URBAN INSURGENCY IN MOLENBEEK BRUSSELS MARGARITA MACERA MANUEL ALIAGA
URBAN INSURGENCY IN MOLENBEEK Margarita Macera & Manuel Aliaga
KEYWORDS Insurgency, disagreement, heterogeneous, manifestations, public, citizenship
ABSTRACT Molenbeek is an eclectic place where transformations of the urban space according to singular and heterogeneous ways of living are taking place. By using the given public space in different ways as which it was originally planned, dwellers of Molenbeek are sending a hidden message of disagreement. These manifestations, as rebelling everyday actions against urban structure can be explained through the concept of Urban Insurgency. What kind of Urban Insurgency can we find in Molenbeek? Why are these manifestations occurring in Molenbeek and what do they mean? What are the consequences for the image of the neighborhood? Based on this research questions, the objective of this paper is to identify and interpret the displays of Urban Insurgency in Molenbeek. In order to achieve so, a transversal section through the core and borders of the neighborhood will be traced as the exploring path where different insurgencies should be detected. Instead of establishing a strict categorization, insurgencies are identified and typified by estimating the purpose of the social authors according to Jeffrey Hou’s work in Insurgent Public Space (2010): appropriating, reclaiming, pluralizing, transgressing, uncovering and/or contesting. As a following and final step, interpretation and analysis of the identified cases is made as an exercise of reflection.
Introduction
Molenbeek is an eclectic place, where a variety of different languages overlap on each other. The contrast between the European setting of the city and a multicultural society using and transforming the urban space according to their singular and heterogeneous ways of living lies as an underground manifestation, is waiting to be uncovered. By using the given public space in many other different ways as which were originally planned, Molenbeek´s dwellers are sending a hidden message of discrepancy, different from other common means of protest. Inhabitants in use of the urban place state their thoughts by acting on it. How can we define these expressions and what do they mean? Many of these manifestations can be explained trough the concept of Urban Insurgency. As a way to explain rebelling acts “against” urban structure taking place in the city, urban insurgencies reveal how “small” everyday behaviors can make an important impact on Molenbeek’s image. The building process for this paper brings some other questions on the table in order to problematize the topic. What kind of Urban Insurgencies can we find? What is the cause of these expressions of Urban Insurgencies? Who are the social actors of it? What effect do they have in the urban fabric and collective image? Furthermore, it is important to build up a framework that allows us to know how to interpret all of these manifestations of urban insurgency to uncover their meaning, moreover why do they appear in the first place. By exploring possible answers to these questions we expect to get a deeper understanding of the place. The approach of Hou in “Insurgent Public Space – Guerrilla Urbanism and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities” (2010) gives us an interesting point of view to begin with. According to his analysis of several cases of Urban Insurgency around the world, he is able to offer and compare the different manifestations in which the case of Molenbeek can be closely related. However, instead of establishing a strict categorization, insurgencies will be identified and typified by estimating the purpose of the social authors: Appropriating, reclaiming, pluralizing, transgressing, uncovering and contesting.
Having established the framework, the objective of this paper is to identify and interpret expressions of Urban Insurgency within the structure of typologies of actions mentioned. In order to achieve so, a transversal section through the core and borders of Molenbeek has been traced as the exploring path where different insurgencies, such as street art or transformations of the public space, should be detected and exposed. Moreover, each identified case will be analyzed in terms of the kind of insurgency, actors involved, location, and hypothesis about the motives. As a result, it is expected to have samples of Urban Insurgencies with enough variety to give us a picture of the overall situation of the place and to answer the questions above mentioned. The paper will end up with conclusions about the identification and personal interpretations of the two members of the group towards these expressions, and experience of this work. .
Urban Insurgency Framing Insurgent Urbanism Series of micro-spatial interventions are appearing around the cities of the world with the mission of transforming the configuration and nature of the existing urban spaces. They adopt different shapes, such as street-art, graffiti or empty/abandoned space appropriation and transforming practices; and different names, such as ‘insurgent’, ‘do-it-yourself’ (DIY), ‘guerrilla’, ‘everyday’, ‘participatory’ and/or ‘grassroots’ urbanism. [Iveson Kurt, 2013] Nowadays, cities around the world are a target of a global democratization. Neoliberal systems are heading the urban structure, the rural areas of the countries are becoming urban, and big displacements of inhabitants are taking place within and between nations. As a result of these dynamics the power of the existing urban centralities is being consolidated in relation with new peripheries that are hosting the poorest urban population. As part of a Center-Periphery paradigm; which doesn’t necessarily refers to a geographical condition, but to an advantageous position in terms of development, quality of live, and accessibility to urban systems; impoverished urban peripheries are the scenarios of insurgent movements as instruments to confront the entrenched regimes of citizen inequality that the urban centers use to segregate them [Holston James, 2009]. The volatile conditions of peripheries and its marginalized citizens create the conditions for the existence of urban insurgency that reacts against exclusion and struggles in much more in terms of residence and basic everyday resources [Holston James,2009].
Likewise, the neoliberal regime of the cities creates a context of polarization characterized by political, spatial, and socio-psychological contestation [Watson Vanessa, 2012] as well as an antagonism and opposition that divide the city transforming it into an instable order where inter-group conflicts over territory inform daily practices and essentialize deep divides around race, caste and ethnicity [Watson Vanessa]. In the context of a neoliberal urban practice, citizens that are not good-paying customers are excluded from the system. Therefore, Urban Insurgency appears as an alternative to respond and act beyond circumstances that often exclude their needs and priorities [Miraftab Faranak, 2009]. Urban Insurgency automatically creates an Insurgent Citizenship opposed to a statist citizenship that assumes the state as the only legitimate source of citizenship rights, meanings and practices [Miraftab Faranak, 2009]. The insurgent citizenship performs in everyday life spaces that are, as well, excluded from the state’s citizenship project. In a city where the impersonal and the private have priority over the common interests, those everyday life spaces struggle against the erosion of the public and the lack of social interactions. According to Iveson, urban spaces are always available for reappropriation. He points out that, as Lefebvre sustains, an intrinsically trialectial process, expressed by conceptions, perceptions and lived experiences, is present in the production of those spaces, where the conceptions of the proper use established by the urban authorities cannot be entirely controlled. The impossibility to control 100% of the interpretation of public spaces creates a gap where Urban Insurgencies are able to infiltrate. As a result of this infiltration, an open and inclusive public space can be built. Therefore, public spaces are accomplished by actions, purposeful occupations, contestation and struggle. As Iveson sustains, the shaping and reshaping of urban spaces is a product of complex power-geometries, as different actors seek to determine who and what the city is for [Iveson Kurt, 2013]. .
The concept of Urban Insurgency By framing Urban Insurgency, we can understand the conditions under which these expressions take place, and the reasons why they happen in different cities around the world. Therefore, we can start to look for a definition that connects the diversity of insurgent events in the urban field. According to Watson, urban insurgencies are those every day responses and purposeful actions that respond to neoliberal specifics of dominance through inclusion [Watson Vanessa, 2012] towards an alternative future. They characterized for transgressing, imaginative and leaded by “ordinary” citizens: activists, mothers, unemployed, students or neighbors. In the domain of the everyday and the domestic life, public spaces become platforms that, far from the official control, articulate and build residential spaces and alternative citizenships unlike the practical notion of public in which public space has been synonymous with spaces that are representing and controlled by the state. In contrast, the everyday and more vibrant urban life tends to occur in the back streets and alleyways [Hou Jeffrey, 2010]. Accordingly, new centralities are being imposed from the peripheries of the city, reclaiming and acting towards a new formulation of the urban system in terms of housing, property, daycare, security and social dynamics. Under and over the review of all Urban Insurgency practices together, these small-scale do-it-your-self actions express a belief that change is possible despite economic or political obstacles, or disciplinary or institutional inertia [Iveson, Kurt 2013]. Urban Insurgencies have an “everyday property” that, nevertheless, would not be possible if there was not an intensive struggle that has nothing to do with the scale of the actions. In opposition of carefully planned, officially designated and often underused public space [Hou Jeffrey,2010], the conjunction of all insurgent actions composes a collective body that seeks for new possibilities and diversities in a democratic urban society. These everyday practices transform urban spaces into what Watson calls “a site of potentiality, difference, and delightful encounters”*Hou Jeffrey, 2010]. Purposefulness of Insurgent Actions and sample Methodology Far from the establishment of an exhaustive typology, it is possible to understand Urban Insurgency expressions in terms of purposefulness of the actions. In general, according to Iveson, insurgent practices run across a range of vectors: From the temporary to the permanent, from the periphery to the center, from the public to the private, from the authored to the anonymous, from the collective to the individual, from the legal to the illegal, from the old to the new, and from the unmediated to the mediated, and vice versa. In addition to this, Hou purposes the following categories to understand the specific characters of the insurgent actions: Appropriating, Reclaiming, Pluralizing, Transgressing, Uncovering and Contesting. Appropriation_ Represents actions and manners through which the meaning, ownership, and structure of official public space can be temporarily or permanently suspended.
Reclaiming_ Describes the adaptation and reuse of abandoned or underutilized urban spaces for new and collective functions and instrumentality. Pluralizing_ Refers to how specific ethnic groups transform the meaning and functions of public space, which results in a more heterogeneous public sphere. Transgressing_ Represents the infringement of crossing of official boundaries between the private and public domains through temporary occupation as well as production of new meanings and relationships.
Uncovering_ Refers to the making and rediscovery of public space through active reinterpretation of hidden or latent meanings and memories in the urban landscapes. Contesting_ Describes the struggle over rights, meanings, and identities in the public realm. [Hou Jeffrey, 2010] As stated in the introduction the sample in which the theoretical framework has been tested, is defined by a route that enables to get through Molenbeek, and pick some of the most important and diverse expressions of insurgency.
Nr. 1 The gate The first expression of insurgency in the route is a corner where young male inhabitants sit down on the sidewalk of a Moroccan café, which is used as a panoptical space. They take control of the “entrance” of this area, working as a gate of those who want to enter the zone. Type of insurgency.- This kind of manifestation can be considered as Appropriating and Transgressing, the first one, because the public access trough the sidewalk is temporary suspended, their presence in the corner is so strong that you have to go around the territory in order to get to the street. We read this manifestation also as transgressing due to the fact that a private space (the cafeteria) is expanding their realm into the public space, not by the owners but by the clients who seemed to have made of this cafeteria a control access.
By taking an strategic place the users of the café can have a panoptical position and control of one of the access to the canal area and the car export/import business trough the south. The rest of the users, including local workers, go around the yellow area to avoid entering in their territory. The feeling of being carefully observed and unwelcome is translated as an aggressive expression of insurgency. It moves beyond formal citizenship to a substantive one that concerns an array of civil, political, social, and economic rights, including the rights to shelter, clean water, sewage discharge, education, and basic health—in short, the right to the city (Lefevbre 1996) (1)
Actors
Translating the manifestation Molenbeek is known for the important in-migrant population that has settled here. One of the problems, this population suffers, is the social exclusion and the displacement of further already excluded generations, therefore there is a big population of young adults that is looking for self-assertion and identity still in condition of exclusion. The lack of control over the domestic realm (job/space/independency/needs/recognition) led these actors to take control over a physical space. “Lefebvre understood the right to the city as a claim by the working classes to a presence in the city that legitimated their appropriation of urban spaces and their refusal to be excluded from them.“ (2)
Nr. 2 The Mural The second expression of insurgency in the route is an external wall of one of this car business, with a painting on it. This manifestation reproduces a typical (central)African landscape; an open space with figures of animals from the Savannah. (some extra animals have been added later like a rabbit ) This anonymous individual work finds complicity in the observers, who eventually become the main actors of this expression. There are important differences between individual, anonymous and uncoordinated acts of appropriation, and collective and public actions (3) Type of insurgency.- Murals can be considered as a Reclaiming type of insurgency, this particular mural results interesting: walls in general divide and fragment the space in our cities. “In a matter of decades, countries that were mostly rural have become mostly urban” (4) This wall is transformed to create a window that enables in a way to re-open the fragmented space.
Translating the manifestation
Actors: observers
Object: mural
The mural is almost in front of a big car export import business, that has a list of the places they take the second hand cars, most of the places are located in central Africa. Some of the employers come from these countries according to the owner. The workers spend time at the entrance looking to the mural. This is one of the most important economic activities in Molenbeek export used cars to African capital cities. Many shops and people in south Molenbeek are focused around this activity taking advantage of an industrial heritage of big plots, and big sheds. Since an important number of the workers come from Central African countries, the mural becomes an important piece to understand what is behind this expression. The mural is showing a strong attachment to the land, geography and environment. The mural talks about not being in the right place, about the differences. In a more global understanding the mural shows the need of searching for opportunities in distant places, that may be have more economic fluency. “For Zeiger (2011a), a growing number of emergent small-scale do-it-yourself interventions in the city ‘hold at their heart a belief that change is possible despite economic or political obstacles, or disciplinary or institutional inertia’.” (5)
Nr. 3 The Tuesdays Market The third expression of insurgency is the market that takes place on an important zone; every Tuesday an old square in the core of Molenbeek together with a diagonal street are occupied and transformed into a non-European kind of market.
Type of insurgency.- This non European kind of environment reflects an Appropriating and Pluralizing insurgency, by temporary changing the structure of the square and replacing it with a vibrant market. It changes the condition of this public space, meanwhile a different kind of market, with many other behavioural and organization qualities takes over a classic square (Hertogin van Brabant plaats) . This insurgency pluralizes the urban public space.
Translating the manifestation
Market off
Plural Actors
“Here, the conceptions or ‘representations’ of the proper uses of urban spaces that are authored by urban authorities are powerful but not all-powerful, and spaces are always available for reappropriation” (6)
Market on
Object
Another important aspect of Molenbeek is the strong and lively commercial activity, especially in their markets. Together with the old road to the city of Gent ,more known as Chausse de Gand, this municipality gathers at least three important markets and two shopping streets. Even though this market has a middle east character, it is interesting to notice that because of its spontaneous layout on the public space, the actors and users are European as well as non-European, this contributes to a plural use of the space. The message behind this manifestation of insurgency is that the structure of a public space can be very flexible when spontaneous appropriation takes place, hence this occupation is not permanent . Also the social codes of this kind of market are different, here the actors feel free to practice other ways of using the public space. It…”focuses on the new possibilities of public space and public realm in support of a more diverse, just, and democratic society.”(7)
Nr. 4 Deterioration of public space The fourth expression of insurgency is a very precise public space in between two high raised buildings as city regions become crowded with marginalized citizens and noncitizens who contest their exclusions.(8) What is interesting about this place is the notable deterioration of it caused by the users.
Type of insurgency.- This manifestation of insurgency can be qualified as transgressing and contesting. Transgressing because is evident the damage that public property has presented. On the other hand this kind of manifestation can be also be interpreted as contesting, because this expression is a way of rejection the given space.
Translating the manifestation Spot: public space
Actors
Public space
Object
This public space located between two buildings of the modern movement shows not only deterioration but damage and vandalism, this space is empty in the mornings but in the afternoons and at night groups of young people make use of the space. “It *modernist planning] assumes a rational domination of the future in which its total and totalizing plan dissolves any conflict between the imagined and the existing society in the imposed coherence of its order (9) “Confrontation is itself crucial both to undermine imperial regimes of knowledge and policy and to detect potentials for different futures.” (10) Molenbeek has an important young population, nonetheless very few options in terms of activities for this users. A school that is right next to the space had to protect the windows because of the constant damage done to the crystals, this information was given by the Director of this school. The low condition of private space, the rigid and inflexible private and public layout of projects of the modern movement and the pressure of densified buildings, may cause an instinctive rejection to this given spaces. Not to mention that teenagers receive also a lot of pressure in the family, when marginal conditions weakens cohesion within the unit. In others words the place and probably the situation in which the actors live, does not fit their needs. “The need for a new city to emerge out of our present dysfunctional and unjust urban condition is just as urgent now as it was in Lefebvre’s time.”(11)
Nr. 5 Transformed Balconies The fifth expression of insurgency concerns the balconies of the buildings around the public space in the previous description. We consider to include this expression because we consider the balcony the public space of the domestic realm, this way we read this manifestation as an instrument to uncover new practices in the private life.
Type of insurgency.- This manifestation of insurgency can be qualified as Pluralizing and Uncovering, since the balcony acquires new and different uses, but also because the new practices of what is considered an abandoned space or underused space in the dwellings is reinterpreted by the users.
Translating the manifestation
High raised buildings
Actors
“It is rather in the realm of everyday and domestic life taking shape in the remote urban peripheries around the construction of residence. It is an insurgence that begins with the struggle for the right to have a daily life in the city worthy of a citizen’s dignity” (12)
Balconies
Object
This building is part of the many samples of social housing that has been constructed in Molenbeek since the 1960´s as an answer to deal with population growth and migrant flows, this two volumes were built in 1970 . To complement this sample is important to remember Holston´s definition about insurgency in which new practices reconfigure the established histories. In this regard it results interesting to observe that the balconies introduce new practices of this space. The balcony is designed to act as a transition space between the public and the private, and also to insert a portion of the outdoor in the indoor. Nevertheless in this case this open space in the dwellings is mostly used as storage which redefines the original function. From this point we can observe that the same space (public or private) can be used in very flexible ways. The actors feel free to use this space. “But Lefebvre also hints at another ‘universal’ at play in the politics of urban transformation — his notion of inhabitance in and of the city — a concept that for Lefebvre speaks to ‘the plasticity of space, its modelling and the appropriation by groups and individuals of the conditions of their existence’ (Lefebvre, 1996: 79).” (13)
Nr. 6 neglected place The sixth expression of insurgency concerns the area surrounding the railway in what is considered the end of old Molenbeek, thus a mental barrier. This large place is considered as a dump, one of the few natural areas is considered a place for waste. The neglect ion of this natural area represents an expression of insurgency and seems to contribute the condition of mental border. “The conceptualization of rights as the privilege of certain kinds of citizens has grounded, in various incarnations, the entrenched system of differentiated citizenship.” (14)
Type of insurgency.- This manifestation of insurgency can be qualified as Transgressing; throwing away waste in an area that is not meant to be, this manifestation disturbs the established structure.
Translating the manifestation
Object
Old Molenbeek is characterized for having an unstable population, because of the constant rotation of users. This happens mainly because Molenbeek trough history has become the reception place for new population, some of the practices in this condition of transition can be seen as insurgent, while in others contexts just respond to an everyday practice, moreover the insurgency in this place acts as a reply of the other public spaces in which actors have been excluded. “´despite the rhetoric of publicity and accessibility´, the official public sphere rests on a number of significant exclusions, based n gender, class and race” (15) The place surrounding the railway works as a transition space between the new population and the integrated population, this condition reinforces the character of border that the railway has; the inequality of citizenships. The protagonists of this citizenship drama use non formalized channels, create new spaces of citizenship, and improvise and invent innovative practices, all of which attract a captive constituency that embraces their just demands. (16)
CONCLUSIONS DISCUSSIONS ON THE TABLE Urban Insurgency as a practice of the Right to the City Under the frame of a differentiated citizenship, Lefebvre sustains that there exists a right to the city that awakes a claim towards the legitimization of the appropriation of urban spaces. From this point of view, The Right to The City is a strong argument that supports Urban Insurgency practices. According to Holston, even if this “right” does not refer to any existing official rule, “an insurgent notion of Right to the City emerged in circumstances of degradation and peripheralnes, where confrontation is itself crucial both to undermine imperial regimes of knowledge and policy and to detect potentials for different futures” (17). In relation to this, we would like to quote the fragment of an interview to a local dweller in Brazil - Jardim das Camélias in Holston’s text “Insurgent Citizenship in an Era of Global Urban Peripheries”, in response to the question: “Why do you think you have rights?” “Well, one part is just what we were saying. I am an honest person, thank God. I don’t steal from anyone. I am a worker. I fulfill my obligations at home, with my family. I pay my taxes. But today I think the following: I have rights (…). But I have to run after my rights. I have to look for them. Because if I don’t they won’t fall from the sky. Only rain falls from the sky. You can live here fifty years. You can have your things. But if you don’t run after your rights, how are you going make them happen? [Resident of Jardim das Camélias since 1970, SAB member, retired textile worker+” (18)
As we can conclude, The Right to the City, far from a universal right, is seen as something that has to be selfbuilt. Moreover, it is the right of all citizens. However, nowadays, because of immigration waves, it is citizenship seems something that is in the battlefield as well. The conquer of the citizenship, together with The Right to the City combined, are the most important motivations for the existence of Urban Insurgency. “To move beyond a limited and liberal definition of citizenship to one of an inclusive citizenship, we need to recognize the various formal and informal ways that excluded people assert their citizenship rights.”(19) Molenbeek’s society is a clear example of the battle for citizenship, pursue of The Right to the City and, therefore, the existence of urban insurgencies. The large percentage of immigrants in the city and the “original” population, far from integrating, segregate each other. As a matter of fact, because of this, immigrants of Molenbeek are the main actors of urban insurgency. Micro Scale Intervention Vs. a Real Impact As we mentioned before, Urban Insurgencies have an “everyday property”. However, it is an important question to ask if, in fact, these actions, besides of the transformation of the image of a city, can make a real impact towards structural changes in the neoliberal urban system. Indeed, small-scale tactical interventions as Urban Insurgencies are most of the time invisible and do not achieve that goal. In order to do so, a political ingredient must to be added, such experiments will only give birth to a more democratic city if we can find ways to politicize them.[Iveson Kurt, 2013] In relation to this point, we believe that Urban Insurgency in Molenbeek is not yet building a new city in terms of structural changes recognized by official authorities, but is already transforming the configuration of the urban space by bringing new uses, new actors, and by proposing alternative spaces of exchange such as the week market. Therefore, everyday micro-scale insurgent actions are producing everyday micro-scale changes. The Response: Insurgent Planning So far we have seen how marginalized communities lead Urban Insurgency. However, professionals involved in the urban field are also part of the phenomenon. As a response of the already described conditions in which insurgencies take place, an Insurgent Planning is happening and being carried out by different kinds of agents, such as writers, urbanists, researchers, sociologists, geographers, etc. The goal of this movement is to practice the urban planning with a major emphasis on inclusion and community participation. According to Beard, for a successful relationship between the radical planner and the community, the planner has to be close to the community and the action [Beard Victoria, 2003] as a bottom-up approach.
However, Insurgent Planning should pay attention to the basics of Urban Insurgency. The goal should not be to eliminate urban insurgency, but to design flexible strategies that embrace the possibility of appropriation, adaptation and democratization of the urban space. Since it is not possible to create urban spaces that satisfy 100% of the citizens, a proper way to deal with it, could be to not try to deliver finished products, but urban frames that can be transformed according the users involved. Finally the stigmatization and reinforcement of the negative image of a place like Molenbeek, widely spread not only by the media but also by their own inhabitants and also by people who claimed to study the place is only contributing to open the gap between the old city, and its excluding right to citizenship, and the places of insurgency, where the real potential of change is.
REFERENCES-BIBLIOGRAPHY Beard, Victoria. A. (2003). "Learning radical planning: the power of collective action." Planning Theory 2(1): 13– 35. Holston, James. (1995). "Spaces of insurgent citizenship." Planning Theory 13: 35–52. Holston, James. (2009). "Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries." City & Society 21(2): 245– 267. Hou, Jeffrey., Ed. (2010). Insurgent Public Space: Guerrilla Urbanism and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities. London and New York. Iveson, Kurt. (2013). "Cities within the city: do-it-yourself urbanism and the right to the city." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37(3): 941–956. Miraftab, Faranak. and S. Wills (2005). "Insurgency and spaces of active citizenship; the story of Western Cape anti-eviction campaign in South Africa." Journal of Planning Education and Research 25(2): 200–217. Watson, Vanessa. (2012). "Planning and the ‘stubborn realities’ of global south-east cities: some emerging ideas." Planning Theory 12(1): 81–100.
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Miraftab, Faranak. and S. Wills (2005). "Insurgency and spaces of active citizenship; the story of Western Cape anti-eviction campaign in South Africa." Journal of Planning Education and Research 25(2): 200–217, page 201 Holston, James. (2009). "Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries." City & Society 21(2): 245–267, page 247 Iveson, Kurt. (2013). "Cities within the city: do-it-yourself urbanism and the right to the city." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37(3): 941–956, page 955 Holston, James. (2009). "Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries." City & Society 21(2): 245–267, page 245 Iveson, Kurt. (2013). "Cities within the city: do-it-yourself urbanism and the right to the city." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37(3): 941–956, page 943 Iveson, Kurt. (2013). "Cities within the city: do-it-yourself urbanism and the right to the city." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37(3): 941–956, page 944 Hou, Jeffrey., Ed. (2010). Insurgent Public Space: Guerrilla Urbanism and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities. London and New York, page 12 Holston, James. (2009). "Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries." City & Society 21(2): 245–267, page 246 Holston, James. (1995). "Spaces of insurgent citizenship." Planning Theory 13: 35–52, page 46 Holston, James. (2009). "Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries." City & Society 21(2): 245–267, page 249 Iveson, Kurt. (2013). "Cities within the city: do-it-yourself urbanism and the right to the city." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37(3): 941–956, page 955 Holston, James. (2009). "Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries." City & Society 21(2): 245–267, page 246 Iveson, Kurt. (2013). "Cities within the city: do-it-yourself urbanism and the right to the city." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37(3): 941–956, page 945 Holston, James. (2009). "Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries." City & Society 21(2): 245–267, page 260 Hou, Jeffrey., Ed. (2010). Insurgent Public Space: Guerrilla Urbanism and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities. London and New York, page 3 Miraftab, Faranak. and S. Wills (2005). "Insurgency and spaces of active citizenship; the story of Western Cape anti-eviction campaign in South Africa." Journal of Planning Education and Research 25(2): 200–217, page 202 Holston, James. (2009). "Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries." City & Society 21(2): 245–267, page 260 Holston, James. (2009). "Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries." City & Society 21(2): 245–267, page 259 Miraftab, Faranak. and S. Wills (2005). "Insurgency and spaces of active citizenship; the story of Western Cape anti-eviction campaign in South Africa." Journal of Planning Education and Research 25(2): 200–217, page 202