Editor's Introduction Welcome to Micronesian Educator, a journal reporting on educational research and practice in Guam and the Micronesian region . We have three articles in this issue. The first article, entitled From "Esteemed Colleaguesn to "Steamed Col/ix n: Language Use and Accent Awareness in Guam's Colloquial Chamorro English (GCCE), focused on describing the unique phonological features of GCCE, and to describe GCCE's contexts of use. More than one hundred years have passed since Guam became the territory of the United States and Chamorro people of today speak English fluently. The author emphasizes that GCCE is a largely non-stigmatized variety of English whose use and phonological characteristics have not yet been systematically investigated nor documented. This is a very readable article. The second article, entitled Incorporating Sustainability into the Curriculum: The Case of Green Projects in Coursework, is a corporation between the instructor and students in terms of green teaching and learning in the classroom . School teachers enrolled in a graduate course developed a green lesson plan and then conducted their lessons. Given that universities and K12 schools have a crucial and fundamental role to play in preparing the young for a lifetime of sustainable living, the article is a timely work describing how university teachers can incorporate sustainability into their curricula. Going green is everyone's business today.
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The third article is entitled "Share Your Light, Brother": Literary Ecology, Micronesia, and John Edgar Wideman 's Philadelphia Fire. As one of the reviewers admitted, this is a difficult paper to evaluate for publication in the Micronesian Educator. However, it is a very articulate and thoughtful analysis of the novel. The author says: "Given the novel's thematic and structural concern with place and identity ... in this case, one based on Neil Evernden and Joseph Meeker's models of ecological inter-relatedness and the biology of comedy provide the basis for a literary analysis of Philadelphia Fire that dramatically increases its relevance and accessibility to students and teachers in Micronesia." This type of work (literacy criticism) would be unique among publications in this journal. We welcome active responses from our readers , and hope they will be encouraged to submit their work for future issues, so that this publication continues to provide an important medium for sharing empirical research, literature reviews, theoretical perspectives, opinion papers , and practical applications . Finally, I would like to thank all of the authors who contributed to this issue; and all of the reviewers, for their enthusiasm and dedication : without which this journal could not exist. Yukiko Inoue, Ph.D. Editor
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From "Esteemed Colleagues" to "Steamed Collix": Language Use and Accent Awareness in Guam's Colloquial Chamorro English Clarisa G. Quan, University of Guam
Abstract The distinct sounds of English spoken on Guam identify the speakers as Guam's local indigenous Chamorros, who comprise about 40 percent of the population. Although Guam's official languages are English and Chamorro, English remains the language of government, education, the media, and, increasingly, the home. The presence of indigenous Chamorro speakers, US mainlanders as well as speakers of other Asian and Micronesian island native languages who all need to communicate with each other result in many Englishes spoken on island and residents' ability to place the different accents in English. But two variants stand out: one is Guam Standard English or (GSE), quite similar to the American standard. The other is a variety of English labeled Guam's Colloquial Chamorro English, or GCCE, that is unique to the island, with lexicon from the different languages and sound transfers from Chamorro. This study, which is a partial response to Suzanne Romaine's 1991 comment about the need for descriptions and analyses of English language use in Micronesia, describes English language use on Guam, then focuses on the largely non stigmatized sounds of GCCE: its distinctive intonational pattern, consonants and vowels that ultimately mark the speakers as "local" and Chamorro. The illustrations humorously show the importance of context in successful communication when using Guam's Colloquial Chamorro (and other) Englishes. Keywords: sociolinguistics, Guam English, ethnography, variable rules Introduction Chamorros and some Guam residents called "locals" speak a variant of English that is unique to the island. The distinct sounds of English are partially influenced by Chamorro, the indigenous Austronesian language of Guam in the Marianas of Micronesia. Guam's Colloquial Chamorro English (GCCE) is a largely non-stigmatized variety of English whose use and phonological characteristics have not yet been systematically investigated nor documented. It is distinct from Guam Standard English (GSE), which is closer to Standard American English. The purpose of this paper is two-fold: to describe the unique phonological features of GCCE, and to describe GCCE's contexts of use. Because GCCE has not yet been described in previous studies, this paper will enumerate the sound features of GCCE that mark its speakers as local. These phonological features aie associated with Guam's Chamorro and secondgeneration speakers. As evidence, references are made to a popular comic book English the Chamorro Way, written by non-linguists, and a popular radio show where the hosts freely shift and switch between GCCE, GSE, and other Guam English ethnic accents. Background Historical, social demographics GCCE borrowed lexical items not only from Chamorro but also from other languages of immigrants and residents from the Philippines, Japan, Korea, and other Asian countries. Colonized by Spain for over three hundred years, then taken over by the United States in 1898 5 Mic.,onesian Educato.. -
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after the Spanish-American War, the island remains an organized unincorporated territory of the United States with an estimated population of over 170,000 as of 2009. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, about 37 percent of the population is Chamorros, 26 percent are Filipinos; 7 percent are mainland Americans; about 11 percent are other Micronesians, and over 6 percent are Koreans, Japanese, Chinese, Vietnamese, Thai, and Indians. About 10 percent of the population is "mixed." In the same census, the following are the self-reported primary languages of the home: 38.8 percent English, 22.2 percent Chamorro, 22.2 percent Philippine languages, 7 percent Asian, and 7 percent other Pacific island languages (qtd. from CIA World FactbookGuam) . What this report does not mention is the use of different Englishes, among them Guam's Colloquial Chamorro English, as the medium of communication among Guam's diverse population. The presence of so many ethnicities and languages on Guam has resulted not only in many Englishes, but also a nativized form of English- GCCE- spoken by and associated with the biggest and perhaps the most influential group- the indigenous Chamorros. The many variants of English on Guam have also resulted in a linguistic or accent meta consciousness sometimes expressed in accent mimicry of different Englishes spoken by first generation Filipinos, Koreans, Chinese, Japanese, Chuukese, and mainland Americans. The resulting humor can diffuse the tension that sometimes results from the presence of many ethnicities on a small island. Of course, some of those mimicked can , and sometimes do, feel offended.
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The sounds enumerated below describe the distinct phonological features of Guam's Colloquial Chamorro English. They are different from Guam Standard English (GSE) in intonation, as well as in consonant and vowel quality. GCCE is the only speaking style of many older Chamorro native speakers , but middle-aged speakers can style shift to GCCE, using it in informal contexts like fiestas, family gatherings, gossip, and informal conversations among friends and intimates, and then switching to GSE in more formal settings and contexts . Middle-aged speakers who are GSE dominant switch to GCCE to evoke Chamorro-ness and or for special effect, e.g., emphasis, humor, mimicry, or teasing . Those who code switch between languages often do so between Chamorro and GCCE. Younger ones, many of whom are GSE dominant also can, when they wish to, style shift between GSE and GCCE for the same reasons. One could classify GCCE as a symbol of Brown and Gilman's (1960) concept of "solidarity," of closeness and we-ness among Chamorros and locals, whereas GSE is the preferred variant of "power," of the media and government. One can conceivably style shift from GSE to GCCE in formal out-ofplace contexts though, if, for example, the speaker is asking a personal favor from the addressee/hearer and the speaker believes that invoking the hearer's Chamorro-ness through GCCE will garner a more favorable response than if purely GSE were used. Guam Senator Tom Ada once said that a local electrician working on top of an electric and telephone pole in the southern part of the island totally ignored his loudly and twice-uttered GSE "Good morning!" greeting , but responded enthusiastically and smilingly in GCCE and hurriedly descended from the pole after the senator shifted to the typical GCCE greeting, "Hey, dude, hafa!" where hafa is a Chamorro word for greetings. The sounds and expressions of GCCE are indeed different from GSE and other Englishes heard on island, Hawaii, or the mainland United States. Another anecdote will help elucidate this. Many years ago, when my Chamorro husband and I were graduate students at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, three of his co-teaching assistants came over to help us move heavy furniture to our new apartment. After hearing my husband and me converse, two of them asked what language he just used to speak to me. Appalled, my husband retorted , "English, of course!" Only afterwards did he realize that the English he used in the classroom and with his classmates was different from the English he used at home among his family. He was unaware 6 Mic.. onesian Educato.. - Voluane 14, 2010
of style shifting between GSE and GCCE because he did so automatically, triggered by his addressees (the children and me), and perhaps the setting as well- (our soon-to-be exapartment), regardless of the presence of his Midwest Standard English speaking audience. Review of Previous Works Rather than call the English spoken on Guam a "dialect" of English, I choose to call it "colloquial" to avoid the sometimes nebulous and problematic differentiations made between "language" and "dialect," and to avoid the less-than-ideal-position of "dialect" compared to "language," which Hudson (1996) and Wardhaugh (2006) aptly summarize. I also use B. Kachru and L. Smith's term "Englishes" to emphasize English plurality on Guam, as well as English world ownership. In many places where it is used as a second or official language, its placespecific sounds, grammar, and vocabulary have come to develop local social meanings. English is indeed the global language of the 21st century, but it has become nativized in the places where it is spoken as the first language, an official language or the lingua franca. Guam Colloquial Chamorro English- GCCE- is largely not stigmatized most probably because it is the variant of English used by and associated with Chamorro speakers, who have historically held political and economic power on the island. Since the transition from U.S. military rule to civilian government in mid-20th century Guam, civilian governors, most senators, and most local judges have been Chamorros. All but one of the presidents of the university except one, have been Chamorros. A number of big businesses on Guam are Chamorro-owned. Therefore, the island's indigenous Chamorro language, as well as the English variants associated with those who hold political and economic power on the island, i.e., Chamorros and mainland Americans, reflect the status of their speakers.
Although descriptions of different Englishes spoken in the Pacific and Asia abound, Romaine (1991) noted the dearth of studies of spoken English studies in Micronesia. This study is a start in making up for that deficiency. It must be noted however, that the Englishes of the other Micronesian islanders whose native languages are different- Chuukese, Palauans, Yapese, Kosraeans, and Pohnpeians, - sound different from Guam's Colloquial Chamorro English, and therefore warrant separate studies. It remains to be seen if speakers from the other islands of the Marianas use a local variant of English analogous to GCCE. This researcher's guess is, most probably, since Chamorros are also dominant in Saipan, Rota, and Tinian, and Chamorro is also the indigenous language, albeit with dialectal differences. Some Guam speakers claim to be able to differentiate between Guam Chamorro English and English spoken in Saipan, Rota, and Tinian. Bautista and Gonzalez (2006) noted that many Southeast Asian studies describe the Englishes of speakers whose first language (L 1) or Native Language (NL) are non-Indo European, and therefore unrelated to English, and yet, whose Englishes have been influenced by the non Indo European native languages (Nls) . Examples are Llamzon (1969) and Gonzalez and Alberca (1978) for Philippine English; Zueridah (2000) for Malay English; and Frazier Gupta (1992) for Singaporean English. Most of these studies describe Englishes that fit right in Braj Kachru's (1985, 2006) Third Diaspora and model of the "outer circle," where English is not the native language and where the native languages are non-Indo-European, but where English is an official language or lingua franca. English language use on Guam however, is somewhat different from its Asia Pacific neighbors, and therefore, does not easily fit in Kachru's concentric circles model of Englishes around the world. Unlike other studies of World Englishes, neither Guam Colloquial Chamorro English (GCCE) nor its formal counterpart, GSE, fits comfortably in Braj Kachru's 1985 model of English language 7 Miczoonesian Educato.. - Volu111e 14, 2010
Unlike Hawaiian Creole English, GCCE did not develop from an immediate need for people speaking many different languages, in one place, and at one time, to communicate. It is not a creole. Some of GCCE's sound features started out as phonotactic transfers from Chamorro, the indigenous language of the politically influential indigenous Chamorro group. As evidence of their political power and social status, most Guam politicians today- governors, senators and nonvoting congressman - are from Chamorro families, or are married to Chamorros. Many wealthy landowners and business people are Chamorro. Not surprisingly these indigenous people are proud of their ethnicity. The expression "Chamoru yu" among the older ones, or "I'm Chamorro" among the younger ones, is a proud claim made by those who can do so. It is therefore not a long stretch to extend the same status to the English variant they use, the GCCE and the GSE. Use of GCCE Local and long-term residents can identify speakers' accents based on their Englishes as long as they are exposed long enough and surrounded by enough people who speak different variants of English. The rich mix of Chamorros, Filipinos , mainlanders, Japanese, Korean, Chinese, Micronesians, Thais, Vietnamese, and Indians living on a small island has resulted in a populace very much aware of speakers' ethnicities based on their English accents. For Guam residents, different Englishes in general and Chamorro English in particular, are rich resources not only for language use but also for teasing and humor. One of today's popular radio shows on the island owes much of its popularity to the local Chamorro anchors' ability to do just that. The show's host style shifts freely between GSE and GCCE, using falsetto, skits and songs to discuss sometimes sensitive social issues and raise social consciousness. Of course, the use of different "voices" and speaking styles results in humorously cushioning and masking what could otherwise be painful, or even offensive, topics. Guam has always had immigrant settlers. But second-generation Guam resident immigrants no longer sound like their first generation Asian or Micronesian immigrant parents. Rather, they grow up acquiring the English of their local peers- Guam Standard English (GSE) and for some, several features of Guam's Colloquial Chamorro English (GCCE). This makes it difficult, if not impossible, to identify the specific ethnicities of immigrants' children based on their English alone, especially by the second generation, after they have grown up on the island and gone to school with local peers . Indeed, the adage of peers first, teachers next, and parents last as models for English language style acquisition does seem to apply to Guam local speakers as well. Many older bilingual Chamorros code switch between Chamorro and GCCE. Many of the middle-aged generation, regardless of their Chamorro proficiency, style shift between GCCE and GSE in informal and formal contexts, respectively. This situation is akin to Fraser Gupta's (1992) description of Singaporean English. The younger generation may be heard more frequently using the standard, rather than the colloquial, form . Many young speakers regard GSE and by extension, American Standard English (SAE), as ideal. Unlike Singaporean Colloquial English, GCCE is not a creole or creoloid because it did not develop from a pidgin and its inflections are pretty complex and close to GSE heard in the media, education, and government. Characteristics of GCCE Below are the most common sounds of GCCE that make its speakers readily identifiable as local. Features that stand out are highlighted. Local residents who have lived on the island long enough are able to identify and label the speakers as Chamorro or local. Of course, the 9 Mic..onesian Educato.. - Volunae 14, 2010
presence of so many multilingual people on island with varying proficiencies and accents in English has resulted in a linguistic I English accent meta-consciousness that sometimes results in mimicry and humor. Many GCCE sound and other linguistic features have been captured in several editions of English the Chamorro Way, published and reprinted at least thrice in the 1980s and 1990s by Dave Santos, Martin Leon Guerrero, Vince Leon Guerrero, (Senator) Ben Pangilinan, Michele Santos, Therese Matanane, and Dan Tydingco, all of whom are Chamorro and non- linguistics trained . These comic books show how conscious locals were, and still are, of different accents- so conscious that they are able not only to identify and mimic speakers' ethnicities based on their Englishes , but also publish comic books highlighting the sound features, lexicon , and morphology of GCCE and other Englishes. When the comic books were printed about twenty years ago, they were so popular that they sold out within months of the first publication. The cartoons used in this paper are from the comic books (reprinted with permission) . They were chosen because they express the most obvious , apparent, and (locally perceived) humorous and stereotypical features of GCCE. Even though the comic books have been out of print for several years, the use of GCCE, GSE, Standard American English , and other Englishes continues today in the very popular Guam radio show "Malafunkshun" that continues the spirit of the comic book dictionary. The following chart summarizes and compares the consonants and vowels of Chamorro and English. The third column enumerates the GCCE equivalents. Similar sounds are simply transferred from the native language to GCCE. But English sounds not present in Chamorro are replaced by approximate sounds in GCCE. These are highlighted . The results can be surprising, e.g. , the SAE /GSE theta /8/ becomes either GCCE < t >word initially or <f >word or morpheme finally, or SAE/GSE /of becomes GCCE < d >or <v >/ <f >,also depending on where the sound is in the word. I
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Even though a detailed quantitative study of GCCE sounds is beyond the scope of this preliminary study, Labov's (1972) variable rules format is used to describe the striking and oftentimes mimicked sound features of GCCE because in essence, Labov's claim about variable rules capture many of the characteristics of GCCE. For the most part, no Chamorro speaker uses all of the GCCE variables all of the time because they either code switch or style shift between languages or between GSE and GCCE; and, for the most part, no Chamorro or even a second generation non Chamorro Guam resident, is unable to use some of the variables, or never uses a few of them, at least some of the time. Several cartoon examples below illustrate the variable use of language in GCCE. The following chart summarizes and compares the consonants and vowels of English and Chamorro. The third column lists the GCCE equivalents. GCCE variables are highlighted.
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English, Chamorro, and GCCE Sound Equivalents Chart English Sounds
Chamorro Sounds
GCCE Chamorro EN
Vowels a *ey I£
a
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u/U *ow I J a//\
p *b *d
d g none none ? f *v
s
*Z
*f *3
.,
tf *d) m/n/r:J *I r w/j
CE
CE
u
u
J
J
1\
a//\ w/no contrast
w/ no dipthong
Consonants p b
k *g *9 *o
a el£ no dipthong and no contrast i /1 wl no contrast
£
p b but p wd.finally t d butt wd. Finally k k g but k wd finally t but f wd.finally d/v/f ? ? f f none b/f
s
s
d) butS wd.finally none none none S but u· wd.finally tf (fronted) tf (fronted) cl5 (fronted) d) I tf (fronted) m/n/r:J m/n/r:J I but w? wd.finally r r w/j w/j
s
*Sounds with asterisks indicate articulatory differences between Standard English (GSE) and Guam Colloquial Chamorro English (GCCE) . GCCE's general intonational pattern, consonants, and vowels are illustrated below. Cartoons from the popular comic book dictionary English the Chamorro Way (1983, 1990) are used to illustrate some of them.
GCCE Intonation Guam's Colloquial Chamorro English (GCCE) phrases and sentences have variable pitch patterns and often end in a rising intonation. These contrast with many Standard English declaratives and with questions that normally end in a falling intonation. Usually, in the standard 11 Miczoonesian Educato.. - Volu111.e 14, 2010
variant of English, only Yes/No questions end in a rising pitch . In GCCE however, questions like, "Where did you go?" and statements like "I went to the flea market" end with higher pitches for "go" and the last syllable in "market."
GCCE Vowels 1. The absence of phonemic contrast between /i/ and /1/ results in speakers pronouncing words with the two vowels the same way. Thus, "ship and "sheep" tend to be pronounced as "sheep" <fip>. The cartoon in Figure 1 below illustrates this . Figure 1. No ( i /I ) contrast From English the Chamorro Way. Reprinted with permission
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Sheep: A la rge ocea n-fa ring vessel.
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SAE and GSE dipthongs /ow/ and /ey/ become monopthongs < J
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Words like "maybe" and "bowling" therefore tend to be pronounced as 11 >. Figure 2 below illustrates this.
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Figure 2. Absence of dipthongs (ow) and (ey) From English the Chamorro Way
3. SAE /u/ and /U/ merge to < u > so that "suit" and "soot" are pronounced exactly the same way. 4. SAE word final /o/ and /e/ are not dipthongized and are raised in multisyllabic words. So the final /ow/ and /ey/ in "rainbow," "veto," and "Lupe" tend to be pronounced "rainboo" <rEinbu> , 12 路 Mic..onesian Educato.. -
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"vetu" <vitu>, and <lupi> . The dictionary comic book gives the following examples of this phenomenon: a. Feck : false, placebo. "This diamond is feck!" [pronounced <f Ek > (p .19) b. Jed : A precious stone usually color green (p. 29). [This is pronounced c.
<dzEd>]. Jero: (GEE roo) : nothing (p. 29) (N .B. In this illustration, GSE (z) in "zero" is replaced by GCCE <dz> and the final (ow) is not a dipthong. The final vowel is further raised to <u>. GCCE pronunciation therefore tends to be <dziru>.
GCCE Consonants 1. SAE word or morpheme final voiced obstruents , i.e., stops lbdgl, fricatives lz,v, 3, o I, affricate ld3l are devoiced to their voiceless equivalents word finally in GCCE. This is probably one of the most noticeable features of GCCE. This is most likely a transfer from Chamorro to English because voiced obstruents do not occur word-finally in Chamorro. For example, "bad, Bob, big, made, jazz, & above" are pronounced <bret>, < b a p> < bik> , <meit> , <jres>, and <abaf> in GCCE. The rules below, following Labov's variable rule descriptions, describe how Guam Standard English (GSE) sounds or Standard American English (SAE) sounds, are changed to GCCE. In the rule, GSE sounds are on the left of the arrow. GCCE sounds are to the right of the arrow. Sounds to the left of the arrow are enclosed in parentheses to show their status as variables. Those to the right of the arrow are enclosed in greater than(>) I less than(<) signs to show that they are more or less likely to occur. Underscores after the slashes show the environments where the rules apply. The final obstruent devoicing rule states that GSt[+obstruent]]-? GCCE < - voice> I ____ #(#) [+ voice]
Thus , this rule states that morpheme-final or word-final voiced obstruents tend to be devoiced. The mix of "bolt" for "bald" and "eggs" and "eks" in Figure 3 below shows the variable use of the final obstruent devoicing rule: No local always says them, and no one never says them, even just in jest (q.v ., cf. Labov 1972). It shows how the final obstruent devoicing rule can lead to words that, in GCCE, sound and thus mean radically different from the original. One then sees the importance of context in the disambiguation and clarification of meaning because when there is ambiguity, it is the context that reveals the true meaning and prevents miscommunication. Another example given in the comic book is "esteemed colleagues" written as "steamed collix'' and pronounced as< istim k J liks >, where the GSEISAE consonant cluster (md) is simplified by deleting the (d), and the final voiced obstruent of "colleague" is devoiced to <k> . The plural morpheme "s" which should be pronounced as a <z> through assimilation, is reduced to an <s>.
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Therefore: GSE or SAE (9) -7 GCCE < t > I## _ __ But: -7 GCCE <f> I # (#) Thus, "worth it" is pronounced "worf it" in GCCE. But in the comic book, "thanks" is entered as "Tanks: Expression of gratitude or appreciation. Tanks for the memories" (p.53). "Thick, thighs", and "think" are all pronounced with a <t> (p.54) . On the other hand, "with, bath" are replaced by an <f >, as in <wif> and <beef> . Figure 5 below illustrates GCCE < t > replacing SAE and GSE (J ) in initial and medial word positions .
Figure 5. GSE initial (8) replaced by GCCE <t> From English the Chamorro Way
Ting: Any matter, affair, or in someting, ev ryt!__ng or nutting. co?ce~n as
4. GSE I of becomes < d > word initially, but < v >word finally or morpheme finally, or even < f > if the final obstruent devoicing rule is also applied (q .v. Rule #1 above) . Word medially, < d >, < v >, and <f > occur. Thus "mother" can be pronounced with a flapped <d> whereas "bathe" or "teeth" are pronounced "bafe" and "teef' <beyf> and <tif >, respectively. The compound word "without" tends to be pronounced with a <v> or an <f >, to <wifawt> or <wivawt>. As the voiced counterpart of the dental fricative /9/, 181 shows the equivalent variation, so that words like "those, them" and "bathe" become <dJs, dEm, beyf I beyv>, respectively. Interestingly, researchers have documented monolingual young English speakers substituting d
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the fricatives f/v for the more challenging, and perhaps more marked interdental fricatives /9 81 especially word finally. For GCCE speakers, substituting <d> and <t> for 181 and /9/ captures the [+dental] or [+alveolar] quality of the SAE morphemes, and the <v> or <f >captures the [+fricative] quality of the two English interdental fricatives. So both sets capture one of the characteristics or features of the original sounds: one captures the point of articulation, and the other, the manner of articulation. This means that, GSE (o)-7 GCCE <d> I## _ _ _ __ But -7 GCCE <v> I _ _ _ _ _# (#) Or -7 GCCE <f > I # (#) when and if the final obstruent devoicing rule is applied. 15 Mic.-onesian Educato.. â&#x20AC;˘ Volu111.e 14, 2010
The comic book gives the following examples of this: a. Brief: To inhale and exhale (p.7) . b. Whiff: 1. Alongside of: near to. "he's going whiff me to the dance." 2. A hot dog order with chili. "Give <gif> me fan one whiff an one whiff-out (p.58) . Figure 6 below shows (a) in "with" being replaced by< f >word finally in GCCE "whiff," and (J ) in "bath" being replaced by <f >in GCCE "baff." English "towel" becomes GCCE "tawoo" when the SAE I I I is deleted word finally and the vowel before it, compensatorily lengthened from a schwa to a long <u>, sometimes followed by a glottal stop. Figure 6. GCCE <dlflv> for GSE (a) From English the Chamorro Way Ta.~oo: (T.A woo): T h e cloth yoLt d r y yoLI.rself whiff after yoLI. take a baff.
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5. The English phoneme IZI is replaced by the voiced affricate <dz> (as in "jack) word initially and medially, but <s> word finally, so that "zipper, frozen, Xerox" become "jipper, frojen, jirocks" or <dzip 8r>, <frodz8n >, <dziraks> in GCCE, whereas the [z] in "jazz" is pronounced with a simple <s>. The comic book spells this word as "jass" (p.29). The rule would then be: GSE (Z) -7 GCCE < dz > But -7 GCCE <s> I
#(#)
The comic book gives "lizard" as "lijerd" and "Xerox" as "jirox". "zigzag" is pronounced as "jik jak" or <dzik dz cek> (p. 29) . Figure 7 below further illustrates this phenomenon. Figure 7. GCCE <dZ> for GSE (Z) From English the Chamorro Way
Jerox: The process of Photocopying.
6. In GCCE, voiceless stops SAE (p, t, k) are not aspirated in all positions . This means that the normally aspirated stops in 'Tom, pat, kite, kiss" tend to be pronounced without aspiration in <t am> <pcet> <kayt> <kis> . This phenomenon is common when the NL does not aspirate voiceless stops in initial stressed syllables. 7. The voiceless alveolar fricative Iff in words like "fish, shine, mash" is replaced by <s> in GCCE. So "fish" can become <fis> . The same is true for the Iff in "fishing" which becomes GCCE <fisir] >. The word "she" tends to be pronounced with an <s> also. The absence of If I in the native languages leads to speakers use of the sibilant <s>, the sound closest to it. Figure 8 from English the Chamorro Way illustrates this. Figure 8. GCCE <S> replaces GSE (f) From En fish the Chamorro Way
8. The GSE palatal affricate ( t f) is pronounced as a more fronted dental affricate < ts > in GCCE. Thus "chance" is pronounced <tsans> and "charge" becomes GCCE <tsarts>, written as "charts" in the comic book. Figure 9 below illustrates this . Figure 9. GCCE <ts> replaces GSE (tJ) From English the ChamorroWay
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