Introduction

The Pushtimarg and its Devotional Aesthetics

The ChaurasiVaishnavankiVarta (Chronicle of 84 Vaishnavas) manuscript under study here invites the reader-viewer into the broader devotional world of the Pushtimarg (Path of Grace), a Hindu tradition known for its literary and visual culture that focuses on the seva (loving service) of Krishna. As with many Hindu deities, Krishna’s depiction in South Asian literature and art is variegated and spans centuries. The deity’s multifaceted character is also evident in the devotional aesthetics of the Pushtimarg, though the Krishna of this tradition is most frequently characterized by a playful and child-like tenderness. This form of the deity may therefore seem somewhat far removed from the formidable philosopher Krishna of the popular Sanskrit text, the Bhagavadgita. While Krishna’s playful character in the ChaurasiVaishnavankiVarta differs in many ways from his counterpart in the Bhagavadgita, the two texts share analogous episodes that illuminate an essential quality of the god which is familiar across different textual and visual registers: his ability to bridge the worldly and the other-worldly. The Bhagavadgita episode in question recounts the moment when Krishna, as charioteer and counsellor to the Pandava warrior Arjuna, manifests himself as Vishvarupa (the Universal Form) who towers magnificently over the Kurukshetra battlefield. Arjuna, who has been seeking Krishna’s counsel on the nature of duty and action, becomes overwhelmed by this theophany and requests that Krishna return to his more approachable human-like form. Obliging, Krishna shrinks in size, and Arjuna ultimately emerges from the awesome experience with newfound conviction to fulfill his personal dharma to fight in the Mahabharata war. The episode therefore establishes Krishna’s divinity as well as his sensitivity to Arjuna’s limited capacity to behold the other-worldly Vishvarupa.

The ChaurasiVaishnavankiVarta’s analogous story also relates to Krishna’s magnitude and divinity on earth. Here, though, the message shifts to focus squarely on the necessity of loving and caring for Krishna as a divine and delightful child. The Pushtimargi story in question introduces a newly initiated follower of the Pushtimarg, Padmanabhadas, who is well-read in Hindu scriptures, including the Mahabharata, of which the Bhagavadgita is a distinctive part. Because of his own self-perceived erudition, Padmanabhadas finds it difficult to learn the ways of Pushtimargi worship, which emphasizes the loving service of Krishna as a svarup (divine image) cared for in the privacy of devotees’ homes. The scholarly Padmanabhadas proclaims to his guru, Vallabhacharya, that should he witness Krishna’s greatness with his own eyes he would more easily be persuaded to tenderly care for a small, humble form of the god in his own home. Characteristically, Krishna overhears his devotee’s wish and obliges Padmanabhadas by emerging from the banks of the Yamuna River in a form as large as a palm tree, proclaiming to Vallabhacharya, who is with Padmanabhadas to witness Krishna’s emergence from the riverbank, “perform my seva.” Vallabhacharya speaks directly to the palm tree-sized god, explaining that in this day and age there is nobody capable of caring for such a massive svarup! After all, how could a human devotee ritually adorn or offer affection to such a towering deity? Hearing this, the enormous form of Krishna comes to sit in the lap of Padmanabhadas’s guru, immediately shrinking in size so that the deity’s head just reaches the top of Vallabhacharya’s chin. Vallabhacharya then bestows the now child-sized svarup upon the humbled Padmanabhadas who then learns the way of loving devotion and discards all scholarly hubris. While in some ways radically different from the well-known Vishvarupa scene in the Bhagavadgita, the story of Padmanabhadas, like those of his fellow devotees who appear in the Chaurasi VaishnavankiVarta,similarly reminds the reader of Krishna’s ability to bring divinity lovingly into the human world.

vartas are often read in Gujarati translation, the status of Braj Bhasha as a language imbued with the qualities of Krishna devotion is still widely recognized. Within the larger canon of literature specific to the Vallabha Sampraday, the Braj Bhasha vartas occupy a very specific place for readers of past and present. Amidst a largely Sanskrit-based literary canon, including the theological treatises attributed to Vallabhacharya and his successors, the vernacular vartas stand out for their aesthetics and for their syntheses of the tradition’s history, theology and social and devotional expressions. These texts are therefore not considered ancillary in any sense: alongside Braj Bhasha and Gujarati hymnals, the vartasare primary to the daily reading and liturgical practices of Pushtimargi devotees.

Although in many cases precise authorship is difficult to confirm, it is safe to assert that varta texts were composed and edited by Vallabhacharya’s descendants and disciples living in northern and northwestern India between the 17th and 19th centuries. 6 Through the form of sacred biography, the vartas speak both to the broader socio-cultural milieu of early modern India, particularly north and northwest India, where the Pushtimarg first developed, but also to the specific details of sectarian relationships, hierarchies, devotional affect and ritual practices. While there are non-sectarian sources for learning about the early growth of the community (e.g. imperial courtly records, texts from other religious traditions, architecture, oral histories, etc.), much of what is known of the Vallabha Sampraday’s early history comes through the lens of the vartas themselves. It is from these accounts, for instance, that we first see references to how the tradition passed on religious authority from Vallabhacharya through male primogeniture.

Vallabhacharya’s living male descendants, called maharajas or goswamis, are still acknowledged as the community’s primary leaders. Collectively, Vallabhacharya, his descendants and their families are called the Vallabha Kul (the Vallabha Dynasty). In addition to caring for Krishna svarups housed in temples of the sect known as havelis, these leaders are generally responsible for initiating new devotees into the fold and for acting as gurus whooffer guidance with respect to the method of worshipping Krishna that characterizes the tradition. This method of worship, seva, is discussed at length in the vartas, which describe how hereditary leaders and devotees of the past lovingly served divine images of Krishna. Seva, which continues to be practised by followers of the Pushtimarg today, includes elaborate rituals during which the devotee lovingly bathes, adorns, feeds and sings to the deity at prescribed times of the day and according to the seasons. Therefore, when the weather is warm, Krishna requires light, airy clothing, and in the winter, he will need blankets, socks and perhaps a small fire to keep his hands warm. Many of the Krishna svarups that became primary during the 16th century are still worshipped in this fashion in havelis, which mark the sacred landscape of the living Pushtimargi tradition.

While the region of Braj remains a principal site of pilgrimage, the Pushtimarg’s foremost svarup, Shrinathji, has been housed in a haveli in Nathdwara, in the Mewar region of Rajasthan, since the late 17th century. Thousands of pilgrims still come daily to Nathdwara to have auspicious sight (darshan) of and make offerings to Shrinathji, who is said to have miraculously emerged from Mount Govardhan in the region of Braj in A.D. 1409 According to tradition, Vallabhacharya was called upon by Shrinathji in 1492 to establish a shrine and svarupsevaat Mount Govardhan. It was only when political instability upset the region in the latter half of the 17th century that the Shrinathji svarupand his caretakers left Govardhan and headed west, into Rajasthan. In 1671, with support from Mewar’s royal house, the grand haveli that still stands today in Nathdwara was built for Shrinathji and soon became recognized as the Pushtimarg’s principal seat of authority.

The ChaurasiVaishnavankiVarta

The Chaurasi Vaishnavan ki Varta is the oldest and to this day the most widely read varta text. Commonly attributed to Vallabhacharya’s grandson Gokulnathji (1551–1640, according to tradition), this text offers hagiographic accounts of Vallabhacharya’s

early disciples. These disciples include four of eight prominent poets of the Pushtimarg known as the ashtachhap (eight seals),of whom Surdas is the most widely known. Braj Bhasha compositions attributed to Surdas and his seven counterparts are sung as kirtan (devotional poem-songs) duringseva rituals in havelis and in devotees’ private homes. The DoSauBavan VaishnavankiVarta (Chronicle of 252 Vaishnavas) is the sister text to the ChaurasiVaishnavankiVarta and offers accounts of disciples (including the other four ashtachhap poets) initiated by Vallabhacharya’s son Vitthalnath, or Gusainji ( 1515–1585). While both of these collections officially present accounts of 84 and 252 disciples respectively, there are in fact many more figures whose sacred biographies are told. For instance, in the varta of Padmanabhadas, the reader will find stories dedicated to Padmanabhadas’s wife, daughter and son.

Collectively, the ChaurasiVaishnavankiVarta’s protagonistshail from diverse socio-economic, religious and cultural backgrounds and from a variety of geographical regions—from as far north as Kabul, as far south as Tamil Nadu, as far east as Bengal and as far west as Gujarat. The reader encounters men, women, children, kings, queens, farmers, carpenters, merchants, thieves, jewellers, beggars, Brahmins, Jains, yogis, Muslims, goddess worshippers, tribal people, prostitutes, orphans, child brides and widows. In addition to presenting the idealized social diversity of early followers, the texts also emphasize the diversity of human emotions and behaviours. Though some characters exhibit conventional qualities of humility, patience and unwavering faith in Krishna’s divine grace, others are irascible, vain, or tactless. 1 What binds these diverse figures together is their bhakti, expressed in myriad ways, with common focus on Krishna, guru and community.

Given the diversity of these figures, it is not surprising that each protagonist comes upon the Pushtimarg in a different manner and at different stages in his or her life. Some hear of Vallabhacharya and Gusainji through family members or friends, while others are attracted to these acharyas (charismatic teachers) after hearing their public recitations and exegesis of the Bhagavatapurana. There are also those bhaktas (devotees) who first become passionate about Shrinathji, and only turn towards the Pushtimarg when the deity himself explains that all of his devotees must first receive a formal initiation before they can fully cultivate a relationship with the divine. 2 In most cases, this Pushtimarg initiation, as it is described in the vartas, consists of the following: taking a ritual bath (snan); receiving initiatory mantras (called namnivedanand brahmasambandha) along with a necklace (mala) made of ‘holy basil’ (tulasi) wood; and finally receiving either a Krishna svarup or another physical object (e.g. a printed cloth with Vallabhacharya’s footprints) to which seva has to be performed. Much like Shrinathji, many of the svarups who appear in the vartas are described as having emerged as stone forms from the earth or from rivers. Other svarups are described as having been crafted by devotees from stone or metal. 3 In the vartas and among devotees today, svarups are often referred to lovingly as Thakurji or by other names that designate their particular form. 4

Once the svarup or other sanctified object is bestowed upon the devotee (in Braj Bhasha, Thakurji mathupadhrana), he or she is to learn the ways of seva from Vallabhacharya, Gusainji or a fellow devotee. Seva, as we learn from the narratives, generally involves preparing and offering special food items (bhog), the performance of kirtan,and the dressing and adorning (shringara) of Krishna. These actions normally occur in the privacy of the devotee’s home, sometimes even in seclusion from kith and kin. The moments of interaction between the deity and devotee are intensely intimate. It is significant to note that once initiated, the Pushtimargidevotee does not rely on priestly mediation in domestic worship. Orthodox Brahmins in their role as mediators during rituals are in fact repeatedly mocked in the narratives. Theirs is the path of rules and regulations (maryadamarg) and is portrayed as being stifled and constrained by endless boundaries and meaningless attention to rigid ritual practice over sincere, loving devotion. 5

In contrast, the Pushtimargidevotee himself/ herself can touch, play with, sing to, feed and put to sleep his or her household svarup. The performance of seva as it is described in the vartas is somewhat

idiosyncratic: as long as seva is performed with loving devotion, it appears that it is not necessary to follow any fixed set of external rules. If the devotee does something wrong, Thakurji himself steps in to correct his sevak (devotee) or calls upon Vallabhacharya or Gusainji to set matters straight. However, even what would be seemingly basic prescriptions for Vaishnava ritual practice, such as refraining from sevaduring times of physical pollution (e.g. during menstruation or after the death of a family member), are shown to be negotiable in the presence of fervent love for Krishna.

Once the sevak cultivates sincere devotion to Thakurji through seva, the deity begins to speak directly to his devotee and becomes an integral part of his or her daily routines. This process is referred to in the narratives as ‘causing the intimate experience’ of Thakurji (sanubhavatajanana in Braj Bhasha). The tenderness and intimacy of the moments in which Thakurji interacts with his devotees is truly at the heart of the ChaurasiVaishnavankiVarta, and of worship in the Pushtimarg. The following episode from the 60th varta about an elderly widowed woman—‘the Kshatriya woman from Sinhanand’— is one of many examples of the way in which Thakurji interacts with daivijivas (godly beings), those souls positioned to accept Krishna’s divine grace:

Episode One: After some time, the Kshatriya woman ran out of money and became destitute. After completing seva for her Krishna svarup, she would spin cotton and sell it to support herself. Whenever the vegetable seller would come by the house of the Kshatriya woman, Shri Thakurji would call out, “O’ Ma! The vegetable lady

Thakurji asking the kshatriya woman for food “just like a small child”

has come, go get me something!” Then the Kshatriya woman would go and buy a small amount of everything. Similarly, whenever the fruit seller would come by, Thakurji would say, “O’ Ma! Go fetch me some fruit!” Then, even if she had little money, the woman would buy a variety of fruit for Thakurji.

After observing the Kshatriya woman’s behaviour, the fruit and vegetable seller came to suspect that the Kshatriya woman would not allow her darling son out of the house because she feared he would be given the evil eye. “If this Kshatriya lady comes to buy from my cart first thing in the morning,” thought the vegetable seller to herself, “then I’ll surely be lucky in my sales throughout the rest of the day. I’ll wait beside her door each day until she comes to buy from my cart.”Indeed, the old woman would come daily and purchase all types of items—cucumbers, spinach and all kinds of greens and other fresh items. From these items, she would lovingly prepare food to offer to Thakurji. One day, when the vegetable lady was passing by the Kshatriya woman’s home, Thakurji ran to the door and called out, “Come quick! My mother is coming to fetch something!”The vegetable lady heard the beautiful voice and came running, but Thakurji quickly went back inside the house and was never seen by the vendor. “My darling! You mustn’t run out like that, you may be given the evil eye,”the Kshatriya woman scolded Thakurji. “But the vegetable lady was about to leave—then how would you get anything? How would you feed me?”he responded. “My darling,”the woman continued, “many vegetable vendors come around. I was inside, preparing things for your seva, so I didn’t hear the vendor’s call. Please, don’t leave the house like that lest the gaze of wicked folks in town fall upon you!” Then, just like a worldly child, Thakurji began to argue with the woman saying, “Now that vegetable woman has left! How will I eat? How will you feed me my meal?” The woman assured Thakurji, telling him that she would get vegetables from another vendor or from the bazaar. “Don’t argue with me—just be content!” Then, like a small child, Thakurji climbed up on the woman’s shoulders and whined, “But when will you bring me food?” Emilia Bachrach is an Assistant Professor In this way, Thakurji bestowed much grace at Oberlin College in Ohio, where she on the Kshatriya woman. 6 teaches classes in South Asian religions and gender studies. Her research and publications have focused on the This episode (prasang) is particularly contemporary reception of Braj Bhasha poignant for readers because of its refrain about bhakti literature in Vaishnava communities how Thakurji behaves “like a small child” (balakki (particularly the Pushtimarg) of north and nai in Braj Bhasha). While, theologically speaking, northwest India. She has also written in Vallabhacharya’s writing does not privilege the the book Gates of the Lord: The Tradition of mood of parental devotion (vatsalyabhava) over Krishna Paintings (Mapin, 2015). other traditionally recognized types of devotion [e.g. the erotic mood (shringarabhava) orthe mood of friendship (sakhya bhava), etc.], it is widely accepted in both varta literature and in contemporary practice that Krishna responds particularly well to being lovingly cared for as a child. 7

Despite their success in cultivating intimate relationships with Krishna, the vartas’ protagonists, including the figure of the Kshatriya woman introduced above, are hardly perfect models of virtue and grace. They make mistakes in their seva, run into social blunders at every corner and occasionally use uncouth words even to their gurus and to Thakurji himself. These seeming shortcomings, however, give the narratives’ authors many opportunities to teach the lessons of the sect to their readers. In another episode from the varta introduced above, Other Titles of Interest we learn that the Kshatriya woman does not make enough money from her spinning work to feed her svarup anything other than plain bread. When her situation does not improve, the elderly woman takes Art and Independence Y. G. Srimati and the Indian Style John Guy out a loan: “I have no husband or son to earn in this household,” she exclaims. Rather than praise her plan, Thakurji severely scolds his caretaker, telling her that taking out loans is dangerous and should always be avoided. In other narratives, devotees’ social or ritual Moulding the Void Mother in the Making Peter Bjørn Franceschi with translations by Minati Kar faults are scolded not by the deity or guru, but by fellow Vaishnavas who think themselves superior in the proper ritual conduct of seva. The lesson of such episodes is that one should practise humility and not