the planning process to contribute with their ideas and efforts in developing prospects and future visions for which they would be enthusiastic and have a firm desire to implement. The fact is that whoever owns the place cares for it; this is what popular involvement in local decision-making adds to the development process. It can be easily observed the amount of negative manifestations and faulty behaviors that are practiced in public spaces. This is an inevitable consequence for the people’s lack of the sense of ownership of the place, and their general sense that it has not been made for them or for their own benefit. Therefore, we cannot continue to depend on central bureaucracies in managing cities, planning them and providing public services, while robbing the people’s sense of belonging to the place and creating a gap between the decision-maker and the beneficiary. This situation limits the building of local capacity in terms of effort and intellect, and halts the development of local expertise, which obstructs development efforts and deprives it of its uniqueness and competitiveness.

understanding of the nature of practice, the nature of policy and the relation between both. “Realism in laws requires a reassessment of the reasons that might lead to the restriction of the illegitimate occupancy of a house, in addition to reassessing the reasons for the expulsion of most economic activities from residential areas.” – Graham Tipple Housing needs and policy priorities differ from place to place, due to differences in housing market conditions, history, and political realities. “Cities and metropolitan areas differ, neighborhoods within a jurisdiction often have very different housing circumstances and needs. Thus, the best strategies are those that match local conditions (and political realities) and respond to community input and expectations.” – B. Katz Katz also sees that “enabling low-income families to live closer to employment centers (and stronger schools) in the regional economy not only will benefit those families and their children, but will also help reduce commute times, meet employer needs for workers, and ameliorate other negative consequences associated with current metropolitan growth patterns.” Regulatory policies are often disregarded; zoning guidelines, restrictions on land use, development fees, division requirements, design and building codes, rental regulations and other policies and regulations that help improving the residential environment. Reasons behind the disregarding of such policies are either administrative corruption or weakness of the executive body. These reasons are not the problem, but the symptoms, since the problem lies in the lack of realistic policies in relation to practice. Following with the traditional approach in regulatory and development policies has led to the restriction or prevention, in some cases, of sustainable development. While these schemes may be of value for some in achieving certain

References B. Katz, Rethinking Local Affordable Housing Strategies: Lessons from 70 Years of Policy and Practice, 2003, the Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy. Adnan bin Abdullah Alshiha, 2004, Urban Planning and the Absence of Local Administration, AlIqtisadiya Journal, Issue no. 6872

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However, the term of participation has become widely used lately as a synonym for sustainability. Whereas some view it differently, perhaps, as a form of conflict, it is essential hence that all parties concerned would understand the nature of this conflict before entering the process of participation. In this context, therefore, the participatory model does not become the singular alternative for initiating the conditions that permits user involvement in the design and planning process. Nevertheless we can view the traditional models of participatory planning as a regulative approach to forced intervention in an area or system that is already inhabited.

2.3 Meanings of Participation: Community Matters in Planning

Participation in the field of architecture and urbanism is often considered an alternative or complementary approach of intervention, in addition to being a way to enable (empower) the user.

If we search in the meaning of participation we will find 2 main descriptions: the first considers participation as a general umbrella that contains underneath it several methods allowing the public to participate in the decision-making process whether politically, administratively or economically. The second is to collaborate in something that is common with others. The latter description needs further thought, for how is it possible to collaborate in a fast changing environment without influencing the role of an actor that is not concerned with gathering support for whatever solutions he proposes, but only with raising questions that might benefit actual practices? For architects to be a force amid a field of forces and conflicts is a matter that draws many questions; regarding the way s/he participate in policies related to intricate details of the urban environment through raising questions and opening closed doors more than through following protocols of social inclusion. In this context, the participatory process transforms into a critical process, and the conflict into a space of potentials. Participation is not an end in itself, but a means to realize a certain objective. When

the user becomes able to make key decisions, has the freedom to change whatever that relates to the design process, builds and manages their dwelling, then the planning process and its resulting built environment would become catalysts for personal and societal development. On the other hand, withdrawing the ability of decision-making and control from the hands of the residents diffuses the genuine responsibility of the housing process, making the built environment a barrier against self-realization, and thus an obstacle in the way of achieving a sufficient economic development.

Decentralization and Participatory Democracy Humanity has passed through many progressive phases in defending its rights and establishing them in international charters that help in the struggle for human rights all over the world. Among the most important of these developments is the recent formulation of the “World Charter for the Right to the City” in 2005, which recognizes the necessity of involving citizens in the management of their cities and their participation in making the decisions of the state through its local councils ensuring the broadest possible participation of citizens. “All persons have the right to participate through direct and representative forms in the elaboration, definition, implementation, and fiscal distribution and management of public policies and municipal budgets, in order to strengthen the transparency, effectiveness, and autonomy of local public administrations and of popular organizations.” – Clause 1.2 of Article 2, titled “Principles and Strategic Foundations of the Right to the City”

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in-depth knowledge of the place that inhabitants enjoy (possess), which qualifies them for making discussions and decisions that would then affect them, as an embodiment to the principle that those who are most affected by the decisions must be the ones to make them.

Despite the lack of a direct connection between the decentralization of local governance and participatory democracy, the former’s application remains among the positive things that facilitate citizen’s participation in the making and monitoring of decisions. Therefore, there are a number of initiatives that call for the transformation into decentralized governing regimes in support or the participation of the largest number of citizens in making the decisions that will affect them and their neighborhoods. Such experiments work on moving towards decentralization in the constitution, and on a long term plan according to a determined timetable for the transition process, since it took South Africa 11 years to transition through the Law for Transition of the Local Government in 1993, then the Law for the Local Administration System in 2000, reaching to the Law of Land Evaluation and Local Real Estate in 2004.

“Cities should open institutionalized forms and spaces for broad, direct, equitable and democratic participation by male and female citizens in the processes of planning, elaboration, approval, management and evaluation of public policies and budgets. Guarantees should be in place for the operation of collegiate bodies, audiences, conferences, and public consultations and debates, and to allow and recognize popular initiative processes in legislative proposals and urban development planning.” – Clause 1 of Article 3, titled “Planning and Management of the City” All of the preceding falls within the concept of Participatory Democracy, which has emerged as a development of governing regimes in consequence to defects that have surfaced in the system of Representative Democracy, which can be represented in the following: • Limiting the role of the citizen in going to the ballot boxes every few years to elect a parliament or a local council, being elected councils that make all crucial decisions on the citizen’s behalf throughout the election period. • Lack of representation for the minority of voters that did not choose the winning candidate. • Lack of communication mechanisms that allow reaching to members of the elected councils to provide them guidance and recommendations during the electoral period. • The election of supervisors and mayors by much larger numbers than those involved in the planning processes of rural centers.

The concept of Participatory Democracy has therefore become a resort, as it depends on involving a greater number of stakeholders and expertise in the decision-making process. Among its more important characteristics is that it allows the decision to be produced through a process of discussions and dialogues between citizens and state bodies. Such participation owes to the wider and more

Sources: 1. Markus Miessen, The Nightmare of Participation (Crossbench Praxis as a Mode of Criticality), Sternberg Press, Berlin. October 2010 2. Hamdi, N. 2004. Small Changes 3. Turner, J and Fichter. R, 1972. Freedom to Build 4. Social Justice and Urbanism – The Map of Egypt

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2 66

part one

Local Dynamics: The Messy Vitality of Cairo The State as a Corporate and the City as a Commodity Housing in Egypt: The Government Between Profitability and Responsibility The Fear of Disappearance of Historical Neighborhoods Criticizing Top Down Planning

4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5

Maspero Why Maspero? Origins and Chronology Stakeholder Analysis Conflicts A Need for Intervention

5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3

Understanding Urban Patterns Street Morphologies Street Typologies Land-use and Re-appropriating ppropriating Public Spaces

6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5

Understanding Architecture Unit and Building Typologies Living in Residential Units Structural Systems for Buildings Significant Buildings Architectural Features Features

3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4

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PART TWO

The Messy Vitality of Cairo

3.1 The State as a Corporate and the City as a Commodity

part two

Until the mid-70s of the last century, Egypt has witnessed what might be called “directed economy” or “state capitalism” where the government has directed the economy by controlling production, wages and prices through the monopoly of the public sector for services and industries in order to achieve its comprehensive plan, solely estimating the needs and capabilities of society. This ended in the mid-70s in what could be abbreviated in the adoption of the policy of openness, where the state begins to gradually withdraw from interfering in direct economic movement, and in opening the door for individuals and private corporations to work according to their vision and interests. In the 80s, this development increasingly continued through local and Gulf investments with American blessings and pressure from the World Bank, from which the government has taken loans towards more openness and reduction of subsidies, leaving the economy to market mechanisms and selling or privatizing the public sector. Housing

was not far away from this throughout that period and has passed through the same transformations from social housing built and rented by the state with the evaluation and fixation of rent even for the leases owned by smallholding citizens, to permitting construction companies to build and sell by ownership. It is possible to describe the government in the era of directed economy as a corporate, except that it differed with investment corporations in that it was not seeking profit in the first place, but to provide services, nor seeking to accumulate capital in the hands of individuals. Nonetheless, its gradual withdrawal from its previous role has allowed the emergence of investment corporations, manifesting at first sight that it was not corporate

itself, but these emerging corporations were not all quite far from the government; in fact, close ties grew between some of them and the government, such as in the case of the Arab Contractors company, which operated by direct commissioning for the execution of government projects, entailing a form of steering towards generating profit, yet, for the benefit of companies. This has permitted the creation of a type of partnership where corporations reap all profit and government bears all risks. These transformation processes continued till the mid-90s when the public sector had almost been sold completely with almost total withdrawal of the government from the market. The government retained some economic activities, turning them to profitable corporations such as in the fields of telecommunications, electricity and oil. When this shift has, or almost, been done, there was already a class of major investors and beneficiaries arising as an outcome of 20 years of economic openness, who had made great fortunes and were interested in maintaining their growth. Since the mid-90s, a mutual desire emerged among the government and those investors for merger and alliance. The new rich desired to associate power to wealth, steering economic policies for their advantage, while the regime wanted to rely on them when it needs; in this context, it is important not to lose sight of the ensuing increase in rates of corruption following the decline in the role of government as service provider, which was the cause and effect of this alliance. In accordance, major investors joined the ruling party, from which to parliament and then to the government, especially during the term of Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif in 2004. This period witnessed further decline in the provision of social housing, turning it from service to commodity, with similar measures reaching to public space. Among the most prominent figures in this period is Mohammed Ibrahim Suleiman, Minister of Housing (1993-2005), whose policies continued until after 2011. Ever since that time, the role of the state began to take a pressing approach to that of a lands dealer. Ever since, the role of the ministry

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empowered stakeholders follow their social and economic interest to materialize their vision which is usually foreign to the land and to other people.

Empowered Stakeholders stakeholders

and its main benefit for the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s treasury was to divide the lands and sell it, mostly so in public auctions. The government turned then to divide the desert lands, especially those adjacent to Cairo (probably because they are the most expensive with high concentrations of service and investment) selling them to citizens or investment corporations, establishing new urban communities designed primarily for investment as their planning schemes were tailored towards financial returns in the first place, or also the last. This was in light of the largest withdrawal of the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role as a provider of appropriate housing even for those who are not able to buy a land in auction, leading to the brutality of indiscriminate construction on lands that are not allocated for construction nor planned, such as agricultural lands and territories adjacent to the cities. In this recent shift, the government has become akin to corporate agents and land brokers, on the verge of

lanning

getting organized

study written

set framework

establish connections

raising awareness

set works

less empowered stakeholders have no access to master plans nor they share the same interests or influences as the empowered. They have their own interests embedded in culture and they still achieve so by corroding the alien master plan.

space

globalization

urban

env

urban

Less Empowered Stakeholders inhabitants

turning into an oligarchy (a rule of beneficiaries), while retaining some of the features of neoliberalism in terms of providing a favorable climate for investment and overcoming any obstacle to it. The government, hence, prefers to throw the burden of providing for the public interest, including the provision of adequate housing for citizens and investors, favoring instead giant corporations a great many of which have become a part the regime itself. Whether the government decides to act as a corporate or not, the result is commodifying everything possible, through transferring public properties and rights to commodities governed by competition and priced according to supply and demand

3.2 Housing in Egypt: The Government Between Profitability and Responsibility

part two

The government’s policies in housing have been developing with a very slow pace since Nasser’s era, even building’s prototypes are remaining the same for the low-income housing, which rang a bell for researchers, scholars and experts to identify and examine Its shortcomings in an attempt to investigate the possibilities of growth and adaptability in future projects. Yet, for many years and through their own initiative, public housing dwellers have been engaged in alteration and extension activities aimed at adapting their dwellings to better suit their needs, where most of the results proved the failure of the public housing in Egypt. And still the government finds that public housing is the solution for informal settlements and squatter areas, to relocate inhabitants from their own houses, to the public housing. With an average density of 35,000 inhabitants per km², Cairo has one of the highest population densities in

El Nahda Mass Housing

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the world, with certain areas reaching over 100,000 inhabitants per km² (David Sims, 2004). For several reasons, the last forty years had special interest to the search for the pattern of change in the anatomy of an Egyptian city. First, the changes, which took place in cities during this period, were faster and more important than those, which took place since the beginning of the nineteenth century. Second, the Egyptian social order has begun losing its traditional form in this period, resulting in a transformation of the urban patterns. This change was brought about by the dynamics of social and economic forces changing the face of housing systems it is continuing to this day.

Cairo’s expansion has become necessary because of the major housing crisis the city is currently experiencing, which hits the poorest the hardest. In spite of the saturation of the city core, disadvantaged families still want to live there to be able to take advantage of its benefits. The housing shortage is forcing these families to settle in precarious and sometimes unusual dwellings: unstable floors are added to old buildings and temporary homes are built directly on building roofs. In fact, although there are few actual slums in Cairo, this verticalization of the city’s living space represents a variation on the same theme and is equally unsound. Another consequence of the housing crisis is that the City of the Dead, a vast expanse of cemeteries located in Cairo’s outskirts, is now inhabited by a dense population that live between the tombs and mausoleums. Another example of housing on the city boarders are the informal settlements The phenomenon has its roots in the 1960s, when small agricultural areas on the fringes of “formal” Cairo began to be subdivided by farmers and middlemen and sold to individual

Immigration to Cairo from other cities and villages of Egypt (Cairo: Megacity - Mega Problems)

owner-builders. It accelerated dramatically after the 1974 open door policy was proclaimed, fuelled by ever increasing flows of remittances from the hundreds of thousands of Egyptians working mostly as laborers in the Gulf and in other oil economies. It was at first totally ignored by the authorities, even though the very act of subdividing land for building purposes without a permit was illegal, as was building without a permit. The process was completely informal in the sense that land was bought and transferred and buildings were erected

units to the middle and upper- middle classes. In addition, the state disengaged from the production of rental housing and maintained the policy of rent control with only minor modifications.

The first was a series of laws passed at fiveyear intervals to reduce and control the rents of housing units constructed after 1944. The second was the state’s involvement in the construction of low-cost public housing built on the outskirts of Cairo and in cleared informal areas in the center of the city. From 1965 to 1975, there was a sharp drop in the production of public housing due in part to the priority given to military expenses as a result of a quasi-permanent state of war. As the population continued to increase and urbanization followed, the gap between demand and supply, both private and public, greatly widened. (El-Batran & Arandel, 1998).

Ramlet Bulaq Photo by: Tariq El Kawwa

with no legal paper work and a total reliance on personal trust, mediated when necessary by the existing community. Attempts to increase the development of lowincome housing by government were held, to accommodate thousands of immigrants, instead of dwelling informal units inside Cairo in addition to the natural demographic growth. Government’s attempts and User’s reaction The systematic involvement of the Egypt’s government in the terms of public housing started with the 1952 revolution and the rise to power of Gamal Abdel Nasser. The new government’s interest in housing manifested itself in two main ways.

“After 1975, President Sadat engaged the country in a new direction, namely the Open Door Economic Policy (Infitah), marked by a greater political and economic opening to the west and a move away from a state controlled economy towards a market economy.” (Waterbury, 1983) With regard to housing, the government announced that it would only be responsible for the construction of low-income housing, and the private sector would have the primary responsibility for providing housing

Mass housing planned and built by governments faced a lot of critics, as POE (Post occupancy Evaluation) and studies held by researchers, showed failure of planning and designs. Additive structures started to appear on mass housing buildings made by users were a declaration from users to government that their needs are not fulfilled. “Mass housing projects follow an industrial approach, with standardization as the main objective. For example, the latest target of 85 000 dwelling units annually are all 63m2 two bedroom apartments. Filling entire neighborhoods and districts with thousands of apartments, all of which have the same design, is not realistic. Even if it suits some, it will not suit all, especially given that the largest portion of the demand (56%) is for three enclosed rooms.” (Shehayeb, 2009). “Adjust housing consumption decision springs from a mismatch between consumption and demand.” (GRAHAM TIPPLE, 2000) “When dwellers control the major decisions and are free to make their own contribution to the design, construction or management of their housing, both

part two

the process and the environment produced stimulate individual and social well-being. When people have neither control over, nor responsibility for key decisions in the housing process, on the other hand, dwelling environments may instead become a barrier to personal fulfillment and a burden on the economy.” (Turner & Fichter, 1972.)

“Public housing should be evaluated by the occupants themselves and not by government officials, planners and social scientists. The low-income target group should be consulted and participate in the design plan stage, as well as on the location and administration to ensure that the space and urban environment conforms to their life-styles, economic activities cultural values and social behavior.“ (Hassan, 1984)

Although these harsh critics ensure the failure of public housing, and although some of these studies were held by governmental sectors, But still the government Enable limited-income households to access affordable housing for Egypt, which aims to enable the delivery of 500,000 housing units in the coming six years, and still the government look at this problem as violations from user. “When users, follow conventionally acceptable behavior do not follow the government regulations and thereby affecting the street’s visual appearance (by building a street bench) it is considered violation… The built environment is not static. Every building passes through many physical changes during its lifetime. And even though users constantly change their environments by adding, joining and dividing rooms, altering facades and even changing the function of their built environment.” (Akbar, 1999).

Housing Problems in Egypt. Illustration by, Ahmed Zaazaa

fo at

In Egypt, the government is following the provision-based approach, percieving housing as an industry. This perception does not reflect problems clearly as the assesment is made according how many units did the government provided. This quanititative way of assesing the government performance is neglecting the importance of understanding that housing is more than just a dwelling. Khalid Abdel Halim classified the responsibility of the government towards housing policies into three approaches.

Housing supply is the main role of the state to improve living conditions to the inhabitants either by directly provision or by enabling its provision. Different policies were attempting to solve the housing problems especially for poor and low income. The enabling approach is considered as being the latest trends in housing supply, that change the role of the government from being the sole provider, to the enabler for housing markets and partnership. Therefore, many criticizers doubted in the ability of that approach to improve housing rights, sustainability, and economic growth at the same time. John Turner was one of the strongest critics of the policy. He argued that governments should cease doing what they did badly, i.e., building and managing housing. He proposed that instead of central institutions providing housing, users should be one of the principal actors. Khaled Abd el Halim stated the problems of housing through the following diagram:

The first approach is Provision-based approach, where the government is responcible to provide citizens with residential units with all basic services and maintenance. This appraoch is what the Egyptian government is following, and it is the same approach that resulted huge amount of alterations and reappropriations that reflected a conflict between needs and design.

Abdel Halim, k. 2003. An Allternative Approach to Housing The Urban Poor In Egypt. Procpects and Constraints. PH.D. Thesis, Birmingham School of Architecture, UCE, UK.

The second approach is Support-based approach, where the government provide housing resources and support local initiatives for housing and dwellers control and participate in the process. The Egyptian government followed this approach in few core housing projects, where the problems of this type of housing, was far less than public housing projects that was built by the Government. The third approach is Enabling approach, where the government and community and market are in a partnership, and the government provide policy, regulations and institutional reforms to enable the opportunity of housing that limits standardization that leads to misuse.

part two

Reflection to Polices and Standardizations

Abdel Halim, k. 2003. An Allternative Approach to Housing The Urban Poor In Egypt. Procpects and Constraints. PH.D. Thesis, Birmingham School of Architecture, UCE, UK.

The result to the government approach in housing provision without any response to real needs was drastic appropriations to the units, and to the whole building simultaneously. This was a statement that reflects the failure of housing system to meet the needs of the dwellers. It was found that user transformation of public housing projects should not be considered as a simple space enlargement process, but rather a result of a complex set of inter-related determinants associated with both context and dwelling characteristics. The finding also revealed that in favorable conditions, users were capable of successfully undertaking transformation activities which not only increased the range of used spaces within housing developments, but also created dynamic multi-functional estates that better respond to changing needs of households. In Imbaba, extensions and additions were the norm, not the exception. In fact, there were so many additions; it was very often difficult to tell where the original building was. The interesting thing about all these public housing areas is that while the individual units are generally small and not very accommodating, the spaces in between the buildings are quite generous. Consequently, people have figured out many ways to use this space. And while many of the additions certainly serve to support only one family, many of them have to work together when families on the upper floors want to add on as well.

It seemed that almost everyone in Imbaba had made some alteration or addition to his or her space, but the most significant ones were on the ground floor. One had turned his bedroom into an Internet cafĂŠ. And inside, most people had invested in new tile, new furniture, refrigerators, etc.

In Helwan, major housing project were implemented there, the result is that the project was transformed, the way in Imbaba. Each and every housing building is now doubled in area by building extra rooms and baconies. “Increases in density are making more intensive use of existing built-up areas and current services. Thus, transformers are making a contribution to reducing urban sprawl. Increases in density within the estates are still mostly within reasonable bounds.” (GRAHAM TIPPLE, 2000)

Additive structure on public housing in Imbaba and Ein el sira public housing.

Kardash’s plan of the northern two-thirds of the Helwan estate Diagram by GRAHAM TIPPLE, 2000

(GRAHAM TIPPLE, 2000)

“Our profession which has rejected the concept of change, does not concern itself with theories with predictive values. We don’t speculate about what will happen to the desk, the building, the street or quarter in the future, given all variable and constant factors.” (Akbar, 1999) The case of Change and Transformation in public housing buildings is directly proportioned to what’s Akbar said, where architects must be aware to changes or transformations happens in their architecture. In our case there are both, there are changes occurred in some aspects and transformations occurred in some other aspects. Changes are happened mainly because of the increase of dwellers in a single unit, and the need of more living spaces is crucial. In an example that Graham Tipple introduced in his book “Extending Themselves” for Ein el Seera neighborhood, the unit is two-roomed flat has, unusually, been provided with a balcony on the entrance façade as well as room extensions and a new balcony on the balcony façade, to accommodate five men, four women, two girls and two boys. With a sum of 13 dwellers in one unit, that was the result. So by tracing one residential building in a public mass housing project, transformations take different forms, from the simplest form, as opening a window in an opeque façade, to building new constructions attached to the building and on the roof. These attempt are a direct reflection to housing policies adopted by the government.

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Transformations by adding structures

“Because of the limited degree of housing mobility, adaptations and extensions should be conceived as part of the long-term future of mass housing dwellings in order to respond to the changing needs of the residents. Extensions could be planned through either the closing off of available private external spaces or through actual extensions of the building structure. “(Sibley-Behloul, M, 2002)

Design for What Will Happen

A successful example of an architect who was aware of the theory of change and transformation, Alejandro Aravena from Chile designed a mass housing project with a concept of giving the dwellers the opportunity and control to add structures to their houses as extensions to enlarge their spaces, by building masses and leaving empty spaces between each mass and another to be built by dwellers to give the opportunity of personalization.

The key factor in our issue is embodied in if we professionals: predicting changes and transformations by studying needs and behaviors very well, without only assuming or import foreign solutions and impose them to our culture, because the result will be a sudden change and misuse. â&#x20AC;&#x153;If an essential property of an individual changes, that individual changes to another individual or cases to exist. An individual changes and remains the same individual when its nonessential properties change. When a subject responds to changes in such a property, he responds to a change in (not of) the individual.

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Sources:

Zaazaa. A, 2009. Decoding Elements of Transformations: Investigating social, political and economical transformations, through decoding visual elements done by low-income communities in public housing buildings. AAST, Cairo. http://www.cairomsc.blogspot.com.eg/2012/02/decoding-elements-of-transformations_16.html David Sims, 2004.The case of Cairo: Informal Settlements on Former Agricultural land Manal El-Batran and Christian Arandel, 1998. A shelter of their own: informal settlement expansion in Greater Cairo and government responses Abdel Halim, k. 2003. An Allternative Approach to Housing The Urban Poor In Egypt. Procpects and Constraints. PH.D. Thesis, Birmingham School of Architecture, UCE, UK. Waterbury, J. (1983), The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat: The Political Economy of Two Regimes, Princeton University Press, Princeton. Shehayeb, Dina , 2009. Cairo’s Informal Areas Between Urban Challenges and Hidden Potentials - Facts. Voices. Visions. GTZ Aref, Hisham, 2004. Housing Generated By (Re) generation Egyptian experience. ENHR conference, Cambridge University, UK. Turner and Fichter, 1972. Freedom to build. Hassan, Nawal, 1984, Social Aspects of Urban Housing in Cairo, Article based on a presentation made in an Agha Khan Award for Architecture Seminar on “The Expanding Metropolis”. Akbar, Jamil, 1999. Crisis in the Built Environment. Bill Hillier & Adrian Leaman, 1973, Structure System, Transformation, Sciences of organization and Sciences of Artificial. Bartlet Society Transaction, vol. 9 El Feki, Sameh, 2009. Presentation for a masters course’s lecture in AAST.

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3.3 Disappearance Threat of Historical Neighborhoods

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from corrosion, with the application of strict laws allowing change in activity and restoration without demolition or changing in architectural characteristics. Cairo did not stray too far from the causes of such development; alas it departed from the way to the solution. The city also has seen mass migrations from the area of Bulaq in the north till Sayeda Zeinab in the south, and from the Nile in the west till Abbasia, Gamalia and Darb al-Ahmar in the east, all being in the same century. In Cairo it is difficult to leave any space without being filled; and since the government has neglected the provision of services and facilities in these areas, their real estate value declined, attracting new immigrants to the city from rural and poorer areas, still not sufficient to affect the census that is in decline. The absence of indigenous residents has reflected negatively on the urban environment. On one hand, the capital capable of restoration was made absent, and on the other hand, the way of life that had produced the neighborhood and revived it also disappeared. Small industrial and commercial activities, instead, filled the void. And even though inviting these activities makes it seem similar to large industrial cities, it differs in the absence of the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role in

With the progress in the means of transportation, there is no longer an urgent need to live in the city center next to work places, especially with the spread of means of communication such as mobiles and internet, and the existence of alternatives for housing in wider, quieter and cheaper suburbs. This led to mass migrations to the outer suburbs of the big cities in the world with increasing frequency in the mid-20th century. Since then, the historic heart of the city is witnessing a sharp decline in population. In the beginning, this didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t mean neglecting the historical cores until their architectural value fell in erosion, and even in the absence of urban and architectural important, historical cores represent a literary and social heritage value, making their demolition in any case a clumsy act. What would be Paris without the Latin Quarter or Pastel, and what would be London without the Soho neighborhood and Leicester Square? How did they deal with this population void? These cities have dealt with the problem by replacing residential activities with commercial, administrative and touristic activities to protect their heritage

the legislation and protection of the threatened features of these areas. In Cairo, we have observed the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s handling of historic neighborhoods in 3 specific modes determined by factors, among which is the perception of the archaeological value, the evaluation of the economic returns and the situation on the ground. In the areas of Fatimid Cairo, the government envisioned converting them to what it calls â&#x20AC;&#x153;an open museumâ&#x20AC;? through the restoration of monuments, roads, and by providing touristic services. The disadvantage of this is that a lot of the monuments are not re-used except in being exhibited or in remaining closed, leaving them to erosion. It also neglects and marginalizes the inhabitants by imposing a touristic style on the neighborhood without the integration of their activity and culture within it, a culture that has given the neighborhood its life and culture, in the first place. In the case of downtown, the government realized its heritage and aesthetic value, so it organized a competition to develop it in 2009. The project that won had the same touristic orientation with its flaws, but differed in its intention to attract new residents, visitors and to change commercial and administrative activities to suit that orientation, on account of the remaining inhabitants and existing activities. This was the trend that allowed in its context the movement of private companies (e.g. Al-Ismailia Holding) to purchase the buildings within the plan to attract tenants with higher financial capability.

Historic neighborhoods in Cairo are repellent areas. Source: CAPMAS

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3.4 Criticizing Top Down Planning

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and peripheral new-towns in the desert, intended to house a population that would no longer be concentrated in the main urban core. Several other versions were released under the title Cairo 2050 showing new subway systems, monorails, expansive new parks over existing cemeteries and neighbourhoods, expanded satellite cities in the desert beyond the ring road. An explicit goal was to depopulate the existing urban core. 1. INITIAL CRITIQUE

Urban development experts and community advocates were troubled by the document’s propositions and were not shy about criticizing them in print and online. The document was filled with grand development proposals that experts deemed Dubai-like and unrealistic (Issander Al Amrani http:// arabist.net/blog/2011/11/17/cairo-2050-desertfantasia.html) and resident relocation schemes deemed vague at best. ( Tom Dale, Abulkasim al-Jaberi http://www.thenation.com/article/171945/ revolution-added-two-years-cairo) Several projects that had been politically charged for many years found their way in, including the redevelopment of Manshiet Nassr and Maspero Triangle into a touristic resort and office tower district respectively. The residents of the 74-block area of Maspero in Bulaq el Abo Ela were slated to be relocated such that the area could become a “Manhattan in Cairo.”

Cairo 2050 was released in 2008 by Egypt’s General Organization for Physical Planning (GOPP) as a vision to guide Cairo’s urban development over the next four decades. Strategies to address the significant challenges of liveability, economics and sustainability in present day Cairo are major themes of the document’s set of propositions. Indeed, how could anyone disagree with its goals for a global, green, and connected Cairo? Developing a long-term vision document for the city is a laudable project and one supported in part by the United Nations through its development and urbanization arms. The agreement which brought $170,000 USD of international assistance from the United Nations was signed in Egypt by Dr. Hazem El-Qouedi, then Chairman of the General Organization for Physical Planning and Ambassador Ayman Zaineldine, Deputy Assistant Foreign Minister. It establishes as a goal for the project an expansive public engagement and participatory planning process, and acknowledges that the primary cause for the urban challenges faced in Cairo stem from acute fragmentation of the urban governance institutions. The agreement was to result in a plan of action for improving the extant institutional quagmire, notably the transfer the work of national ministries to citylevel administrations and the establishment of a “Local Urban Observatory Unit for the Greater Cairo Region” as a monitoring mechanism in addition to the visioning document and local area plans people most associate with the Cairo 2050 concept. (see UNDP’s project page for more information on the agreement http://www.undp.org/content/egypt/en/home/ operations/projects/democratic_governance/ StrategicPlanforGreaterCairo2050/ ). The plans that began to emerge in 2008 from the GOPP showed a vision of 2050 Cairo marked by soaring office and hotel towers, vast new parks, large-scale touristic zones

Beneath the shiny renderings of the Cairo 2050 seems to be a deeply flawed assumption that Cairo is somehow “backward” and needs to demolish vast tracts of the city and displace its residents in order to reap the rewards of international “modernity.” Cairo 2050 implicitly assumes that the informal areas that currently house large numbers of residents are not economically productive and thus need to be developed. This assumption is completely inaccurate, as there is a great deal of economic activity in Cairo that is undervalued or not counted in official statistics. This ‘informal’ economy is intricately tied to the ‘formal’

2. CITY SYSTEMS

Cairo 2050 identifies urban forms such as the National Mall in Washington, D.C. and Champs Élysées is Paris, designed and built more than a century ago as international urban design norms. New boulevards are proposed to slice 600 meter wide boulevards through eight kilometres of existing neighbourhoods. New real estate developments that are slated to replace scores of neighbourhoods take a form popular in the middle 20th century but rejected by most urban designers today: that of a tower divorced from urban street life accessible only by car and frequently embedded in some form of private open space.

2030, Shanghai 2050, and Tokyo 2050 – but without much consideration for the distinct needs of the majority of Cairo’s residents and with little consultation with the city’s residents. These exclusive methods of planning have been debunked in the planning and urban development discourses for decades. Contemporary best practices aim to leverage the distinct value proposition their specific city can offer to residents, visitors and the world based upon their unique history, culture, public spaces, and existing economic strengths that can be improved for beneficial integration in the 21st century global marketplace.

economy, yet this often goes unnoticed or ignored by government officials.

City Systems; the process is flawed The most problematic aspect of Cairo 2050 is the excessively privatisation process by which it came to be, where short-term solutions appear to have been preferred to long-term thinking. While seemingly ironic, it is necessary to critique this forty-year+ plan for its shortsightedness. Egypt’s Tax System Supporters of Cairo 2050 may point to its provision of a steady revenue stream for Egypt, a solution to economic problems and a fix for an ineffective tax system in the country. While steady and immediate, however, the revenue stream is not sustainable.

The subtext that there is something rotten in the core of the existing city that must be excised reveals the top-down process that was established instead of the participatory process envisioned in the original agreement outlining the goals for the Cairo 2050 project signed by the Chairman of the GOPP and Ambassador for International Cooperation. The result prioritizing mega-projects benefiting the major players in Egypt’s real estate development industry while displacing significant proportions of Cairenes and exacerbating social, economic, political, and environmental injustice throughout the metropolitan area. Cairo 2050 was created in isolation, and is a classic example of out-dated top-down planning that took place in cities like New York City in the mid-20th Century. This visioning document was heavily influenced by real estate developers, reflecting the power of small business elite in the Egyptian state and government. Further, it was inspired by visioning exercises of other cities in the world – such as Sydney 2030, Paris 2020, London 2020, Singapore 2050, Abu Dhabi

A historical issue - and one inherent in Cairo 2050 – is the past regimes’ reliance on tourism inflows to avoid tackling tax reform. Describing a new economic plan announced by former President Mohamed Morsy in March 2013, independent economist Reda Issa told Egypt Independent that there was nothing new about it, and it is the same plan as former President Hosni Mubarak’s and those of former Prime Minister’ Kamal Ganzoury’s Cabinet (More about the new appointed cabinet and its approach in the following link http://cairofrombelow. org/2014/03/03/on-ibrahim-mahlabs-appointmentas-prime-minister/), where unfair indirect taxation

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Arab investors for the development of tourism facilities. Citizens, witnessing others who have been evicted without compensation, feel there is no government transparency and do not trust any official compensation plans (Housing and Lands Rights Network, 2010). According to Sahar Attia, Head of the Department of Architecture at Cairo University “most of the participatory planning is done with local administration and not with the people . . . there is always a detachment between government and people” (S. Attia, Personal communication, March 20, 2011). Additionally, a resident of Bulaq al-Dakrur emphasized that she did not even know who the members of the Local Popular Committee (LPC) of the government for her area were (Focus group, Personal Communication March 24, 2011). While Cairo 2050 includes a sub-section entitled “local views” describing a form of participatory planning and input legitimacy, the images in these slides show little more than a few men standing in a group, and do not include any detailed plan for public consultation. The absence of democratic bargaining mechanisms in the Mubarak period led to state-society disengagement and circumvented the possibilities for social engagement. Clientelism, corruption and top-down distribution have completely exhausted state capacities leading to what Dorman has called the “logic of neglectful rule” (2009). [footnote 1] As is clear, Cairo 2050 is the product of a political system long unbridled by a responsibility to its citizenry.

CITIZENS AS CLIENTS

is still favoured at the expense of progressive direct taxation (Goudineau, 2013). Instead of addressing systemic issues that deepen economic disparity in the country, Cairo 2050 reveals a continued effort to attract short-term foreign investment. Development projects and foreign investment are not inherently detrimental to a nation, but the sole reliance on them that can perpetuate a country’s economic troubles. Fairly recently, the Egyptian committee tasked with amending Egypt’s constitution rejected plans to include an article in the country’s basic law, providing that progressive taxation should serve as a basis for tax policy, warning that such a law would lead to a decline in foreign investment (Lomas, 2013). The committee passed on an opportunity to improve tax collection in Egypt, for the sake of guarding investment opportunities. Cairo 2050 reflects this same attitude and consequently ignores the potential of Egyptian citizens as assets and investors in their country.

In a formal letter to the previous president Hosni Mubarak, the Housing and Lands Rights Network points to what Cairo 2050 proposes to do in Gazirat al Dhabab and Warraq Islands and criticizes these actions. Consequently the network calls for more humane and sustainable alternatives (Housing and Lands Rights Network, 2010). Residents of the islands want to stay on their land, while the state threatens to evict and dispossess them. The state typically will first appropriate the land for “public services” and then evict the residents. It ignores residents who have lived there for decades and the functioning informal institutions they have developed. Information circulating at the time the letter was issued, suggested that the government was actually intending to sell the islands to non-Egyptian

3. “GOOD FOR CITIZENS” Environment: A proposed goal of the Cairo 2050 plan is to create new “green areas”, but at the expense of informal neighbourhoods mainly. The use of environmental sustainability is a well-worn tactic by the Egyptian government used to justify forced displacement of thousands living in informal areas in greater Cairo. However, it has been well described in urban planning and environmental literature that the key to environmental

Government representatives of the people are detached from those they are supposed to represent, and do not accurately identify with their concerns and needs, and fail to support and protect them. The Egyptian government has officially accepted human rights treaties that include guarantees to adequate housing, which is framed as a right in the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ratified in 1982). However, there is no legal prohibition on forced evictions or protections of rights for those that are evicted. In addition, there is no legal obligation to consult residents of informal areas prior to eviction (Amnesty International, 2011).

An additional environmental concern not well reasoned by the Cairo 2050 plan is the movement of displaced people to valuable arable land that surrounds Cairo, in the creation of new informal settlements. Because of current and future lack of planning for lowincome housing, slum settlement sprawl has already begun in these valuable agricultural areas and the desert (David Sims). Directly related to this wastefulness is the total oversupply of housing for the middle and upper classes, much of which remains vacant. With no plan to reform tax structures and the real estate market in the Cairo 2050 program, both urban and rural land waste in the area stands to worsen.

are not economically productive and thus require development; however, this “informal” economy is intricately tied to the “formal” economy.

sustainability is urban density to decrease the utilization of precious resources (such as water and fuel) and therefore decrease environmental impact. With respect to the Cairo 2050 plan to decrease density in Cairo, will come more congestion and pollution with the increased need and plan to widen highways and the creation of satellite cities. Maspero is an example of an area isolated with a poor road system prevents service accessibility but it is still connected to the city by its proximity to transportation. Relocating might mean more services but longer commutation and graver eco-impact.

Several parts of Bulaq have been witness to severe forms of violence included “thugs” hired to threaten residents during forced evictions. (Amnesty International, 2011). Often residents are forced out of their homes on very short notice and with no ability to plan for relocation or to search for new schools and jobs. When Cairo Governor Abdel Qawy Khalifa evicted residents of a Bulaq area, no residents were consulted and insufficient financial compensation was offered, so residents refused to participate. There is little trust by residents of informal areas in the Egyptian’s government to hold up any part of a deal. The area was cleared without the even the participation of historians to preserve architectural remains and history of the people who had lived there for centuries, whose descendants were now being displaced. Similarly, in another portion of Bulaq, Turguman, was evacuated to build a central bus station with no plan for the residents, most of whom were homeless in the desert surrounding Cairo (Elshahed, The Egypt Independent 2012)

Evictions: Projects outlined in Cairo 2050 including the Corniche, Mansheyet Nasser, and Maspero redevelopments will relocate hundreds of thousands of Cairenes with no clear solution for the large-scale problems these working-class people, critical to the local economy, will face as a result of this relocation. Cairo 2050 does mention expanding urban development toward the periphery of the city in no specific detail. The plan assumes informal areas currently housing thousands of residents

Safety: Since the fatal rockslide at Al-Duwayqa in September 2008, the Informal Settlements

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Development Facility (ISDF) has classified Egypt’s informal areas according to their assessment of the degree of danger facing local residents. “According to official sources, an estimated 850,000 people live in areas deemed “unsafe” by the authorities, while some 18,300 housing units in Egypt are at risk of imminent collapse” (Amnesty International, 2011). The ISDF has identified 404 sites for removal. In Cairo, there are 53 under threat and 16 of them at high risk. ISDF has joined forces in some areas with Cairo 2050 to enforce expulsions in certain areas (M. Tidbi, Personal communication, January 11, 2011), and in doing so violates the state’s obligations provide adequate housing under international law. It is difficult to verify this information, and there is concern that the ISDF has abused their position to justify exploitative policies and in extreme cases displace poor people living on valuable real estate. A severe lack of planning for residents removed from “unsafe areas” often leads to loss of jobs and homelessness (Elyachar, 2005). It is well known that Egyptian civil society does not meaningfully participate in the ISDF’s information gathering or decision-making processes. 4. THE SOCIAL EQUITY BARGAIN

In international urban development parlance, “upgrading” an informal area means providing basic municipal services such as water, police, schools, road paving, and perhaps renovation or rebuilding offering mechanisms for existing residents to benefit directly from the improved conditions of the site. In Cairo 2050 upgrading is more akin to the “urban renewal” or tabula rasa schemes of mass-displacement to make way for wholesale redevelopment. The new developments of office parks and touristic zones are unable to house the large number of people currently living in downtown Cairo and reject the existing mixed-use composition that gives much of Cairo the vibrancy lacking in cities that spent the decades implementing urban renewal schemes. Moreover, Cairo 2050 does not include substantive plans for low-income housing or appropriate relocation and compensation of residents currently living in areas targeted for “upgrading.” Instead, the visioning document mentions expanding urban development toward the periphery of the city, yet no specific details are discussed. Under the current scenario, residents in informal areas – who are poor and often the most vulnerable – are without protection and at risk of exploitation and displacement. The government fails to recognize their claim to land, housing, or the right to basic services, as they lack the legal means and political leverage to assert their right to adequate housing, as codified in the universal declaration of human rights. Forced evictions are often accompanied by promises for better housing, but these often remain unfulfilled, either because of government bureaucracy or because they are simply a ruse. Prior to and following the rockslide at Al-Duwayqa in 2008, local residents were promised housing in the Suzanne Mubarak complex - many still have yet to receive an apartment and live in tents surrounding the complex. While the government may target some land for redevelopment and enact appropriate safety measures for citizens, this should be done in consultation with residents. In the case that residents need to be re-located, they are entitled to fair compensation for their land that allows them to maintain their current standard of living and access to income at a minimum, as well as space that enables the practices of community.

Sources for Section 2. City Systems Dorman, WJ. Of Demolitions and Donors: The Problematics of State Intervention in Informal Cairo. In Cairo Contested: Governance, Urban Space, and Global Modernity. Singerman, D Cairo: American University in Cairo Press. (2009) Goudineau, A. (n.d.). New taxes in Egypt’s latest economic program will do little to spur recovery. Egypt Independent. Retrieved January 27, 2014, from http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/newtaxes-egypt-s-latest-economic-program-will-dolittle-spur-recovery(2013). Housing and Lands Rights Network. Lamba, Davinder and Ana Sugranyes. (2010). “Open Letter Re: Egypt’s intended 2050 master plan for Cairo threatens habitat and human rights of millions of impoverished citizens.”

Government officials are correct to imagine a better, more economically robust and vibrant city. Indeed, in the face of rapid urbanization, cities all over the world are grappling with an influx of residents and are launching initiatives aimed at boosting economic growth and improving urban quality of life. However, none of this should be done at the expense of current residents. All Cairenes – regardless of their socioeconomic status – have an equal right to the city, and all Cairenes deserve a voice in the planning, development, and expansion of their city and neighbourhoods. Establishing a long term vision for the city and reforming the institutions of governance that would implement and manage the cities transformation as originally conceived in the Cairo 2050 project agreement signed with the UN had the opportunity to usher in a brighter economic and social future for Egypt’s leading city. Unfortunately, the result was an exclusive, copycat vision that contradicts the urban planning knowledge of the 21st century about what makes cities vibrant: inclusion, diversity, mixed use, walkability, and affordability to a diverse set of residents, efficient public transit, cultural and historic preservation, and above all the city’s uniqueness. The institutional reforms are needed now more than ever and social demands for their change are clear. A new vision and the new institutions to implement them are required to move the dial from outmoded and discredited economic productivity models predicated on exclusion, dislocation and inequality and toward a model that embraces the rich and unique cultural, economic and social assets Cairenes and their city have to offer.

documents decades of fragmented governance resulting in poorly executed urban development schemes. Schemes that frequently benefited those building them but rarely fulfilling promises to the communities they were supposed to serve. Frederick Deknatel in his review of Sims’ book emphasizes how unrealistic the vision was and underscores how shocking it was that such a large sum was spent on it. We know from the agreement with the UN that the budget for creating the Cairo 2050 plan was the equivalent of 3,570,000 USD.

5. CONCLUSION

Footnote 1: David Sims, in his book Understanding Cairo : The Logic of a City Out of Control, carefully

References: Lomas, U. (n.d.). Egypt Backs Away From Progressive Tax Plans. Egypt Backs Away From Progressive Tax Plans. Retrieved January 27, 2014, from http://www.taxnews.com/ news/Egypt_Backs_Away_From_(2013)

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Maspero

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100

Methodology of the research

Participatory research was an aim that needed to be achieved before the participatory design. To reach this aim, a team from local residents had to be working directly with Madd Platform team. Starting by knowing people and knowing the case from their perception was a very important subject to crystalize a common understanding between everyone who is working on such a project.

A team from the area with different backgrounds participated in the project as a core group. This team was formed organically from members of Maspero Association to Defend the Land and House, and other natural leaders and residents of Maspero. The team consisted of lawyers, engineers, teachers and craftsmen, where this diversity was so beneficial to have a broader understanding for different stakeholders in the area.

A conference in the area was very important to get connected with a large number of residents, to define our role in the project and to listen to feedback and to understand obstacles that the project might face.

professionals

initiatives

101 real project model support

knowledge

professionals

community

roleplayers story telling inhabitants

local inhabitants different expertise

project support unit

urban/architecture/legal/ human rights experts

site

experience

awareness and recruitment public conferences one on one meetings focus groups open interviews informal group meetings

research

building upon

other tools that depends on working with community example for research tools

physical mappin - needs assessment

critic transfer the project into a model and test it on another area

advocacy conference media public pressure

design

design process / feedback stakeholders agree on an appropriate alternative

The type of research was unknown exactly to the team before starting the research. Physical mapping and project needs assessment was crucial, where these types of studies were known that must be done, but the rest support unitleft for investigation when the team gets connected to of other types of studies were unknown and were the area, knowing potentials, problems and opportunities of the area, where that could happen through qualitative and quantitative research for certain aspect as shown in the diagram below. core team project director

consultants individual consultants

partners contribution in-kind

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urban governance transparency and corruption decmocracy and empowerment participatory process and tools community activism participatory process

urban economy

urban/architecture land tenure appropriate technology basic infrastructure urban tissue,fabrics and patterns transportation and mobility city planning shelter and settlements architecture values

multi dimensional analysis

urban environment

hazard and pollution sustainability environmental planning

globalization and Neo-liberalism informal economy formal economy

urban society

urban livelihoods human rights culture and identity health education social inculsion

52%

100

males

48%

52%

48%

males

females

100

80 80 60

power

females

power

males

60 40

total

40 20

public pressure

20 0

15-25

26-45

46 and older

15-25

26-45

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Methodology of the social study

To realize the full dimensions of the problem, one cannot overlook any of the different parties or stakeholders, but must in fact understand each party’s needs and capabilities and what each party views as their right. It might be easier to identify the interests and goals of investors and the government through projects, which have already been presented. What we’re missing, however, is to identify the needs, goals and capacities of the community, the weaker side of the equation in terms of organization and financial resources. The social study completes and complements the urban study without one negatively affecting the other – in fact, both are at times inseparable. To reach a comprehensive image of the Maspero society, we opted for three methods: direct observation, general survey and focus groups. Together, the three methods have been designed to reach a result that is more sophisticated than mere statistics and percentages. The goal of these methods is to: know the order of the community’s priority, their proposed solutions, familial ties in the area and outside, how dependent they are on their geographic location, how dependent neighboring areas are on their activities, their level of skills and education and awareness, and the alternatives they are offered in case they lost their presence in the area, etc. Research Methods:

Direct survey: vey: The survey’s questions have been designed in accordance with the aforementioned standards, to isolate factors causing distortions and to reach –as much as possible- the desired information, without ignoring the researcher’s role in estimating the validity of the information. Some questions, generally of a statistical nature, were direct. Others were more indirect and aimed to measure views in the qualitative aspects. To get an adequate picture, research was conducted with more than 200 members of the community. To account for a homogenous geographical distribution, the area’s streets were divided according to length, with a specific number of researchers dedicated to each category of streets proportional to its length. Then the research was validated on 100% of the inhabitants (3500 Families) through questionnairs and public consultation meetings.

In addition to direct questions, a researcher’s direct observation is essential, since there are a lot of factors that may distort the answers of interview subjects, such as lack of trust, lack of understanding, or incorrect understanding of the role of the researcher, such as believing that the researcher would be able to allocate a residence to them, or being unsure of the answers, or the absence of sufficient information, or answering in a way that would please people around them rather than represent his views, etc. Therefore, a researcher’s role is important in identifying the above-mentioned factors, whether during surveys and focus groups or through continuous presence that is directed at forming a real picture, in order for observations of the nature of the community’s behavior to complement answers to surveys and direct conversations. Focus groups: In addition to the general survey, extensive meetings have been arranged with homogenous groups in order to identify specific views relating to the matter. This produces a more detailed image of the problem and helps specific segments in discussing solutions and alternatives and setting priorities. While it was originally planned to have five meetings representing five different segments, due to time constraints only two such meetings were organized, one with the Maspero Association, the popular organization involved in this matter, and the other with a sample of the area’s women.

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Through the previous decades, several governments and planning firms have presented visions and alternatives for Maspero area. In the beginning of this century, Cairo 2050 plan was announced as a project that will develop Cairo as whole, and the plan put a spot on Maspero area, which was presented as a huge potential. Maspero area was presented as a central business district in the heart of Cairo that includes ultra-modern high-rise buildings and wide green areas. The proposal for Maspero was titled “Manhattan in Cairo” and in another context “Dubai in Cairo”. Critics were so concerned by this plan, as it was neglecting general socio-economic aspects from one hand, and from another hand the proposal didn’t include the local residents on Maspero. In addition to misusing the land value, where the green areas were covering most of the land plot of Maspero, where there are endless potentials compensate the green areas in the area, and maximize the use economically. The notion of compensating the residents by business parks and shopping malls was too harsh to be accepted.

Maspero neighborhood has been the site of focus of many urban planners over the last ten years due to its special architectural character, which was formed by the presence of Ottoman, Khedival and popular construction and architecture. Today, Maspero neighborhood faces the threat of removal and demolishing, since most buildings are in bad shape and the rate of building collapse is relatively high, threatening the lives of residents, the underlying infrastructure as well as a part of Cairo’s history that should be preserved.

4.1 why Maspero ?

when Sharkas Pasha - one of the Nobles in Khedive Ismail times – approved to his servants to build their houses on Sharkas’s Land in Maspero area. The area took its shape in 1890 and remained with the same fabric until today. In the 1940’s Sharkas’s son was leaving Egypt back to Turkey, he put the land to endowment for 20 years, to secure his servants houses. In 1968, Ministry of Awqaf sent to Sharkas Pasha grand sons to offer them to sell the land to Kuwaiti and Saudi investors who want to invest in this area. The deal was done in 1973, as the gulf’s investors became the new owners of the land and informed the residents to pay them the rent, instead of Ministry of Awqaf.

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Maspero Triangle is one of the old neighborhoods in the heart of Cairo, spanning 82 Feddans (around 344000 Km2). The neighborhood appeared between two different neighborhood representing two different eras. As from the north, Maspero acted as an extension of Bulaq Abo el Ela neighborhood, which was built in the Mamluki period. And until today, Abo el Ela mosque still exists in the Northern tip of Maspero triangle, which was built in the 1400’s. The southern part of Maspero acts as an extension for Khedival Cairo that was built in late 1800’s. The connector of Islamic Cairo and Khedivial Cairo to Bulaq Abo el Ela is 26th of July street that was designed and built by the French expedition in 1801 and was opened in the times of Muhamed Ali Pasha in 1807. The urbanization of the area started in 1880

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Cairo 2050

Cairo 2050 proposal for Maspero was followed by another proposal from Cairo Governorate in 2009. The project concerned the land value as it proposed more dense uses. But still, the project again didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t concern the local residents as the residential area in the project was targeting high-income groups and it was another attempt for creating a central business district.

Cairo Governorate

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In year 2010, and after downtown Cairo competition, Cairo governorate and General Organization for Physical Planning (GOPP) assigned prof. Sahar Atteia to present a new proposal for Maspero area, after she won the first prize in Khaedeivial Cairo Competition. The project didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have a different approach from Cairo 2050 proposal. As Maspero was considered again as a central business district with high-rise glass towers and wide boulevards that fulfills a very small sectorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s needs, which is high-income groups. The project did not put the local residents as a main given in the development equation. The social aspect was totally absent from the proposal in addition to other aspects as cultural aspects and security, as in the proposed activities of administrative uses, kills the vitality of the city, especially if it is attached to downtown area.

Khedeivial Cairo Competition Winner, Prof. Sahar Ateia Arrows pointing to Maspero and labled as CBD

Cairo Governorate + GOPP + Prof. Sahar Ateia

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Sadly, neither of the proposed projects adopted a social approach. As all of the proposals were built upon the idea of forcing the residents to leave the area and building economic activities for different users through buildings that donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t reflect the urban and architectural characters of Cairo. Neither of the proposals was built upon a participatory process, where all stakeholders contribute to drawing their futures, thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s why they never reached the implementation phases.

Examining the case of Maspero is not only motivated by a desire to defend a neighborhood that is threatened by demolition. Rather, this neighborhood represents a model that brings up many issues related to housing and urban planning on the political, economic and social sphere. The arguments for dealing with the Maspero case are many, and we must take note of all of them because they represent issues relating to similarly situated neighborhoods. By discussing the Maspero case, we are in fact discussing other issues such as the right to housing, state responsibility and transparency, housing problems, forced eviction and the disappearance of old neighborhoods from Cairo center.

DRAFT

feddans

108

3500

families

14000

inhabitants

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Sources: - Center of the centers, el Ahram weekly, sept. 1999 issue 445 - Streets and Midans by el Sayed Mohammed - The expanding Metropolis Copying with the Urban Growth of Cairo, Agha Khan conference - El Shahed, M. 2001.Facades of modernity. - Cairo by Andre Raymond 2000 - Abo Lughd, J. 1971. 1001 years of city victorious. - Gihan, M. 2011. Remaking Urban Spaces in Cairo: A study of Bulaq Abo el Ela planning schemes. University of Sheffield.

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Demographic Studies

Demographic and social studies, as well as the factors affecting them are of great importance, particularly, because such studies spotlight the economic and social changes in population that occurred during a specified period of time. Identifying the overall characteristics of Maspero area during that period, such changes and characteristics should not be ignored. Demographic studies and social study of Maspero area will be discussed below. The demographic study includes population change in terms of development in population size and in population growth rates, as well as population characteristics in terms of age, gender, education, vocational, and household structure of the area residents, with the aim of coming out with the most significant strengths and weaknesses, and of recognizing opportunities and risks in developing the area in terms of the social and the demographic dimensions of the population characteristics.

Age and gender structure of population

Age and gender composition of population is one the most important aspects that should be addressed in studying the demography of a community. Since such distribution affects various aspects relevant to population, such as fertility and death rate, also, it determines size of labor force and dependency burden in the community. Moreover, it is highly essential in developing policies and economic and social plans, and in analyzing factors leading to population changes.

Reviewing the population pyramid of Maspero area, the following is concluded: â&#x20AC;˘

The bottom of the pyramid represents 20.11% of the total population in 2006.

â&#x20AC;˘ The body of the pyramid represents 66.9% of the total population in 2006. It includes the 15-60 age groups, which represents the working-age population. â&#x20AC;˘ The top of the pyramid represents 12.98% of the total population in 2006. It includes the population group at the age of 60 and above. Development and health care program planners should take into consideration integrating such group in developmental programs.

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Source: - Field questionnaires -General Population Census - Cairo Governorate – 2006 – Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS)

Educational status of population aged10 years and above:

Addressing the educational status of the population is one of the main criteria that determine social and cultural level of the community and help in identifying development priorities of the area. Educational status is addressed below in details. The data mentioned in the following table indicates: • Illiteracy: According to the 2006 general population census of Cairo governorate, illiteracy rate in the area is 33% of total education-age population (10 years and above). This percentage is greater than the illiteracy rate in Cairo in the same year (19.32%). • Below university-education: According to the 2006 general population census, of total education-age population (10 years and above), 42.3% hold qualifications lower than university level • University-education or above-university education: According to 2006 general population census, of total education-age population (10 years and above), 15.1% hold university level qualifications or above. • Literacy rate: Of total education-age population (10 years and above), 9.3% are literate. Educational cadres of such group should be developed to integrate them in economic and social development programs. Recently, the state has devoted special attention to such group (as reflected in 2006 census). Number of population under such group is expected to decrease in future.

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Source: - Field questionnaires -General Population Census - Cairo Governorate â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2006 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS)

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Population family formation (Marital Status) General trend in marital status in Maspero area reflects that percent of unmarried population increased to 35.3% in 2006, which is relatively high. This is attributed to the Financial Burdens of Marriage fall upon males. Hence, it is evident how the economic status affects the percent of unmarried population, which represent approximately third of the marriage-age population in Maspeo area.

In 2006, approximately 50% of the total marriage-age population in Maspero area are married, whereas, the percent of the divorced group in the area was 2.8%, which is the least percent. This is attributed to the fact that to re-marry after divorce, males would bear huge expenses and face major social problems; mainly family disintegration, custody of the children, alimony, and emotional alternatives. Percent of widowed/widowers in the area are 11.6%.

Source: - Field questionnaires -General Population Census - Cairo Governorate â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2006 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS)

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Economic Study

Due to the spatial privacy of Maspero Triangle area for being the financial and business district of the Capital, imposing a group of economic relationships that affect the social and economic aspects of residents and imposing special urban conditions concerning the study area, monitoring and analyzing all of the economic system elements and their social and urban indicators that affect the future developmental decisions of the study area future development plan was essential. Then there were a group of pillars suggested to show all the dimensions related to the economic system. 1- Economic Activity of the Construction

Studying the economic activity of constructions in Maspero area is a fundamental step in the study of the ecoeconomic system of Maspero area. This study shall benefit the identification of the number of units with eco nomic activity, their focus areas and how are they related to specific spatial elements or not and the study of utilization that is fully complemented with that study in order to emerge the activities that illustrate the different uses of lands.

After regarding those constructions with economic activity, we shall find the following: â&#x20AC;˘ The current commercial use of constructions in main roads is re represented in stores for shoes, electrical tools and automotive paint necessaries for the service of craft workshops in the area. â&#x20AC;˘ The craftsmanship use of constructions is highly illustra illustrated through the problem of using residential buildings; automotive paint, steel and metals works, junk recycling and lathing. â&#x20AC;˘ The residential commercial constructions dissimila dissimilated provide the fundamental services for the area residents; like food and drink through poultry stores, restaurants and cafes.

Photos for some economic activities in the study area

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2- Basic Professions The study of basic professions in the area of study indicator illustrates reflection of the economic features that have social dimension and an assertion on the kind of professions occupied by Maspero residents. Whereas the main indictors included in the inclusive range related to Boulaq focused on crafts with their highest rate in comparison with the other areas of central Cairo, as Boulaq has the lowest rate of scientific and technical professions and employees of governmental and public sector compared to the other areas on the inclusive level.

After regarding the distribution of basic professions in Maspero, we shall find the following: • The study of area population distribution is reflected according to the economic sector through this study showing the basic professions occupied by Maspero residents; including low and medium standard professions like street vendors, workers at workshops, spare parts stores, clothing stores, shoes stores and kiosks. This reflects what was mentioned about weak education standard and those working on a discon discontinuous basis reached 8.19% and on temporary basis reached 4.46%. • Regarding those who work for the public sector,, they worked at the Radio and TV, Egyptian Red Cres Crescent, policemen, at the General Organization for Hospitals and the Agricultural Organization. • Regarding women’ss labour; workers at clothing stores, green grocers and shoes stores.

photos for some workers in the study area

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Economic Routes between Maspero and the Surrounding Areas

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Number of Workers at the Construction The indicator of the number of workers at the economic construction is one important indicator that reflects the study area economic volume and capacity. Therefore the volume of labour market and cooperation of economic constructions through the economic system can be estimated on the inclusive level, particularly because Maspero Triangle is located inside the main financial and business centre of the Capital.

The following factors can be highlighted: • Difference of the professional absorptive capacity of the constructions, as it varied from less than 2 workers to 14 workers for one construction. • The dominant constructions in the area are those having less workers; from 2 to 6 workers due to occupying daily services like grocery, foragers, restaurants and poultry stores. • Concentration of constructions of 6 workers and may be more of 10 workerss as an example are located at the borders of the area on main roads, but those constructions having more than 14 workers are corporations like Elewa for Contracting.

Distribution of Residents according to the Economic Sector:

•

Through the distribution of labor among the economic construction, we can say that the economic construc construction is categorized as the minor construction that facilitates development in Maspero Triangle and replace replacement and innovation process related to the economic construction.

The importance of this study is in stating the general features of labouring residents at economic sectors; (regular private- investment private- governmental- public and public business- NGOs- cooperative- nonworking- not enrolled- joint- under age). The regular private is the dominant economic sector in the study area.

It is illustrated that those who work for the regular private sector reach 19% approx. of total residents, investment private sector reach 2% approx., public and public business sector reach 1% approx., govern governmental sector reach 7% approx., NGOs and Cooperative sectors reach 1% approx. and a stable percentage of those not-enrolled and under age as it is mentioned in the former study. Figure 41 illustrates the percent percentage of Maspero residents who work for economic sectors and table 7 illustrates the same and adding the percentages of residents working in the area.

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Area Features regarding Real Estate Market

The following table illustrates some obvious features related to the area of study according to all the previous real estate market studies:

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Arguments

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Points of argument

1- The right to the city?

The right to the city demands substantive rights and essential changes that go beyond formalities. It doesn’t merely require the establishment of local or representative councils that remain powerless, but rather demands a radical change in the social and economic relations that determine the lives and surroundings of people. It demands a reconstruction of the current state and dynamics, which are based on the control of capital and executives over all of the city and its administration, and pressures for residents of these cities to become the core decisionmakers. It also recognizes that the crux of the matter is who has control over resources and possesses the right to use them – it therefore demands the return of all property, land and beaches that have been unjustly and exclusively taken, so that such property can be turned to serve the public good.

According to Henri Lefebvre, the right to the city is an invitation for the reconstruction of social, political and economic contexts dealing with the city. To do this, there is a need to recreate the power dynamics and relations that are a requirement for the creation of civil/city space. Such recreation can occur through transformation of power and control over capital and state to the city’s residents. The right to the city is concerned with the revival and preservation of historic cities that have always been the heart of any society and the fuel of its national movements, instead of turning it into a commercial and tradable good that is controlled by executives for the end goal of turning it into an infinite number of apartments and stores, with no goal except quick profit. Henri Lefebvre, the Right to the City. According to Lefebvre as well, the concept of the right to the city can be divided into two categories, the right to appropriation, which is the right of residents to use the city’s space and crystallize and design it as they wish, and secondly, the right to participation, which is the residents’ rights to take a central role in taking decisions related to the

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creation of the city space they live in. As for David Harvey, the right to the city doesn’t necessarily entail the right to access what is already there, but the right to change it after our heart’s desire. We need to be sure that we can live in what we create ourselves. David Harvey, 2003, the Right to the City. Source: Beshara, S & Hemdan, H. 2006. Makan Magazine: Justice to Land and Planning, Issue no.1. Legal Center for Arabic Minorities Rights in Israel.

Source: World Charter for the Right to the City, 2005. UN Habitat.

In Article 1 (The Right to the City) of Part 1 (General Provisions), the World Charter for the Right to the City holds that such right “also includes the right to development, to a healthy environment, to the enjoyment and preservation of natural resources, to participation in urban planning and management, and to historical and cultural heritage.” In the following Article (Article 2, Principles and Strategic Foundations of the Right to the City; Section 1: Full Exercise of Citizenship and Democratic Management of the City), the Charter defines the concept of participation which had been mentioned in Article 1 to include “direct and representative forms in the elaboration, definition, implementation, and fiscal distribution and management of public policies and municipal budgets”.

The first argument in favor of dealing with the Maspero project as a general problem is its connection to the right to housing and the responsibility of the state in fulfilling and guaranteeing this right. Should it be possible for the state, after letting thousands of families live in a certain area and build their future and families on it, to decide to uproot these families from the place they had lived in for several generations? “There are some buildings in the Maspero Triangle the ownership of which is stable or at least not contested, such as the consulate, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Broadcasting Building, the Armenian School and a group of high-end buildings on the 26th of July Road and on the Corniche. Of course, the controversy revolves around the houses of residents of the area, who do not have a legal basis or backup since they are not a hotel or a ministry. As a result, the state deals with them as public property whose destiny they can control according to their whims.” Source: Aly Mohammed Ahmed, 2013. Boulaq Abu al-‘ila: man yamtalik? Wa man ya’id? Wa man yasta’hiq? Website: CairObserver.

The results of the studies showed that more than 82% of Maspero inhabitants were born in Maspero. Moreover, Maspero inhabitants today, are considered to be the fourth generation to be born in Maspero.

cairo governorate 3.3 italian embassy 1.8 ramsis hilton hotel unregistered land 1

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maspero 82 bulaq el dakrour abdeen 3 el darb el ahmar qalyoub 1 el matareyya heliopolis 1 el sharabeya el daher 1 el moqattam giza 1 el hussien 1

1 1 1

qalyoub 1%

maspero

82%

el matareyya 1% heliopolis 1%

el sharabeya 1% el daher 1% abdin 3% qaser el nile 1%

el darb el ahmar 3%

bulaq el dakrour 4% el moqattam 1% giza 1%

3 rooms

4 rooms

make-shift 131

relatives

81.4%

born outside cairo

8.2%

born in cairo but not maspero

born in maspero

10.4%

11%

5 rooms or more

2 rooms

5% 16% 37%

16%

78%

22%

work in maspero

work outside maspero

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Not only that the percentage of inhabitants are originated in the area, also studies showed that more than 68% of the families, have relatives from the first and second degrees living in the area and in several cases, relatives are living in the same streets and same building.

68.4%

31.6%

relatives living outside maspero

24.6%

same house

23.8%

same street

relatives living in maspero

68.4%

58% walk

Families are not only living in the area, they are also working in the area. 78% of Maspero inhabitants are working in the area, and the majority of their customers are from the area. This results efficiency in the journey to work, were 58% of workers and walk shop owners, 58 is on foot. Those who work outside Maspero, are benefiting from the several means of publicpublic transportation that are available transportation 28 directly on the borders of the area.

car 8 bike 3 taxi 2

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58%

78%

66.4%

walk

work outside maspero

14.6%

66.4%

1 room

walk 58 public transportation car 8 bike 3 taxi 2 metro 1

work in maspero

11.7%

2 rooms

9.4%

3 rooms

uninhabited units

22%

born in maspero

47%

both

47%

serves maspero residents

22%

serves other neighborhoods

31%

serves both

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project in the neighborhood, which would require them to leave it – however, at first this only took the form of rumors. As a result, members of the Maspero community remained in the neighborhood without any intervention by the state, which made the community regain its sense of security and go on with building its future, with some getting married and having families and others starting a commercial enterprise in the area.

These facts crystalized the sense of belonging and the sense of ownership for Maspero Inhabitants. While working on the social survey in the area, Mahoud Shaaban (a teacher, living and working in Masero) said: “ Maspero is our Egypt. We have been raised upon loving Egypt. We have been taught to defend Egypt. We have been growing up on the notion of the meaning of Egypt is embedded in the people of Egypt. We have been told, through media, that we have to die for our Egypt. Maspero is our Egypt. We will dig graves in Maspero to be buried in our land, when they come to take us out and tear Maspero down” Applying forced eviction, directly or indirectly; upon Maspero inhabitants will make them loose a crucial value that is needed to build a powerful community. Disempowering people is not a solution that the government should aim for, where consequences are always worse than what is current.

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2- Forced Eviction for Public Benefit?

In the Maspero Triangle case, right to housing considerations were absent from the approach of the state to the problem. Community’s presence in the neighborhood was initially in the form of dwellings on lands owned by Sharkas Pasha, who later held these lands in trust for his servants. This resulted in a sense of security, which led members of the community to start families, open retail and service shops and craftsmen workshops. The term of the trust was for 20 years. When this period was over, the community found themselves living on the lands of new owners under the names of the Kuwaiti Company and the Saudi Company, and they found students of the Faculty of Architecture Engineering coming to do studies about the area. At the same time, rumors started spreading about the intention of the state to propose a new

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80 60 40 20

585

15-25

273

400 350

closed

working

priority

300

40%

250

can afford ďŹ xing the ho

200

400

150

350

closed

100

working

300

250 200 150 100 50 0

shop

storage

ofďŹ ce

parking

kiosk

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Source: Maspero Company in Maspero

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The community was shocked with the decision to stop issuing licenses for renovating buildings that needed to be repaired. Later, and without prior warning, the community faced a large number of administrative decisions to demolish buildings, under the pretext that such buildings presented a grave threat to their residents due to their bad condition. Community members remained in their homes after signing forms releasing the municipality of any responsibility and stating that they are personally liable for remaining there. The residents had signed these forms claiming that their houses are in good shape and that they only need limited repairs, thus doubting the municipalitiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; decisions. With the passing of time, the condition of these buildings kept deteriorating. Residents were afraid to perform necessary repairs so as not to be forced to pay high penalties. As a result, an increasing number of buildings started showing cracks and falling on an annual basis. For several times parts of the area were demolished under the notion of public benefit. Residents accepted relocation for the social good. This happened when Maspero building was built in late 50s, and that was repeated when the government built the Ministry of foreign affairs and its huge garden. In early 90s around 50 buildings were demolished to extend Maspero parking. In addition to this question, it is notable that the state keeps portraying the Maspero community as parasites and outlaws who are weighing down the state with their demands â&#x20AC;&#x201C; all this while highlighting the fact that itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s a high value land and reiterating that it can be used for public benefit.

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Demolished buildings to build an extension for the parking area for Maspero building

females

males

139

total

15-25

An additional problem is the fact that the state proposes and makes plans for mega projects in the neighborhood without going back to the original inhabitants or even notifying them that there are steps to demolish their homes to make way for large projects and to relocate the area’s residents to building complexes in the Oasis Desert Road in the 6th of October city and in the Nahda city in Northern Cairo. This problematic approach clearly conflicts with the right to the city.

26-45

46 and older

60%

40%

can not afford ﬁxing the house

can afford ﬁxing the house

closed

parking

working

kiosk

10%

want to get out

90% don’t want to get out

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Land expropriated from Maspero residents through years under the notion of public Benefit. Maspero building and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have taken a huge bulk of land.

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1965

2014

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The issue of the right to the city and the lack of participation by the community in decision-making and the responsibility of the state are all inextricably tied to the issue of relocating residents. Relocating Maspero residents from the center of the city to the desert of the 6th of October or Nahda (the Mountain as the Maspero residents call it) is but a slow death for them. In listening to a number of those who have already been relocated to the 6th of October, we found that they were subjected to significant hardships in terms of access to basic services and daily needs such as transportation, schools and job opportunities. In addition, international and local scientific research and literature in the field of housing have demonstrated the inadequacy of the unified building complex model. The relocation of residential groups with different needs and backgrounds to unified units has a negative social and economic impact. Furthermore, the process of relocation is usually problematic; a high percentage of those who are targeted for relocation in building complexes often end up homeless due to errors or corruption that ends up benefiting others.

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3- The Role of the Government? Again Public Housing?

A controversial aspect about the approach of the state is that it exploits legal gaps in order to claim that Maspero’s residents have no right to live there. This is evidenced by the testimonies by many residents as well as by the writings of Aly Mohammed Ahmed, engineer and researcher at the Politechnico di Milano, who states that “contracts were registered under the names of the new investors, which may have been an attempt to get around the fact that many residents also have contracts, since the latter contracts belonged to a pre-registration era and were not notarized at the Notary’s office. Furthermore, the state decided to prohibit repairs or renovating. This effectively meant that residents who refused to leave their homes were faced with the choice to either move to al-Nahda or to be homeless. And since the collapse of buildings was only a matter of time because of how old they were, the prohibition on renovation turned out to be a magical solution for the state, enabling it to seize one piece of land after the other for a very low price and an apartment in al-Nahda for which the residents had to pay a higher rent than the rent average in Bulaq. This was meant as a pressure tool in case residents chose to bring up their contracts. In the face of the state’s blackmailing efforts, some residents found no other solution but to relocate to al-Nahda. However, the majority of residents resisted and remained in the area – which meant that the new dynamics placed the state as owner, the investors as buyers and the residents as parasites and obstacles for the development of Cairo’s center, despite the fact that Bulaq belongs to its people and Cairo belongs to its residents and not an investor or an official. Source: Aly Mohammed Ahmed, 2013. Bulaq Abu el Ela: man yamtalik? Wa man ya’id? Wa man yasta’hiq? Website: CairObserver.

To confirm suspicions, the Cairo governorate, represented by Governor Abd el Qawy Khalifa (2012) and followed by Governor Osama Kamal (2013), promised residents to build 64 residential towers in the same neighborhood on an area of 7 feddans. The neighborhood’s residents agreed. A meeting was held between community representatives and Eng. Osama Kamal, ex-Governor of Cairo, after residents escalated the matter and blocked a road in protest against decisions to relocate them in the desert. In the meeting, an agreement was reached according to which 64 residential towers would be built in the neighborhood. Each tower would consist of ten floors, with four apartments per floor (according to the testimony of members of the community, some of whom attended the meeting with the Governor).

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Al Masry al youm newspaper. Osama Kamal, former Cairo governer

Al Ahram newspaper. Abd el Qawi Khalifa, former Cairo governer

As previously mentioned, around 3500 families live in the Maspero Triangle. If the number of units promised by the Governor is calculated, one finds that the 64 towers would only house 2600 family. The major shock however comes when trying to calculate how 64 towers would fit the promised area of 7 feddans, which proved to be impossible. Even if buildings were placed right next to each other so that they only have one front, this would still require more than 9 feddans. Also by calculating the number of units that the 64 project will accommodate, it was found that the project can include only 2600 residential units, so how will the government provide units to the rest 900 families?

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Another important question is, the adequacy of public housing. Previously in this research, it was shown that public housing designs and policies are mismatching needs and do not solve problems that are resulted from other housing typologies. Is the government willing to start a research to understand needs of Maspero residents for housing? The government promised 10 to 13 stories height for each building in their new project. Who will be responsible for fixing the elevator, for example? And how long the building can function without elevators? And more important, Will the government provide residential units for rent or people will own the units? And how much will residents will have to pay to live?

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66.4% 14.6%

66.4%

2 rooms

3 rooms

5.9%

1.8%

4 rooms

1.8%

5 rooms or more

make-shift

1 room

9.4%

Numbers and percentages to each residential unit typology

81.4%

31%

ighborhoods

22%

serves both

Avarage rent in Maspero

81.4%

born in maspero

10.4%

born outside cairo

8.2%

born in cairo but no

78% work in maspero

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88.3% 11.7%

88.3%

uninhabited units

inhabited units

47%

3907

47%

serves maspero residents

residential units

serves othe

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4- Historical Neighborhoods? Historical City?

In Bulaq’s case as well, the government did not show much interest in the area’s architectural or heritage value, as evidenced by the fact that it didn’t register some of the monuments present in the area. In this case, the government chooses to completely leave the neighborhood to be without any intervention in the services or in maintenance of architectural value, which leaves the neighborhood subject to evolution and devolution by its own inertia. After waves of migration, only the poorer residents who cannot afford to leave remain in Bulaq, in addition to some craftsmen and owners of small businesses who find the areas proximity to downtown useful. The government’s approach becomes clearer in the way it deals with Bulaq’s southern tip, the Maspero Triangle, where it doesn’t mind –and in fact encourages- investors who are interested in completely demolishing the area and building commercial, executive and touristic activities on it, relocating the area’s inhabitants somewhere else in the process, even if against their will. In its efforts, as we observed from unofficial sources and from analyzing its positions and statements, the government relies on the lack of a historical value of the land, the decrease in its economic value in comparison with expected investment returns, as well as on contested ownership and decrease in the number of inhabitants.

Maspero population today is less than in 1880. Source: CAPMAS

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Buildings age map Around 40% of the buildings were built between 1890 and 1929, and 35% of the buildings were built between 1930 and 1949

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Buildings conditions map The majority of buildings are in a medium condition and 19% are in a bad condition, but 14% of the buildings, already collapsed due to the lack of maintenance

Many contradictions and dangers can be detected in the government’s approach towards Bulaq in general and the Maspero Triangle in specific. For example, if we take the excuse of “contested property ownership” advanced by the government, we find that the same applies to much of Fatimid Cairo, where many of its residents have migrated, and where ownership is often contested between residents and the ministries of culture, antiquities and awqaf (trusts). In addition, the financial returns from establishing other investment projects on such areas and removing smaller businesses the government deems inappropriate, such as small workshops. The major factor against demolitions and takeovers, however, is in the presence of antiquities (which are also present in Bulaq) – which means that the government could potentially completely erase or fundamentally change the character of most of Cairo’s center. Intervening to stop the current process threatening the Maspero Triangle is therefore crucial, as it promises to be repeated again in many of Cairo’s neighborhoods which find themselves in circumstances similar to that of the Maspero Triangle, or that are built on lands with high current values. Such process may ultimately result in the disappearance of old neighborhoods and neighborhoods that were built by its residents’ efforts from the heart of Cairo.

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Before 1992 Before and after 1992’s earthquake that conttributed with a huge percentage of demolished buildings in Maspero

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4.2 Stakeholders Analysis

Analyzing different stakeholders in such project is crucial. Since most of these stakeholders are powerful in a way that can stop development, or be a catalyst for development, so it is important to understand interests, needs, impacts and how to tackle each stakeholder. By understanding each stakeholder in early stages, the decisions are being shaped to satisfy each stakeholder, and accordingly the whole strategy. Moreover, knowing the actors that can support and others that can stop, improved the quality of understanding for the area and gaining more resources to work with or anticipating reactions that might fire back. Who are the current stakeholders in the area? Residents - Local Land Owners (Residential Units/ Shops/ Workshops) - Local Renters (Residential Units/ Shops/ Workshops) - Local Representatives (Maspero Association to Defend the Land & Housing/ Maspero NGO/ Bulaq Abo el Ela Local Committee) - Surrounding Neighborhoods - The Public Government - Ministry of Media - Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Ministry of Antiquities - Ministry of Planning - Ministry of Awqaf - Informal Settlement Development Fund (ISDF) Investors - Kuwaiti Company - Saudi Company - Dioub Company - Maspero Company (Cairo Governorate + Misr Bank + National Bank of Egypt) Project Partners - Egyptian Center for Civil and Legislative Reform (ECCLR) - The Built Environment Collective (Megawra) - International Institute for Education (IIE) - The Arab Digital Expression Foundation (ADEF) - Academia - Media - Political Parties

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pre-planning

getting organized

study written literature

set framework

establish connections with locals

raising awareness

set workspace

power

• High power, interested stakeholders: Those stakeholders with high importance and high authority in relation to the project. Those with whom consultation is most diagnosing problems, anatomy physical and cognitive establish an setting spacethat proper definition ofappropriate the project. These are potentials important to ensure the mapping goalsthe andstakeholders analysis and needs must be fully engage and greatest effort must development objectives be donestrategy to satisfy them. • High power, less interested stakeholders: Those whom the Project Proponent should keep informed about the project proposals. Many of these stakeholders have an influence but have little to gain or lose directlydraft from the project. ﬁnalize identityover and project setdecisions, experiment drafting feedback design pathways program small scale zoning process design Ongoing briefing meetings with these stakeholders are required to to allow the project to for change solutions with community proceed successfully and put enough work in with these people to to keep them satisfied. • Low w power, interested stakeholders: Those stakeholders with high importance, but low authority in relation to the project. They represent those who may be advocate transform marginalized in the project planning process, but who are important to the success post- of project planinng the project. Consultation with this group should involve meetings to model and discussions to understand any key concerns and/or perceived vulnerabilities. • Low w power, less interested stakeholders: those stakeholders with low importance and low authority in relation to the project. Those whom do not need to be consulted to ensure the success of the project. Stakeholders in this group may be excluded from decision making and only monitor them.

investors

government

media political parties

public

maspero inhabitants

keep satisﬁed manage closely monitoring reporting

human rights organizations

academia

interest Stakeholders Networks and Power Dynamics

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Analyzing the power/ interest dynamics for different stakeholders was beneficial to understand and map networks between stakeholders and weight them according to influence of decision making in the area. There are three main entities shaping the case of Maspero; Residents, Investors and Government. A huge overlap between investors and government through Maspero Company, as this company is created by joint venture between Cairo governorate, National Bank of Egypt and Misr Bank. The three entities are governmental entities, but acting as investor in the area, with the Kuwaiti and Saudi companies. There are sub entities in the government that directly connected to the area as shareholders or active stakeholders, as ministry of media and ministry of foreign affairs, where both of these ministries own around 25% of the total area of Maspero. Ministry of antiquities owns two listed historical buildings, but the weight of these two plots in relation to the area, is neglect able. The government is also being presented as a high power/ high interest stakeholder, because two very important entities; Ministry of planning and Informal Settlement Development Fund (ISDF), where these two entities will be the decision makers for the development of the area. ISDF is concerned about building new housing project to relocate Maspero inhabitants and invest in empty land. That means that ISDF can be considered as a longer-term investor. The third major stakeholders are Maspero inhabitants, where they are divided into two separate stakeholders (Land owners and unit renters) with different needs, powers and impacts. Owners are more powerful stakeholders, as they do have the right and the decision to keep the land or sell it, while units renters have no power and they are the greatest sector that will loose in the new investors development. As a cause to this potential lose, a front was created to defend the right to the people. This front is called Maspero Association to defend land and housing, and it was created by a group of natural leaders living in the area. Another Front was created after Maspero association, which is a broader scale committee on Bulaq Abo el Ela scale, but this local committee is not as interested as the association in the case of Maspero, but interested in all Bulaq and neighborhoods that surrounds Maspero. Maspero association to defend land and housing can reach the government through media, as they have access to different media entities to advocate their case. Another connection is political parties, which is concerned about gaining support from local inhabitants and in return they help in advocacy as they can reach the government easily. The public is being placed here as an independent stakeholder, as the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for demolishing the area is the public benefit. The public in this sense are the city users that can use the area or benefit economically from major projects that can contribute in the states economy. Since Maspero Participatory Parallel Project is divided into different entity, with different objectives but similar goals, so it was convenient to place the projectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s different entities as a stakeholder. Academia and The Built Environment Collective (Megawra), act as research entities and concerned by the research outcomes by being separated from all other stakeholders, while the Egyptian Center for Civil and Legislative Reforms (ECCLR) is a human rights organization, that is connected directly with inhabitants through the Maspero association in the form of legal support.

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stakeholders positions

Stakeholders Networks and Power Dynamics

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stakeholders network and relations

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Interest, Impact and Strategies Stakeholder Interests

Stakeholder

Keep their right to their land or sell for an appropriate price

Renters

Keep their houses for life and livelihood

Success in introducing a model to integrate an old quarter to the modern city

Future city development

Loose a value of a historhistorical city core

Ministry of Planning

Potential Strategies

Try to convince owners to keep their land

Introduce an alternative and work on advocacy to empower them and make them agent of change

Land Owners

- Strengthen the case of Maspero in case of keeping their land -Weakening the case of Maspero in case of selling

Local Residents

More intervention in high value land in other areas

Introduce models of how to integrate an old qquarter uarter to the city core and benefit from it

Introduce models of how to integrate an old quarter to the city core and benefit from it

Investing in land

Ministry of Media

Keep their right to their The area will remain a land and the building that potential for high rise acts as a major landmark development

Negotiate about investing in open areas surrounding the building, to compensate investors

The area will remain a Keep their right to their potential for high rise Ministry of Foreign Affairs land the building that acts as a major landmark development

Negotiate about investing in open areas surrounding the building, to compensate investors

ISDF

Government

Assessment of Impact

Ministry of Antiquities

Introduce potentials for how to benefit from the area

Keep their right to their land land

People remains in the area

Keep Listed buildings in the area

Convince them to list more valuable and historPreserving heritage in the ical buildings in the area city core and present means of reusing historical buildings in cultural activities

Ministry of Awqaf

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Maspero Company

Keep their right to their land and start major investments

Loosing a historical quarter in the city core, and potentials that the model would be repeated in other areas, will result disappearance of historihistorical core in the city.

Negotiate about compensating their owned land by a higher value Nile front land and leave the residential area for development.

Loosing a historical quarter in the city core, and potentials that the model would be repeated in other areas, will result disappearance of histori historical core in the city.

Negotiate about compensating their owned land by a higher value Nile front land and leave the residential area for development.

Keep their right to their land and start major investments

Saudi Companies

Investors

Keep their right to their land and start major investments

Negotiate about compensating their owned land by a higher value Nile front land and leave the residential area for development.

Kuwaiti Company

Loosing a historical quarter in the city core, and potentials that the model would be repeated in other areas, will result disappearance of historical core in the city.

Training residents on new empowerment tools and Circulate data and analyof applying the experisis for the area ence in other areas with similar problems

Ensures peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s right of adequate housing

Built Environment CollecCollective (Megawra)

Research and on ground project and train students More practitioners in an and practitioners in major important field projects projects

Project Partners

Egyptian Center for Civil and Legislative Reforms (ECCLR)

Research and documenting an area facing the risk of force eviction

Addition of knowledge

Report and submit research

Arab Digital Expression Foundation (ADEF)

Research and documenting an area facing the risk of force eviction

Residents are digitally empowered and gained access to new tools of advocacy

Help in accessing the area and residents

Cover an important issue to the public

Raise awareness to public

Inform them with milestones to cover

Gain support from the area and ensure the peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s right to adequate housing

Political parties support the peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s case politically

Introduce political parties to the area in the advocacy phase

Surrounding Neighborhoods

Gain benefits from development of a nearby neighborhood

Potential for more development in surrounding areas

Introduce a future plan for surrounding areas

Cairo Residents

Public interest to a part of Integrated neighborhood the city

Present potentials for using the neighborhood

Present appropriate scenarios and affordable solutions to the neighborhood

Participatory research and design

International Institute for Education (IIE)

Media

Political Parties

City Users

Ensure presenting the on ground project and transform it to a model that can be repeated in other areas

Madd Platform

Creating a model that can be applied in similar cases

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The situation in Maspero is complex and can hardly be captured in the form of a dual relationship between two contested parties. From a distance, one can see the problem as one between an investor who owns the land, a group of residents who have built their homes on the land and have been paying rent to the owners for a long time, and a government that is trying to evict the residents and at the most compensate them. While this approach might be correct as a starting point, it is highly reductionist and dilutes the matter, overlooking many important details. One of the most important details is the inappropriateness of putting the parties of the conflict into the three abovementioned categories and considering each party to be one homogenous group. On the one hand, the areaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s residents do not all have a unified position or goal. Furthermore, the government relationship to the land varies; it has direct ownership of some lands and indirect ownership of others, which necessarily means that the supposedly unified entity, the government, would have different positions towards different parcels, based on each parcelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s real estate value. Therefore, explaining the entangled relationship between the different parties must not overlook the anatomy and internal makeup of each main party. In the previous chapter, we presented the different domestic players, their interests and what can be offered to them in current

4.3 Conflict

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Caution: “Do not get closer, and no photos” Bulaq

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circumstances. In this chapter, we focus on the positive and negative relationship between the different parties and each other, which take the form of resistance and support. We also deal with how each party views the other, combining parties with similar circumstances and interests in the process to avoid repetition. The chapter does so by fixing each party (or group of parties) on one end and then studying its perceptions of the other parties and their relationship with them.

Owners A distinction must be made here between the owner and the user (beneficiary) of the land. In this section, we turn to the first category, the owner. This category, in turn, can be divided into two sub-categories that differ from each other in terms of the size of the areas and the unit types they own. Furthermore, the nature of the land these groups own may or may not differ from each other, with some lands/property belonging to the residents, others belonging to the state and other still that have been expropriated for public good.

The first sub-category consists of residents who own small pieces of property; the second sub-category consists of ministries that own the lands on which it built its premises. The latter group is more idle or dormant; it is not threatened by anything due to its legal position and due to the fact that it can count on the support of political power, which it is in itself a part of. Furthermore, this sub-category is actually one with no aspirations. The small property owners (the first sub-category) also find themselves in a relatively secure position. Legally speaking, they cannot be forcefully evicted. They can only be stripped of their property rights if the property is expropriated for a public good, and even then, they must be compensated, in which case they would still be out of the reach of investors unless they decide to sell them their property for the prices they determine. It would seem from the above that residents who own small properties may not have a stake in the problem. However, the Residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Association claims that these resident owners are also in solidarity with the rest of the residents in order to preserve the nature and character of the neighborhood. While we believe this may be partially true, it remains unknown how many resident owners will in fact stand in solidarity with their other residents who are renting, and how many would not mind selling their property should a suitable buyer be found. From a purely economic perspective, evicting lessees/tenants and establishing large and modern projects will definitely raise the value of the land and is therefore in their economic interest. However, this doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t necessarily mean that resident-owners would desire this, since developing the neighborhood in other ways may increase the land value and still maintain the lifestyle that some of them may want to preserve. The relationship between small property owners and the authorities remains a normal one, consisting mainly of demands by the resident-owners to improve services and infrastructure and in voting decisions to the candidate who promises more. Tenants/Lessees: This is the weakest group in terms of resources, legal position, organization and capacity. This means that this group is most vulnerable and faces the highest risk from the different plans devised by the other, stronger parties. This group consists of the twenty thousand residents remaining in the neighborhood -one third of the number that previously inhabited the same area-, the grandchildren of the first inhabitants of this place. While land ownership switched hands several times, these residents have always paid rent for the lands on which they live. And because weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re dealing with a community rather than a company or an agency, it is very unfair and limited to consider them as one unit, without understanding who is a tenant and what

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developed or in other alternative ones on a part of the land. These 2 opinions are grounds for constant dispute among the residents, although they all seem to be inclined to the solution of being resettled in 64 towers in a corner of the land. It seemed to us that this inclination does not stem from a genuine desire, but out of conviction that this is the best they can get from the government in light of their weak legal status, which leaves us to doubt the claims that some of them market as having property deeds. On the other hand, there are those who reject this solution for lack of confidence in it, in the government, or for their genuine desire to preserve the neighborhood. Tenant residents have mixed positions and swing between a set of descriptions. One is frustration towards the government (represented by the governorate or the police in their view) since it prevents them from renovation, force evicts them, and demolishes their homes like what happened in 2010, separating in this between the government and the president whomever he is, which can be observed, for example, in phrases written on the walls attacking the government or in frustrated talk set against the local administration and the governorate, while having a poster attached on the wall behind supporting a presidential candidate or even one that is in office. Another is the hope in building towers as alternative housing, which has made the project teamâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mission difficult from the start, for many were hesitant to even speak about the issue as if this could hinder the project that they have become attached to. There are also the resistance slogans that we have heard and read on the walls which revolve around the desire to defend the homes even if it means being buried underneath them. This is consistent with slogans that deem those who aid the government or the investors in evacuating the residents as traitors, assuming an often sharp tone. Contrary to this, there is a position of submittal not devoid of solidarity, which can be sensed in phrases of the type â&#x20AC;&#x153;we are with the people, whatever

is their position towards the other parties. There are lessees who work for the investors as middlemen, offering compensation to other lessees or working as a political agent for one of the parliamentary or presidential candidates, distributing gifts, channeling complaints and amassing voters, all for a price. Other lessees own another residence outside of the area and only come to Maspero to be amongst their relatives or to visit the family house or due to a psychological connection to the neighborhood. There are also some new lessees, most of whom are young bachelors whose families reside in faraway places, who moved in the last few years to be close to their workplaces. When we speak about tenants, we mean those who are rooted in the place through family origins and linkage to relatives among the residents, having no interest in the area but that of dwelling or work of a small nature, and having no other housing alternatives. According to this definition, there are 3 categories that can be excluded when we mention tenants of the neighborhood residents, knowing that in any case they do not represent a big percentage. The first category is that of the median, whose interests are more linked to the investor or the government even though they could be sympathetic with the cause of their neighbors. The second are those who own other residences; although they might prefer preserving the neighborhood of their origins, yet having alternative housing options puts them in a different situation. The last are those whose only link to the neighborhood is to reside in it for some time, having no connections making them related to it. The biggest ratio of resident tenants is what remains, and they are the subject of this section. They in turn, despite satisfying the definition that we set, differ in some opinions and stances but agree on one thing: to remain in the area, whether in their homes after being

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happens to them happens to us,” or “let them (the government) do what they want, our Lord is mighty.” As for the attitude towards the investors, although a state of enmity was expected against them, yet the position of the tenants was not as such negative, but inclined to a relative indifference. There is a permanent and well-known office that represents the Kuwaiti company in the area that is open without trouble. This may point to an understanding in the minds of the residents that the investors are not but owners, like those from whom they rented the land before, and that the danger instead lies with the government while the owner remains in the shade, especially that purchasing the land dates back to decades that have passed without any harassment. The government here is the party that forcibly evicts them and prevents them from renovating, while the investor is the party that compensates them through mutual consent; the government is the party responsible to provide alternatives and not the investor, or perhaps so it seems according to the view of the tenants.

Investors There are 2 types of investors; government and Gulf investors. The Kuwaiti company owns the biggest percentage of lands in the triangle, followed by another Saudi company. Both companies purchased the lands since decades, yet they have not utilized them until now, and their present activity remains confined in collecting rents from tenants and paying off others to leave. There are no indications regarding what type of investment is considered for the land due to the modest activities of the companies and to lack of information available to us about them, but it is expected that the type of investment activity planned will be similar to what has been of Gulf capital reproduced in the 80s especially in downtown Cairo and Corniche. Therefore, it is probable that their inclination will not go far from establishing hotels, commercial centers and administrative complexes possibly in the form of high-rise towers in the case that neither the government nor the law will object to it. Both companies have a strong legal status through their ownership of the land, and the reason they haven’t yet started any projects might be to leave the land until its value increases over time without the need to invest. Another reason might be their negligence to it, which would not be as surprising as it seems. If there were unspecialized in real estate investment (a possible reason why we couldn’t find any information about them or similar activities) then it may be that the motive for purchasing was not exactly for quick direct investment. The presence of thousands of households is one definite obstacle, since the companies will not be able to implement any projects as long as they reside in their neighborhood. However, we tend to dismiss this as being the barrier against the companies’ plans; if it were so, they could have resorted to the courts, for example, or exerted greater pressures on the government. On the other side, the government’s position seems more supportive to that of the investor, to which we will return later, but this is not necessarily impartiality in executing the law nor bias to private investment at the expense of the urban environment and the benefit of the population. The government, represented in the Maspero Company for Real Estate Investment that is owned by the National Bank, Bank Masr and the Governorate of Cairo, has itself purchased lands in the area for the purpose of investment. In this, it plays the role of investor, and hence its support for the investors amounts to support for its own investment interests as well.

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monitoring the performance of the governorate in the past decades, we find that its strategy relies on leaving the area to erosion and preventing it from development pressuring the residents to leave, followed by swift forced evictions carried out by the police disinfecting spaces of land over a period of time. The governorate exercises this strategy through refraining from issuing building or renovating permits until the houses are severely damaged and their occupants are left by no other choice than leaving, which often happens with ceilings tumbling on the heads of residents especially in the winter season with the falling of rain. This position, of course, frustrates the residents who began to demand from the governorate to provide suitable alternatives for them. In light of the governorate’s lack of means (or lack of will), it has provided a few apartments in the 6th of October city, which have been refused by most of the residents for being far from their sources of livelihood, and for having no services or transportation facilities. This has led the residents to obstruct the traffic of the Corniche road several months ago in an attempt to make themselves heard and to pressure the governorate to negotiate with them and provide alternative housing in Maspiro. This is when the governorate promised them of building the 64 residential towers. Despite the residents’ approval of the offer as the best that they can get, the problem persists since the government does not seem to be serious in this solution, let alone that the land it owns is not big enough. The government’s primary aim was investment, while the pattern of public housing that it has adopted since 60 years does not offer economic returns. This, in addition to the fact that the space promised by the government for building the residential towers is not sufficient according to a study that we have conducted. The ISDF is one other governmental agency related to the case. Among its duties is to set a definition of slums (informality), to divide informal areas according to the degree of danger they represent,

Government The government has many arms; usually the word government implies ministries that form it, but what mainly concern us here are the entities that are directly related to the case, being primarily the governorate and then the Informal Settlements’ Development Fund (ISDF). As we mentioned, the governorate plays 2 roles; it plays the role of the investor in addition to its original role as caretaker of the public interest, facilitator of an appropriate living environment and provider of basic services to the inhabitants of the governorate including the residents of the neighborhood. Perhaps, this duality explains very well the position of the government regarding the neighborhood, making its evacuation an ideal solution. On one hand it realizes its direct economic interests, and on the other, it is consistent with its bias for investment activities at the expense of governmental services, for private activity at the expense of public space, and for providing services in return for material benefit at the expense of their provision as equitable public amenities. The governorate (as government) views the area as an appropriate place for a ‘central business district’, which can be seen in the project that won the competition that it organized for the redevelopment of downtown (Wust El-Balad) in which Maspero was described as the main administrative neighborhood. This can be seen again in the targeted scheme of the area displayed on the official website of the governorate, which does not differ from the investment pattern that the investor is expected to follow. What remains ahead of the government is the problem of existing residents in the neighborhood. Although they do not own the land, yet their large numbers, relationship to the place in which they have built their homes and their presence in the heart of Cairo makes their eviction a difficult process. In

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and then to take the necessary measures with them either through development, demolition or relocation. In our meeting with the head of the fund in 2013, he assured to us that the area is not considered to be informal, and is thus beyond the scope of the fund. However, we were able to put our hands on a document issued by him that proves including the neighborhood among informal areas. The importance of this document was not only in revealing that it conflicts with the head of the fund’s statement, but in the interesting discovery that it outlined a large part of the neighborhood as a danger zone, entailing its evacuation from residents, and having the same boundaries as those of the Kuwaiti company’s property lines. This is a strong indication to the governmental fund’s support to the investors, and to the government’s exploitation of the fund to support particular investment interests, becoming a political and economic tool rather than one that services the public benefit as is supposed.

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MASPERO DIARY

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research presenting the anatomy of one of the unique neighborhoods of Cairo. These are a genre of studies that Cairo lacks, a challenge that the project team has faced from the beginning. As we set out to start the research with information about the Maspero Triangle, we discovered serious deficiency of information and studies whether in governmental sources or published research in quantity and type, which contradicts with the importance of the area as a model for the housing and livelihood of the low-income and the modest employees of Cairo over the course of a century.

So far, we have stood upon the causes of the problem, its size and different parties. It is clear there is a dissimilarity in interests that produces different visions and projects for intervention, which in turn depend on the power of each relevant party and not necessarily their rights. And since we seek in this project to present an urban and architectural vision other than that of the investorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; projects or the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s reconcilements, it was necessary to build such vision on sound foundations from the facts on the ground. This need can be easily understood if the presented vision will tend to develop the neighborhood by building on the existing urban environment, which could very well be our decision seeing that property ownership has become fragmented and many residents have a strong desire to remain.

4.4 A Need for Intervention

However, even if we tend to provide alternative housing, urban and architectural studies remain the basis for the design to suit their residents, building on our conviction of the failure of adopting generalized and repeated designs like those provided by the government since the 1950s without consideration to the specificities of the resident, the community, the site and others. Besides being primarily to understand the area with the intention for design intervention, these studies remain of documentation value that benefits scientific

Methodology of Urban and Architectural Studies The project team believes that urban and architectural studies must not end at studying the physical presence of the built environment, but they must extend to how it is used, lived, the changes that it has passed through as well as its demographic and social backgrounds. Therefore, the studies mix between the quantitative and the qualitative according to need, with an inclination towards qualitative studies due to the nature of the research. They produce the basic urban information like maps for land use, heights, existing conditions and structure in addition to the date of construction, based on researchersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; estimates and dividing the structures over 4 time periods.

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The studies are divided in 2 main sections: Urban and Architectural. The urban studies include street uses, furnishing, and the distribution of activities and their material and social permeability. The architectural studies include prevailing residential patterns, structure systems, with attention on how residents appropriate their living spaces through division, furnishing and instantaneous alterations in use.

In gathering information, the studies have relied on the little available from the government as well as urban researches which was not an easy task especially in dealing with official entities that were not welcoming, but suspicious. Therefore the greater reliance was on field information from the site through observation, statistics, resident queries and through the paperwork they hold.

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5.0 Understanding Urban Fabric

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Urban Transformations

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Visual study Entryways and main points of assembly: There are 3 main assembly points. They are: entry and exit of 6th October Bridge to Abdel Moneim Riyadh Square and exit of Abu El-Ela Bridge and 15th May bridge. As for entrances, the area has no clear entrances from Cornich El Nil street. It has two entrances from AlGalaa street; from Abu Taleb street and Zahr Al-Gemal street, they visually unclear. It also has two entryways from 26th July Street and they have a landmark, one from Zahr El-Gamal Street and the other from Al-Establat street, where Ali Baba Cinema is located.

Studying the current situation, the following is concluded: There are unattached and unused parts on the Nile side and such parts are not connected.

There are 3 landmarks represent visually strong and clear skyline, however it has unused parts.

3 4 3 4

6 5

Visual Features. By: Gatewat Studio

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Traffic and Road Network Study The Traffic and Road Network Study aims at better understanding the Maspero Triangle and the relationships existing between its constituent elements. This study tackles the current condition of the traffic and road network in the Development Area through providing a functional study of the surrounding roads and accessibility. This includes studying intersections and blocks, percentage of roads occupied by activities and the time spent to arrive to residential blocks. This study identifies strengths and weaknesses of the current traffic network and helps in the generation of potential solutions.

Functional Hierarchy of Traffic Network

This study tackles the functions of different streets in the area in terms of their connection to the surround surrounding streets and service roads. Additionally, it illustrates main arterial roads connecting the main entry points of the area, namely, El-Establat Street connecting 26th of July Street from the East to Conriche El-Nil Street from the West, and Abu Talib Street connecting El-Establat Street from the North to El-Galaa Street from the South.

Functional Hierarchy of Traffic Network Visual Features. By: Gatewat Studio

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Roads and connectors around Maspero

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5.1 Street Morphologies

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5.2 Street Typologies

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Street Samples

The studied street samples constitute a variety that covers the area geographically, as well as covers different levels of streets and movements, and they include the following: Al-Istablat St Ibn Yazy St El-Sheikh Ali St Galal St Omar Ibn Qotbeya St El-Armanty St Morsy El-Zayyat Alley Jerkes wa Helmy St Mohamed Jaheen St Hassan Abdulsamei’ Alley Abu Taleb St ‘Eshash Jerkes St Geneinet Jerkes St Habboub Alley Mohamed Qasem St Zahr El-Gammal St Sahel El-Ghelal St El-Nozha Alley

Streets Classes Internal streets of the area were divided into 4 classes according to the following: Level of street activity relation to the area Street permeability in rela Linkage to external streets Level of allowance to strangers Class 1 The class that is considered to be most important, and it includes 4 streets (AlIstablat, Abu Taleb, ‘Eshash Jerkes, Sahel El-Ghelal) that are characterized by the following: Highest degree of commercial activity alongside residential buildings. Abu Taleb St is particularly characterized by high permeability since it is the only street in the area that crosses it from south to north. ‘Eshash Jerkes St has similar importance since it passes in the area from east to west, though without crossing it. The 4 streets are directly connected to main external streets that surround the area (El-Galaa, 26th of July and El-Cornice)

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It is natural for strangers to use these streets, especially Al-Istablat St and Sahel El-Ghelal St since they are considered to be commercial markets for the employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Maspero as well as those passing in the 26th of July St. Abu Taleb St is slightly different as it has a lower degree of passing strangers than the other streets.

Class 2 They are residential streets that have a largely commercial character, and they include 4 streets (Galal, Jerkes wa Helmy, Suleiman Habboub, Zahr El-Gammal) that are characterized by the following: tions of daily commercial activities that require to be positioned in places near to markets Concentrations on the edges. These streets pass through a large part of the area but they do not cross it, except for Zahr ElGammal St which crosses the area from El-Galaa St in the south to the 26th of July St in the east. They have ve no connections with main external streets, except for Zahr El-Gammal St. Some strangers pass in those streets, but they are not considered as the normal pattern of users.

Class 3 They are residential streets that are permeated with some commercial and typical activities, and they include 4 streets (Omar Ibn Qotbeya, El-Sheikh Ali, El-Armanty, Geneinet Jerkes) that are characterized by the following: The presence of some daily commercial activities (El-Sheikh Ali, El-Armanty) as well as typical ones like car-repair workshops (Omar Ibn Qotbeya, Geneinet Jerkes). None of these streets cross the area. None of these streets are connected to external externa streets, except for Omar Ibn Qotbeya which intersects with the 26th of July St. The amount of strangers passing in Omar Ibn Qotbeya Qotbey and Geneinet Jerkes is higher than that of ElSheikh Ali and El-Armanty due to their type of activities (car-repair) and to their locations on the edges of the area.

Class 4 Alleys that are entirely residential without any commercial activity, most of which being dead-ended and they include 2 streets (Al-Nozha, Morsy El-Zayyat) that are characterized by the following: They are purely residential streets without any commercial activities. They do not enjoy any permeability since they are dead-ended. None of these streets intersect with external streets that surround the area. No strangers pass in these streets for they are closed upon their residents only. Degrees of Movement The streets in the area have been divided into 5 degrees of movements according to the following: Type of transport vehicles in the street and breadth of the field of movement Speed of movement Degrees of movement could change in one given street due to the following: Change in breadth of the field of movement Linkage to external streets

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Degree 1 (Trucks/Lorries) Field of movement is very wide accommodating all transportation means to pass, from motorcycles to trucks and lorries. Speed of movement is high, though not as high as in main external streets (El-Galaa, 26th of July and El-Cornice)

Degree 2 (Microbuses and Pick-up Trucks) Field ield of movement is wide accommodating many transportation means to pass, from motorcycles to microbuses and pick-up trucks. Speed of movement is medium, due to the congestion of these streets with different commercial activities.

Degree 3 (Cars) ield of movement is medium accommodating the use of bicycles, motorcycles and cars. Field Speed of movement is weak, due to the spread of activities on the sides and because they are mainly used by the residents of the area.

Degree 4 (Tuktuks and Motorcycles) ield of movement is narrow accommodating only pedestrian, bicycle, tuktuk and motorcycle use. Field Speed of movement is weak, because most of these streets are internal and residential with commercial activities spreading on the sides.

Degree 5 (Pedestrian and Bicycles) ield of movement is extremely narrow accommodating only pedestrian use and sometimes bicycles. Field Speed of movement is barely non-existent, since these are residential streets that do not have any commercial activities, and because their widths are very narrow barely allowing the use of pedestrians and motorcycles.

Studies on Street Activities Studying street activities is done through examining various existing patterns of activity within each street. The streets in the Maspero Triangle area are vibrant with altering patterns of activity, fields of movement and degrees of mobility within the single street. The study monitors these alterations through photography, sectional drawings and various orthographic projections for every street in order to identify types and urban patterns of activities in the area.

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First Sample: The entrance to the neighborhood from the 26th of July St, the street contains a microbus parking station that causes congestion in addition to the presence of a coffee shop. It is considered among the important and vital entrances to the area.

It is an important street that connects Galaa St to the 26th of July St. However, the permeability of the street decreased after barbed wire was placed at its end. It is a vibrant street owing to its coffee shops, market, mobile phone retailers and parking lots. Daily income for most of the shops and the market relies on the employees of the Maspero building, making the street more vital during weekdays and less so in weekends. It is a wide street whose flow of movement permits the passage of cars and Âź pickup trucks. In its beginning from the 26th of July St, considered to be an entrance for the neighborhood, there is a microbus parking station that causes congestion.

Al-Istablat St

Second Sample: The middle of the street tends to be quieter compared to the entrance, with less traffic after its permeability was compromised due to the barbed wire at its end; there are also a group of mobile phone retailers.

Third Sample: The vitality of the street towards its end is relatively restored due to several activities of various commercial stores and others that are furnished outdoors. A parking yard surfaced since the introduction of barbed wire which has prevented the movement of vehicles.

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Jerkes wa Helmy St

First Sample: The sample was taken in the most active point in the street, gathering an outlet for the distribution of subsidized supplies and a bicycle shop beside a table of pool. The path of movement is left with enough space for barely a car to pass slowly due to the density of inhabitants in the place. The sample is also characterized by various overhang coverings of trees and fabric with noticeable decorations and lightings hung between the buildings.

The street connects 2 of the most important streets in the area (El-Armanty and Abu Taleb). It is considered to be among the most active streets in the neighborhood with several daily services, workshops and recreational facilities like bicycle renting, billiards and PlayStation venues.

Second Sample: The middle of the street where food vending is concentrated, it gathers a cart for Hummus El-Sham in front of a cart for pasta. The field of movement is wide enough for a car to pass without stopping frequently.

Third Sample: The field of movement in this part is wide enough to permit the passage of a Â˝ truck due to the reduced presence of daily services and the appearance of car-repair workshops extending from their presence in Abu Taleb St.

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Mohamed Shaheen Alley The street has a generally quiet residential character except for a part in the middle where it is penetrated with commercial activities and small yards through which the direction of the street is altered.

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Second Sample: A small yard permeating the street leading to complete alteration in its shape and path; it contains a water tap, seating block and a tree for shading.

First Sample: A very small vegetable market intersects with the street creating a congested area in the middle of the quiet residential street.

Third Sample: The third part of the street is a quiet residential segment whose street is among the narrowest in the area. It is permeated with 3 small yards, and its field of movement allows only pedestrians and bicycles.

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First Sample: At the end of the street, the field of movement narrows noticeably because of the water warehouse that furnishes outdoor and the scrap-metal workshops that accumulate their piles outside. There is also the bread kiln that adds to the congestion of the area limiting the field of movement to pedestrian and motorcycles.

Branching off Abu Taleb St, it expands in its beginning and narrows near its end due to the presence of warehouses on both sides that utilize the street as an extension for storage, which results in the narrowing of the field of movement to a large degree. In its beginning, it allows the passage of cars and Âź pickup trucks while at its end, use is limited to pedestrians, bicycles and motorcycles.

Galal St

Second Sample: The street broadens in its beginning, but a furniture workshop that piles its work outdoors and a housewaresâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; store that furnishes on the sidewalk both lead to the narrowing of the street, yet still allowing the passage of cars and Âź pick-up trucks. Pedestrian movement is relatively calm.

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First Sample: In this sample, located between Galal St and Al-Istablat St, the street is more vibrant; women sit on the side of the street to exchange conversations, facing on the other side a housewaresâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; store and another for consumable supplies (kherdawat). Pedestrian movement is thus active and the field of movement allows the passage of cars and Âź pick-up trucks.

The street connects between Al-Istablat St in the north and Jerkes wa Helmy St in the south, divided into 2 parts at the intersection with Galal St. The part closer to Al-Istablat St is more active due to commercial and daily activities alongside a few workshops, while the part closer to Jerkes wa Helmy St is relatively less active with a residential character. Therefore, only 2 samples were taken from the street one in each of the 2 parts.

El-Sheikh Ali St

Second Sample: A residential character is predominant in this part of the street with fewer services. The sample was taken at a copper workshop in a building of a unique character that contains Mashrabeyas with valuable ornamentations. The street is divided between a warehouse and a space occupied by the workshop leaving a medium field of movement that is sufficient for tuktuks or motorcycles only.

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Abu Taleb St

First Sample: This part is the entrance of the street from the south as Abu Taleb St intersects with El-Galaa St. This sample shows the existing pattern of activity in that part of the street; a beansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; cart and its mode of furnishing in front of it appears in the section, as well as the neighboring coffee shop that appears in the plan showing how it interacts with the street space.

One of the most important in the area, Abu Taleb is the only street that crosses it from the south, intersecting with El-Galaa St, to the north, intersecting with Al-Istablat St. It contains several various patterns of activity, and thus 3 samples were taken from it.

Second Sample: It is the most vibrant part of the street owing to its proximity to the intersection with â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Eshash Jerkes St, one of the main markets in the area causing the spread of daily services. The sample was taken in the part where the coffee shop and the local bread kiln are located, with the field of movement narrowing as is shown in the plan and section.

Third Sample: Calm prevails in the middle of the street in comparison with its beginning from the 26th of July St and its end at Al-Istablat St. This sample is predominated with tin and car-repair workshops that furnish outside of their shops on the other side of the street, in addition to parked cars waiting for repair. The remaining movement space allows still for the passage 2 cars.

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First Sample: Relative calm prevails in this sample compared to the others. There is a coffee shop that furnishes on both sides of the street, though in the morning it is less dense resulting in decreased pedestrian movement. The path allows for the passage of bicycles, motorcycles and tricycles.

One of the important streets, it links the area from the west (Zahr El-Gammal) to the east (Abu Taleb) constituting a spine for the area. In addition, it is an important commercial street for daily goods used by most residents to accommodate their daily needs. The path of movement is thus predominated by pedestrians and tricycles that transport goods between shops.

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Eshash Jerkes St

Second Sample: The street widens to an extent in this sample, retaining its vitality with a beansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; cart vending in the morning until noon, a tea-vending spot and a butcher. These activities result in increased pedestrian movement in the street. The path allows only for the passage of tricycles, bicycles and motorcycles. Third Sample: Street activity increases in this sample due to the existence of a number of daily goodsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; shops and a mobile phone retailer. Most of them are furnished outside resulting in decreased mobility, reducing the path of movement to bicycles, motorcycles and increased pedestrian flow.

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Geneinet Jerkes St

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First Sample: The streetâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s vitality increases in this sample compared to others since it is the entrance from Sahel El-Ghelal, where a pasta cart is located with seats for people to sit and eat. There is also a vegetable warehouse on the other side of the street.

It is a street that connects Sahel El-Ghelal St with Habboub Alley; the beginning of the street from the side of Sahel El-Ghelal is generally more active due to the vitality of Sahel ElGhelal which in turn affects Geneinet Jerkesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s beginning. However, it calm down as you go through it with movement being limited to pedestrians, motorcycles and passing cars.

Second Sample: Calm prevails in this part of the street as there are no activities that deal with the public, while there are spare-parts stores, factories and parking lots on the side of the street.

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Zahr El-Gammal St

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First Sample: The street widens with a square in this part; there is a mosque, an auto body repair workshop and parking lots on the sides of the street. It is generally calm but becomes relatively crowded during prayer times due to the existence of the mosque with above-head coverings to serve the congregation.

It is an important street that connects the area from the 26th of July St to El-Galaa St; its beginning from El-Galaa is calm despite the existence of a small coffee shop, a store for daily goods and an auto body repair. It has more movement, though, during prayer times as there is a mosque near the yard whose sides are used as parking lots. The street is characterized by a large number of variant coffee shops, in addition to workshops for the craft of making bamboo chairs. It starts becoming congested near its end at the 26th of July St with the appearance of the used garments tradesmen as well as car traffic.

Second Sample: The street branches in this part to Zahr ElGammal’s extension and Hassan Abdul-Samei’ St, where a coffee shop is located, having few users and thus not causing congestion.

Third Sample: The street is more active in this part, with the arrival of shops –concentrated in this area – where the bamboo chair craft is practiced, furnished on the other side of the street making use of the above-head street coverings.

Fourth Sample: The end of the street becomes active when it intersects with the 26th of July St, as used garments tradesmen and car traffic appear before the street ultimately calms once again. There is a coffee shop in the street and another one around the corner, adding vitality and pedestrian movement to its flow.

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First Sample: The sample is taken next to the car tires repair workshop, which usually serves the microbuses passing in the street. It thus occupies a part where it lays out tires, and where cars stop momentarily to adjust their tire pressure before moving quickly away.

As you look at the map of the Maspero Triangle, you can at first glance observe the difference in the urban fabric of Ibn Yazy St compared to the rest of the area. It is among the streets of the edges, parallel to the 26th of July St, and is considered as an escape exit for microbuses at times of congestion. With land lots that are much bigger in surface area than the rest of the triangle, the streets contains several buildings of special character. The street is considered as an extension for the garment trade activities in the 26th of July St with many warehouses for clothe, in addition to having a number of auto repair workshops. The small streets that connect Ibn Yazy to the 26th of July St are closed with metal chains and used as space for displaying clothes to be sold.

Ibn Yazy St

Second Sample: The sample was taken to illustrate the use of streets that are perpendicular to Ibn Yazy, connecting it to the 26th of July St. They are closed streets that are used as extension to garment stores in the 26th of July St. An itinerant beans vendor is furnished on a part of the street as a morning eating place serving the workers of the neighborhood. Third Sample: It is a crossroads in the street, beside a government buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fence that is not used except for cars parking parallel to it. Opposite to the fence on the other side, there is an auto body repair workshop which uses an area in front of it for the entrance and exit of cars in and out of the workshop.

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Omar Ibn Qotbeya St

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First Sample: Street activity increases in this part since it is considered to be an entrance to the area from the 26th of July St. There is a mezzanine coffee shop around the corner, a bread kiln, in addition to the constant traffic of microbuses which leads to increased car and pedestrian movement.

One of the large streets of the area, its length is divided into 3 sections with Omar Ibn Qotbeya in its beginning, El-Nozha alley in the middle and Morsy El-Zayyat alley at the end. Its beginning is an escape route for microbuses coming from the 26th of July St, causing traffic jams to occur. One side of the street is commercial with high residential buildings, while the other is composed of 1 or 2-storey workshops which reduce the path of movement. Car traffic becomes non-existent in El-Nozha and Morsy El-Zayyat alleyways as they narrow down. The street buildings are special and distinctive to it.

Second Sample: Street activity increases because of the auto repair workshops which utilize the space in front of it in parking cars in need of repair, as well as spare parts. A microbus station is located in this area, whose movement is jammed causing congestion as passersby lie in wait for a ride and pedestrian movement is increased. Third Sample: The street in this sample is calmer than the previous 2 samples; pedestrian movement decreases, car traffic becomes nearly nonexistent and parking lots are abundantly available. There is also a workshop that is furnished indoors and does not encroach on the street.

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The streetâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s width is narrow so that the path of movement allows only for the passage of pedestrians and motorcycles. However, its vitality increases to an extent near a vegetable store furnished in the street beside a grocery store leading to a decreased movement field. The street in this area is covered, and demolished areas are not used except for the tossing of garbage.

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El-Nozha Alley

The path of movement does not allow except for the passage of pedestrians, bicycles and motorcycles due to the narrow width of the street. A poultry store causes stinking odors in the alley and furnishes outdoor leading to a decrease in the path of movement. The street is calm and it is considered the extension of Omar Ibn Qotbeya St.

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Morsy El-Zayyat Alley

The ending of Omar Ibn Qotbeya St, it narrows down allowing the passage of pedestrians, bicycles and motorcycles only. Wooden planks on the sides result in a decrease in the path of movement. A water tap increases the vitality of the alley with conversing women cooking and washing beside it. There is also a building of a unique architectural character.

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Hassan Abdulsameiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Alley First Sample: The path of movement in this street does not allow the passage of cars; calm and lack of pedestrian movement are its prevalent characters. A carpenter furnishes in the street, near to the headquarter office of the Kuwaiti company.

Second Sample: The street here is more vibrant as it branches off Zahr El-Gammal St, becoming the meeting point of 2 streets alongside a grocery store causing a relatively increased pedestrian movement in the area. Car traffic is non-existent.

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Mohamed Qasem St First Sample: The street is characterized by extreme calm despite being an entrance from â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Eshash Jerkes St. There is a charitable organization and poultry shop that furnishes outdoors resulting in a decrease in the path of movement being limited to pedestrians, bicycles and motorcycles.

Second Sample: From the side of El-Galaa St, this sample is dominated with wreckages and ruined land plots that are unused except in the tossing of garbage. Near its end, there is a closed workshop that is unused and whose main entrance is from El-Galaa St.

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Habboub Alley

Characterized by relative calm in pedestrian movement due to its activities, the alley is dominated with auto body repair workshops. One such workshop is furnished outdoors in the beginning of the alley, narrowing the path of movement within it. At the end of the street, a family shepherds goats and sheep.

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5.3 Appropriation of Public Space

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Traditional neighbourhood uses are the dominant in the core area as daily ser services, crafts and residential buildings. There is a distinctive difference between the core area and the surrounding, where it is used mainly as highly adminstra adminstrative uses with a drastic different scale and character. There is a concentration of food shops near the adminstrative buildings to attract emplyees in lunch time. 26th of July street acts as a commercial spine on the city level, as it attracts different income groups to do shopping there. Galaa street sector is dominated by car repair shops, as it attracts users from downtown and Zamalek.

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In old unplanned area we find no trace of planning theories that stands for the need to separate the activities and confined by an activity or two for each space. In such areas, we find several uses for the vacuum General asserting itself through furniture. This study aims to display the furniture in the streets of Maspero as a way to better understand the live patterns and the role of the street. The study was divided into sections according to the type of job performed by the street and then within each sections a set of images as examples for furniture indicative of the existence of this function. It has been found diversity in street furniture between what is owned by a person or a family or a house and what is public as building corners used for prayer, also varies between what is fixed and what is moving throughout the day and how this collaboration works, and also shows what is the single- use or multi

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Street as a place for sitting

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Street as a place for sitting

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Street as a place for sitting

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We find this case, due to the lack of water supply in some houses, so there is those water tapes in the street for people to use . Street as a space for water supply

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Street as a restaurant/eatery

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Street as a mosque

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Street as Stockade

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Street as a place for occasions

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Street as a play ground

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Street as a cafe

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6.0 Understanding Architecture

Photo by, Aly Mohamed Ahmed

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6.1 Units and Buildings Typologies

Patterns of Residential Buildings The study aims to identify the diverse set of patterns existing in the area, through the description and classification of existing patterns and their distinctive traits. Patterns were identified based on the difference in key design specifications, like the position of vertical connections, ventilation and drainage ducts, service elements and their connection to residential units as well as the distribution of units in the floors. Having identified the different patterns, one model was selected from each pattern for study and review. It should be noted that there are other patterns that exist but were excluded, due to their extreme specificity, abnormality, non-recurrence or because they share similar characteristics with one or more of the selected group of patterns. The study presents a demonstration and an analysis of the distinctive characteristics of each pattern in terms of the original design â&#x20AC;&#x201C;which was the basis for selectionâ&#x20AC;&#x201C; and in terms of use, including examples of how shared spaces are utilized, like the building entrance, staircase and duct or whichever present among them. The change in use of each throughout the day is then monitored. The study also presents the variations that have occurred on the identified patterns across time, in design, use or additional annexations. The following models will be displayed:

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Single Unit Dwelling Among the widespread models in the area, most buildings were originally designed to accommodate a single unit per floor. With alterations that have taken place by users, each room was rented separately. However, these rooms still have 1 shared door and a collective living space with shared services as well, making it closer to being a pensione.

El-Rab’ A building that is not recurrent in the area and having a special character, as most living in a Rab’ know each other and have strong linkages among one another. It is a building divided to many rooms in each floor, with each floor having shared water. It differs, though, from the Single Unit dwelling in that it doesn’t contain shared living spaces. The residents of the area call it a Mogamma’ (complex).

Multiple Rooms Dwelling This model can be considered as the most widespread. It is a building that does not exceed 3 floors, each floor having a separate room, each room being an independent residential unit with shared services. It differs from the Single Unit dwelling in that it doesn’t contain shared living spaces, and in the lack of privacy for each floor.

Single Family Dwelling This model differs in its design as the building can extend vertically or horizontally. In the case of vertical extension, multi-story houses are inhabited by households of the same family. As a result, shared spaces are generated for sitting and conversing. The door of the house usually has a special lock, making it similar to the villa model that has recently become conventional. In the case of horizontal extension (as will be demonstrated), each family dwells in one of the rooms of the house and they all share operational spaces like that of washing or drying clothe. Multiple Units per Floor Dwelling It is a conventional model that is widespread in many other areas, and can be considered to be recent in relation to the area’s buildings. It is a multi-story building, with each floor containing a number of units, and each unit containing 3-4 spaces and private services.

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Multiple Rooms Dwelling

Main building components: the building is composed of 2 floors, Ground and First, on a 64m2 surface area. Ground Floor: composed of 2 residential units, 12m2 each, and a shared bathroom. In addition, there is an entrance, staircase and distribution space. First Floor: a single residential unit containing 2 rooms, a bathroom, and space for living and cooking. The total surface area of the unit is 44m2. Vertical connections and entrances: the building contains a staircase and an entrance on a 21m2 surface area. There is no ventilation or lighting for these spaces except through the entrance door, causing unpleasant odors. Ventilation and lighting of residential units: Ground Floor: the unit that overlooks the street contains an opening for ventilation and lighting, while the internal unit does not contain any openings due to the adhesion of its wall to that of the bathroom. The only opening is thus the door that opens to the staircase. First Floor: all spaces of this floor contain window openings. The main living space and the main bedroom both contain large windows overlooking the street, while the internal room contain a window that overlooks the stairwell.

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Main building components: the building is considered to have a distinctive location, as it contains 2 faรงades on 2 wide streets allowing for residential balconies in typical floors. The building is composed of 3 floors, Ground, First and Second, on a 120m2 surface area. There are 2 ducts for ventilation and lighting in the building with a total surface area of 10m2. Each floor contains a separate residential unit with an independent front door, opening on a 15m2 distribution space. The unit is composed of 3 rooms, a bathroom and a kitchen. The ground floor differs from the typical floors in having commercial units attached to it. Vertical connections and entrances: the main entrance of the dwelling is from the western wall of the building, with no space for the entrance. There is a 2-flight staircase, whose ventilation and lighting come from the front door in the ground floor, and from a large window that overlooks the building faรงade in typical floors. Ventilation and lighting of residential units: Ground Floor: due to the presence of commercial units attached to the building, we find that there are no windows in the walls that are common between them. Instead, internal rooms are ventilated through windows that overlook the duct, while other rooms have windows similar to those in the typical floors. Typical Floors: the main distribution space is ventilated through a small window overlooking the duct. Each room is ventilated though medium size windows, while and the corner room contains a large balcony. We can see that this building consists of a single dwelling, or as such it was originally designed. However, the current use of the unit has been altered. Each unit was divided into 3 rooms rented separately, while sharing all services (bathroom, kitchen and common living space). The presence of a front door for this unit provides some privacy. Only the inhabitants of the floor can use its services. As for the ground floor, its corner room has turned into an abandoned shop, while the rest of the rooms are residential as they were.

Single Unit Dwelling

shops

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Main building components: the building consists of 1 floor on a 115m2 surface area. It is a single family dwelling composed of 2 residential units, 42m2 and 22m2, with a common living space and a total common area of 22m2. The building has one entrance, a 10m2 common living space and the roof is used for drying clothes. Vertical connections and entrances: the building entrance is situated on the main street and leads to a 12m2 distribution space. The building contains a 3-flight staircase; in order to reach it from the entrance, the user passes beside a tailor followed by the common living space. Services: the building contains a single bathroom for both units. Ventilation and lighting of residential units: The building does not contain any windows, with top openings as the main and only source of ventilation and lighting. The entrance space is thus ventilated through the front door, while the common living space is ventilated through the door separating it from the open-air staircase. There are 2 main openings for the ventilation of the residential units; the first is atop the living space of the longitudinal unit and the other is atop the living space of the sidelong unit. As for the latter unitâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s bedroom, it is ventilated through a door that opens to the pigeon house. What is noteworthy, however, is that the building is well ventilated. Use of space and its change through time: The use of the main elements does not change much throughout the day; internal rooms continue to be used for sleeping and living spaces for spending time, whereas the main entrance of the dwelling is used as a tailoring place for the mother -- which may cause a noticeable change in the nature of this space rather than the others.

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Main building components: the structural building consists of 4 floors, Ground, Typical and Residential Roof, on a 460m2 surface area. The typical floor is composed of 4 residential units; 2 units of 82m2 each and 2 units of 75m2 each, all placed around a 31m2 distribution space and staircase. The surface area of the distribution space changes according to floor; in the ground floor, we find the entrance and distribution space to be 18m2, while in the residential roof, it amounts to 72m2 used in different activities. The distribution of space changes as well for the roof floor, with several different models like rooms and 2-3 space residential units. Vertical connections and entrances: the building has a big entrance of 47m2, and 1 one staircase that is ventilated through a window opening on the rear duct of the building. Services: Each unit of the residential floors contains 2 bathrooms and a kitchen that are ventilated through the sidelong ducts of the building. As for the residential roof, some units contain their own services while others rely on shared services. Ventilation and lighting of residential units: The residential units of the building can be divided into 2 models; external units (on the building exterior) and internal units. In the typical floors, the external units are ventilated through windows and balconies overlooking the main street while the internal units are ventilated through the rear and sidelong ducts. This results in lack of direct sunlight entering the internal units, compared to the external units whose spaces are submerged with sunlight all day long. As for the ground floor, exterior shops are ventilated through openings (windows and doors) on the street, while internal stores have top openings on the side ducts of the building. The use of space changes in the ground floor and the residential roof; in the ground floor, the bottom of the

staircase is used as a tailorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s place while, on the roof, the distribution space is used for summer time conversation gatherings.

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Multiple Units per Floor Dwelling Typology

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Main building components: the building consists of 4 floors, Ground and 3 floors, on a 193m2 surface area. It is considered a special case since it contains 3 entrances; 2 from the sides and 1 from the middle. The only access to the first floor is from the side entrances, having 2 typical units, each composed of 3 bedrooms, services and a main distribution space. As for the ground floor, it has a special character with different uses, some residential and others administrative. The second and third are typical floors composed of residential units and shared services. Vertical connections and entrances: The building has 3 entrances; the main entrance (in the middle) is the only access to the typical floors, with a surface area of 14m2. As for the side entrances, they are 4m2 each. Services: The ground floor services lie behind the staircase of the building. As for the first floor, each unit has its own private services. Each of the typical floors has 1 bathroom and cooking areas are sometimes limited to stoves located in inhabited rooms. Ventilation and lighting of residential units: The ground floor is a special case, with all units having no source of ventilation except from each unitâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s front door. The first floor is well ventilated, with each room having a window in addition to a middle-sized balcony in the living room. As for the typical floors, each room contains a window being the main source of ventilation. Space use: The use of space in the Rabâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; differ according to floor, ownership and type of activities taking place. In the case of the ground floor, it contains a mosque and a company storage area. As for the main entrance, it contains a room and a seating used throughout the day. The landing of the staircase is used as an entrance to the 3 residential units.

El-Rabâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

The patterns presented may, at many times, differ from the conventional in the design of housing units. However, they display diverse and, occasionally, creative

El Rabâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Typology

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examples that have not been introduced by an architectural designer, but have emerged from the need and specific nature of the inhabitants which sum to an architectural translation of the social and economic needs. We can describe the existing patterns as a mixture of 19th century dwellings, as seen in Masr El-Qadeema and El-Sayyeda Zeinab, the older Rabâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; pattern and rural architecture. The intersection of uses in the buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s common spaces is noteworthy, since usually a space has more than a single use. Although this might primarily be driven by poverty and lack of available space, yet it presents the possibility of having multiple uses for a single space with reasonable success. Rarely do we find a building that has retained its original state; there are always physical modifications or alterations in the functions of the spaces and their internal divisions that take place over time.

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The study aims to identify the variety of existing patterns in the area, through classification in terms of unit type and description in terms of the use of space and how it is utilized both horizontally and vertically. This is done through identifying the existing and repetitive patterns in the area, followed by describing their distinctive characteristics. The patterns were identified based on the difference in the number of rooms firstly, based on the availability of other living spaces in the unit secondly, and then on the unitâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s connection to the street. Having identified the different patterns, one model of each pattern is selected for study and review. Living and service spaces vary in units; there are units with and others without services in the same building being studied. Services also vary from one unit to another; bathrooms are shared in some units and are private in others. There are units that lack service spaces, like kitchens, or living spaces, like living rooms. Units vary as well in the way they are connected to the street; there are units that are directly connected to the street through doors or windows, and others that are not â&#x20AC;&#x201C; which may result in ventilation and lighting problems. It should be noted that there are other patterns that exist but were excluded, due to their extreme specificity, abnormality,

6.2 Living in Residential Units

non-recurrence or because they share similar characteristics with one or more of the selected group of patterns. The study presents a demonstration and an analysis of the distinctive characteristics of each pattern in terms of use, including examples of how living spaces are utilized, how rooms are furnished, and the change in their use throughout the day. It then becomes evident how flexible are the units and how innovative are the residents in accommodating their living needs in the space.

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The Units Single Space (without services) Design: The unit consists of 1 space and a shared bathroom. The use of the space is altered throughout the day, with the bed used for sitting in the morning. The unit adapts to respond to the needs of its inhabitants; a small kitchen wardrobe stands beside the closet. There is no place in the unit for cooking, but there is a stove underneath the staircase. The unit has no ventilation or natural lighting.

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Double Space (without services) Design: The unit consists of 2 spaces; one is for living and cooking while the other is for living and sleeping. The unit is inhabited by an old woman whose grandsons occasionally come to stay with her. The spaces of the unit adapt generally throughout the day and specifically on feasts and special occasions to meet the needs of the inhabitant and her grandsons. The unit has good lighting and ventilation.

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Triple Space Design: The unit consists of 3 spaces; 2 of them are for living and sleeping while the third is used as a kitchen. As mentioned by the unit owner, the furniture is used at night for sleeping when visited by her sons in holidays and feasts. The unit has good lighting and ventilation, except for the bathroom. The owner of the unit has done some modifications to the design in order for the bathroom to become inside the unit for added privacy.

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Separate Unit (for a single family) Design: The unit consists of 2 flats; both are in the same floor with one entrance, for a single family (a mother, her son and his family). The mother lives in the first flat, using the entrance as her tailor shop which is directly connected to the street. The unit is ventilated and lit through openings in the ceiling.

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Quadruple Space Design: The unit consists of 4 spaces; 3 of them are used for living and sleeping while the fourth is used as a living space. The internal room is used for receiving the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; relatives coming from Aswan. The unit contains 2 bathrooms, a kitchen and a living space that are ventilated through the building duct. As for the 3 spaces used for living and sleeping, they are lit and ventilated through window openings in the main faĂ§ade.

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Patterns of residential units differ and vary depending on the number of rooms and how they are used. The needs of the residents are often reflected in the way they use the spaces. A single space is used in 2 or 3 different ways, at least, varying throughout the day. A space can be used in living and cooking during the day and in sleeping during the night. As such, the use and design of available furniture differs. On the other hand, vertical spaces are used for storage. Although some units lack utilities, the residents of each multiple unit try to innovate in order to provide for such services. Surface areas of the units vary, as well as their internal divisions. The utilities of a small unit can be similar to those available in a larger one, but the availability of service does not necessarily correspond to its quality.

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The structural systems analysis offers a study of the building construction technology in Maspero, such construction technology at the end of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. As in other areas which were built in the same phase , such as Downtown and the Abbasid and Heliopolis , but the Maspero remain single for them as it is inhabited by people with weaker economic capabilities than reflected in the simplicity of the techniques used , and the Maspero differ from other examples in other element and it was planned and was part of the modernizing projects with visions and is something which did not exist in the Maspero making progress model closer to the community , who built and inhabited . In the study of the region and found what he deserves study on the level of technology , as well as at the level of building materials , and has visions of the study begins sectors in the walls of a number of buildings differ among themselves in terms of systems, construction and building materials to cover most or all of the examples in the region and then study adds after > you offer an analysis of some of the elements and other construction KalihuaĂşt bishop and balconies

6.3 Structural Systems for Buildings

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6.4 Significant Urban Fabric and Buildings

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Archaeological Assessment This study includes an archaeological assessment of the Development Area in terms of its architectural and urban features. The assessment is conducted in accordance with the principles and standards regulating urban harmony of buildings and areas of outstanding value which are ratified by the Supreme Council of Urban Planning and Development by virtue of law No. 119/2008 and its executive regulations, as well as the standards established in the UNESCO›s assessment of heritage values of the urban fabric (2011).

Architectural Assessment of the Development Area

This study provides an assessment of the architectural heritage of the Development Area in line with the principles and standards regulating urban harmony of buildings and areas of outstanding value. Buildings meeting said standards are identified in the study and are recommended to be registered as buildings of historical and outstanding value among already registered ones.

According to the Urban Harmony Guide, a monument is defined as «a building or an establishment of out outstanding historic, symbolic, architectural, artistic, urban or social value. There is a general agreement that buildings and establishments of historical value and outstanding architectural style should:

relationHave public acceptance: they should be accepted by society members who should enjoy a dynamic relation ship with them, thus ensuring their sustainability.

Reflect cultural and social phenomena: they should reflect physical, moral or intellectual phenomena, which occurred during a certain historical era. Be resilient and sustainable: their condition should allow them to be sustainable and to be easily managed.»

monuThe Urban Harmony Guide defined the different values a building should have to be regarded as a monu ment. The study uses these values as standards for the assessment of the Development Area›s architectural heritage. The values mentioned in the Guide are as follows: I: Historical Value:

A building of historical value should be one associated to significant national events from which it derives its significance as part of the city›s memory. Historical value of buildings can be measured using two main indicators as follows: First: Time indicator: the time indicator represents the date on which a building or an establishment was constructed. The older the building or the establishment, the more significant is the indicator and the higher its value gets.

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Second: Moral indicator: this indicator is affected by many factors, most importantly: - The degree to which a building or an establishment reflects the historical era during which it was constructed. - The significance of the historical period to which a building or an establishment belongs. - How rare the architectural style of a building or an establishment is; the rarer the style, the higher the value. - The significance and the historical importance of the event associated to a building or an establishment. - Absence of changes affecting the architectural identity of the building.

II: Unique Architectural Value:

A building of a unique architectural value should be one reflecting ing a unique and creative artistic design. One that was established as a manifestation of certain architectural philosophies, concepts and measures or as a reflection of a certain historical era. Such building also derives its unique architectural value from its unique architectural features and carvings or from its spontaneous architectural style which emerged as a natural byproduct of the local environment in which it existed. III: Urban Value:

A building of a unique urban value should be one deriving its significance significance from its existence in an area that has a special heritage and constitutes a part of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s memory. A building cannot be separated from its urban setting. Therefore, a building should not necessarily be unique to be important. It, rather, derives its significance from its multidimensional relationship with the surrounding buildings and its urban location.

IV: Social and Phsychological Value

deriving its significance from the functions that A building of a unique moral and social value should be one de it serves. Such significance can be measured based on the significance of the functions provided by the building to the community. This value is significantly less in unused buildings. V: Traditional Value

A building of a symbolic value should be one associated to a certain influential figure that had an undeniable effect on the society. This significance might be due to the birth, residence or permanent accommodation of such figure in the building. The building can also be unique if a pioneer architect designed it.

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Evaluation Criteria 1- Historical value Symbolic value

Age of the building( in years)

2- Distinguished architectural character Scientific/ technical value of construction methods

Distinguished architectural style

Distinguished architectural design

An important era in the history of art and architecture*

3- Urban value Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

Part of a distinctive architectural heritage in an integrated urban planning

4- social, psychological value Social values/functions over time

5- Traditional local value Architectural buildings/ materials that reflect the distinctive nature of the place and that are compatible with the climatic circumstances. (vernacular)

Traditional building experiences accumulated through generations of design, construction and crafts

*In relevance to: KAIRO Stadt und Architekturim Zeitalter des europ채ischen Kolonialismus, MOHAMED SCHARABI

By applying the aforementioned standards to buildings in the Development Area, we find that 27 of these buildings meet the standards described in the Urban Harmony Guide and can, therefore, be recommended to be registered as part of a group of buildings of the same nature which were previously registered by NOUH. The following map shows the proposed buildings, in addition to the already registered ones.

Listed Buildings Fitting the Significant Buildings Criteria

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-Location: 5 Ibn-Neyazi street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

-Location: 8 Ibn-Neyazi street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

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- Location: 3 Ibn-Neyazi street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - Traditional building experiences accumulated through generations of design and construction, crafts - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

- Location: 6 Ibn-Neyazi street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - Distinguished architectural design - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

- Location: 68 26th July street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural design - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Traditional building experiences accumulated through generations of design and construction, crafts - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

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Location: 70 26th July street - Age of the building - Social values/functions over time - Symbolic Value - Distinguished architectural design - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art & architecture

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-Location: 92 Abu-Taleb street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

-Location: 13 Sheikh Ali from Abu-Taleb street -Age of the building - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Distinguished architectural style - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods -Traditional building experiences accumulated through generations of design and construction, crafts

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-Location: 2 Sekket Omar Al Sayooti street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

-Location: 5 Sekket Omar Al Sayooti street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture -Traditional building experiences accumulated through generations of design and construction, crafts -Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

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-Location: 16 Omar Ibn Qotbeyya street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods - An important era in the history of art and architecture -Distinguished architectural design

-Location: 70 Zahr El Gammal - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural design - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

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-Location: 66 Zahr El Gammal street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

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-Location: 3 Eshash Sharkas - Age of the building - Scientific/ technical value of construction methods - Distinguished architectural style - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods - Distinguished architectural style

-Location: 6 Sheikh Soliman street - Age of the building - Symbolic Value -Distinguished architectural design - Distinguished architectural style - Social values/functions over time

fo at

- Location: 26 Atta Ahmad street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural design - Distinguished architectural style - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods -Traditional building experiences accumulated through generations of design and construction, crafts - Scientific/ technical value of construction methods - Location: 20 Galaa street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Symbolic Value - Social values/functions over time

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- Location: 20 Galaa street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Symbolic Value - Social values/functions over time

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-Location: 2 Mohamed Jaheen street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style- An important era in the history of art and architecture - Scientific/ technical value of construction methods - Distinguished architectural design -Traditional building experiences accumulated through generations of design and construction, crafts - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

-Location: 1 Mohamed Jaheen street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Distinguished architectural design - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods -Location: 7 Darwish alley - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style -Symbolic value - Scientific/ technical value of construction methods - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

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-Location: 7 Darwish alley - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style -Symbolic value - Scientific/ technical value of construction methods - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods

-Location: 39 Istablat street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - Distinguished architectural design - Scientific/ technical value of construction methods - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods - An important era in the history of art and architecture -Traditional building experiences accumulated through generations of design and construction, crafts

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-Location: 44 Sharkas and Helmi street - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods - An important era in the history of art and architecture

-Location: 9 Morsy al zayat alley - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - Heritage buildings integrated in terms of forms and construction methods - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Scientific/ technical value of construction methods -Traditional building experiences accumulated through generations of design and construction, crafts

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-Location: Armantyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mosque, Shafiee street corner - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - Symbolic value - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Scientific/ technical value of construction methods - Social values/functions over time

- Water company - Age of the building - Distinguished architectural style - Symbolic value - An important era in the history of art and architecture - Social values/functions over time

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Study based on the criteria of UNESCO World Urban Heritage Center. Urban Regeneration Project for Historic Cairo, 2012

1) Persistence of historical street alignments This point refers to studying any recess or addition to the building at the ground floor level. You can verify this alignment initially through viewing urban surveying maps and then comparing it with the real situation during site visits, given the front line of the neighboring buildings. Comparing nearby buildings may be misleading when there are several buildings on the same street added or rebounded back, making it difficult to identify any changes in the alignment of the street. Note that non-alignment is required to understand the changes that have occurred in the building and on the street. There are three possibilities: Ongoing: The building front lines are following the street edge, like the maps. Added: The building is projected over the street edge. Recessed: The building was recessed backwards than the street edge. Additions and recesses affect the horizontal alignment and the continuity of the original boundaries of the street, which, by turn, presents a risk to the historic urban fabric.

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Abu El Leila Hamlet

Eshas Sharkas Street, Old

Al Sheikh Ali Hamlet

Istablat Street

Eshas Sharkas Street, 2013

Armanty street

Sheikh Ali street

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Zahr El Gammal Street, Old

Sharkas Hamlet

Zahr El Gammal Street, 2013

Hassan abdulSameeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

Abo Taleb Street

Zahr El Gammal Street

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It is noticed that, most of the hamletsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; streets maintained their original building alignment, or a very few building projections appeared.

2) Persistence of traditional land subdivision patterns

This refers to the continuity of land division patterns in reference to their history and to the width of the plots overlooking the street facades. Partial land subdivision checking is necessary because it affects the pattern of the urban fabric, as it affects the spatial hierarchy and consistency of street facades. - Degree one: traditional land division patterns have been preserved or slightly modified. - Degree two: traditional land division patterns are mostly preserved. - Degree three: traditions land division patterns totally altered by unorganized urban development.

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Masperoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s triangle 2013

Masperoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s triangle 1937

It is noted that most of the hamlets are under the category of degree one.

3) Continuity and compactness of urban fabric

Continuity here refers to the morphological features of the basic fabric of urban history. Evaluating this refers to the presence or absence of free plots of land, which represents tore in the urban fabric, especially along the main axes. Degree one: No empty land plots or demolished buildings. Degree two: a small percentage of empty land plots or demolished buildings. Degree three: large empty land plots, a big percentage of demolished buildings.

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degree one degree two degree three

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Ibn Qotbeyya street Photos by Madd Platform

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Hassan Abdel Sameeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Alley

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4) Activities and the uses of urban spaces This refers to the presence or absence of activities and uses in urban spaces. This by turn will demonstrate the vitality and identity of hamletsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Economic and social perspective. Also, the availability of retail stores and traditional markets and crafts workshops, public and community services.

Daily needs Car maintenance services Industrial workshops Leisure activities It is noted that different activities spread over the zone. Although, some activities may have a negative influence; their continuity represent the vitality, liveliness and the persistence of the intangible values of the zone.

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6.5 Architectural Features

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Doors

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Windows

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Ornaments

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8.0 8.1 8.2

Participatory Design Methodology for Intervention Re-picturing Maspero

9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3

Not Parallel Anymore A formal Process Final Outcomes Recommendations for Policies

Prepartion for Intervention SWOT Analysis Needs Assessment

7.0 7.1 7.2

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7.1 SWOT Analysis Dimension

Strength

Weak

. High pedestrian accessibility in entrances of the area.

. No side walks in most of the main streets and ne secondary streets.

. Huge residential area that has very poor access t

. Pedestrian and vehicular conflicts on the boarde area (Cornish, 26 of July, El Galaa) makes reaching for pedestrian is hard.

. Good orientation and legibility for local pedestrian . A street hierarchy problem due to the gap betwe through local landmarks in the area, and low legibility for relation between main streets on the boarders of strangers and out comers, due to complicated urban fabric, and entrances, since in many cases the hierarchy b that keeps the area acting as a private residential area. wide street and narrow is drastically sudden.

. Multiple street entry-‐exit points the the area from to sides . Very poor access to the area from the Cornish sid of the triangle. to the security for ministries. . Horizontal integration due to the distribution of movement.. . Poor vehicular paths due to narrow streets . Strong connections between local street grids the . Traffic congestion between vehicles on the board provides flexibility. . Pedestrian/ vehicular conflicts in 26th of July stre to the informal market. . Parking spaces problem

. Poor quality sidewalks in the main roads.

. Very strong access to different means of transportation . Traffic problems on the boarders due to Galaa st (Public busses/ Micro-‐busses/ Metro/ Inter-‐city Bus acting as a transportation hub. Station/ National Train Station/ Nile Busses) . Walking inside the area is the main mean of transportation.. Transit areas for busses and micro-‐busses are no

Transportation Job Opportunity Infrastructure Economy

Operational Aspect

Flow of Movement

Legibility

. Center of Cairo and easily to reach by several means of transportation. . Different entrances to the area, from downtown and Bulaq and Cornish

. Existing local employment opportunities provided by a network of small to medium sized businesses. . Majority of residents are working inside the area, and have family relations between them. That secures jobs for relatives. . Maspero being close to downtown is increasing the job opportunities around the area. . Existing of key physical infrastructure and facilities. . Residents are taking matters into hand in maintaining infrastructure

. Lack of business expansion and attraction strateg create more jobs. . Lack of job opportunities to elders and women.

. Lack of jobs that secure career, as most of the job daily services small enterprises. . Lack of trained workers. . Deterioration of most infrastructure due to lack o follow up from the government.

. Existence of three main economic activities in the area . Unplanned and unorganized street vendors. (Car maintenance/ Junk/ Clothes) . Availability of empty spaces in the are that can . Decrease of the economic ties between the area accommodate a wide range of local enterprises and surrounded areas. business types. . 26th of July market is very successful in attracting diversity . Lack of concern in branding and marketing of the of people from all over Cairo.

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Opportunity

Threat

. Potential to connect the area to the surrounding areas . Conflict between pedestrians and extended markets in through main accesses. 26th of July street. . Low legibility for outcomes and strangers might repel to vehicles.. Potential to extend markets inside the area. them from interacting with the neighborhood, thus the ers of the . Opportunity to preserve the residential neighborhood area economic situation would remain as poor as it is. g the area and open new activities on the boarders once supported by appropriate facilities

de, due

. Opportunity to provide centralized parking facilities.

. Opportunity to open accesses between main streets in ders of the the area. area and connect to other surrounding areas. eet, due

. Low opportunity for vehicles to access to the center of the area, causes a huge threat in cases of emergency

een the the area between

early all

. Potential for public-‐private partnerships to build multi-‐ . The boarders of Maspero are already crowded, so story parking facilities on the boarders of the area. adding new activities that accommodate large number of people, might increase the traffic problem. ot designed.. Abd el Monem Reiad Square is a potential to plan mass transit hub that accommodates other means of transportation beside the public busses. . The area is being close to different means of transportation, is a huge potential for the area to have new activities that can attract new people to the area without falling into the gentrification trap. . Ministries are controlling some streets that if they were opened, a huge traffic problem will be solved. gies to . Opportunity to add new integrated activities to the . Attached activities that attract totally different target residential area. groups, might affect all activities. . If new diverse activities that attract visitors to the area, . Activities that are not culture sensitive might affect more opportunities will be created. people or the activity.

treet is

bs are

of the

a and

. Since the government doesn't follow up and since . Absence of infrastructure maintenance would affect the people are taking the job of maintenance, there is an building structures more. opportunity to make a local company and hire residents . Decline in the earth due to water leakage. to do the job better.

. The area is a potential to be a touristic area, due to significant buildings and unique urban fabric. . An opportunity to develop markets in the area to be authentic market. Ex. Camden market in London.

romote new activities on the boarders of the area. e area as a . pPotential . Potential to integrate different stakeholders in a

. Investors build non sustainable economic activities due to not integrate residents in it. . Decreasing in number of beneficiaries. . Absence of diversity in beneficiaries or gap between users and target groups.

Legibility

. C enter of C nd asily o reach y asily several m eans Nmnplanned o eans side owf alks i. n N ost of he m ain streets and e Existence oairo f three meain the abrea . U and um norganized sitreet vendors. . Caenter oef conomic Ctairo and abectivities to irn each y osf everal o side wtalks n most of the mnain transportation. secondary s treets. (Car maintenance/ Junk/ Clothes) transportation. secondary streets. . . PDoor quality idewalks in the mbain roads.the area . D ifferent entrances to the area, from and downtown Availability of e. mpty spaces in the atre hat acrea, an from ecrease of tshe economic ties etween Different entrances o dtowntown he a nd . Huge residential auge rea rtesidential hat has very poor access . H a rea that has vet Bulaq and Cornish accommodate aBulaq wide arange of local enterprises and surrounded areas. nd Cornish . Pedestrian and . Pvehicular conflicts on the cbonflicts oarde business types. edestrian and vehicular . 2 H6th igh poedestrian a ccessibility i n e ntrances o f t he a rea. area ( Cornish, 2 6 o f J uly, E l G alaa) m akes r eaching f July market ery successful in attracting diversity ack of concern in b(randing f the . High is pvedestrian accessibility in entrances of . tLhe area. area Cornish, a2nd 6 omf arketing July, El Goalaa) for pedestrian is hard. of people from all over Cairo. for pedestrian is hard.

Transportation

Flow of Movement

ood orientation and legibility for local ppedestrian street ierarchy p roblem ue ato he gap sbd etwe Good and legibility foor . Ate o sxpansion treet hierarchy ptroblem ue otfo . . . EG e. mployment rovided y a pedestrian . . . LA of bhusiness adnd trateg Rxisting obust hlocal istorical built ofrientation orm otpportunities ypologies capable f lbocal Nack o clear targets integrate the fttraction uture supply through l ocal l andmarks i n t he a rea, a nd l ow l egibility f or relation b etween m ain s treets o n t he b oarders through local isn lized andmarks in the area, and low create legibility for jtobs. relation between tm ain satreets oon f t network of small medium businesses. more accommodating at o transition uses. use, housing ypes, employment ypes nd associa strangers a nd o ut c omers, d ue t o c omplicated u rban f abric, and e ntrances, s ince i n m any c ases t he h ierarchy strangers nd out comers, ue to complicated rban and entrances, since aind n mwany casesb . Majority of residents are aw orking inside td he area, and . facilities. Luack of fjabric, ob opportunities to elders omen. that k eeps t he a rea a cting a s a p rivate r esidential a rea. wide s treet a nd n arrow i s d rastically s udden. that keeps he athem. rea raedevelopment cting s a private area. wide street and narrow is drastical have family rselations between That asecures jobs residential for . Redundant ites provide sttrategic relatives. . opportunities Multiple street points the the aprea from sides . Vfrom ery ptoor access to tphe area from sid to antry-‐exit ttract new uses. . eM ultiple street entry-‐exit oints the to the area o sides . Very oor access to the the Caornish rea from . of Mtaspero b eing c lose t o d owntown i s i ncreasing t he j ob . L ack o f j obs t hat s ecure c areer, a s m ost o f t he j ob he triangle. of the triangle. to the security fto or tm inistries. he security for ministries. opportunities a round t he a rea. daily s ervices s mall e nterprises. . Horizontal integration due itntegration o the distribution f mdovement. . Pooor ehicular .p ue to narrow . Horizontal due to tohe istribution f mvovement. Paths oor vdehicular paths sdtreets ue to narro . . LTack of ctongestion rained workers. . Strong connections b etween l ocal s treet g rids t he raffic b etween v ehicles on the vbehic oard . Strong connections between local street grids the . Traffic congestion between . provides Existing folexibility. f key physical infrastructure and facilities. . . D eterioration o f m ost i nfrastructure d ue t o l ack o Pedestrian/ vehicular conflicts in 26th coonflicts f July stre provides flexibility. . Pedestrian/ vehicular in follow u p f rom t he g overnment. to the informal to market. the informal market. . R esidents re ataking atters into hand ian nd maintaining The river Naile cts as m an environmental social focus of . Weak connections between the area and the rive arking spaces problem infrastructure regional significance and adds strength to the visual image. . Parking spaces . pProblem . Very strong access to strong different means f transportation . Traffic problems on the boarders odn ue to bG alaa st . Very access to doifferent means of transportation . Traffic problems the oarders . A ctivities t hat a re b uilt o n t he N ile f ront, a re not (Public busses/ (Public Micro-‐busses/ M etro/ I nter-‐city B us acting a s a ransportation h ub. busses/ Micro-‐busses/ Metro/ Inter-‐city Bus acting as a transportation hub. can benefit the view.street vendors. National Train SN tation/ NTile usses) . Station/ Existence of three main eational conomic aBctivities in tNhe Unplanned and furom norganized Station/ rain Station/ ile aBrea usses) . that . A emxisting, clearly i dentifiable a nd i ntact u rban f orm i s a L ack o f m otivation t o actively oicro-‐busses ccupy and uase Wn alking inside t he a rea i s t he m ain m ean o f t ransportation. . T ransit a reas f or b usses nd m re nva o (Car aintenance/ J unk/ C lothes) . Walking inside the area is the main mean of transportation.. Transit aareas for busses and maicr local iodentity and image. . strong Availability f empty spaces in the are that can . Decrease of the economic ties between the area accommodate a wide range of local enterprises and surrounded areas. . Poor quality sidewalks in the sidewalks main roads. business types. . Poor quality in the mai . 26th of July market is very successful in attracting diversity . Lack of concern in branding and marketing of the of people from all over Cairo. . Key monuments, significant buildings and urban spaces. . Local landmarks are not significant for out comer from the tgo overnment o rfevitalize the soigf . Robust historical built form typologies capable of . concern No clear targets integrate tthe uture supply . Legible urban form and local for the local residents. buildings in the area. accommodating a transition in landmarks uses. use, housing types, employment types and associa . N ational local landmarks on tlhe oarders that pmrovided the Existing e. mployment obpportunities by aarea provided . Lack obf y bausiness expansion and aettraction facilities. Existing ocal employment oakes pportunities . Lack of business xpansion satrateg nd a exposed. of small tpo rovide medium sized usinesses. . network Redundant sites edevelopment network of strategic small to brm edium sized businesses.create more jobs. create more jobs. . H and asre fses. rontages provide a riich esponsiveness o tto he existing rban orm Mistorical ajority off acades residents inside tw he area, anside nd basis ack aond f jrob opportunities elders and uw omen. opportunities to attract ntreet ew . M ajority owf orking ruesidents are orking the . aLrea, . Lack of jtob o pportunities to eflder for enhancing the a rea's u nique c haracter. have family relations b etween t hem. T hat s ecures j obs f or have family relations between them. That secures jobs for relatives. relatives. Existence f historic atnd ignificant xistence of tdhat eteriorated buildings ue ctoo . M aspero boeing close o dsbowntown ibs tuildings. io ncreasing the is job . LEack of jjob obs secure career, mdost f ltack he joob . M aspero eing close downtown increasing the . Lack of jobs that ass ecure areer, af incentives f or r estoration o r u pgrading. opportunities around t he a rea. daily s ervices s mall e nterprises. opportunities around the area. daily services small enterprises. . Lack of trained . w orkers. Lack of trained workers. . . TEhe r iver N ile a cts a s a n e nvironmental a nd s ocial f ocus o f . W eak c onnections brchitecturally etween the asrea and tto he riveo xistence visual cohesiveness within hnfrastructure istorically Continued loss o. of Df m aost black uild xisting of okf ey ionfrastructure aind facilities. and facilities. . D eterioration infrastructure . pEhysical xisting f key physical eterioration of mignificant ost diue nfrastructu regional s ignificance a nd a dds s trength t o t he v isual i mage. planned urban form. to inadequate and ltaws. follow up from rtegulations he government. follow up from he government. . A bsence o f s uitable s treet lighting in many street . Residents are t. aking m atters i nto h and i n m aintaining Residents are taking matters into hand in maintaining . Activities that are built on the Nile front, are not infrastructure infrastructure that can benefit from the view. . An existing, clearly identifiable and intact urban form is a . Lack of motivation to actively occupy and use ava strong local oif dentity and . Existence three m ain image. economic activities in the aactivities rea . in Utnplanned norganized street vendors. stree . Existence of three m ain economic he area and . Uunplanned and unorganized . Local open spaces g ive a s trong i dentity t o t he h istorical . L ots o f v ery n arrow s paces t hat d on't allow the s (Car maintenance/ J unk/ C lothes) (Car maintenance/ Junk/ Clothes) character to o Mf aspero. . Availability e. mpty s paces i n t he a re t hat c an . D ecrease o f t he e conomic t ies b etween the area Availability of empty spaces in the are that can . Decrease of the economic ties be accommodate aaccommodate wide range of alocal enterprises and enterprises surrounded areas. wide range of local and surrounded areas. business types. business types. . . K2ey significant buildings ian nd urban spaces. . . LLocal an re not significant for out coomer 6th moonuments, f July market uccessful attracting diversity ack odlandmarks f iversity . concern Liack branding and in mbarketing them . 26th is ovf ery July sm arket is very successful in attracting of concern randing af nd concern f rom t he g overnment t o r evitalize t he s ig of people from all over Cairo.

Economy

Infrastructure

Job Opportunity

Operational Aspect

Transportation Flow oJob f Moveme Legibility Economy Infrastructure Opport arks Building Nile Frontand SJob Future Development Economy Infrastructure Job DO pportunity Open Economy Spaces Roofs Infrastructure Architecture treetscape Opportunity Landmarks Transportation Building Roofs Nile Front Flow of M Future ovement evelopment

ect A spect

Operational Aspect Visual Aspect

Operational Aspect

. Majority of residents are working inside the area, and . Lack of job opportunities to elders and women. of the family triangle. have relations between them. That secures jobs for to the security for ministries. . relatives. Horizontal integration due to the distribution of movement.. Poor vehicular paths due part to nthree arrow streets 348 . SMtrong connections between local sitreet grids the raffic between vehicles n tohe oard aspero being close to downtown s increasing the job . TLack of cjongestion obs that secure career, as mo ost f tb he job provides flexibility. . daily Pedestrian/ conflicts in 26th of July stre opportunities around the area. services vsehicular mall enterprises. to the oinformal . Lack f trained mwarket. orkers. . Existing of key physical infrastructure and facilities. eterioration most infrastructure due to lack o . . PDarking spaces opf roblem follow up from the government. . . V strong access to mdatters ifferent means . Traffic problems on the boarders due to Galaa st Rery esidents are taking into hand oif n transportation maintaining (Public b usses/ M icro-‐busses/ M etro/ I nter-‐city B us acting as a transportation hub. infrastructure Station/ National Train Station/ Nile Busses) DimensionDimension Strength . Walking inside the area is the main mean of transportation. . Transit areas for busses aWeak nd micro-‐busses are no Strength Weak

. If new diverse activities that attract visitors to the area, . Activities that are not culture sensitive might affect more opportunities will be created. people or the activity. 349

bs are

of the

Opportunity Opportunity

Threat

early all and . P otential the the sthe urrounding reas onflict between pedestrians and xtended maarkets in The area aitll s o ac ponnect to atbrea tto ouristic area, tao . ICnvestors build . nCon sustainable economic activities due n streets nearly . otential Potential o e caonnect area dtue o the surrounding areas onflict between peedestrians nd extended markets in through m ain a ccesses. 26th o f J uly s treet. significant buildings and m unique urban fabric. to not integrate 26th residents in sitreet. t. through ain accesses. of July Low legibility outcomes and maight epel might repel a and . An opportunity to develop markets in the area to be . D ecreasing in fn. or umber of beneficiaries. Low legibility for sotrangers utcomes nd srtrangers to vpehicles.. Potential to extend markets tm he area. inside the area. ery oor access to vehicles.. Potential to einside xtend arkets them from interacting w ith t he n eighborhood, t hus the authentic market. Ex. Camden market in London. them from interacting with the neighborhood, thus the area e conomic s ituation w ould r emain a s p oor a s i t i s. as poor as it is. ers o f t he . O pportunity t o p reserve t he r esidential n eighborhood s on the boarders of the . Opportunity to preserve the residential neighborhood area economic situation would remain g tahe area open ew ctivities oon n tthe sbupported romote ew aaand ctivities n ew he boarders oarders once f the the aoarders rea. once e rea ars eaching a . and pPotential . Absence of diversity in beneficiaries or gap between m akes the n anrea open abctivities oon supported by appropriate fby acilities users and target groups. . Potential to integrate different stakeholders in a appropriate facilities successful business model. een the o t he g ap b the to establish mixed use activities that f land . etween Opportunity . The huge conflicts that occurs between different the the baoarders rea of the area ated attract wide range of users, from local residents to high stakeholders, might always be a problem in delaying between s the hierarchy etween end ubsers. future development. lly sudden.. Opportunity to coordinate public and private sector . Lack of incentive program that include local residents is de, d ue . Low opportunity for ovpportunity ehicles to afccess tao the tco enter of to the center of investment trategic redevelopment sites to leverage making future d. evelopment harder and ffecting m the Cornish side, due in tso Low or vehicles access . Opportunity p rovide centralized parking facilities. . O pportunity t o p rovide c entralized p arking f acilities. the area, causes hauge threat in ac hases f emergency opportunities for improved provision of local services sustainability of the tahe drea, evelopment. causes uge othreat in cases of emergency . O pportunity t o o pen a ccesses b etween m ain s treets i n and a ctivities. ow streets . Opportunity to open accesses between main streets in area aond connect to aond ther surrounding areas. ders oon f tthe he the rea. cles baoarders f the the area. area connect to other surrounding areas. eet, due 26th of July street, due

. Opportunity to add activities for public pedestrian, and . Investors building towers that block the Nile view from connections to the center of the area. the second row in the area will let the area loose a huge treet i s . P otential f or p ublic-‐private p artnerships t o b uild m ulti-‐ . asset. Tbhe boarders aspero are oaf lready crowded, so crowded, so s due to Galaa street is . Potential for public-‐private partnerships to uild multi-‐ o. f TM he boarders Maspero are already activities . story Planning the faacilities rea i n a w ay t hat w ider r ange o f a rea . I nvesting i n h igh e nd a ctivities o nly, w ill s egregate local parking o n t he b oarders o f t he a rea. adding n ew a ctivities t hat a ccommodate l arge n umber of large number o story parking facilities on the boarders of the area. adding new activities that accommodate users can have a Nile view. residents rom increase upeople, sing the Cight ornish. people, mfight tm he traffic problem. increase the traffic problem. ailable r oof . B s paces. uilding h eights a re n ot d rastically d ifferent i n h eights, . H igh r ise t owers o n t he N ile f ront w ill block the view ot d esigned. A bd e l M onem R eiad S quare i s a p otential t o p lan m ass ro-‐busses are not designed.. Abd el Monem Reiad Square is a potential to plan mass and underused raoof spaces p rovide r eady-‐made c apacity from t he r oofs. transit hub that transit ccommodates o ther m eans o f hub that accommodates other means of for continuous b atransportation ctivities on the bteside he roof tops. transportation eside the public busses. the public busses. . T he a rea i s b eing c lose t o d ifferent m eans f in roads. . The area is being close to doifferent means of transportation, transportation, is a huge potential f or t he a rea to hfor ave is a huge potential the area to have new activities that can attract tnhat ew cpan eople to tnhe area new activities attract ew people to the area rs, and no . without Opportunity start conservation or tghe significant trap. . Existing roads and traffic movement make it harder to falling to iwithout nto the gfentrification trap. alling into tfhe entrification gnificant . buildings for adaptive r e-‐use. reach the wlandmarks. Ministries are c. ontrolling s ome s treets t hat if they were Ministries are controlling some streets that if they ere . Developing the m arkets t o a ct a s l andmarks. opened, a huge t raffic p roblem w ill b e s olved. opened, a huge traffic problem will be solved. gies to strategies . Opportunity new integrated ctivities to the activities . Attached that attract totally different arget different target attraction to to . aOdd pportunity to add naew integrated to the activities . Attached activities that attract ttotally residential area.residential area. groups, might agroups, ffect all m activities. ight affect all activities. m. . O to . ap rtegulatory incentives or private . LAtack of aerea, conomic inncentives for renovation versus new might affect If pportunity new diverse hat attract visitors the area, ctivities that a. re ot culture saensitive might ffect rs and women. Ictivities f rovide new diverse activities that tao fttract visitors o the Activities that re not culture saensitive sector otpportunities o restoration o f h istoric a nd s ignificant b uildings. construction d ue t o a ge a nd c ondition o f b uildings. more w ill b e c reated. people o r t he a ctivity. more opportunities will be created. people or the activity.

er Nile.

f bs Opportunity . Absence of efficient maintenance recourse would affect re of t. he as maost jobs are to re-‐use unused buildings with appropriate uses (Cultural, NGOs, Boutique Hotels, Local development. restaurants) dings ue to . lack otential o. f Since NOUH National Organization or Urban of the SPince overnment d(oesn't follow udp oesn't and since Absence aintenance would affect the ure ddue of tthe he rgole the government ffollow up a. nd since of infrastructure . Absence of minfrastructure maintenance would affect th Harmony) assist i n p romoting r estoration a nd a daptive people are tto aking t he j ob o f m aintenance, t here i s a n building s tructures m ore. people are taking the job of maintenance, there is an building structures more. ts inhibits sre-‐use afety. program. opportunity to m ake a local tco ompany nd hire residents Decline in the e. arth due in to water leakage. opportunity make aa local company and h. ire residents Decline the earth due to water leakage. to do the job better. to do the job better.

to is be touristic tao rea, to area, . Investors on sustainable conomic activities due activities due et vendors.. The area is a p. otential The area a ap otential be ad tue ouristic due to build . nInvestors build neon sustainable economic sun light. . significant A chance b to reuse v acant l ands t o a ct a s l ungs f or t he . V acant l ands a re n ot s afe s paces. uildings a nd u nique u rban f abric. to n ot i ntegrate r esidents i n i t. significant buildings and unique urban fabric. to not integrate residents in it. a and the area. . aArea n opportunity markets in the am rea to be ecreasing of beneficiaries. etween and . Ato n doevelop pportunity to develop arkets in the . aDrea to be in n. umber Decreasing in number of beneficiaries. . authentic Opportunity t o o pen m ore s paces a nd c onnecting t o . P oor m aintenance f or o pen spaces makes it deteriorate market. Ex. Camden market n London. authentic market. Ex. Ciamden market in London. downtown. more and would be not adequate for use. romote on n ew the abctivities oarders oon f tthe he baoarders rea. e area as a o. pPf otential bsence in beneficiaries ap between or gap between Potential romote of . tAhe area.of diversity marketing the area naew s a a. pctivities . Absence of diversity ion r bgeneficiaries users and target groups. . Potential to integrate different stakeholders in a

. Existence of historic and significant buildings.

. Existence of deteriorated part buildings three due to lack of incentives for restoration or upgrading.

. Existence of visual cohesiveness within historically planned urban form.

. Continued loss of architecturally significant build to inadequate regulations and laws. . Absence of suitable street lighting in many street

Strength Strength

Weak

Legibility

. C enter of Cairo nd easily tairo o reach bey asily several mheans . N o eans side i. n Nm of he min ain streets and nain es Local open spaces give dentity to to the istorical Lm ots of vow ery narrow spaces that dmon't aollow tm he . Caenter oaf sCtrong aind reach by osf everal f alks o ost side wtalks ost f the transportation. secondary streets. character to Maspero. transportation. secondary streets. . Different entrances to the area, from and downtown and . Different entrances to dtowntown he area, from . Huge residential rea rtesidential hat has very poor access . Hauge area that has vet Bulaq and Cornish Bulaq and Cornish . Pedestrian and . Pvehicular conflicts on the cbonflicts oarde edestrian and vehicular . High pedestrian ccessibility in eantrances of tin he area. Cornish, 2area 6 of J(uly, El Galaa) . Haigh pedestrian ccessibility entrances of area the a(rea. Cornish, 26 om f Jakes uly, Erl eaching Galaa) . The river Nile is balancing the high density area and . Air paedestrian nd noise ips ollution due to is traffic for hard. for pedestrian hard. congestion a volumes of traffic on the boarders of the area. crowded streets to act as a key ecological corridor. Gense ood ourientation aand for local pedestrian . . A street ierarchy roblem ue tao nd he gap pbropor . Good olegibility rientation and legibility for local pedestrian A sp treet ierarchy ptroblem detwe ue to Lack of ghreen s. paces in thhe adrea high . . D rban form nd street-‐edge building provide through l ocal l andmarks i n t he a rea, a nd l ow l egibility f or relation b etween m ain s treets o n t he b oarders on f tt local clandmarks the area, and low hardscape legibility for relation streets oto compared to bsetween oftscape mcain ontributes natural shading through and thermal omfort to tin he public realm. strangers and out comers, due to comers, omplicated rban fabric, Heat and eIntrances, sand ince eintrances, n many cases hierarchy strangers and out due u to complicated urban fabric, since the in m any casesb sland Effect. that keeps the athat rea akcting s a aprea rivate residential area.residential wide asrea. treet and wide narrow is drastically sudden. eeps athe acting as a private street and narrow is drastical

Transportation

Flow of Movement

. Multiple street . eMntry-‐exit points the the aprea from sides . Vfrom ery ptoor access to tphe area from sid ultiple street entry-‐exit oints the to the area o sides . Very oor access to the the Caornish rea from of the triangle. of the triangle. to the security fto or tm inistries. he security for ministries. . Horizontal integration due itntegration o the distribution f mdovement. . Pooor ehicular .p ue to narrow . Horizontal due to tohe istribution f mvovement. Paths oor vdehicular paths sdtreets ue to narro . . SCtrong c onnections b etween l ocal s treet g rids t he . T raffic c ongestion b etween v ehicles o n the vbm oard . S trong c onnections b etween l ocal s treet g rids t he . T raffic c ongestion b etween ehic entral and accessible location. . Lack of adequately programmed large scale ult provides flexibility. . public Pedestrian/ v ehicular c onflicts i n 2 6th o f J uly stre provides flexibility. . P edestrian/ v ehicular c onflicts in spaces suitable for diverse events. to the informal to market. the informal market. . Historic and traditional urban structure with potential to . TPhe area status not ready to pinvite many peopl arking spaces roblem . pPis arking spaces roblem enhance new public spaces and landuse programs. case of major events. . Very strong access to strong different means f transportation . Traffic problems on the boarders odn ue to bG alaa st . Very access to doifferent means of transportation . Traffic problems the oarders (Public busses/ (Public Micro-‐busses/ M etro/ Inter-‐city Betro/ us Inter-‐city acting as a transportation htransportation ub. b usses/ M icro-‐busses/ M B us acting a s a h ub. . Religious ceremony for Sultan Abo el Ela's birth. Station/ National Train Station/ NTile Busses) rain Station/ Nile Busses) . The area being Station/ close to Ndational ifferent m eans of transportation, . Walking inside . tW he a rea i s t he m ain m ean o f t ransportation. ransit areas for busses aareas nd m icro-‐busses are no alking nside the aall rea is tthe ain mean of . tTransportation. . Transit for busses and micr makes it able to invite people from over he m country.

. Landuse activities are keeping the area residential, since most of the activities are daily services to local residents.

. Poor quality sidewalks in the sidewalks main roads. . Poor quality in the mai

. The area today cannot accommodate new activit

Operational Aspect

Area Usage Transportation Attraction and Major Flow Events of Movement Natural Environment Legibility Open Spaces

Infrastructure

Job Opportunity

. . EAxisting local e. mployment opportunities provided by a provided . . LPack obf y abare usiness expansion aettraction satrateg Esxisting ocal employment ois pportunities abandoning . Lack of btusiness xpansion nd very powerful ocial nletwork in the area enhancing eople he aand rea, w eakening the a network o f s mall t o m edium s ized b usinesses. create m ore j obs. network o f s mall t o m edium s ized b usinesses. create m ore j obs. the sense of belonging to the area. . . M ajority residents tw he area, nd the . aLrea, ack aond f job opportunities to elders and women. . Majority owf orking residents are orking ianside . Lack of job opportunities to elder The same off amilies are alre iving in the ianside rea for four generations. have family relations etween them. bTetween hat secures jobs for secures jobs for have fbamily relations them. That relatives. relatives. . Maspero being . M close to dbowntown is tio ncreasing the is job . Lack of jjob obs that secure career, most coareer, f the job aspero eing close downtown increasing the . Lack of jobs that ass ecure a opportunities around the area.around the area. daily services small opportunities daily enterprises. services small enterprises. . Lack of trained . w orkers. Lack of trained workers. . Existing of key . pEhysical facilities. and facilities. . Deterioration o. f Dm ost infrastructure to lack o xisting ionfrastructure f key physical aind nfrastructure eterioration of most diue nfrastructu . Existence of community that is willing to participate and follow . Lack ouf p bfroader awareness of planned role and v rom tfollow he government. up from the government. representatives. Maspero and the mechanism by which other inves . have Residents are t. aking matters hand in maintaining Residents are itnto aking matters into hand in maintaining participate. infrastructure infrastructure . Existence of powerful local investors willing to participate . Community representatives have problems in in economic solutions. communicating with wide range of residents.

. Existence of three main economic activities in the activities rea . in Utnplanned norganized street vendors. stree . Existence of three m ain economic he area and . Uunplanned and unorganized . Existence of strong e dge a round t he a rea ( Maspero . N o c lear d istribution o f d istricts a t p resent in term (Car maintenance/ J unk/ C lothes) (Car maintenance/ Junk/ Clothes) Building/ M inistry o f F oreign A ffairs/ R amses H ilton/ I talian activities, f unctions a nd p ublic r ealm. . Availability of e. mpty spaces he are that cian Decrease of the conomic the area Availability oif n etmpty spaces n the are that c. an . Deecrease otf ies the beetween conomic ties be Club/ Tahrir Square/ useum) accommodate aaccommodate wide Ergyptian ange of M enterprises and enterprises surrounded areas. alocal w ide range of local and surrounded areas. business types. business types. . 26th of July market uccessful attracting diversity . Lack odf iversity . concern Liack n branding and in mbarketing them . 26th is ovf ery July sm arket is ivn ery successful in attracting of concern randing oaf nd of people from all over Cairo.

Economy

Participation Infrastructuresense Sense Job oOf pportunity Belonging tity Sense Economy of Place

spect

Operational Social AAspect spect

Environmental Aspect

DimensionDimension

Architecture and Streetsca

350

for enhancing the area's unique character.

sector to restoration of historic and significant buildings. construction due to age and condition of buildings.

. Opportunity to re-‐use unused buildings with . Absence of efficient maintenance recourse would affect 351 appropriate uses (Cultural, NGOs, Boutique Hotels, Local development. restaurants) dings due . Potential role of NOUH (National Organization for Urban Harmony) to assist in promoting restoration and adaptive ts inhibits sre-‐use afety. program.

Opportunity Opportunity

Threat

early all and . P onnect the atlrea to to the sthe urrounding atreas . C between edestrians and peedestrians xtended maarkets in sun light. Aotential ncearly hance atll o creuse vacant ands act as alungs for he Vonflict acant alreas ands a. re npot safe spaces. n streets . Potential o connect rea to the surrounding Conflict between nd extended markets in through main accesses. 26th of July street. area. through main accesses. 26th of July street. Low f. or outcomes epel might repel . Opportunity to open more spaces and connecting to . P oor legibility maintenance for open asnd paces makes m it aight d eteriorate Low legibility for sotrangers utcomes nd srtrangers to vpehicles.. Potential to extend markets he area. inside the area. ery oor access to vehicles.. Potential to einside xtend tm arkets them farom w ith t he n eighborhood, t hus the downtown. more nd winteracting ould b e n ot a dequate f or u se. them from interacting with the neighborhood, thus the ers he boarders . Opportunity the tro esidential area economic sarea ituation would srituation emain aw s pould oor raemain s it is. as poor as it is. economic s oon f tthe of the to . p Oreserve pportunity preserve nteighborhood he residential neighborhood g m the area and open ew aand ctivities on n ew the abctivities oarders oon nce akes reaching the n area open the sbupported oarders once supported and high by . Possibility to ufby se vaacant lands ffacilities or greenery to act as a . Linking to the Nile will require substantial capital appropriate acilities ppropriate lung to the area. investment in traffic solution een the o the the to relocate conflicting land uses and rtion ogf ap b. etween Opportunity the the Ubarban rea polluting oarders of the aactivities. rea the between s the hierarchy b etween . Opportunity to use the rooftops for agriculture to lly sudden.benefit environmentally and economically.

de, due . Low opportunity for ovpportunity ehicles to afccess to the tco enter of to the center of m the Cornish side, due . Low or vehicles access . Opportunity to . p centralized parking facilities. Orovide pportunity to provide centralized parking facilities. the area, causes the a hauge in ac hases f emergency rea, threat causes uge othreat in cases of emergency accesses main sbtreets in main streets in ow streets . Opportunity to . o Open pportunity to boetween pen accesses etween area aond ctonnect o aond ther surrounding reas. ders he the rea. cles oon f tthe baO oarders f the abrea. connect to other surrounding ti porpose . pportunity o the e aarea ctontinuity to cultural eavents that . aIreas. nadequate investment that targets specific group with eet, due 26th of July s treet, d ue happen in downtown. totally different background will create a conflict with local residents. le in the . Potential to accommodate a diverse mix of landuses . Inability to connect the area with downtown and the and activities on the boarders of the area, enhancing rest of Bualq, will limit the area's potential and treet . Potential for p. ublic-‐private partnerships to pbartnerships uild multi-‐ . Tbhe boarders aspero are oaf lready crowded, so crowded, so s due its o Galaa street is otential for ublic-‐private uild multi-‐ o. f TM he boarders Maspero are already more vitality for ePntrances to p the area all day and night to attractiveness. story parking facilities o n the fbacilities oarders oon f tthe he baoarders rea. adding new activities that accommodate large number of large number o story p arking o f t he a rea. adding n ew a ctivities t hat a ccommodate . Opportunity to provide better social facilities within the people, might increase he traffic problem. people, tm ight increase the traffic problem. actual built form and spaces. ot d esigned. . A bd e l M onem R eiad S quare i s a p otential t o p lan m ass ro-‐busses are not designed.. Abd el Monem Reiad Square is a potential to plan mass transit hub that transit accommodates ther means of other means of hub that aoccommodates transportation btransportation eside the public busses. beside the public busses. . T he a rea i s b eing c lose t o d ifferent m eans f in roads. . The area is being close to doifferent means of transportation, i s a h uge p otential f or t he a rea hfor ave transportation, uge potential the a. rea to have ties for new . Euxistence sers. of lots of vacant lots is in at hhe area that to can Over-‐emphasis on institutional and non-‐residential new activities tshat can ttract ew cpan eople to tnhe area new activities tnhat attract ew people tlanduses o the area accommodate everal naew activities. will harm the area's long term viability and without falling iwithout nto the gfentrification trap. alling into the gentrification trap. vitality, specially after working hours. . Ministries are c. ontrolling s ome s treets that if they were Ministries are controlling some streets that if they were opened, a huge opened, traffic problem ill be psroblem olved. will be solved. a huge twraffic to networks. . . O pportunity to . aOdd new ctivities to tihe . . A ttached hat athe ttract totally arget attraction strategies to pportunity to raesidents dd naew itntegrated ctivities to the activities . Attached activities that adttract ttotally gies social Creating opportunities to integrated local o stay n tahe Relocating people ftrom area will bde ifferent estroying a different target residential a rea. groups, m ight a ffect a ll a ctivities. residential a rea. groups, m ight a ffect a ll a ctivities. strong community. area and find potentials to connect them to new . investments, If new diverse a ctivities t hat a ttract v isitors t o t he a rea, . ctivities teople hat a. re not culture m ight ffect might affect rs and women. . I f n ew d iverse a ctivities t hat a ttract v isitors o the aprea, Aactivities that saensitive re them not cfulture saensitive will enhance sustainability. . A Kteeping nd segregating rom large more opportunities woill be created. will be created. people or the ctivity. more pportunities people r the aalienated. ctivity. investments waill make tohem

bs re of the jobs are as maost

of the Since doesn't follow udp oesn't and since Absence aintenance would affect the ure due to . lack of tthe he government . Since the government follow up a. nd since of infrastructure . Absence of minfrastructure maintenance would affect th vision for . people Integrating different sob takeholders in unified economic . building Failing isn tructures integrating all stakeholders, will affect all are taking t he j o f m aintenance, t here i s a n m ore. people are taking the job of maintenance, there is an building structures more. stors can structure will secure of the stakeholders. opportunity to m ake saustainability local tco ompany nd dhevelopment. ire residents Decline in the e. arth due in to water leakage. opportunity make aa local company and h. ire residents Decline the earth due to water leakage. to do the job better. to do the job better.

to is be touristic tao rea, to area, . Investors on sustainable conomic activities due activities due et vendors.. The area is a p. otential The area a ap otential be ad tue ouristic due to build . nInvestors build neon sustainable economic ms of . significant Opportunity to significant reflect d istinctiveness o f t he d istrict . P rogrammed t argets w ill n eed t o r espond t o d ifferent buildings and the unique u rban f abric. to n ot i ntegrate r esidents i n i t. buildings and unique urban fabric. to not integrate residents in it. the tackeling publec msarkets pce ore varkets ital the in area and too f bbe ntegrated new target a and the through . aArea n opportunity in tmhe am rea to be . aDrea ecreasing n. umber eneficiaries. etween and . Ato n doevelop pportunity to wdith evelop in the groups to in be Decreasing iin number owf ith beneficiaries. landuse p rograms a nd p ublic r ealm i ntervention. groups. authentic market. Ex. Camden market n London. authentic market. Ex. Ciamden market in London.

romote on n ew the abctivities oarders oon f tthe he baoarders rea. e area as a o. pPf otential bsence in beneficiaries ap between or gap between Potential romote of . tAhe area.of diversity marketing the area naew s a a. pctivities . Absence of diversity ion r bgeneficiaries users and target groups. . Potential to integrate different stakeholders in a

Participation sense Sense of Be

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part three

Legibility

Flow of Movement

. Strong connections between local sb treet grids the street grids . Traffic congestion between vehicles on the vbehic oard trong clocation onnections etween local raffic congestion between . Geographically . cSentral within Greater Cairo with . Wthe eak physical . cTonnection between Maspero and provides flexibility. . Pedestrian/ vehicular conflicts in 26th coonflicts f July stre provides f lexibility. . P edestrian/ v ehicular in potential to connect with existing and planned means of Downtown and Nile waterfront restrict recreation to the informal to market. t he i nformal m arket. transportation and metropolitan movement network opportunity. . The area is attached to several markets.

. Parking spaces . pProblem arking spaces problem

Transportation

. Very strong access to strong different means f transportation . Traffic problems on the boarders odn ue to bG alaa st . Very access to doifferent means of transportation . Traffic problems the oarders (Public busses/ (Public Micro-‐busses/ Inter-‐city us Inter-‐city acting ub. busses/ M Metro/ icro-‐busses/ MBetro/ Bus as a transportation acting as a htransportation hub. . Rich variety and Tdrain iversity of existing lements give . Some areas lack definition, due to the complexity Station/ National tation/ NTile Beusses) Station/ SN ational rain Station/ Nile Busses) distinctiveness t o t he u rban f orm a nd s paces. . Walking inside . tW he area is the m ain am ean f transportation. ransit areas for busses aareas nd m icro-‐busses are no alking nside the rea is tohe main mean of . tTransportation. . Transit for busses and micr . Diverse historical traditional urban form that vary from different ages. . Building density and grain in Maspero enhances social . . V acant lands stidewalks hat appeared s aain reason of buildin Poor quality in the asidewalks m roads. . Poor quality in the mai collapsing, acted as urban pockets that accommod networks and community building. inappropriate uses. . Similar plot sizes enhance sense of belonging and sense of . The area already lost a huge part that was definin urban grain more. equality. . Compact urban form and high density of street frontage . Several buildings have been unused for a long tim ontinuous and active street edges. . provides Existing clocal e. mployment opportunities provided by a provided . Lack obf y bausiness expansion and aettraction Existing local employment opportunities . Lack of business xpansion satrateg nd a . Fine grain of the streets makes permeability hard . network Fine grain o f t he s treets p rovides eusinesses. xcellent pedestrian of small to medium sized network of small to bm edium sized businesses.create more jobs. create more jobs. transportation. permeability nd accommodate a winside ide range f movement . Majority of raesidents are owf orking he aorea, nd the vehicular . aLrea, ack aond f job opportunities to elders and women. . Majority residents are tw orking ianside . Lack of job opportunities to elder network o ptions a nd c reat i nteresting v isual e xperience. have family relations etween them. bTetween hat secures jobs for secures jobs for have fbamily relations them. That . Few unsafe spaces that impede connectivity. relatives. relatives. . Maspero being . M close to dbowntown is tio ncreasing the is job . Lack of jjob obs that secure career, most coareer, f the job aspero eing close downtown increasing the . Lack of jobs that ass ecure a opportunities around the area.around the area. daily services small opportunities daily enterprises. services small enterprises. . Lack of trained . w orkers. Lack of trained workers. . Existing of key . pEhysical facilities. and facilities. . Deterioration o. f Dm ost infrastructure to lack o xisting ionfrastructure f key physical aind nfrastructure eterioration of most diue nfrastructu follow up from tfollow he government. up from the government. . Residents are t. aking matters hand in maintaining Residents are itnto aking matters into hand in maintaining infrastructure infrastructure

Infrastructure

Job Opportunity

Operational Aspect

Job Permeability Opportunity Building DTransportation ensity and Urban GrainFormConnectivity Flow of Movement Scale Image and Legibility Identity Sense of Place

. Existence of three main economic activities in the activities rea . in Utnplanned norganized street vendors. stree . Existence of three m ain economic he area and . Uunplanned and unorganized (Car maintenance/ J unk/ C lothes) (Car maintenance/ Junk/ Clothes) . Availability of e. mpty spaces he are that cian Decrease of the conomic the area Availability oif n etmpty spaces n the are that c. an . Deecrease otf ies the beetween conomic ties be accommodate aaccommodate wide range of alocal enterprises and enterprises surrounded areas. wide range of local and surrounded areas. business types. business types. . 26th of July market uccessful attracting diversity . Lack odf iversity . concern Liack n branding and in mbarketing them . 26th is ovf ery July sm arket is ivn ery successful in attracting of concern randing oaf nd of people from all over Cairo.

Economy

Infrastructure Economy

Perceptual Aspect

. Lack of broader awareness of planned role and v Maspero and the mechanism by which other inves participate. . Existence of powerful local investors willing to participate . Community representatives have problems in in economic solutions. communicating with wide range of residents. DimensionDimension Strength Strength Weak Weak Existence oairo f strong the aasily rea (tMaspero lear owdf alks istribution oof f dtistricts amt ost resent in mtnerm . C enter of C nd eedge asily tairo o reach bey several means . Nmo eans scide i. n Nm he min ain sptreets and e . Caenter of aCround and o reach by osf everal o ost side w alks of the ain Building/ M inistry o f F oreign A ffairs/ R amses H ilton/ I talian activities, f unctions a nd p ublic r ealm. transportation. transportation. secondary streets. secondary streets. Club/ Tahrir Square/ Eto gyptian Museum) . Different entrances the area, from and downtown and . Different entrances to dtowntown he area, from . Huge residential rea rtesidential hat has very poor access . Hauge area that has vet Bulaq and Cornish Bulaq and Cornish . Pedestrian and . Pvehicular conflicts on the cbonflicts oarde edestrian and vehicular . High pedestrian ccessibility in eantrances of tin he area. Cornish, 2area 6 of J(uly, El Galaa) . Haigh pedestrian ccessibility entrances of area the a(rea. Cornish, 26 om f Jakes uly, Erl eaching Galaa) . Historical identity as a place to gather. . Lack of overall phlanning and giovernance of the ar for pedestrian is ard. for pedestrian s hard. visual perception and image. . Good orientation and olegibility for local pedestrian . A street hierarchy roblem due to ptroblem he gap bdetwe . Good rientation and legibility for local pedestrian . A sp treet hierarchy ue to through l ocal l andmarks i n t he a rea, a nd l ow l egibility f or relation b etween m ain s treets o n t he b oarders f t through local landmarks in the area, and low . legibility or m relation between fm ain streets oon . Traditional area and authentic community. Lack of afctive edia promotion or Maspero's im comers, due to omplicated rban entrances, ince eintrances, n m cases the hrierarchy strangers and due uu trban o complicated rban fabric, bsand sM ince in m any cases . strangers Historical and and ocut ultural value aos ut a cmomers, emorable pfabric, lace. . and Dueteriorated uildings many akes aspero eflect a b d that keeps the athat rea akcting s a aprea rivate residential area.residential wide s treet a nd n arrow i s d rastically s udden. eeps athe acting as a private a rea. wide s treet a nd n arrow i s d rastical image than the reality of residents. . . EMxisting h uman s cale u rban f orm, s treets a nd s paces . . M onumental s. cale forom n tthe ile front tshid ultiple street . eMntry-‐exit points the the aprea from sides Vfrom ery ptoor access to btuildings area Caornish ultiple street entry-‐exit oints the to the area o sides Very phe oor access o the tN he rea from view f or t he r est o f t he a rea a nd r educing p ercept defined b y o rder o f b uildings of the triangle. of the triangle. to the security fto or tm inistries. he security for ministries. harmony. . Horizontal integration d ue t o t he d istribution o f m ovement. . P oor v ehicular p aths ue to narrow . Horizontal integration due to the distribution of movement.. Poor vdehicular paths sdtreets ue to narro

Operational Aspect Morphological Aspect

. Existence of community that is willing to participate and have representatives.

investments will make them alienated. 353

vision for . Integrating different stakeholders in unified economic stors can structure will secure sustainability of the development.

. Failing in integrating all stakeholders, will affect all stakeholders.

Opportunity Opportunity

Threat

ms oaf ll and Ootential pportunity o . rPeflect the distinctiveness of the . P t. argets will need atnd o preespond to mdaarkets ifferent early . P the atrea to the sthe urrounding aistrict reas Crogrammed onflict between pedestrians xtended in n streets nearly atll o ctonnect otential o connect area to tdhe surrounding areas Conflict between edestrians nd extended markets in through tmhe t ackeling p ublec s pce w ith m ore v ital groups i n t he a rea a nd t o b e i ntegrated w ith n ew t arget ain accesses. 26th of July street. through main accesses. 26th of July street. landuse programs and public realm intervention. groups. . Low legibility f. or outcomes and maight epel might repel Low legibility for sotrangers utcomes nd srtrangers to vpehicles.. Potential to extend markets he area. inside the area. ery oor access to vehicles.. Potential to einside xtend tm arkets them from interacting w ith t he n eighborhood, t hus the them from interacting with the neighborhood, thus the ers he boarders . Opportunity the tro esidential area economic sarea ituation would srituation emain aw s pould oor raemain s it is. as poor as it is. economic s oon f tthe of the to . p Oreserve pportunity preserve nteighborhood he residential neighborhood g m the area and open ew aand ctivities on n ew the abctivities oarders oon nce akes reaching the n area open the sbupported oarders once supported rea's . Opportunity to establish an integrated . The major threat is using media to reflect an unreal by appropriate fby acilities appropriate facilities framework combining a vision for Maspero, place branding strategy image for the residents as what happened in Ramlet een the o the gap band etween the Bulaq (an area near Maspero) and loosing public governance framework. t he a rea the boarders of the area to grab attention for media, for the . Opportunity concern. mportance. between s the hierarchy between potentials of the area. different lly sudden. hat bdlocks . Maspero is well exposed from 6th of October, and this . . C ertain development aehicles pproaches might bte he a trco eason o de, ue Low opportunity for ovpportunity to afccess to enter of f to the center of m the Cornish side, due . Low or vehicles access . Opportunity to . sp rovide centralized arking facilities. O pportunity rovide centralized parking facilities. tion view shows the cale quality otf o tp he ap rea. loosing a v ery i mportant s cale q uality. the area, causes the a hauge in ac hases f emergency rea, threat causes uge othreat in cases of emergency

accesses main sbtreets in main streets in ow streets . Opportunity to . o Open pportunity to boetween pen accesses etween area aond connect to aond ther surrounding areas. ders of the the aoarders rea. cles f the aerea. area connect to other saurrounding reas. d on the . bO pportunity to the nhance physical connection nd . aM ore connectivity would add more traffic on the eet, due 2 6th o f J uly s treet, d ue n integration with surrounding areas. boarders and easy accessibility would require

management. . Keeping Maspero area without connections between areas waspero ill always akes it carowded, potential for treet . Potential for p. ublic-‐private to pbartnerships uild multi-‐ to . surrounding Tbhe boarders are m so s due its o Galaa street is Potential for ppartnerships ublic-‐private uild multi-‐ o. f TM he boarders oaf lready Maspero are already crowded, so removal. story parking facilities n the fbacilities oarders oon f tthe he baoarders rea. adding that accommodate number of large number o story po arking of the area.new activities adding new activities that large accommodate y of landuse. . Enhance the established urban form with minor . Major rm estoration will bhe e nteeded o revive the historical people, ight increase raffic ptroblem. people, tm ight increase the traffic problem. interventions, t hat c an a ct a s a c atalyst t o g reater traditional u rban f orm. ot d esigned. . A bd e l M onem R eiad S quare i s a p otential t o p lan m ass ro-‐busses are not designed.. Abd el Monem Reiad Square is a potential to plan mass benefits. . Certain development approaches might be a reason to transit hub that transit accommodates ther means of other means hub that aoccommodates of loose a distinctive urban form. transportation btransportation eside the public busses. beside the public busses. ngs . Opportunity to create ntew uses and ctivities Development strategy that reduce the concentration close o is dbifferent maeans f in vacant in roads. . The area is being . The area eing close to doifferent means of dated density of suitable uses. locations a nd u nused b uildings. transportation, transportation, is a huge potential the area to hfor ave is a fhor uge potential the area to have new activities that can attract tnhat ew cpan eople to tnhe area new activities attract ew people to the area ng the . without Opportunity save wghat is left from the historical falling to iwithout nto the trap. fentrification alling into the gentrification trap. grain and buildings. . traditional Ministries uarban re c. ontrolling streets that if they were Ministries saome re controlling some streets that if they were me. opened, a huge opened, traffic problem ill be psroblem olved. will be solved. a huge twraffic gies to strategies . Opportunity new integrated ctivities to the activities . Attached that attract totally different arget different target attraction to to . aOdd pportunity to add naew integrated to the activities . Attached activities that attract ttotally d for . Opportunity to enhance the existing urban form . Creating lots o f vehicular paths, might be a reason for residential area. groups, might agroups, ffect all m activities. residential area. ight affect all activities. trategic street ntetwork intervention, atnd iden loosing the thhat istorical traditional urban fabric. . through If new dsiverse hat attract visitors he w area, . Atctivities a. re not culture might saensitive ffect might affect rs and women. . aIctivities f new diverse activities that tao ttract visitors o the area, Activities that saensitive re not culture the c ertain s treets f or v ehicular u sage. more opportunities woill be created. will be created. people or the activity. more pportunities people or the activity. . Public realm upgrade of routes and spaces to provide street activities and events. bs re of tmore as maost he jobs are . Planning for the concentration of active street edges along key pedestrian paths.

of the Since doesn't follow udp oesn't and since Absence aintenance would affect the ure due to . lack of tthe he government . Since the government follow up a. nd since of infrastructure . Absence of minfrastructure maintenance would affect th people are taking t he j ob o f m aintenance, t here i s a n building s tructures m ore. people are taking the job of maintenance, there is an building structures more. opportunity to m ake a local tco ompany nd hire residents Decline in the e. arth due in to water leakage. opportunity make aa local company and h. ire residents Decline the earth due to water leakage. to do the job better. to do the job better.

to is be touristic tao rea, to area, . Investors on sustainable conomic activities due activities due et vendors.. The area is a p. otential The area a ap otential be ad tue ouristic due to build . nInvestors build neon sustainable economic significant buildings a nd u nique u rban f abric. to n ot i ntegrate r esidents i n i t. significant buildings and unique urban fabric. to not integrate residents in it. a and the . aArea n opportunity markets in the am rea to be ecreasing of beneficiaries. etween and . Ato n doevelop pportunity to develop arkets in the . aDrea to be in n. umber Decreasing in number of beneficiaries. authentic market. Ex. Camden market n London. authentic market. Ex. Ciamden market in London.

improve houses waste management tenure security health services entertainment services social care bread participation in descisions wider streets and maintenance daily market drugs problem infrastructure organize 26th of July market re-use vacant lands negotiating with investors economic and tourism activities buidling regulations environmental solutions building awarness

354

7.2 Needs Assessment

part three

at Pl d

39%

Throughout surveys and meetings with Maspero inhabitants, and focus groups with different stakeholders in the area, we came out with an understanding for their needs. By asking people about what are the main points that make them prefer Maspero than any other option, and these were the findings:

social networks

social networks 39 next to downtown 38 availiability of goods 11 security 3 vitality 3 history of the area 3 have no other options 3

585

working 33.5%

273

closed

350

300

250

200

150

100

66.5%

housing as priority services as priority

Pl 40

To understand main needs and priorities for these needs, we found that 66.5% of the sample tended to find housing as a priority for their need, while 33.5% of the sample found that the bigger problem is in lack of services.

new housing project educational services improve houses waste management tenure security health services entertainment services social care bread participation in descisions wider streets and maintenance daily market drugs problem infrastructure organize 26th of July market re-use vacant lands negotiating with investors economic and tourism activities buidling regulations environmental solutions building awarness

100

355

400

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needs and priorties for maspero for

1 solving drug dealers problem

new housing project

9 easy to reach and negotiate with the state

organize 26th of july market

job opportunities in the projects

11 easy to reach investors

d M

educational and health services

raise cultural awareness

income generating projects for the residents

maspero maspero association

4 community participation in all decison making

legalizing maspero association to defend the land and houses

13 opportunity to work in local governerce

7 wider roads for ambulance and fighiting fire vehicles

renovate maspero houses

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6 more space in residential units

daily goods market

private kitchen and bathroom

sports club

stability of house structure

educational and health services

separating residential area from industrial area

renting residents

low rent

keep close to the means of transportation

10 basic infrastrucutre in the areas that have no water nor sewage

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ad educational and health services

daily goods market

job opportunities for women

private kitchen and bathroom

renovate houses and re-use for ground floors

women sports club

359

coffee shops and resturants near workshops

more space in workshops

existence of workshops on the borders and exposure

sshops hops and workshops owners

insurance

trained working forces

collective workshops

7 keeping workshops not far from home

8 job opportunities in new projects in the area

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8.0 Participatory Design

M d

ad rm

361

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– modalities that do not challenge the structural conditions that perpetuate urban poverty and exclusion.

Traditional planning methods no longer meet the requirements and needs of society for sustainable urban planning in respect to factors such as the complexity and the size of the problem and the level of detailing. These limitations emphasize the need for a new approach. Experts’ knowledge as well as the visions of stakeholders and members of the society all need to be included on equal footing in the decision-making process. They are more capable of a broad understanding and will be the ones affected by the final planning decisions. Therefore, a participatory framework is presented in order to integrate the needs and requirements of the stakeholders as follows.

8.1 Methodology for Intervention

This participatory approach will be parallel to the state’s proposal, where the state will be as well represented in the participatory process as a key stakeholder, and to which the research and vision will be presented for inclusion within the state’s strategies regarding the area. Instead of merely criticizing the state’s approach through academic research and paper articles, we found it necessary to provide alternatives and participatory proposals. The main intended outcome of the project is the production of an urban scheme based on the participatory process. The project also aims to increase the beneficiaries and to publish the experiment for future projects’ benefit, in order to achieve the fundamental objectives, by working on the following:

Participatory design is a value in urban development, not only to build more responsive products, but also build stronger and more resilient communities, engage citizens in a process of deepening democracy, and highlight the social construction of space. While there are numerous participatory design tools that can engage communities and marginalized/ vulnerable groups in the design and planning of their environments, these have seldom been framed in terms of wider goals of critiquing the dominant modalities of urban development

- Raising awareness of the present potentials that can be utilized to improve the surrounding environment of residents. - Training residents on the use of participatory tools and on evaluating potentials and solutions. - Empowering the community and extending social movement to gain knowledge of the ways to

363

communicate their voices to the appropriate entities in order for the community itself to act as an agent for change. - Giving the opportunity to young urban practitioners to work on large-scale projects to gain experience and knowledge through their practice. - Including the investors among the target groups, since they do own large possessions with the intention of investment, and intervening in the investment path to offer beneficial solutions to all parties. - Aiding the state in assessing the needs of the society and in developing new scenarios of inclusion, since it has already declared its intention to change its direction towards accepting participatory projects instead of top-down planning, which used to be the sole approach in the past.

After having completed the field work, the design process starts through evaluating proposals with the residents and all parties of interest in the area, until reaching a project that satisfies most parties. The participatory approach is one in which the outcome is not known in advance. The opinions and ideas of stakeholders (in the case of the project, they are: the Maspero residents / the State / the Investors / the Project Team) forms the project orientation and crystallizes the strategy. A final form for the project cannot be affirmed, nor imaginations and preconceived visions can be imposed, since this would reconstruct another case of top-down planning. This is due to the fact that the latter does not leave space available for the intervention of the residents in the project or any other party of interest. Yet only through the outputs of the research, especially those of social questionnaires and resident interviews, solid strategies/options have started to crystallize in front of the project team. Therefore, the team -with the residents of Maspero- has started developing different narratives, each discussing a context that can be taken advantage of to the benefit of all parties. Thus, we have arrived to 3 different initial narratives that are susceptible for discussion:

Perceiving Maspero as an area walled by high-rise buildings and 2 flyovers and a waterfront made it desirable for investments because of its well defined borders beside its central location. For this, it is anticipated that the incorporation of Maspero with the rest of Boulaq district with economic ties will weaken the 15th of May flyover edge and help it to be perceived as a part of Boulaq. The same is to be done about the southern boundary, through the extension of downtown activities to the south of the triangle attracting downtown visitors using culture and entertainment

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General questions: • How to deal with the government and the investors in land tenure • The possibility of connecting the area with its neighbors • The type of activities on the edges and its relationship with the triangle • The possibility of creating harmonized relationships or service exchange between the triangle and its neighbors. • The possibility of planting new activities inside, and their types. • Identifying a method to deal with the core of the triangle, and prioritizing functions between housing and new activities. • The method of introducing activities in the proposals and the possibility of a gradient of activities from edges to center.

While discussing this narrative we found that allowing investors to operate in the center (they currently own it) will threaten the conservation of the area, and hence came the idea of land swapping as a solution for the land tenure problem. This way we maximize the investors and residents benefits, unlike the government. On this basis the government negotiates the investor over the compensation and a small fraction of residents are relocated from the edges to the center, which leads to the densification of the center and transforming it into a purely residential / service zone.

The preservation of Maspero entirely and to develop it to be an example on how to make use of old neighborhoods in the city, whilst the investors acquire lands on the river front where the government compensates them with any value difference.

First Narrative

The team discussed the idea of connecting Maspero with its surroundings, which facilitates the creation of new economic and social networks that may help revenue generating activities in the area. In turn, this could nourish its economic position to avoid great class segregation between stakeholders (investments on the edges and the residential core). The area has 2 edges that connection through them is possible towards neighboring areas: •

26th of July street and Wekalet El-Balah: a commercial area and flea markets concentration.

• Galaa Street and Downtown: Unlike 26th if July, no specific activity for Galaa street which is a major traffic artery that separates Maspero from Downtown with its administrative, commercial, residential and entertainment concentrations. Opening street(s) for the expansion of mrkets on 26th of July to the area was suggested and hence connectivity is based on the activity type. However we found difficulties in applying this suggestion as it is going to harmfully change the urban fabric, which can be considered a heritage according to previous

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After proposing the activities and the streets that we can start with, we had to study the existing use of the streets to have a common understanding in the first place whether residential, commercial, or industrial before we consult residents about the proposed activities.

The types of activities in nearby streets and how far people accept the idea of connectivity:

researches. The work started on some internal streets that their activities could be reappropriated like Ebn Yazi and Eshash Sharkas. The zone bordering El Galaa street was suggested to be a connecting zone towards Downtown to introduce commercial and economic activities and a few high end residencies and hotels. The objective is to create more jobs and bring new blood to the triangle improving the possibility of commercial and technical activities.

â&#x20AC;˘ Ebn Yazi street: the street faces a big problem; microbuses and taxis use it as an alternative detour for the congested 26th of July mechanstreet, which creates traffic in turn. Car mechan ics workshops dominate the street activities, which causes the noisiness of the street.

â&#x20AC;˘ Eshash Sharkas: is the main food market and daily amenity like vegetables, groceries and street food. It is currently a residential commer commercial street that is suggested to keep the same since people are already used to this activity and enhance and vitalize the street to attract more users. â&#x20AC;˘ Dzahr El-Gammal: the Main entrance from El Galaa street edge, relatively wide, and has some car repair workshops and cafes. In case of development to connect with downtown, it was suggested to collect workshops in big hangars to separate industrial activities from the residential. This could help in an industrial integration between different workshops.

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Here we find 2 types of connectivity: creating a homogeneous zone (continuity of the same activity) or creating a service zone (searching for activities that are missing in the surrounding areas and introducing them).

After suggesting compensating the investor with peripheral plots we found that all the edges of Maspero will turn into service areas oriented outwards serving others. It was suggested then to create a gradient of activities from the edges inward to eliminate a sharp segregation while preserving some privacy and locality. It was agreed on keeping the center residential with the priority of housing for those who were relocated from the edges, then for bringing in higher income middle class residents like newly weds and students. It also serves as a tool to create an intermediate zone between the rich edge and poor center to avoid residents expelling feeling. It was also suggested that downtown users use this intermediate zone as daily restaurants and cafes to act as a connector between the 2 poles and avoid direct contact. In this suggestion the activities types are to of a friendly nature towards residents so that they are able to interact with them like traditional restaurants and special markets like the model of Camden Town and Portobello road, London where residents are able to sell their own goods. Goods will vary due to the variety of visitors, shoppers who go to nearby Wekalet el Balah as well as tourists can find goods to buy on this market. To design this model interaction with residents has to be very high. Miniature models were built to com communicate our ideas with the locals. The models represented patterns of existing urban spaces as prototypes that could be replicated with variations. And, with the participation of the residents the models were devel developed and applied on the whole area in a final model.

Second Narrative

Providing enough land to build a residential housing project for Maspero residents adequate to their behavior and cultural and social needs, and leaving the investors to develop their areas as they wish, separately from the residents. This separation is to avoid a potential gentrification, when territories are not clear, and might give the sense of marginalization for the residents due to the changes of uses and users that occurred. So working on two separate zones, can be the fairest option for both stakeholders. In this model, the government and the investors are the having the most benefits, as the residents will have to change their lifestyle to ensure existence in the area, while the government and the investors will have clear plots for investment.

To design this model, understanding needs and constraints for the community, is crucial to design adequate housing units and public spaces. Also understanding economic patters will be as important as understanding social lifestyle, to reflect functioning spaces that will enhance economic development for the residents, in the area.

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Third Narrative

Network Economy was suggested hence, it depends on the integration between different economic activities where a direct proportionality occurs, so if activity I increases, activity II and III follows as a result and vice versa. This ensures economic revenue as well as a degree of economic sustainability that helps in the development of the area to cope with its location and what is expected from it. New types of investments and investors were suggested that generates revenue on the long run. The government used to consider Maspero a CBD in its plans, yet from our research we find that it has enough ingredients for being an economic / cultural / residential area in the middle of the city rather than a CBD. Hence, the main idea was to scatter revenue-generating activities (economic and cultural) to infiltrate the area. This way the urban fabric, character and heritage are saved and preserves the mental image of the area.

Apart from its seclusion, one of Maasperoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s problems is that its poverty on very expensive land due to its location on the Nile front and major traffic arteries. For this, economic revenue is one of the most important aspects to be regarded.

It combines the 1st and the 2nd where the urban fabric is preserved with some rarefaction to incorporate tamed down investorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; projects in the residential area. The biggest challenge in this narrative will be to present projects reusing the heritage fabric as a touristic area to generate revenue on the long term.

Types of suggested activities and how to make use of the neighborhood abilities: Activities have been classified into: cultural activities, commercial activities like cinemas, filming and broadcasting studios, and old hangars can be rented for days and reused to host events like art exhibitions or theatre or evening concerts. Buildings with significant architectural style and good shape could be also used as hotels and special markets like mentioned before.

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Suggested economic networks: â&#x20AC;˘ Clothes network: maintenance, ironing, printing, storage, and selling. The objective of this network is to integrate the mentioned activities to help generate revenue and to promote an economic significance for the area. â&#x20AC;˘ Workshops network: blacksmiths, car mechanics, and car body repair. In this model the government and the community are the main beneficiaries, while the investors are less privileged since they will be expected to invest in projects less profitable on the short term instead of big real estate investments. For this model, a physical model is to be built for the area and the community is invited to use it to put a general strategy for development suggesting projects with the investors if they were reachable.

Any of the 3 narratives are not a final solution for Masperoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s problem, there is a wide margin for solutions where all stakeholders have the same degree of privileges, but this is to be left for the design process.

Participatory workshops with the community in the design process

Workshops and focus groups with local residents in Maspero

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The preparation process for design started with a number of experimental workshops with residents from different parts of the area selected on the basis of local specificities and the representativeness of each area. As seen in the figure below, 7 points were selected to apply test models that can be replicated.

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Strategies for Upgrade Team Principles: Ahmed Zaazaa - Mohamed Abo Tera Design Team: Aly Mohamed Ahmed - Amr Abo Tawila - Aya El Mansy - Reeham Murad

Methodology for Re-distributing Ownerships

The Kuwaiti investor company holds the biggest share of the residential core in Maspero triangle. Its property covers a big portion of Sharkas sub-district (shiakah ) and part of Sheikh Aly shiakah. Maspero investment and real estate company comes in the second place in the size of its property which covers big part of Sheikh Aly shiakhah followed by the Saudi investors where just a small part of its property is occupied by residential buildings and the rest of it is vacant lands, workshops and old factories. Dioub Company ownerships are all inhibited by residents and its plot boundaries are not well defined and crumbled.

The critical issue about property owned by the Maspero and the Kuwaiti companies is that most of the land plots are very close to main streets in addition to being surrounded by residential building currently occupied.

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The idea of redistributing land ownership merged in order to guarantee that the residential core is persevered and developed for it represents a significant period in the history of the city and also to guarantee the right of the residents to stay in their neighborhood. Through the negotiation with the local governance and other stakeholders, a resolution of the critical situation of land ownership can be reached. Our proposal for this distribution is show in the figure below. The governorate is supposed to monitor the process of clearing the residential core from the ownership of the kwauti and Maspero companies. The investors are compen compensated in return with higher value land plots on the edges of the triangle with prime view on the Nile or one of the main streets providing that the area owned by each company stays the same

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Land ownership re-distribution will go through a follow-up process by each investor company. We propose there investment regulations that investors should abide to in order to resolve the deadlock that prevented them for more than four decades from making use of their properties in this prime area . First Category (Free investment): in the land pots of this category, the investor is free from any regulations regarding the kind of development or heights. Second Category (height constrained free investment): In this category, the investor is free to determine the use of the new development but constrained to a height that does not exceed eight stories. This constraint will maintain a visual gradient between the hi-rises and low height residential buildings. It will also preserve the right of the residential core of accessibility to the surrounding streets. Finally, it will prevent the isolation of this part from the rest of the city.

Third category (conditional investment): In this category, the kind of development proposed for the land plot is constrained in both height and use. Our proposal aims to draw a new kind of social class into the neigh neighborhood composed of middle class and the young generation of downtown users. This can be achieved through cultural activities. The presence of this category is to maintain balance and create a smooth transi transition between the hi-end users excepted to be attracted by the bankable projects such as retails and hotels developed of the edge of the triangle by the investors and the local residents. This kind of investment in cultural and residential uses is considered as a long-term investment that can maintain the sustainability of the development in the whole triangle.

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Densefication Process On of the main research outcomes was correlating the number of the family members to the residential units and the number of rooms it has. The research findings indicated that 67% of Maspero residents live in a one-room unit with no services and sanitation. This situation was reached by subdividing the large residential apartments in order for each family to live in only one room. Therefore, one of the main challenges that faced the proposal was how to leave the families living in the same area but with developing their living conditions.

One of the main goals of the proposal is to restore the right of the families in proper living conditions. Thus, we propose re-organizing the residential units where each unit has the basic components, which are at least one room, toilet and a kitchen. In order to do so, rooms were recollected once again in a single unit where families to relocated to as shown in the diagram below.

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Doing some calculations, rebuilding the vacant land plots proved to be not sufficient to accommodate the required number of families. The research indicates that there are 1749 families need to be relocated in addition to 1507 one-room families that will need to be located in a more appropriate units. Therefore, the proposal has more than one strategy for condensation. In addition to building the vacant land plots, we propose to increase the number of stories in the building that are currently one or 2 story high providing that is structurally safe. Another strategy is to demolish all the one-story buildings in a bad condition and do not have any significance and on top of these plots new buildings to be constructed with maximum G+6 stories. The number of stories was determined in reference to the original height of the buildings in this area and to abide by the heightstreet relations.

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Implementing the condensation strategy the following number of units can be provided:

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Looking at the scale of the whole neighborhood, the first tactic of the condensation strategy, which is rebuilding vacant plots, we will be able to provide 130 residential building with a new 874 units

Vacant Land

By applying the second tactic of the strategy, which is increasing the number of floors, we can get another 705 unit.

By applying the third tactic, an extra 47 unit can be provided as shown in the diagram below.

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The ownership redistribution strategy proposed results in the governorate taking back the control of the residential core in participation with the individual landowners. In a situation like this, we propose that the local governance administration make apriticapoatiry budget for the development of the area. The project may cost preliminary, as rough estimate, around 50 million EGP to cover the cost of demolition and construction. This estimate is based on the ministry of housing rates for the new residential units that is 2000 EGP/sq.m and by adding 1000 EGP/ sq.m for alternating and unplanned conditions.

The construction process is proposed to be in participation with the residents. 18% of the Maspero population, especially the new comers, are involved in the construction field of industry. After the completion of the construction phase, a monthly payment of 100 EGP to be added to the monthly rent of the residential unit in order to compensate to the construction cost. The research findings indicated that average monthly income of a family living in Maspero is around 1300 EGP. Considering this, the monthly rent of the residential unit, if compared to other experiments such as Zeinhom project, will be approximately 50 EGP. Adding to this amount another 50 EGP in compensation for the high value of the land in this area and the 100 EGP compensation for the construction costs we end up with a 200 EGP/ month rent, which is less than sixth of the monthly average income of families living in Maspero.

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8.2 Re-picturing Maspero

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Maspero Now

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Maspero Then By redistributing land ownership and activities according to investment natures, a strong impact will affect the neighborhood in building heights. Also the densification process in the residentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s zone will fill all the urban pockets that are affecting the urban form today. As shown in the perspective, the south western and the northern parts in the neighborhood are the high-rises areas, and the heights decrease gradually towards the residentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s zone. This model is aiming to preserve the historical urban fabric of Maspero, and reviving the urban form when it was built.

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The southern part of Maspero is considered to act as a main entrance from Downtown Cairo. The proposed landuse is integrated with Downtown activities, and the aim is to attract groups of users from Downtown to Maspero. The proposed activities are mainly cultural and entertaining and a percentage of residential, to act as a mediator between low income residents and high end users. The aim to balance the social and income curve in the new neighborhood.

The area includes several crafts as recycling iron scraps and car mechanics and clothes, in addition to secondary crafts as carpentry and bamboo making. Collecting similar or accumulative crafts in one collective structure is one of the main needs for workshops owners. A production line in one place, will attract more clients as their will be a full car service in one place. This activity is not clashing with cultural activities, and there are successful models in Cairo, as in The Townhouse Gallery and Darb 1718, where these two cultural hubs are directly connected to industrial zones. On one hand they soften the harshness of industrial zones, and on another hand, these activities are reflecting the vitality of the city.

It is proposed that such industrial/ cultural area, to be owned by the Kuwaiti company, as this company owns Masperoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s edge that is facing downtown, and also this zone is the conditioned zone by heights and uses. A public private partnership model can be applied in this case, between the Kuwaiti company and workshop owners. The income will be far less than other kinds of investments as 5 stars hotels and office building, but it will be defiantly more sustainable and more efficient for the city, and can be profitable on a longer term. There are several examples for that kind of investments (Cultural/ Industrial) in Europe and United Kingdom, where these kinds of markets, succeeded in attracting tourists, as in Camden Market in London.

Diagram by, Ibrahim Hany

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Also, one of the important potentials in this edge of the triangle is the existence of the Italian Council and Calosidian School, which is not working anymore and reopening it will be encouraging for adaptive reuse. This part is proposed to be middle-income residential area. The typology of residential units will be one-room studios to attract downtown users, as the studio type for living is appealing to this target group.

90 years ago

Today

Proposed

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Craft activities will be integrated with the cultural and entertainment activities. As studying a similar case 2 blocks away from Maspero, we find The Townhouse Gallery, which is an art gallery, theatre, art space and library that are stretched on 4 different buildings in Champollion street in Downtown. This type succeeded in attracting artists to access a traditional area. The activities that existed in the area before the gallery were very similar to the southern edge of Maspero area, as car repair workshops, garage hangers, cafes, food shops and a plumber. After The Townhouse Gallery opened, the surrounding activities started to work better, as they were in un-vitalized streets in Downtown. The whole area today is perceived as a cultural, industrial, touristic area.

Another case that is similar to the proposed activities is Darb 1718 in Fustat. This area used to be a purely industrial and crafts area for car repair workshops, blacksmiths and pottery makers. By adding an art gallery and a stage, the whole area started to be livelier by diversity of users. These examples succeeded to overcome gentrification, as the target groups are sensitive towards local communities and do not want to change the lifestyle of the area, rather than enjoy the existing.

Therefore, The southern edge of Maspero area could be a good potential for mixing the industrial activities by cultural and entertaining activities. The focus group that has been arranged with workshop owners, a major need was to include car repair workshops in a collective hanger to act as an integrated factory. Another need was to place this hanger on el Galaa edge, as it is a high traffic street and they can be exposed for custom customers.

Diagram by, Ibrahim Hany

The residential core is overlapped with the middle-income groups area through a commercial and entertainment spine that leads to the investment area on the Cornish. The street acts today as the main commercial spine for the area, and capitalizing on that use, can sustain in an appropriate way. The spine is owned by the Kuwaiti investors today, and will remain a part of their ownership in the new proposal, but tin the constrained areas by use and heights. The commercial spine can be a good potential for the investors as it leads to the investment zones through commercial activities in the ground floor, while other floors can be rented for offices activities.

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The commercial activities for local residents extend east to reach 26th of July Street, which is a major mar market for clothes and textiles and flea markets. A huge percentage of the customers are from upper-middle in income groups, for the uniqueness of the goods that are being sold there. The proposal is building on the same use and refines the quality of the market, by extending services and complementary activities as laundry and condiironing as the clothes are being transported in packed large bags that reach the market in a very bad condi tions. These complementary services will be extended on the perpendicular streets on 26th of July Street and they will accommodate workers from Maspero residents.

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Diagram by, Ibrahim Hany

Another economic potential, and a more environmental one, is using the buildings rooftops in Maspero as green roofs that can return with economic benefits for the residents. Today, several companies are working planin this filed, as they install certain light structures on the rooftops and train residents on agriculture and plan tation to have corps that can be sold in markets. By proposing the idea to a higher management in Ramsis Hilton, to fund such project, they found a huge potential in giving a different image for the area, as the hotel contains rooms that overlook Maspero area. This type of a win-win situation can be applied in different ar areas, and not only Maspero area.

Diagram by, Ibrahim Hany

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As much as the proposed design and research contained information about Maspero, but also it proposed questions that are more important than the re results; Are their any alternatives rather than the continuous relocation for the low-income groups to the periphery? Or Thatcher was right, and there is no alternative to neoliberalism? Is the public housing system today, a model that can be repeated? To how extent can planners design for inclusion rather than exclusion? If we thought about what is needed, not what we have, what will be the result in urban planning field? Is the human share for ser services and city spaces equals his/ her fortune? Who owns the decision for land-use in the city spaces and by which right?

The proposed design and research are trying to investigate answers to these unconvenquestions theoretically and practically. The team aimed to explore unconven tional processes, benefitting from the independency and not being affiliated princiexcept to deprived groups. Therefore, the work done serves the teamâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s princi ples and aims to deal with all stakeholders equally without being affected by political position for any stakeholder. These exploratory practices might be the conbiggest benefit behind this project, not only fr the team, but for all whom con cern the questions being raised.

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9.0 Not Parallel Anymore

Maspero Parallel Pa

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articipatory Project

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Maspero project went through different phases and forms. Starting from working closely with the residents as independent researchers and urban designers. After a very short period of the project, the residents offered the team to rent an apartment in the area, which was crucial in gaining trust from the community, since the team was working under the vision of everyone. Also camping in the area, built a thorough understanding to different dynamics, as the team had to visit the area daily, from early in the morning until the night, for a whole year (June 2013 to June 2014). This year was divided into two phases, participatory research phase and participa participatory design phase.

The reason after calling this project, a parallel project, was to stress on the point that it is an independent work done by independent team members. This independency meant different calculations and approaches from the traditional and official ones. The team was clearly biased to participatory approaches, believing that it is an efficient approach to take when dealing with deprived or unpowered communities.

9.1 A Formal Process

In June 2013, a new ministry has been created to be responsible for informal settlements in Egypt, and was called Ministry of Urban Renewal and Informal Settlements (MURIS). The ministry was a kind of an upgrade for the Informal Settlements Development Fund (ISDF) which is an entity been created by the prime ministry in 2008 with a budget of 800 Millions EGP.

Luckily, dr. Laila Iskandar was assigned to head that ministry after she was heading The Ministry of Environment. Iskandar was an excellent choice for most of urban planning practitioners and experts, as she has a very good experience in working under participatory approaches and had great impact with different communities that she worked closely with. After she received her position, dr. Laila Iskandar set an experts meeting with a group urban designers to have them as her consultants. A member of Madd Platform was invited to that meeting, where after the promising meeting ended, Iskandar asked Madd member to present the work been made in Maspero, in the ministry. Community representatives and Madd Platform presented the project for the first time in an official entity in June 2014.

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The Minister understood the approach and found potential in the project. She raised the project to the prime minister, then the president. They also found potentials in Maddâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s project, which was uncanny as the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s approach is always opposite to the investing in communities, but it was also understood that the state needed a political gain. For the team, taking the opportunity to create a precedent for a participatory model that can be applicable on different areas was the priority. The ministry requested an official form to work with Madd Platform more on the project to validate the research and check the feasibility of the project. Since Madd Platform is an independent entity it was also independent from state structures, so it is an unregistered entity. But since this form cannot be applied with an official entity, the team had to work under the umbrella of a registered planning studio. Gateway Studio is a registered company and the team of planners in the studio were following up constantly with the project through different disseminations of the project, so Gateway was the best candidate to work with. In addition to their knowledge in planning and quantitative researches were complementing Madd Platformâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s qualities. An expert in urban economy, dr. Walid Nabil and another expert in real estate evaluation, dr. Ahmed Abdel Ghany, were included in the project team to complement missing fields in Madd Platform and Gateway teams.

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The project with the ministry started in November 2014 though a series of exhausting meetings with different officials from official state’s departments. The meetings included: Dr. Assem el Gazzar, head of The General Organization for Physical Planning (GOPP) and his assistants – Representatives from The Higher Council of Urbanism – Dr. Medhat Abo Zeid, Prime minister consultant – Representatives from Cairo governorate and governor’s consultant, Mr. Khalil Shaath – Representatives from The National Organization for Urban Harmony (NOUH) – Dr. Laila Iskandar and representatives from MURIS.

Meetings have been held once or two times a week, to crystalize each detail in the project. The meetings were disappointing in the beginning as the approaches of each official entity has different approach from the other, and surly, different approach from the working team. After a couple of meetings, the team was able to negotiate better, convincing them by the project’s principles and approaches a bit by bit.

The Outcome, which will be presented in the following chapter, was a result of both independent and official processes. There were no drastic changes between Madd Platform’s outcome and the outcome with MURIS. This was an assessment that no compromises have been given to the team’s approaches and principles.

The outcome was a strategic plan for Maspero, with guidelines for each zone. The project was presented in a series of workshops with different stakeholders to get acceptance from each party. These workshops went smoothly as from the residents side, they were always in the process, so they were fine with most of the outcomes. The workshop with the investors was also smooth, as they wanted to find a solution to their unused ownerships.

To register the acceptance of all stakeholders, a charter that included the strategic plan has been written and signed by all stakeholders and families. In February 2015, the prime minister and minister of urban renewal and informal settlements and Cairo governor also signed the charter in the prime ministry.

The project is planned to be implimented in 2016.

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Tangible Gains

There project already made gains, either ways if it came to reality or not.

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9.2 Final Outcomes

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Planning Ideas and Visions Forces Affecting Development External Forces: • Functional Role: the natural extension of downtown and Khedival Cairo. • Spatial connectivity: the economic value of high connectivity, as the location is connected to the Nile. In addition to economic routes and connections to Bulaq Abo el Ela.

Internal Forces: • Local community: An integrated, mostly low-income, community and strong social networks between residents, which impossible to be ignored. • Ownership conflicts: ownership overlapping with investors. • Functional exchangeability and integrity: economic activities with functional connectivity and ex exchangeable relations with the external society.

Targets

Socially: • Too create a flexible development/ upgrade model which can be modified according to market vari variables and local community desires. • Enhance the standard of living of the current and anticipated anticipated residents. • Too enhance the social fabric of Cairo generally and Maspero residents specifically through mixing dif different housing categories. • Too settle the residents who want to stay in an “Adequate Housing” (as defined by the UN Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights in 1991); and to create a plan to provide housing to those who want to leave the area. • Avoid gentrification tion that might repel local residents from their neighborhood or replace them by new community. • Support and enable the residence population popula to be integrated in the future scenario of their area. Economically: arget maximum investment of the developed land without compromising the aimed life standard • Target and the lifestyle of the Maspero residents • To develop economically feasible projects which benefit the country, local community and investors. • To enhance the functional role of Maspero area as a natural extension to downtown. • To create a new tourist destination. • To place economic activities which are compatible with the environment and external periphery of Maspero Triangle to create an integrated economic system. • Explore the potential for placing significant cultural activities within the area that is accessible for a diversity of social economic classes

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Physically: • To improve the social and urban environment of the urban community. • Maintain and enhance the value of the existing historical buildings in the proposed urban scheme and capitalize on the potential value of heritage building and fabric • Have a strong focus on the intersection of traditional architecture with existing or proposed modern design features. • Create an attractive destination: a central public spaces that attracts diverse city residents and a public destination of all ages, economic and social categories of the population and a popular destination for tourists. • To provide flexible spaces to accommodate the suggested activities. • To incorporate the Triangle with the surrounding districts. • Serve as a model for development of surrounding neighborhoods

Environmentally: • Too minimize project negative environmental impacts and potential traffic effects. • Too depend as far as possible on renewable energy in project operation.

Too settle the number of residents who are willing to stay in the area. Too provide job opportunities to residents after settlement. Too maintain social dimensions. Too ensure the tenure and ownership of investors and residents. Too collect tenures and redistribute them on owners. To comply with the recommendations of previous and upper level plans.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

Development aims

Politically: • Too agree on an action plan for Maspero area which includes project implementation steps and mech mechanisms. • Too provide a real replicable participatory model to restore confidence between the people and the state. • Too abide by the Right to City and provide a proposal which include different social and economic categories. • Too agree on a proposal to distribute ownership between different stakeholders in the Triangle.

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General Data

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Forces and Motivation

Immovable Structures and Cultural Spine Potential

buildThere are immovable structures in the area that the plan has to accommodate. Apart from ministries build ings and the Italian Embassy that are already out of scope, other buildings can not be touched as the listed buildings in the area. Also the Armenian Calusidian School has a very important symbolic value that needs to be preserved. Ramsis Hiltonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s annex is a structure that needs to be intervened, but the decision depending on the owners. Ibn Yazi Street contains a number of significant buildings that makes it unique and has high potential to be a cultural spine in the area. starting from the southern edge of Maspero, lies the Italian Embassy and Calusidian School. By going north, several listed buildings will appear until reaching Cinema Ali Baba, which will be the Metro station. Going north on 26th of July street, there is the Khedevial Vehicules Museum and Sultan Abo el Ela Mosque, that was built in the 1450â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. Having cultural activities in the area can be a potential to apply the economical models that were explained previously in this research.

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Compensation Modes Compensation in-kind (Apartment Ouside Maspero)

From 40,000 to 50,000 L.E to compensate one room. Each extra room will be compensated by 25,000 L.E.

The Governorate is obligated to relocate residents who are willing to leave Maspero in public housing project, maximum 7 km radius away from Maspero

Building new housing project or upgrade the area to be in a better condition. There are two means of staying in Maspero. The one is rent system, and the other is installments system. The rent system keeps the ownership to the governorate. The installments system ensures that the residents will be owning the units after paying all installments.

Compensation in Cash

Compensation in-kind (Apartment in Maspero)

Proposed Program for Improvement

According to the questionnaire, 65% of residents want to be settled in the area, while 35% want to be compensated by money.

Total area required for residents:

• Percentage ercentage of settled residents = 65% • Estimated population = 9100 (2275 Families) • Average area per family = 65m2 • Suggested height = ground floor + 4 floors • 50% of suggested height = 4 residential floors + commercial/entertainment floor. • Required building surface area = 7.8 Acres (32,860 m2) • Percentage of green and open areas and roads = 30% • Total required area = 11.6 feddans. • If the percentage of residents willing to stay in the area increased, one floor will be added to have buildings of ground + 5 floors, which will be enough dwell 100% of the residents. . • If the percentage of residents willing to stay in the area decreased, missing services will be implemented on the leftover of land.

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Basis of Ownership Compensation 1234-

Surface area of the lands disputed with real-estate companies. Current market value of disputed area. Real estate companies which currently own disputed area (no. of companies/consumed areas) Suggested compensation policies and methods.

First Policy Compensating with a state-owned land (public sector) on 26th of July Street. Second Policy

Share in the joint tenancy after incorporating the joint stock company between the current owners (share is estimated by the current economic value of ownership). Third Policy

The state buys land from the owner, and pays from improvement charges.

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Planning Alternatives

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First Alternative Idea • This idea depends on a central entertainment area which utilizes the parks of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Maspero buildings. The Metro station will be linked to the Nile through a green corridor and pedestrian paths. Different activities will be linked through this corridor.

• The area includes ludes interfacial uses which creates harmony between the cultural residential areas and the “Ultra Modern” area (luxurious housing and commercial-administrative activities).

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Second Alternative Idea

â&#x20AC;˘ It depends on creating a central entertainment area for services. Mixed-land-use areas are created around it, including different levels of housing, services, and commercial and administrative activities.

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Third Alternative Idea â&#x20AC;˘ It depends on creating a central entertainment area linked to the Nile. Mixed-land-use areas are created around it. In addition, a corridor from the Metro station to the Nile will be created. â&#x20AC;˘

This idea depends on providing a larger value to mixed land use areas through linking them to the

central entertainment area.

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Fourth Alternative Idea â&#x20AC;˘ Green corridors linking Galaa St. Metro Station and the Nile are created, passing through the central entertainment area. Another corridor linking Nile Corniche with Galaa St. is created.

â&#x20AC;˘ The area of the cultural residential area on Galaaa St. is decreased. Transition areas extend to the central cultural area behind Maspero Bldg.

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Final Vision of Maspero Triangle Re-Planning The primary vision and master plan are developed through discussions with development partners and stakeholders in Maspero Triangle. The plan was agreed through signing a document including the explained plan. Resident, investor, and government signatures are obtained in the presence of the Prime Minister, Eng. Ibrahim Mahlab. Zones

Zone (A): (11.5 Feddans)

A residential area to accommodate current Maspero residents. The location is very significant as the residential area would be an extension to Boulaq old neighborhood. The area contains several significant buildings that have a potential for upgrading to act as a cultural spine that penetrate and activate the residential area.

The building height proportions to the width of the streets should be intimate and cozy in this zone, allowing for everyday interaction and in the meanwhile providing enough privacy for the residents.

It is highly recommended to consider the following aspects in regard to expected activities, in the proposed development scheme: Public/ private spaces: sidewalks that is livable with potential to be an extension of the commercial activities of the ground floor such as cafĂŠâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and everyday needs such as grocery stores.

Ibn Yazi Street in Maspero and Cartier Latin in Paris. A good example for the Culural spine.

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Ibn Yazi Street in Maspero and Cartier Latin in Paris. A good example for the Culural spine.

Residential Cul de Sac in Maspero and another in Lyon.

Residential Street in Maspero and another in Napoli. Commercial activities vitalize the streets

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Zone (B): (11.55 Feddans) Attached to zone (A), an area shown on the map as zone (B), is proposed for mixed-use investments that varies between: Commercial: such as Boutique hotels, entertainment and cultural activities, and commercial spines that accommodate different types of shops. Residential: attracting a new category of residents to the neighborhood. This category is mainly composed of young educated individuals or groups that seek a combination of work/ accommodation in central areas of Cairo. Offices: mainly targeting middle scale entrepreneurships.

Recreational: such as exotic and oriental restaurants and cafes.

The area is also having a significant architecture styles and urban fabric, in addition that this zone lies on the downedge facing Khedivial downtown Cairo. This zone has the potential of connecting the neighborhood to down town, in regards of architecture styles and building heights and activities, which can promote the triangle as new downtown of Cairo.

transThe main importance of Zone (B), is to act as a transitional zone between zone (A) and (C). A gradual trans formation between the residential zone and the high-rise zone is very important to prevent gentrification and contrast in urban form and uses.

Main entrance for Maspero from Zahr el Gammal Street and Covent Garden in London.

Main node in front of Italian Embassy in Zahr el Gammal Street and a main Square in Belfast

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Main connector between B_CITY_CENTER_BUILDING_PHOT.jpg two zone, Abo Taleb Street and Oxford Street in London.

Zone (C) and Zone (F): (14.27 Feddans)

The uses of this area will range from: High-end residential and hotels. Office spaces for large corporates. Business parks. Retail spaces and commercial hubs.

A mixed-use investments areas that lies close to the river Nile. The two zones should reflect a faรงade of modernity for Cairo. These zones can accommodate high-rise buildings that will be a landmark for the new downtown, as the land value of these two zones is very high and the FAR is very high.

The development of these zones should maintain its livability and vitality at all times.

Investors zone in Maspero and a mix between high-rise modern buildings and old flavor in London

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Zone (D) and Zone (E): (14.33 Feddans) Two recreational zones that connect the different zones of the neighborhood together. These zones will provide a direct public access for the city to the Nile waterfront through the Metro station and proposed cultural spine.

Mixed cultural and entertainment activities such as cafes, public parks that will act as interaction node for the area and for Cairo in general promoting for public festivals and carnivals.

Recreational zone in Sharkas and Helmy Street in Maspero and Mexico City old Town in Mexico.

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Masses translating the final planâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s guidelines through different heights and uses. In addition to keeping the historic fabric but widening the main street streets for better permeability.

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9.3 Recommendations for Policies

We as a research and design team own a vision for a just city that we seek to realize, a critique for present practices and urban policies, and a confidence in the existence of a more successful alternative that is not yet proposed, and which we attempt to present through the capacities and knowledge that were made available to us. Yet there is a lot that lies beyond our grasp, for we are not part of the executive authority nor are we as notable as to possess pressure tools. Furthermore, working with this approach that we adopt entails diving in profound details of the community, on the level of a small neighborhood in Cairo that suffers as much as the rest of the city from the same policies.

The Government

Therefore, there are other roles that should be played by certain parties in order to realize the desired change. On top of those parties comes the government, with its many facets, its operative authority and its influence. Then there are other entities, like civil society, practitioners and scientific research. We present here some messages to these entities, in hope that their work becomes supportive rather than obstructive to those who share with us our concern for the built environment and the humans living within it.

Has to deal with the population as a working force capable of production and not as a load on services, and thus government services would come to be support and investment in the human capital and a duty that it seeks to thoroughly accomplish, not one to abandon.

Has to stop its relentless bias towards private investment and to abandon the view that it is the ideal solution for all the problems of the city, and thus protect and nurture non-investment activities, whether residential, service-oriented or scientific even though they were not profit-generating. Has to be explicitly aligned with public space and public activity through guaranteeing, nurturing and improving its quality, in consistence with and realization of its role in the service of taxpayers. If it was inevitable to invest in real estate, the government has then to ensure complete and resolute separation between its administrative, executive and service-providing roles on one side, and its role as investor on the other; real estate investment must not influence its primary role in any way. Has to monitor government officials and to prevent them from working outside their official agendas in violation to the law, be it in brokering, negotiating with residents to the benefit of investors, or in drafting policies that benefit investorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; projects primarily and not the public interest. Has to safeguard historic and traditional neighborhoods from extinction, either through demolition, forced eviction, or relocation of residents except in accordance to their desires or through the alteration of

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neighborhood activities to achieve material profit.

through conducting research that cover the widest geographic range and the deepest social specificities.

Has to concentrate on the less fortunate and less planned areas, which constitute the largest percentage of urbanism in the city.

Has to present solutions to urban problems, the general among which that looks into policies, and the specific among which that offers solutions to the problems of one area at a time.

Has to recognize and accept the existence of practices and urban policies that are different than what has been conventional in recent decades, and to be open to understand, adopt and benefit from them.

Scientific Research

Has to recognize the faults of present practices and policies, their harm on individuals and on the city, and not to accept them as inevitable conditions.

Has to be concerned with enabling the community of its urban and environmental potentials, and with raising citizen awareness of their legal rights, developing their means and alternatives in the city.

Has to adopt the notion that these neighborhoods are examples of living cultures and containers of heritage, and that neighborhoods consist of houses and lives that surpass in value that of the real estate.

Has to abandon the current tradition of housing projects that has continued since the 50s until the present time, and to benefit from external experiences and internal expertise to reevaluate and develop.

Has to rely on scientific research and written studies on urbanism, and moreover to support and adopt research and to have the courage to change policies and traditional norms. Has to make available access to all urban, social, statistical and qualitative information for researchers, as well as decisions, policies, future plans and to make the discussion over them a common and periodical practice.

Has to train the students on dealing with existing neighborhoods through development and upgrading, rather than demolition, and to train them on dealing with the residential surroundings in the process of design. Practitioners Have to reconsider the architectural practice in general, and to evaluate the results of such practice. Have to set their priorities, putting the public benefit into consideration, providing a healthy and just built environment and not only the benefit of the client.

The Civil Society

Have to pay attention to the social anatomy and economic condition of residents in the area where they work.

Has to concentrate on development alongside charitable work.

Have to build on this experiment through addition, depth, and horizontal replication in other areas.

Has to be concerned with the built environment

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We have presented in this research the global context of the Maspero problem. Although the problem seems to be local and small in terms of area, nevertheless as we have seen it represents an example of urban crises in their physical and social dimensions; those that cannot be understood without sufficient reading to the presiding ideas, the prevailing value systems and the present role of the state not only in Egypt, but all over the world.

7.5 Epilogue

is followed by other variations in methods and positions. In the eyes of the residents, Maspero is the belonging, birthplace of fathers and source of income. In the eyes of the investor, it is an investment opportunity that will not be repeated and a hot commercial property. For the government, it is a source of irritation -from the residents-, a liability and an annoying burden. For politicians, it is a source of votes and a pathway to a parliamentary post. In the midst of all this, the true information have been made absent, for each searches for the information that they can use as a weapon that benefits their goal, making the conflict also one of knowledge. The information available through official sources were either old, like maps that were last revised in 1952, or statistical, like population census; this entailed that we conduct more in depth research that deals with the qualitative rather than statistics.

The case of Maspero offers a vivid example of the way governments deal with urbanism in general and with traditional neighborhoods in specific, showing most importantly their priorities. However the case cannot be discussed solely on the level of government, being an executive authority that may have biases; the government is part of a ruling system that contains a judiciary that rules according to laws that were written by some with the exclusion of others, a system that has a particular definition of citizens and their rights in housing and in life.

Each of the various parties deal with Maspero according to the vision they have of the area, and the extreme variation among these visions

And as much as various parties deal with the area according to their vision of it, the project team has thus specified a role for themselves. The different visions lacked what we see in Maspero as an example for a neighborhood of workers and lowrank employees in the past century, which deserves documentation, and which we find consistent with the absence of a general vision for neighborhoods as containers of architecture and popular culture. These are the positions that the project team adopts and which are reflected not only on the outcomes of the research, but on the design component that the team presents as an outcome of this research. Whereas the research presented contains cognitive results, yet the questions that it raises are more important than the answers. Is there an alternative other than relocating old neighborhoods that do not generate sufficient profit, or was Thatcher right in her asserting that there is no alternative to neoliberalism? Does public housing in its old form still represent a model that can be repeated? Is it possible to design by inclusion rather than

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The profession of the planner and the designer has always been consequential to the demand, making production prior to need as specified by those who own the material and authoritative potency making this industry one that serves and sides with power and wealth. This has not produced a just city as yet, for neither wealth nor authority necessarily care for the public interest, just as not all those who care for justice in the city or the entire population is an owner of authority or wealth. How is it, then, that we can create a new urban practice that sides with value instead of material, and with everyone instead of a few? This research and its supplementing project are an attempt to answer these questions through theory and practice alike. The project team in this work seeks to explore unconventional ways of work, capitalizing on the freedom that results from the absence of a specific clientâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s biases. Therefore, the team works on serving the principles that they see in order to reconcile the interests of all parties equally without regard to economic ability or political will in the forming of those interests.

exclusion? If we thought about what is needed rather than what is available or conventional, what do we get? Does the individual share of services and areas in the city have to be determined by their wealth or power? Who owns the decision of determining the uses of urban spaces, and according to which right?

The team intends to repeat this pattern in forthcoming works as long as it is possible, benefiting from this experiment and building upon it. Perhaps this exploratory practice will turn out to be the greatest benefit of this work, not necessarily for this team but for all those occupied by these questions. For the project team believes in the necessity of joining all efforts in similar experiments to integrate towards formulating a more guided practice and a new theory.

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Appendix

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Maspero Parallel Housing Project Team Principle: Ahmad Borham Design Team: Aly Mohamed Ahmed - Amr Abo Tawila - Aya El Mansy - Nouran el Marsafy - Reeham Murad - Rim Alaa - Ibrahim Hany

This parallel housing projects comes in parallel to the strategic concept demonstrated earlier in this report. It comes as a backup plan if this strategic plan that is ambitious to create a development formula that is based on a partnership between the residents of the triangle and the foreign investors. The basic concept of this housing projects is based upon the promise given by the Cairo governorate to the residents of the Maspero Triangle that a piece of land within the premises of the triangle will be built as a housing project in order to avoid evicting the residents from their homes thus unrooting them from all their social and economic net networks as shown in the neighborhood profile earlier in this report.

This project is a visionary, ambitious one both on the level of the design concept and the construction meth methods. The project clearly takes the existing life style of the residents of the Maspero triangle into consideration and tries to re integrate it in a new setting. The project presents a vision that is critical to the conventional typology of the social housing projects usually adopted by the state. The project attempts to introduce a vision where social housing can further emphasis the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; relation to the public space and strengthen the existing social networks. The project in hand consists of two parts. The first part is a design guide that contains a set of proscriptive rules regarding the residential units and how it comes together to form the housing cluster. The aim of the guide is to allow other designers in the future to propose other design alternatives that achieve the main goals of the project. The second part is the preliminary design proposal for a housing projects that can host the residents of the Maspero triangle on a plot of land within the borders of the triangle preserving their relation to the place and yet clear the rest of the triangle for the investors to utilize it commercially.

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Design Guide (in-progress) The design guide consists of four main parts: 1. Expected outcomes Introduce a model for social housing that takes into account and respects the social aspects of a certain community

Provides for the potential of future expansion

Improvement of the living condition of the residents on two levels; infrastructure and structural integrity

b. Provides for the potential of future expansion

a. Introduce a model for social housing that takes into account and respects the social aspects of a certain community

c. Improvement of the living condition of the residents on two levels; infrastructure and structural integrity

2. Demographic Analysis

Diagram by Ibrahim Hany

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The guide put the knowledge developed during the research phase of the Maspero project into the hands of every designer yet to come to be well informed of the demographic composition of the community living in the Maspero triangle. Needless to say that this information is not static and changes with time.

3. Needs Analysis

Diagram by Ibrahim Hany

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Diagram by Ibrahim Hany

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Diagram by Ibrahim Hany

This guide also includes the needs breakdown and analysis that resulted from the focus groups that were conducted during the research phase of the project with different sectors of the Maspero triangle community.

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4. Design Scope

Residential unit

Building

Housing Cluster

The guide covers a wide scope of design that starts with the residential unit specifying the basic spatial requirements of its internal spaces based on the study of the existing unit prototypes and how they are used by the residents. Then the guides move towards the relation these spaces have with the street and how its privacy is maintained yet it allows for social interaction that is controlled by the residents. This sec section is based on the analysis of the exiting practices of the residents.

activi The guide then takes us to another level which is the residential building and how other commercial activities are combined with the residential units of several sizes to form the basic unit of the housing cluster. Which takes us to the final level of the design scope where the guide demonstrates how several residential buildings forms a housing cluster with gathering places and places for children playing that provides for their safety and some sort of communal monitoring of the residential spaces.

Laundry

Praying Spaces

Fast Food

Commercaial Spaces inside Residential Units

Housing Cluster Residential units are assembled vertically and horizontally allowing for the

Veg. Shops Cafe

Residential Building Ground floor plan activities and its relation to the street

Residential unit

In an attempt that this guide can be used and comprehensible by the residents and the construction workers and not only specialized architects and designers, the guide consists mostly of illustrations accompanied by explaining texts.

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Design Proposal The main challenge that the design proposal faced was how to host around 3500 families on the promised plot of land that its area ranges from 7-10 feddans. This is based on the promise gave by the Cairo governor to reach an agreement with the investor to provide a plot of land for the residents of the triangle in compliance with the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; demonstration demanding not be evicted.

Yet another challenge that this design proposal had to face was to maintain the height standard of 4-5 floors which allows for the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; good relation with the street and its social activities. Abiding to this this rule only would have provided 1280 residential units only. The other alternative to host the whole population on this area of land was residential towers that exceeds 10 floors high. This option was discarded from the beginning as it deprives the residents from their social relation to the street which based on the observa observations recoded during the research phase is an integral part of their everyday lifestyle. It might also loosen the social relations and break the tight social networks the already exist in the triangle. Main Concept

Infrastructure and Vertical Circulation

In order to face these challenges, the design proposal combines both ideas. It proposes hi-rise residential buildings that ranges from 10 - 15 floors high where multilevel level public streets are introduce introduced every 5-4 floors. This way all of the population can be hosted while maintain their lifestyle and social cohesion.

The proposal is constituted from several components. One of the most important is the structural framework. The importance of this component lies in two reasons. The first, is that this specific component is the most financially costly and technically sophisticated of the any construction project. Here we have to bear in mind that the limited financial and technical capacity of the residents. The second, is this framework is not only a structural one but it can also be considered as the framework organizing the future expansion of this residential project. The phase of the construction of this structural framework is followed by another critical and technically sophisticated step which is the provision of the main infrastructure. This proposal suggests that all of the needed infrastructure such as water supply and drainage, sanitary, electricity and waste disposal are all collected and combined in the form of risers related to the structural framework. This can allow for flexibility in the future expansion of the residential units whether horizontally or vertically. It also makes the periodical maintenance procedures easier and less interfering in the residential activity.

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Preliminary Residential Units

Next comes the stage of constructing the basic residential units using walls locally fabricated from low-tech and low cost materials. This basic unit provides the initial space for each family.

Future Expansion

Afterwards, each family is responsible of providing the materials needed for their future expansion based on their needs and capacity. Providing for the infill materials can be considered of a lower budget compared to the cost of the construction n of the structural framework and the infrastructure. Here the structural frame works acts as an organizer for the ownerships, territories and limits of future expansion.

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Multileveled Public Spaces

The proposed design provides street-like public spaces every 4-5 floors. Within these spaces exists gather gathering places such as coffee shops as well as daily services such grocery and children playgrounds.

Shared Bathroom

Living Cooking

Living Sleeping

Living

Living Sleeping

Cooking

Living Sleeping Cooking

Existing prototypes in the triangle

Residential Units

Living Sleeping

Living Sleeping Private Bathroom

Private Bathroom

Cooking

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The design of the new residential units was based on the survey of the residential units that exist in the triangle. From the analysis of these prototypes, it was observed that the area of each units is proportionally related to the number of the family members living in it.

Type of Unit: 2 rooms Area: 96 m2 Number of Units:1352

Type of Unit: 1 room Area: 64 m2 Number of Units:477

Type of Unit: 2 rooms Area: 96 m2 Number of Units:1352

Type of Unit: Studio Area: 32 m2 Number of Units:477

Proposed units

Type of Unit: 3 rooms Area: 128 m2 Number of Units:636

Future Extensions Services

Maintaining and not disturbing the existing life style of the residents was the main constraint in the design of the new residential basic units.

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In the calculation of the needed number of units, the proposal took a different approach from the conventional one that calculates the number based on an average number of members. The proposal based its calculations on the percentage of each size of a family as presented in the sample studied during the social survey. Each unit had to have a private open space. This feature as well as the modular nature of the design were proposed to facilitate and organize the process of future expansion. Rules of Clustering The design proposal has followed some design rules that allow for variations of combinations between units generating a non-typical clusters. These rules to be flexible enough, are based on post-occupancy performance.

Attached from 2 Sides

Fixed Service Core

Fixed Structure Elements

Extended Spaces for Units

One of the rules that were followed in the design of the residential units was that its modularity in relation to the structural grid. This was mainly to facilitate and organize the future expansion. In addition, this modular modularity may as well reduce the costs needed for expansion as it is only limited to infill materials.

Another rule followed, was the fixation of the area and the location for services area such as kitchens and toilets to facilitate the clustering for the residential units whether horizontally or vertically. Also some constraints were put to the attachments of the units to ensure proper lighting and ventilation. Extended Spaces do not get attached to other units

Residential Studios Distrebution

Entrances has to be through an external public space Middle Income Units Maspero Reidents Units

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Further, some constraints were put to make sure that future expansion does not block the public space around the units. It was a rule that the entrance of any unit should be from a public space to avoid walk-ups model of housing and increasing urban feeling of the cluster which can give the residents a sense of independence.

Streets should not be fully shaded

In resonance with the recommendations resulting from the research phase, the design proposal allowed for new tenants from a different economic and socio-cultural background to move in bringing new blood to the neighborhood. These differences were taken into consideration in the clustering of the residential units. For example, residents of Maspero are accustomed for shared entry spaces where they interact socially during different times of days which is not the case with the new class of tenants as they are used to separate entry spaces where interaction is kept to the minimum.

Same Unit cannot be served from two streets

Inspired by the traditional Arab cities crossovers or what is known in cities such as Fez as sabats, the design proposal allowed for the future expansions that crossed over the street as long as they do not prevent proper lighting and ventilation to the public space underneath.

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Street Networks

Behavioral patterns

Main Streets Private Streets Weekly Markets Vertical Circulation

In the laying out of the streets network, it was taken into consideration that the thorough streets are kept to the minimum to preserve the residential private nature of the neighborhood. This provision can maintain the accessibility to the neighborhood from the surrounding busy streets balanced. This was mainly achieved through locating activities such as weekly food markets and heavy machinery car maintenance workshops on the periphery.

The design proposal tried to provide the potential for the development of a similar behavioural pattren within the new streets that are similar to the ones already exisinntg in the streets of the triangle where residents lived there for decades. This was based on the behavioral maps developed during the research phase of the project.

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From the diagrams and drawings, it can be noticed that the activities that attract strangers and vehicle accessibility are kept mainly in the ground floor as can be further envisioned from the view.

View

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Private Paths Daily Markets/ NodesVertical Circulation

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Cafes/ Daily Servics Meeting Points/ Nodes Private Open Spaces Units Entrances

As for the upper level streets, the activities that attract strangers are kept to the minimum to increase the intimate sense of the residential neighborhood. It can be seen from the drawings and views that upper floors streets have more space for gathering areas such as coffee shops and children playgrounds.

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Public Spaces on Different Levels

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Conceptual Cross-Section

Cross Section Detail

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Madd Platform Team

Ahm

Ibrahim Hany

Amr Abo Tawila

Nouran el Masafy

Ahmad Borham

Rim A Samar Samy

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Aly Mohamed Ahmad

med El Baz Mohamed Abo Tera

Mohamed Mohsen

Omar el Tawansy

Reeham Murad

Alaa

Ahmed Zaazaa

Aya El Mansy

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Team Biographies: (By Alphabetical Order)

Ahmed Al Baz Graduated from The Arab Academy for Science and Technology in Cairo in 2015. Ahmed is concerned by the old city and how does it work on the urban and architecture levels and interested in understanding different layers in history and how does it impact the contemporary city. Ahmed started working in Maspero Parallel Participatory Project from mid 2013 until the end of 2014. Ahmad Borham An independent urban researcher, practicing design architect and teaching in the Arab Academy for Science and Technology as well as the American University in Cairo. He holds a Masters of Science with a thesis is titled Resilient Rules: Culture and Computation in Traditional Built Environments. He is co-founder of Cairo from Below and Madd initiatives which share the aim to encourage inclusive urbanization in Cairo. He also maintains the Drawing Parallels blog where he draws comparisons between urban conditions in Cairo and other cities in search for emergent patterns.

Ahmed Zaazaa An architect, urban designer and researcher, with focus on informal practices in the city and territorial claims in public space and Previhousing. Lately, Zaazaa co-founded several entities; the latest was“10 Tooba: Applied Research on the Built Environment”. Previ ously, Zaazaa co-founded “Madd Platform” and “Alternative Lab for Applied Research in Development” (AL ARD) and also took a part in “The Built Environment Collective: Megawra” as Urban Officer.

(AmeriOn the academic level, Zaazaa’ has 8 years experience in teaching architecture and urban design in several universities (Ameri can University in Cairo – Arab Academy for Science and Technology – Modern Sciences and Arts University).

Aly Mohamed Ahmed An Architect / Independent Urban researcher who received his Master degree from Politecnico DI Milano, Italy. His work Focused on urban strategies seeking to provide a better society through a better relation between cities and its inhabitants.

Amr Abo Tawila memArchitect and Urban Researcher working with local communities Graduated from Cairo University 2010. He is a founding mem ber of The “Peoples Committee to defend Imbaba Land”. Amr Worked in different Projects, such as a research assistant in the book “Social Justice and the Built Environment ,, Map of Egypt”, as well as the head of the Housing Rights unit in the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms ECRF. Currently he working on the individual initiatives “Cairo Walks“ and “Dead Walls” mapping and documenting Cairo.

Aya El Mansy Aya received her B.Sc in 2012 from the architecture department faculty of engineering in Cairo university. She then worked as an architectural designer for about 1year at IDEA “ environmental and urban studies”office. As she always wishes to work in an team.Cururban design participation projects so, she joined MAAD platform to be a part of Maspero participatory parallel project team.Cur rently she is pursuing her masters in urban design and architecture at the architecture department faculty of engineering, Cairo university. During all of previous work and courses Aya Mansy had the chance to earn some experiences and widen her urban development knowledge and studies. In addition, how to work in a team and a wide experience in how to deal with a different types of people, people’s problems and the community needs assessments, while working on the participation projects. Aya Mansy lives in Egypt, Cairo. Ibrahim Hany Pre-masters student at the architecture and urban design program in the German University in Cairo. His bachelor project focused on Maspero triangle and its urban upgrading to become a mixed use part of downtown. He took a mid-studies break and worked for a year in German architectural offices in Munich and Stuttgart. Mohamed Abo Tera Abotera was trained as an architect with both a professional and an academic career. He finished his MA in Architecture, Globalisation, and Cultural Identity from the University of Westminster in 2007. He works as a part-time teacher at a number of architectural schools in Cairo and affiliated with a number of urban initiatives. In his research he is interested in the political dimension of space, urban activism and representation.

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Mohamed Mohsen Architect graduated from Arab academy for science, technology & maritime transport. Worked as a trainee at maspero project. Former member at Aiesec Egypt. Freelance graffiti artist, Interested in urban design & free form architecture. Nouran El Marsafy An Egyptian Urban-Architecture Researcher, Class of 2012 Architecture Department-Cairo University. She has been fond of Social, cultural, and political studies since her early college years. First worked as an urban researcher and graphical illustrator at Tarek Waly Center for architecture and heritage. Then with MADD Platform on Maspero Area, also collaborated in 10 Tooba with Omnia Khalil in a Research regarding Ramlet Boulaq Area. She is always sought after as an enthusiastic, Artistic spirit. Omar El Tawansy Student in the last year in Arab academy architectural school, interested in urban design, participated in projects through its urban aspects for learning. looking forward to continue in that career , considering that maspero project gives him a lot of knowledge and awareness of the problem in the urban field .

Reeham Murad Reeham studied architecture in the Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University, where she graduated in 2010. From 2010 to 2014, she worked in several architectural offices; she participated in several international workshops in Cairo, Alexandria and Stuttgart; she continued her postgraduate studies at Cairo University. Reeham had the opportunity to join GIZ to work in PDP (Participatory Development Program in Urban Areas in Greater Cairo). This encouraged her to return to the academic beside the practical work. She joined the double master program IUSD “Integrated Urbanism and Sustainable Design” since 2014. During her staying in Germany, she participated in a competition hosted by GIZ Berlin “Between Lecture Hall and Project Work” Zwischen Hörsaal und Projekt - HuP)” 2015 with a project about Women’s Role in Economy in Egypt to be a shortlisted in the final symposium. Reeham is currently writing her thesis about Women’s safety issues in public spaces in Cairo.

Rim Alaa Rim is a graduate of, and a teaching assistant at the architecture department of AAST. After graduating in 2014, she developed a growing interest in architecture’s transdisciplinarity and is trying to get exposed to various projects/research areas so as to have a better understanding of the discipline.

Samar Samy An Architect , Class of 2015 Architecture and environmental design major-Arab Academy for science and technology. Her main Curfields of interest are Urban design and Urban renovation , She participated in Maspero project as a trainee in college years, Cur architecture in a design firm , Creating something innovative and fun from rently working and experimenting in different fields of architectu being ordinary is her motive in Both career and social life .

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Photo by: ibrahim samy

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‫‪MASPERO PARALLEL‬‬ ‫‪PARTICIPATORY PROJECT‬‬

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‫‪MASPERO PARALLEL‬‬