NO LONGER VACANT
EQUITABLE REVITALIZATION OF ENGLEWOOD | CHICAGO, IL
SENIOR THESIS PROJECT, SPRING 2015
MAGDALENA A R AV E N A
NO LONGER VACANT
EQUITABLE REVITALIZATION OF ENGLEWOOD | CHICAGO, IL
MAGDALENA A. ARAVENA G.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS To my committee, thank you for all of the wise words and encouragement. Huge thank you to
SENIOR THESIS PROJECT, SPRING 2015
Presented to the Faculty of the Landscape Architecture Program at the University of California, Davis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelors of Science in Landscape Architecture.
ACCEPTED AND APPROVED BY:
Sheryl-Ann, for always believing in my vision, and knowing what that was before I even realized it myself. This project would not have been possible without your support. To Asiaha Butler, thank you for sharing Englewood with me and for being such a positive force in your neighborhood. Without you, I probably never would have known that Englewood was fighting this battle and never would have stopped to see that community area 68 is much more than its crime stats. To my Landscape Architecture professors, thank you. Your dedication and knowledge has helped build the foundation for my career and establish a lifelong passion for the profession. Special thank you to Keith Wilson and Marq Truscott for not only being exemplary instructors, but for introducing and welcoming me into ASA. My interactions with the society and its professionals have been truly invaluable. Much of what I have accomplished with this project can be traced back to that. Lastly, special shout-out to Hana Ishikawa, Bradley McCauley and site design group, ltd. for welcoming me to Chicago and driving me around the city and Englewood. Your hospitality and willingness to help was invaluable to my project.
SHERYL-ANN SIMPSON, UCD
SENIOR PROJECT FACULTY COMMITTEE CHAIR
DAVID DE LA PEĂ‘A, UCD
SENIOR PROJECT FACULTY ADVISOR
ABSTRACT Global urban population is estimated to surpass six billion by 2050, so major urban cities have
begun focusing their efforts on revitalizing their disinvested inner-city neighborhoods. Very often, the main priority of city officials and developers is profit, which, when done without a deeper motive, leads to inequitable development and gentrification. Recently, however, there has been a growing trend to involve communities in revitalization efforts and offer greater opportunities for lower-income residents to stay in their long-time homes. As one of the many industrial inner-city neighborhoods around the nation, Englewood, Chicago has been affected by disinvestment for the past five decades, but plans for reinvestment have recently started rolling. Unlike many similar neighborhoods, Englewood has a significant amount of community support and involvement, characteristics that have been shown to lead to a reduced number of displaced residents and greater retention of community identity in the revitalization process. This project aims to provide a series of design concepts for the neighborhood’s different conditions that echo the wants and needs of the community, with consideration of the current redevelopment plans of Englewood and the City of Chicago.
CONTENTS I. SIGNATURE PAGE
II. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
07 PREFACE 8. INTRODUCTION
III. ABSTRACT
IV. CONTENTS
V. ILLUSTRATIONS
9. OBJECTIVES + GOAL
12 THE PROBLEM: GENTRIFICATION 14. OVERVIEW
15. SYMPTOMS
17. THE AFTERMATHS
16 THE SITE: ENGLEWOOD 20. COMMUNITY AREA 68
21. CONTEXT
23. OPPORTUNITIES + CONSTRAINTS
25. HISTORY
26. VISION
22 PRECEDENT STUDIES 29. CANAL PARK
30. RENAISSANCE PARK
31. THE HIGH LINE
27 THE DESIGN
32. GARY COMER YOUTH CENTER
34. LOOKING TO THE PAST 35. DESIGN SITE PLAN 37. AXONOMETRIC DIAGRAM 43. URBAN AGRICULTURE 45. PEOPLE 48. WORKS CITED
39. THE PLAZA
41. PROGRAMMING
ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1 - Mural on 59th Street corridor, Magdalena Aravena Figure 2 - ‘Aunties House in Englewood’, Huffington Post Figure 3- ‘Aunties House in Englewood’, Huffington Post Figure 4 - Grand row house, vacant on either side, David Schalliol Figure 5- American restaurant in a gentrified Chinatown, D.C., Google Images Figure 6, 7, 8- Englewood on a Saturday Morning, Magdalena Aravena Figure 9- Bird’s eye view from southside Chicago towards the Loop, Google Images Figure 10 - Regional transportation diagram, Magdalena Aravena Figure 11- Vacant lots in Englewood diagram, Magdalena Aravena Figure 12 - RAGE members, RAGE
Figure 24 - Photo montage, Magdalena Aravena Figure 25 - Detail site plan of plaza, Magdalena Aravena Figure 27 - Mural by Englewood artist, Statikone Figure 28 -Man guarding pop-up yoga class, Huffpost Figure 29 - Detail site plan of plaza, Magdalena Aravena Figure 30 - Detail site plan, Magdalena Aravena Figure 31 - Detail site plan, Magdalena Aravena Figure 32 - Axon Diagram, Magdalena Aravena
Figure 13 -Whole Foods in Detroit, said to be a model, Chicago Tribune Figure 14 - Gary Comer Youth Center rooftop, Hydrotech Figure 15 - Outdoor terrace, Canal Park DC Figure 16- Sculpture Mound, Canal Park D,C Figure 17 -Park rendering, Canal Park DC Figure 18 - Marathon at Canal Park, Times Free Press Figure 19 -The High Line, ASLA Figure 20 - Gary Comer Youth Center rooftop, Hydrotech Figure 21- 63rd + Halsted Center in the 1930s, Chicago Encyclopedia Figure 22 - Site Plan, Magdalena Aravena Figure 23 - Axon diagram, Magdalena Aravena
Figure 1 - Mural on 59th Street corridor, Magdalena Aravena
INTRODUCTION After more than half a century of white flight, public and private disinvestment, and massive
“Once this process of ‘gentrification’ starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the original working-class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is changed. ” - Ruth Glass, 1964
PREFACE
8. INTRODUCTION
loss of housing stock, Englewood, Chicago, along with various other older industrial inner-city neighborhoods, is on the brink of urban revitalization. While gentrification would quickly be successful in raising property values, bring in higher-income residents and businesses, the real problem would be displaced elsewhere. Long-time residents who are committed and invested in their neighborhood but simply don’t have the means to do so would be forced to move elsewhere and new, disinterested and uninvolved residents would move in to this hip new town. Instead, an equitable, communitydriven approach to revitalization should be taken to provide long-term value. Research shows that communities with significant community engagement and investment contribute to a more successful revitalization of a neighborhood and Englewood is right on track. The Resident Association of Greater Englewood has been actively engaging the rest of their residents and the City of Chicago in advocating for their community and making sure that they are seen for more than their crime statistics so that they get fair redevelopment plans that don’t leave them in the dust like often happens. All of these positive characteristics that Englewood possesses and the lack of concrete plans by the City of Chicago for community area 68, this revitalization project has the potential to be a huge stepping stone towards a thriving, sustainable and equitable future for Englewood. In response to the varied conditions of the neighborhood and its large size, this project will provide a framework plan for Englewood that identifies key opportunities and constraints. Along with this it will provide a site design for an incubation retail center on 63rd and Halsted Avenue to recall its past success. This aims to be a catalytic project towards the ultimate goal of providing the long-time residents of Englewood with opportunities to succeed within their homes, but to also provide opportunities for new residents to further grow this community in a sustainable, equitable manner.
9. OBJECTIVES + GOAL
8
OBJECTIVES + GOAL SHIFT PUBLIC 1SHIFT PERSPECTIVE Show why gentrification of struggling innercity neighborhoods is a problem.
9
ANALYZE
UNCOVER
DESIGN
UNCOVER THE 4 DESIGN TO SITE 2 ANALYZE 3 POSITIVES REVITALIZE CONDITIONS Study the severity of disinvestment that Englewood has been affected by.
Expose the opportunities that would contribute to achieving a successful revitalization.
Create framework plan and site designs that respond to opportunities and constraints.
THE ULTIMATE GOAL IS TO CATALYZE THE EQUITABLE REVITALIZATION OF ENGLEWOOD AND SIMILAR INNER-CITY NEIGHBORHOODS WITH INDIVIDUALIZED SOLUTIONS THAT CREATE NEW OPPORTUNITIES FOR SUCCESS, STRENGTHEN THE COMMUNITY IDENTITY AND ENTICE INVESTMENT, BOTH MONETARY AND PERSONAL.
Figure 2 - ‘Aunties House in Englewood’, Huffington Post
Figure 3- ‘Aunties House in Englewood’, Huffington Post
OVERVIEW
Oxford Dictionary defines gentrification as the renovation and improvement of an area such that
it appeals to middle-class ideals and preferences. Its contemporary colloquial definition carries a much more negative connotation, however, and is widely found to be synonymous with displacement. According to Kathe Newman, this concept is often found to be defined as an uneven development strategy that attracts medium- and high-income residents and displaces very low-income families (Newman, 2004). Neighborhoods in major industrial cities such as New York and San Francisco, have “successfully� undergone major reinvestments and redevelopments since the early 2000s to keep up with global economies. This sudden change is usually followed by the displacement of long-time, mainly low-income residents and the colonization of middle- and upper-class residents (Rose, 2002).
T HE P ROBLEM: GENTRIFICATION 14. OVERVIEW
15. SYMPTOMS
17. THE AFTERMATHS
14
SYMPTOMS
Figure 4 - Grand row house, vacant on either side, David Schalliol
Gentrification as we know it today has been caused by revitalization strategies in cities all over the world during the last century, so there is plenty of research that has been accumulated regarding its symptoms, its effects and on possible prevention or mitigation strategies that cities or neighborhoods have used to revitalize more equitably. While there are many factors that can contribute to displacement during the revitalization of a neighborhood or city, Kamila Rose identifies four of the most common indicators of gentrification:
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HIGH PROPORTION OF RENTERS
LOCATED IN REGION W/ INCREASED CONGESTION
EASE OF ACCESS TO JOBS CENTERS (ALTERNATIVE TRANSPORTATION)
LOW HOUSING VALUES, INCLUDING STOCK WITH ARCHITECTURAL MERIT
With these simple-to-look-for symptoms, running risk management for specific neighborhoods becomes much simpler. Rose also notes that even though every “story of gentrification within each community is unique, the process tends to unfold in a series of recognizable stages” (Rose, 2002).
THE AFTERMATH Due to the high proportion of renters – aforementioned as an early indicator of gentrification – many
residents become prey to landlords raising rent prices or even evicting in order to serve the more affluent inmovers (Rose, 2002). This displacement is identified as secondary displacement, one of the two types of displacement as coined by researchers Freeman and Braconi throughout their research (Levy, Comey, & Padilla, 2007). The other type of displacement which was most commonly used in the 1950s, is labeled ‘direct displacement’ and is identified as a forceful displacement of “low-income families from their homes to make way for a highway or an urban renewal project” (Freeman & Braconi, 2002). According to their research, the most common and controversial type of displacement is secondary displacement because even though these low-income families are not being directly forced to move out of their homes, their rents are raised so much and the nearby amenities become so expensive that they can no longer sustain their lives there and their only option left is to move out. Due to the popularity of profit-driven strategies used by cities and developers, this type of displacement has been widely seen throughout the nation, especially recently as the economy began to pick back up again. A well-known national example of is Chinatown in Washington, D.C. and it actually displays both types of displacements throughout its history. In 1930, they were the subject of direct displacement from their original Chinatown to make way for a government development project along Pennsylvania Avenue. Since establishing their community along H and I Street, gentrification began taking another form and, in the past two decades, has caused a decrease in the Asian population of over 40% through secondary displacement. With its Chinese signage, scattered Asian American businesses and grand friendship arch, Chinatown looks as a culturally-rich, thriving Asian community to the untrained eye, but the reality is that their population is at an all-time low and significant displacement is expected in the coming years (Williams, 1996). Developers and the city are in the litigious process to demolish Museum Square, one of the two remaining affordable housing buildings, which threatens to displace around half of their already dwindling population, unless the residents are able to buy out the building for $250 million, at an average of over $800,000 per unit (Wiener, 2015). 17
Figure 5- American restaurant in a gentrified Chinatown, D.C., Google Images
Figure 6, 7, 8- Englewood on a Saturday Morning, Magdalena Aravena
COMMUNITY AREA 68
Englewood is community area 68 of the 77 within the City of Chicago. While driving through this
20. COMMUNITY AREA 68
19
21. CONTEXT
TH E SI TE: ENGLEWOOD
23. OPPORTUNITIES + CONSTRAINTS
25. HISTORY
26. VISION
neighborhood, you immediately encounter two very conflicting realities. First, you see the striking amount of vacant and unattended lots everywhere. Data provided by the city shows that, within its 3-square-mile boundary, Englewood has over 1,600 city-owned vacant lots, which, if laid out side-by-side, equates to around 0.25 square miles or about 157 acres. Add to that the significant number of abandoned homes and buildings that have yet to be claimed by the city or those that have big red X’s on the façade to be demolished. A majority of the remaining homes, however, offer a different reality, at least to those who haven’t yet retreated after seeing the latter. There is a significant amount of the population of Englewood that takes great care of their homes, maintain their yards, and even get together to fix-up the vacant lots that the City has forgotten about. This project is for those people who are already completely invested in this place, who are a part of its history through their ancestors and who would like to be a part of its successful revitalization by contributing to it. No Longer Vacant not only refers to the physical infill of the numerous vacant lots, but also the reclaiming of these lots by the residents, for the advancement of their residents and the sustainable and equitable growth of the community with any new resident that aims to be a part of this already-strong community, rather than the colonization of it. 20
CONTEXT “It is hopeless for the occasional visitor to try to keep up with Chicago. She outgrows his prophecies faster than he can take them.” – Mark Twain, 1883
Chicago has been a trailblazing city from the beginning. Unlike many other major cities in the nation, Chicago is not a port city, but it has secured its place among the top cities with its rail system and airports. O’Hare and Midway International airports have become the busiest in the United States and over half of the nation’s rail freight passes through Chicago. During the industrial revolution, however, the city underwent a major transformation after the Great Chicago Fire of 1871 that burned most of the north and central neighborhoods. While it was rebuilt, the outskirts of city saw a huge rise in population, one of which was Englewood. After the Great Depression and white flight, however, the city transformed and was no longer monolithically Caucasian. Today, Chicago has become one of the most racially diverse cities in the nation, but it is also one of the most racially segregated. According to the US Census Bureau, at least half of the population of 68 out of the 77 community areas identify with a single racial group, and only 21 of those 77 areas identify with being non-Hispanic white (US Census Bureau, 2011). The least diverse of the city’s community areas is Englewood, with a population that is 98% African American. Along with its racial diversity, Chicago boasts a wide range of income levels. According to the latest census data, with a median income of approximately $48,000, Chicago is right around the nationwide median income. However, there are many areas within the city that are well below that. The poorest census tract in Chicago is in Armour Square, with a median income of $10,152. Although not as low, Englewood is among the lowest, with a median income of $19,623, less than half of the city’s median income (Galland, 2013).
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Figure 9- Bird’s eye view from southside Chicago towards the Loop, Google Images
OPPORTUNITIES + CONSTRAINTS Figure 10 - Regional transportation diagram, Magdalena Aravena
Figure 11- Vacant lots in Englewood diagram, Magdalena Aravena
Figure 12 - RAGE members, RAGE
Figure 13-Whole Foods in Detroit, said to be a model, Chicago Tribune
GREAT VEHICLE/ALTERNATIVE TRANSPORTATION CONNECTIONS TO THE LOOP
SIGNIFICANT NUMBER OF UNATTENDED CITYOWNED VACANT LOTS
VERY ACTIVE RESIDENT ASSOCIATION
BIG-BOX RETAILER IS MOVING IN WITH PLANS FOR AN INCUBATION CENTER
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HISTORY The industrial revolution built up and ultimately destroyed many neighborhoods, one of
which was Englewood, Chicago. Due to the significant population boom of the era and the development of mass transportation such as trains and trolleys, inner-city neighborhoods such as Englewood became the home of those who worked downtown. Construction of multi-family buildings at the turn of the 20th century created an economic divide, which was later intensified with the move of big-box stores such as Sears, making Englewood’s Shopping District at 63rd and Halsted the second busiest in Chicago. The pre-Great Depression (1930) population peaked at 89,603, with 98.7% of the population identifying as White. By the mid-20th century, postdepression and white flight, the total population peaked at 97,595, but the “White” population decreased to 30,107 – a 65% decrease – and the “Negro” population increased to 67,216 – almost 6000% increase – to make up almost 69% of Englewood’s total population. As aforementioned, the racial identity of Englewood’s population has completely changed from its beginnings with a 98.5% of the population (as surveyed in the latest census) identifying as African American. That percentage is of a population of 35,186, less than half of what it was half a century ago (E. Stockwell, 2005). This sharp decline in population has left Englewood with a striking number of vacant lots and abandoned buildings due to a significant number of buildings closing down or leaving town. The disinvestment by the city and private developers has left this community to fend for themselves, and they have just recently started seeing the light at the end of the tunnel. This project aims to get them even closer to turning their community around and successfully thriving beyond everyone’s expectations.
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VISION This project aims to complement published redevelopment plans as they align with the wants and needs expressed by the Resident Association of Greater Englewood, as shown in their latest design charrette with the IIT Institute of Design and a personal interview with the R.A.G.E. founder and president, as well as lifelong resident of Englewood, Asiaha Butler. The plans analyzed are: The Chicago Cultural Plan 2012 New ERA Trail Community Vision Plan Green Healthy Neighborhoods Plan School Repurpose Co-Design The key themes that where embraced by this project are:
URBAN AGRICULTURE – This project presents urban agriculture in various forms such that they will function as productive, educational and sustainable so as to establish Englewood as a center for sustainability.
HOUSING PRESERVATION AND GROWTH – Due to the lack of housing and low median income, it is imperative to not only provide housing options, but to also preserve the architecture that remains, for both historical and practical value.
CULTURE AND ARTS – Promoting culture and arts within Englewood neighborhood is critical to foster community identity and ownership. This project aims to do so with the encouragement of public displays of art as well as historical references throughout the design.
ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND JOB CREATION – Despite its many struggles, Englewood has harbored many successful entrepreneurs that have created nationwide companies such as Johnson Products, Harold’s Chicken, and Luster’s Products. Integrating incubation centers and retail spaces for small businesses is a major part of this project. 26
Figure 14 - Gary Comer Youth Center rooftop, Hydrotech
29. CANAL PARK
PRECEDENT STUDIES
30. RENAISSANCE PARK
31. THE HIGH LINE
32. GARY COMER YOUTH CENTER
CANAL PARK
RENAISSANCE PARK
WASHINGTON, D.C./ OLIN / URBAN PARK / 3 ACRES / BROWNFIELD, PARKING LOT
CHATTANOOGA, TENNESSEE/ HARGREAVES ASSOCIATES/ 22 ACRES/ BROWNFIELD OPEN SPACE
This urban park in Washington, D.C. was formerly a parking lot for District school buses. Located in a developing mixed-use community, this three-year old park was designed to recall the historical Washington City Canal system that once ran through the site. Through various programming and special events, the park has achieved high social interaction and encouraged outdoor activities. The park has also aimed to provide jobs for all members of the community, with a minimum of six out of 43 positions exclusive for low-income residents of nearby public housing and local community members. It is estimated that, by 2030, this project will generate over $1 billion in tax revenue and create over 10,000 jobs for the adjacent quarter mile area.
Renaissance Park in Chattanooga, Tennessee has successfully turned an under-designed space into a highly functional and beautiful park. This park has, since its completion in 2005, catalyzed adjacent development investment totaling $5 million and increased the property value within the quarter mile area adjacent to the park by 821%. Although not highly programmed, its users have reported that the park has encouraged outdoor activity and has increased their use of adjacent businesses. This project is a great example of how an intelligently designed park can catalyze a neighborhood and its surroundings.
Figure 17 -Park rendering, Canal Park DC
Figure 15 - Outdoor terrace, Canal Park DC Figure 18 -Marathon at Canal Park, Times Free Press
29 Figure 16 - Sculpture Mound, Canal Park D,C
30
THE HIGH LINE
GARY COMER YOUTH CENTER
NEW YORK CITY, NEW YORK/ JAMES CORNER FIELD OPERATIONS/ 1 LINEAR MILE/ ELEVATED PARK/ BROWNFIELD
HOERR SCHAUDT LA/ CHICAGO, IL/ 8,160 SF/ URBAN AGRICULTURE, GREENROOF/ GREYFIELD, ROOFTOP
The High Line has been highly publicized due to its successful reutilization of an otherwise abandoned elevated rail line. During the many years that it existed unnoticed above the busy city of New York, native flora took over and inhabited this former industrial structure. To honor that beautiful past and not take away from the biodiversity that had been coexisting with this otherwise impermeable city, the High Line kept many of those plants and inserted railroad like paths and kept existing tracks to remind visitors that they are on a former rail line. Although much of it is meant for passive recreation (walking, lounging, people-watching), there is a number of programmed activities throughout the linear park, as well as various art spaces and pockets for pop-up cafes and stores. This project has added momentum to the nation-wide movement to convert rails to trails and parks and provides an urbanized solution to the effort.
This productive green roof is located on the southside of Chicago and not only provides over a ton of produce a year, but also provides a safe outdoor space among one of the city’s crime-ridden southside neighborhoods. The Gary Comer Youth Center rooftop is used to educate around 600 students and members of the community of all ages with their garden learning programs and various year-long activities. Due to its large size and successful management, this rooftop garden produces enough food to feed 175 children that use the center each day, as well as to distribute to four local restaurants and sell at a nearby farmer’s market. This project shows the value that urban agriculture and well-implemented education programs can add to a community and the positive impact that it can have on its residents. Figure 20 - Gary Comer Youth Center rooftop, Hydrotech
Figure 19 - The High Line, ASLA
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Figure 21- 63rd + Halsted Center in the 1930s, Chicago Encyclopedia
T HE D ESI GN : A NEW 63RD + HALSTED 34. LOOKING TO THE PAST
35. DESIGN SITE PLAN
37. AXONOMETRIC DIAGRAM
39. THE PLAZA 41. PROGRAMMING 43. URBAN AGRICULTURE 45. PEOPLE
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THE I NC U BAT I O N C EN TER:
KE Y T HE ME S
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C U LTU RE + A RTS EVO K I N G H I S TO RY R OTATI N G S C U L P TU R E P R O G R A M M U R A L WA L L A L FR ES C O D I N I N G + M EETI N G S PAC ES
GREEN IN FRA STRU C TU RE JU
W H O L E FO O D S P R O D U C TI V E/ ED U C ATI O N A L R O O FTO P G A R D EN S C O M M U N I TY R O O FTO P AG R I C U LTU R E EX TEN S I V E G R EEN R O O FS P ER M EA B L E PAV I N G
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H OU SIN G
L I V E/ WO R K S TU D I O S A FFO R DA B L E LO C A L EM P LOY EE/ S TU D EN T H O U S I N G
Figure 22 - Site Plan, Magdalena Aravena
AXON O M E T R I C D I AG RA M V EG E TAT I O N C IR C U L AT I O N AU TOMOBIL E BIC YC L E PED ESTRIA N
BU IL D I N G S W H O L E FOOD S M I X E D U SE RES. I N C U BATORS R E TA I L/FOOD
S ITE
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Figure 23 - Axon diagram, Magdalena Aravena
Figure 24 - Photo montage, Magdalena Aravena
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TH E PLAZA:
S O C I A L I N T ERAC TION L AYIN G MOU NDS SH A D E TREL L IS WITH FLEX IBLE SEATING WOOD EN SEAT WALLS FO R INDIVIDUAL/G RO UPS C A L ISTH EN IC S PLAYG RO UND ‘RA IL’WA L K WI TH FLUSH LUM INAIRES IN BETWEEN JU
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Figure 25 - Detail site plan of plaza, Magdalena Aravena 0
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Figure 27 - Mural by Englewood artist, Statikone
PROGRAMMING: C U LT U R E + A RTS
R OTATI N G S C U L P TU R E S PAC E: b i k e p a rk i n g c e n t e r t o b e u s e d a s p l a t fo rm fo r l o c a l a rt i s t s t o d i s p l a y w o rk fre e o f c h a rg e s c a l e : 1 = 1 0 0 ft JU
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Figure 28 -Man guarding pop-up yoga class, Huffpost
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s c a l e : 1 = 7 5 ft A L FR ES C O : ro o ft o p s o f t h e s e b u i l d i n g s t o b e u s e d a s a l fre s c o o p p o rt u n i t i e s - fo r c a fe s , dining, events, etc.
Figure 29 - Detail site plan of plaza, Magdalena Aravena
s c a l e : 1 = 7 5 ft
URBAN AG R I CU LT UR E: GREEN INFRA S TR U C TU R E
E XTENSIVE GREEN ROOF S: Exte nsive gr e e n r oof s a r e those tha t a r e n o t u s u a lly o p e n to the public but a r e r a the r e xc lusive ly f or e n v ir o n me n ta l a n d e c ologic a l pur pose s a nd a r e he a vily pla n te d . T h e s e ty p e s o f gr e e n r oof s a llow f or gr e a te r biodive r sit y, e s p e c ia lly in u r b a n a r e a s. The y a lso c a n be visua lly a ppe a li n g f r o m a f a r, s u c h a s f r om a top a ne a r by r oof top. The buildings in the site displa ye d a s th e o n e to th e le f t w ill ha ve e xc lusive gr e e n r oof s.
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sc a le : 1= 100f t
Figure 30 - Detail site plan, Magdalena Aravena URBAN AGRICULT URE ROOFTOPS: Due to the e xtr e me c olds of Chic a go, pr o d u c tiv e g a r d e n s w o u ld like ly yie ld mor e dur ing the ye a r with th e a d d itio n o f h o o p house s, but f ur the r te sting a nd r e se a r c h s h o u ld b e d o n e . T h e s e pr oduc tive ga r de ns would be a top the two s e ts o f h o u s in g buildings a s c ommunity ga r de ns f or the r e s id e n ts to u s e . The ga r de n a top the pla nne d whole f ood s s h o u ld b e u s e d a s e duc a tiona l a nd f or the sa le within the s to r e a n d lo c a l v e n d o r s . The buildings in the site pla n displa ye d a s th e o n e to th e le f t will ha ve pr oduc tive ga r de ns on the r oo f to p s . sc a le : 1= 100f t Figure 31 - Detail site plan, Magdalena Aravena
THE P E O P LE :
Figure 32 - Axon Diagram, Magdalena Aravena
HOUSING I NC U BATO R S PAC E / H O U S I NG
R E TA I L / U R BA N AG
RE TA I L / G R E E N R O O F
R E TA I L / A L F R E S C O
L I V E / WO R K S PAC E
E N T REPRENEU R S H IP + H O U S I N G
For this community, it is particularly important to create an equitable housing plan within any redevelopment, and tying that to work and incubation spaces only increases the potential for success. In a recent phone interview with Asiaha Butler, as well as can be seen in the latest co-design efforts run by RAGE, live/work spaces are especially important to them because it allows those who are striving for a better future to be able to do so more freely. Due to the close proximity of the Kennedy-King College and the University of Illinois at Chicago, these housing units would also be highly valued by students. To avoid students and other higher income residents from taking over, there should be a minimum number of units available for these parties and a majority of the buildings should be reserved for lowincome individuals or couples who hold employment nearby or have hold space in the adjacent incubator centers.
ENTREPRENEURSHIP As aforementioned, there are set plans for Whole Foods to set up a store within this square, Part of their plan is to open community kitchens and work spaces for entrepreneurial members of the community to be able to create or simply more easily manufacture goods for the store to sell within an allotted shelf space. To take that even further, this design proposes three incubator buildings and three buildings for retail and cafe or dining started and run by local community members. Some of these spaces could be on a rolling ‘pop-up’ type of schedule such that it will not be as huge a commitment as opening a brick-and-mortar on your own, and it allows for new entrepreneurs to try out their luck. This program and the exact schedule could be a living experiment that would change dependent on the public’s reaction and the profitability for both the lessee and the lender.
WO R KS CI T E D RESEARCH BIBLIOGRAPHY
E. Stockwell, C. (2005). Englewood. from http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/426.html Freeman, L., & Braconi, F. (2002). Gentrification and Displacement. Galland, Z. (2013). How rich is your neighborhood? [Web]: Chicago Business. Retrieved from www.chicagobusiness.com Levy, D. K., Comey, J., & Padilla, S. (2007). In the Face of Gentrification: Case Studies of Local Efforts to Mitigate Displacement. Journal of Affordable Housing & Community Development Law, 16(3), 238-315. doi: 10.2307/25781105 Newman, K. (2004). Newark, Decline and Avoidance, Renaissance and Desire: From Disinvestment to Reinvestment. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 594(1), 34-48. doi: 10.1177/0002716204264963 Rose, K. (2002). Combating Gentrification Through Equitable Development. Race, Poverty & the Environment, 9(1), 5-56. doi: 10.2307/41554331 US Census Bureau, A. C. S. (2011). Demographics A Profile of Health and Health Resources within Chicago’s 77 Community Areas. Chicago, IL: Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine. Wiener, A. (2015). Legal Fixes Won’t Help Musuem Square Tenants, City Says (Web). www.washingtoncitypaper.com/blogs/ housingcomplex/2015/02/18/legal-fixes-wont-help-museum-square-tenants-city-says/ Williams, B. (1996). ‘There Goes the Neighborhood’: Gentrification, Displacement, and Homelessness in Washington, DC. There’s No Place Like Home: Anthropological Perspectives on Housing and Homelessness in the United States, 145-163.
PRECEDENTS
Canal Park: Landscape Performance Benefits. (n.d.). Retrieved May 1, 2015 from http://landscapeperformance.org/ Renaissance Park: Landscape Performance Benefits. (n.d.). Retrieved April 31, 2015 from http://landscapeperformance.org/ The High Line: About the High Line. (n.d.). Retrieved May 10, 2015 from http://www.thehighline.org/ Gary Comer Youth Center: Landscape Performance Benefits. (n.d.). Retrieved April 1, 2015 from http://landscapeperformance.org
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