American Lawlessness: An Inquiry

"AMERICAN LAWLESSNESS": AN INQUIRY

VICTOR S. YARROS

A thememuchdiscussedin a superficialway,in newspapers, after-dinnerspeeches,sermons,isthelackofrespectforlawwhich issupposedtobeanAmericancharacteristic.Evenmeninpublic life,whowouldratherflattertheirfellow-citizensthanarraign them,makesweepingstatementsregardingAmericanlawlessness. Menofjudicialtrainingandjudiciousviewsfrequentlysupportthe chargeinquestionwithoutmaterialqualification.

The themeis a seriousone,and deservesa littledeeperand closer study. Are the Americansa lawlessor law-neglecting people? Aretheypeculiarinanyreal,palpablewaywithregard totheirattitudetowardlaw,regulation,socialdiscipline ? Ifthey are,howis thefacttobe explained? Andis theexplanation,or aretheexplanations,creditableordiscreditabletothem?

Wemaysetoutonourlittleinquirywitha fewrepresentative utterancesembodyingtheapparentindictmentofthenation.

In a speechto the Young RepublicanClub of New York, SenatorBorahofIdahousedthesewordsa fewmonthsago: "We areevennow,inouryouth,themostlawlessofanyofthegreat civilizednations. Thereis no countryoffirstimportancewhere thereissolittlerespectforlawbecauseitislaw[ashere]."

PresidentTaft,whofollowedtheSenatoron theoccasionin question,subscribedto thestatement."I believeit is true,"he said,"thatwedonotholdthelawassacredasweshould,"andhe addedthathedoubtedwhether"weheldanythingas sacredaswe should."

ProfessorFranklinH. Giddings,theheadofthedepartmentof sociologyat ColumbiaUniversity,in an addressdeliveredat a SchoolofPhilanthropy,statedthatin thelastfifteenortwenty years"a profounddeteriorationinprivateandpublicconduct"had takenplaceinthiscountry.Onall sides,hecontinued,"we see a desperateindifference"tomoralsandmanners.

The editoroftheCentury, a fewmonthssince,whileseverely lecturing a citizenwho,wearyofAmericanlawlessness,expressed hisintentiontoshakeourdustoffhisfeetandmovetosomecountry whererulesandregulations"meansomething,"madethefollowing observations:

The fundamentaldifficultywe haveis to obtainrespectforlaw as a principle.Noristhisanacademicquestion.Inallourcitiesitisoneofgreat practicalimportance.Take,forinstance,theunrestrainedlitteringof the streetswithpaperandbananapeels. To objectto this,while,everyday burglariesandmurdersarebeingcommitted,seemstomanyanundueanxiety abouttheaniseandcumminofgoodgovernment.Theydonotseethevalue ofenforcingpubliccleanliness,notonlyforitself,butasadisciplineinobedience tolaw.

A Chicago educator,in an indignantletterto thepress,declared that he sympathizedwith the citizen thus lectured,forhe had himselffelt,manytimes,thecall to somesuchact ofexpatriation. He wenton tospecify:

Thereissomuchplayingfastandloosewithlawinthiscountry,so much corruptionanddisorder,somuchlegislativepartiality,somuchpositiveanarchy oneveryhand.

Everybodyinauthority,fromtheindividualpolicemantotheSupreme Court,takesitintohisownhandstodecidewhether a lawistobeenforcedor not,andifso,howmuch. Wearenota nation;wearea rabble.

Suchquotationsas thesemightbemultipliedindefinitely.Are thefactsasalleged? Iftheyare,howdoesithappenthatmenand women who, in Europe, as Englishmen,Scotchmen, Irishmen, Germans,Frenchmen,Danes,Swedes,etc.,arelaw-abidingcitizens, becomebytheirchangeofallegianceandhabitat,wildand anarchical persons? How does it happen thatthedescendantsofsuchand mostofus are such descendants-throw offthe restraintsof traditionand socialdiscipline? It is,indeed,said thattheAmerican climate-although our continent has several varieties of climate-tends to make us restless,impatient,strenuous; but we have heardofno scientificattempttodemonstratetheproposition thattheAmericanclimateproducesimmoralityand crime.

Eliminatingphysicalfactorswemustturnforhintsandpossible causestooursocial,political,industrial,andmoralconditions. We cannotassertthatfreeinstitutions,democraticgovernment,billsof

rights,dueprocessoflaw,freeanduniveralelementaryeducation are necessarilydemoralizing.To maintainthisis to despairof civilizationandofprogress,toimplythattyranny,caste,privilege and artificialinequalityare conduciveoressentialtoreasonably moralconduct-"whichisabsurd." Moreover,noneofthefactors justmentionedis peculiartoAmerica. Democracyis advancing everywhere;feudalismand privilegeare retreatingeverywhere. FewprogressivethinkersbelievethatEngland,Germany,Austria, Italy,andRussiaarethreatenedwithmoraldeteriorationandcontemptoflawandorderas thedirectresultofthesteadyliberalizationoftheirgovernmentalsystems.Wewelcomepolitical,social, andeconomicreforminanypartoftheworld,includingtheOrient, withoutany apprehensionconcerningthemoraleffectsofsuch reforms.On thecontrary,we generallycontend,oradmit,that equal opportunity,justice,and freedommakeforresponsibility, strength,dignityintheindividual.

What,then,is thematterwithAmericans?Whatcausesand feedstheirallegedlawlessness ?

Perhaps,afterall,thetruthis thatAmericansarenotpeculiar, notreallymorelawlessthananyothercivilizedpeople,andthat theirapparentlackofreverenceforlawistheproductofa combinationoffactorswhichbegetpreciselythesameresultswhereverthey operatetotheextentordegreeinwhichtheyoperate. Shouldthis be thecase,thephenomenadeploredmightindeedgiveus pause, butnoindictmentofAmericansasAmericanswouldbewarranted. Therewouldstillbe greatneedofpropaganda,effort,work;but therewouldbenocausefornationalself-castigation,forsackcloth andashes,forgloomyfearsandpainfulreflections.

To bringhomethepeculiarnatureofcertainAmericanconditions-conditionsunderwhichlaws are made and enforced,or enforcedwithgreatdifficultyand againstdiscouragingodds-it maybewelltodwellonthecharacterandmeaningof"law." It is axiomatictosaythatunenforceablelawscannotbe successfully enforced.Itisa truismthatanactorordinancewhichoffendsthe generalsenseoffairnessoroutragesthegeneralintelligenceofa communityisforedoomedtofailure.Thiswassubstantiallytrue evenin theagesofdespoticrule; it is emphaticallytrueunder

popularrepresentativegovernment.Lawisnota commandissued bya superiortoaninferior.Sociologicallyspeaking,lawisaruleof action,a codeofrulesofaction,whichthecommunity,withvirtual unanimity,recognizesas essentialto its peace,order,comfort, prosperity.In otherwords,law is publicsentimentand public reasonembodiedin statutes. Custom,instinct,tradition,reason, common-sense-theseunderlielawandgiveitvitalityandsanction.

Machineryandtechniquemayobscurethesetruths,buttruths theyare. Laws maybe madeby meansof theinitiativeand referendum,thesimpletownmeeting,therepresentativeorsemirepresentativeparliament.Laws may be passed in responsereadyorreluctant-topublicclamor,ortheymaybe enactedby statesmen(orpoliticians)who,withregardtocertainsubjects,are a littleaheadoftheelectorate.Anactmaybeplacedonthestatute booksinoppositiontothewishesofa strongandagitatedminority. Usually,however,thereis no real chasmbetweentheminority whichfranticallyprotestsandthemajoritywhichapparentlyrides rough-shodoveroppositionand"enslaves " theminority.Towatch thegameofpracticalpoliticsistoreceivealmostdailydemonstrationsofthisfact. Thebottomtruthis as stated-thatlawmust reflectpublicsentimentandgrowoutofrealizedneed.

Nowlawswhichstandthistestareenforceableandaregenerally enforced.Not eventhehabitualcriminalwillventureto assert thatsocietyis wrong,and thatmurder,manslaughter,robbery, forgery,fraud,embezzlementare safe,respectable,andharmless practices.The scoundrelhas no loveforthelaw,butheis perfectlyawarethatheis a scoundrelandthatitwouldbeimpossible forsocietytogranthimfreedomofaction.

On theotherhand,ordinancesand lawswhichmajoritiesor strongminoritiesdo notask or desire,ofwhichtheydo notperceivethenecessityorreason,towhichtheyarehostileorprofoundly indifferent,arelawsandordinancesthatarenotenforceable.For eventhosewhodoperceivenecessityandreasoninthemcannot,in thecourseoftime,failtobe affectedbytheattitudeoflegionsof theirfellow-men.We aresocialanimals; thingsforwhichmany entertaincontemptandwhichtheyhabituallyignorecannotinspire intherestofustheemotionsthatareinspiredbythingswhichare

universallyrespectedandadmired. Suggestion,unconsciousimitation,the subtle influenceof example have much to do withthe conductofthemostsuperiorofmen.

This is why in the making and enforcementof law "likemindedness" is so importantand valuable an asset to any community.

In the address of ProfessorGiddingsreferredto above, stress islaid on the" absolutenecessityoflike-mindedness " intheUnited States, but the bearing of this theme on the problemof lawenforcementrequiresconsiderableelucidation. To quote fromthe same address:

WehaveintheUnitedStatesoneofthelargestpopulationsevergathered together, a populationofmanyraces,ofverymanynationalities,havingdifferenthistories,differentexperienceoflife,differentlanguages,andprofound differenceofknowledge.Ourpeoplerangefromthemostignoranttothemost learned.Thereareprofoundmoraldifferences,fromviceandcrimetoaltruism,andprofoundeconomicdifferences,fromdirectpovertyto enormous luxury.Addtothis,intricatedifferencesofideals,temperaments,andambitions.

Rememberingthe proper definitionof "law," it is obvious enoughthathomogeneityofa population,commontraditions,common standards,mutual understandingand sympathyare potent aids to law-enforcement.Wheretheseaids arelacking,wherelaws demanded and secured by one elementof an extremelyheterogeneous population are misunderstood, questioned, opposed, ridiculed,orscornedby otherelements,extraordinaryburdensare thrownon officials,policemen,inspectors,and naturally,theresult is meager and unsatisfactory. The communitywhich leans on policemenand inspectorsleans on a brokenreed. These functionariescando a little; nowherecan theydo everythingorevenmuch.

We come, then, to our firstproposition-that laws are not enforcedintheUnitedStatesas successfully,as easily,as thoroughly as in any advanced European countybecause "'like-mindedness" is largelyabsent.

Two or threeillustrationsdrawn fromcurrentand burning questionswillsuffice.

Take our Sunday laws. A state legislaturecomposedalmost entirelyof Americans of, say, British descent,passes a statute

providingforobservanceofSundayafterthePuritanmanner. The communityapprovesandsupportsthestatute;itisenforcedwithoutdishearteningdifficulties.Decadeselapse; cosmopolitancities growup; heavyimmigrationfromTeutonic,Latin,and Slavic countrieschangesthecharacterofthecitizenship;tensofthousands of"naturalized"Americans,andtheirsonsanddaughters,havea totallydifferentconceptionof Sunday observance.They are respectableandvirtuouscitizens,buttheysystematicallyignoreor breaka lawwhich"does notappealto them." Whathappens?

Local officials,inspiteofan oathtoenforcealllaws,suspendthe Sundaylaw; thepressissilentorevensympathetic;whenprosecutionsare attempted,juriesdisagreeor acquittheoffenders,for juriesreflecttheaveragecharacterandintelligenceofa community; elections,votes,platformssanctionthedisregardofthelaw. A theorydevelopsthatin thecitiesso circumstancedcustomand practicehave alteredthelaw. The theory,legallyspeaking,is unsound,butnotevendecisionsofthehighestcourtofthestate affectthepracticalsituation.Theproperthingforthelegislature todoistotakecognizanceoftheactualconditionsandintheinterestoflawitselfgrant"localoption" tocitiesinthematterofSunday observance.Butthisisnotdone,forinthelegislaturearemany representativesfromsmalltownsand ruralsectionsin whichthe conditionsaredifferent.TheSundaylawremainsonthestatutebook,butinthelargecitiesitis a dead letter. Respectforlaw isweakenedinconsequence.

Turningtoanothertypeorkindofregulation,takemunicipal ordinancesprohibitingthelitteringofstreetsorexpectorationon sidewalks.Suchordinancesare clearlydesirable;educatedand refinedmenandwomenfavorthemandrespectthem;indeed,it is at theinstanceanddemandofsuchelementsthatcitycouncils enactsuch"health"ordinances.Newspapersandclubscommend them,andwhatmorecanwewish?

A gooddealmore. Weforgetthattherearetensofthousands ofcitizensorresidentsineverylargecitywho,inthestrikingwords of a Slavicimmigrantleader,live underneathAmerica,not in America.Whatare healthordinancesto theforeign"colonies," totherecentarrivals,tothetenement-housepopulation? These,

andmanyothers,donotbelongtocivicclubs,donotreadmagazine andnewspapereditorials,do notknow,even,thattheordinances exist. Iftheylearnoftheexistenceoftheordinances,theystare, wonder,and quicklydismissthemfromtheirminds. Nothingin theirlives,habits,associations,experienceshas preparedthemto realizethesignificanceofsuchmeasures.Theymoveindifferent worlds.

Whatis theresult? In wholesectionsand districtstheordinancesarehabituallyviolated,consciouslyandunconsciously.A fewsporadicarrestsand spasmodic"crusades"remindus ofthe existenceoftheordinances-onpaper. Suchoccasional"enforcement"merelyemphasizesthefarcicalnatureoftheproceedings. Yethowirrelevantandsuperficialitistoexclaim,Aproposofsuch farcicalproceedings,"How lawlessAmericansare as a nation!'"

The blunderis in enactinglawsand ordinanceswhich"have no chance,"whichareforedoomedbythenatureofthemediumandthe conditionsinwhichtheymustvainlystruggleforslightandpartial recognition.If, however,we deliberatelyelect to enact laws demanded,understood,and appreciatedby a smallpart ofthe community,knowingfullwellthattheycannotand willnot be generallyenforced,thenwe shouldnot affectastonishmentor disgustwhentheforeseenandexpectedcomestopass.

A farmoreseriousbreakdownoflawandjusticeintheUnited StateshastakenplacewithreferencetotheNegropopulation.We lynchandburnblackmensuspectedofcrime;wehavewitnessed raceriotsin whichinnocentNegroeswereattackedand brutally huntedbecauseofactualorfanciedwrongdoingonthepartofa few blackmiscreants;wehavewitnessedgravemiscarriagesofjustice inthecourtsowingtotheantipathyofjuriestowardtheNegro;we acquiescein wholesaledisfranchisement of blackcitizensunder unfairand discriminatorystate laws. These phenomenaare deplorable,anditis thedutyofeveryright-thinkingAmericanto protestagainstthemandcometothedefenseoftheNegro. Atthe sametime,itisnotillegitimatetoaskwhether,inthesamecircumstances,anyotherpeoplewouldgivea betteraccountofitselfand showmoreself-restraint,lessprejudice,morehumanity.Onlyhalf a centuryagotheNegroeswereslaves. Theyhadnolegalrights

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whichwhitemenwereboundtorespect. Theywereboughtand soldasmerchandise.Theiremancipationcame,notas theproduct ofmoralandeconomicevolution,butas theby-productofa bitter andterriblewarovertheissueofsecession.Enfranchisementwas logicalandnaturalas a sequeltoemancipation.But the white populationoftheSouth,whileit acknowledgeddefeat,was not reconciledto completeemancipation.Reconstructioncarried abuseswithit andcoercionoftheSouthcouldnotbe continued indefinitely.The reactionwhichfollowedthe restorationof autonomyintheSouthwastheworkoffactorswhichlegislationand judicial decisionscouldnot and did not prevent. The Negro problemisoneofextremecomplexityanddifficulty,andonlytime andeducationcansolveit. Wouldanyothernationhavesolved itinfiftyyears? Noonewillanswerthequestionintheaffirmative inthelightoftherelationsbetweentheBritishandthenativesof Indiaand ofEgypt.

ButisitnecessarytogotoIndiafora parallel? Amorestriking andconvincingillustrationisaffordedbytheAnglo-Irishquestion. Thereismorelike-mindednessintheUnitedKingdomthanthereis intheUnitedStates. Still,Irelandisnotmerely"JohnBull'sother Island"; it is nota groupofBritishcounties.The lawsofthe ParliamentoftheUnitedKingdomhave notbeenwelcomedin Ireland. Fenianism,dynamite,boycotting,rent-strikes,cattledriving,obstruction-thesehave beenthemeansofIrishresistance to Britishrule. Coercion,severerepression,extraordinary measuresoflegislationandadministrationweretried,abandoned, triedagain,andabandonedagain. Whathasbroughtpeaceanda regimeoflawtoIreland? Radicallegislationsuitedtoherneeds. Reductionofrents,governmentinterference,landpurchase,state aidhavepacifiedIreland,andHomeRulewillsoonerorlatercompletetheprocess. The lawswhichwerenotand couldnot be enforcedhave been modified,repealed,superseded.The laws whicharebeingenforcedinIrelandareenforceableintheirnature, fortheneedsandsentimentsofthepeoplearebackofthemand underthem.

Somuchforthecauseofapparentlawlessnessfoundina heterogeneouspopulation,ina Babeloftongues,beliefs,traditions,stand-

ards,intellectualand emotionalcharacteristics.To comenowto anotherpotentcauseof"lawlessness"-thestructureandformof ourgovernment.

Federalismisdistinctlyanexperiment-atleastonthecolossal Americanscale. A unionof "sovereign"stateshas greatand splendidadvantages. Ourstatesarewonderfulsocialandpolitical laboratories.We are freeto "tryout" reformsand measures. We have ultra-conservative,moderate,progressive,and ultraradicalstates. Oregonproudlyclaimstohaveadoptedacompletely democraticformof government.Wisconsinboasts of model corporationlaws. Commissiongovernment,thereferendum,the initiative,therecall,incometaxation,directnomination-these anda hundredothermodernschemesanddevicesarebeingtested beforeoureyes. The moststubbornconservativecannotfailto profitbytheseexperiments.In sofarasmachinery,method,form ofgovernmentare concernedour dual systemis calculatedto promoteprogress.

Butthereis a lessattractivesideofthepicture. In thefield ofmoralsstaterightsand statefreedomyieldevilsas wellas benefits.So trueis this,and so widelyis it realized,thatthe demandforuniformlegislation(eitherimposedby thefederal governmentorelsesecuredbyagreementamongthestates)isnow almostanimperativecommandofthenationalconscience.What does"law" meanto thedivorcecolonyofReno? Whatdoesit meantomenandwomenwhomarryinonestate,obtaina divorce inanother,andformnewalliancesina third?Whatdoesitmean tothousandsofsuperficialobserversofsuch"legal" mockeries ?

Nay, thecase as regardsmarriageand divorcelegislationis evenworsethanitiscommonlypicturedbyadvocatesofa uniform divorcelaw. Eventheloose,crude,incongruouslawsofthemost "liberal"states,thestateswhichpracticallyadvertiseforpatronageofdivorcecolonies,arecynicallydisregarded.Asmanyjudges andlawyershaverepeatedlystated,perjury,collusion,fraud,and hollowpretensearealarminglyprevalentin thesphereofdivorce litigation.The courtsare notblind,but theycan do littleto discouragelyingand falseswearing.For instance,thereis the "residence"provision.Inthe"freeandeasy"stateseventhelaw

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demandsofpetitionersfordivorcea certainminimumperiodof residence.It doesnot,interms,discriminatebetweenthosewho haveactuallymadethestatetheirhome,andthosewhohavenot theslightestintentionofremaininginthestateonedaylongerthan is necessaryundertheletterofthelaw. To grantdivorcesto personswhoacquirealegaldomicileforthesolepurposeofqualifying fordivorceis,ofcourse,tooutragecommon-sense.Yet,without uniformityin legislationhavingvital relationto morals,such absurditiesarehardlyavoidable. Whatisbad andviciousinthe situationis theadvantagetakenofweakstatelawsbycitizensof otherstates;andthetemptations,theopportunities,theincitements to suchconductaretheresultofmisappliedfederalism.Fleshis weakat thebest,andcrimeorimmoralityislargelypreventedby removaloftemptationandopportunity.Wherelawscanbelightly and cavalierlytreated,dependuponit,manywillso treatthem. The weaknessanddangeroffederalismfroma moralpointof viewareillustratedconstantlyinanothersphere-thatofcorporate industryandcorporatefinance.Wehaveheardandreada good dealaboutthesturdyhonestyandintegrityofBritishmerchants. ThestandardsofAmericanmenofbusinessarenotnaturallylower thanthoseoftheirEnglishbrethren.Butourchaoticcorporation lawsputa premiumondeceptionandfraud. Whatonestatewill notdo forcorporationsanotherwill; thereis apparentlynothing somestateswillnotauthorizecorporationsto do forthesakeof feesandannualtaxes. MenincorporateinMaineorNewJersey todobusinessinWisconsinorMinnesota. Theyseekstateswhere "no questions"areaskedregardingtheircapital,assets,purposes, and methods.Theywantcharterswhichlicensethemto make moneyby hookor crook. Now, "guilt is personal,"but the primaryoffendersincasesofcorporatechicaneandplunderarethe lawmakerswhoenact corporationlawswhichbegetand breed dishonesty.Whata countrylikeGreatBritainorFrancecando forbusinessmoralityina month,byenactingonenationalreform measuredictatedbyexperience,wouldrequireyearsordecadesin theUnitedStates,owingtoour"sovereignstates"andtheirplace intheAmericangovernmentalsystem.

Whatistrueofcorporationlawistrueofrailroadlegislation,of

anti-monopolylegislation,ofpure-foodlegislation,etc. The conflictandconfusedmultiplicityoflawsbewilderanddemoralizemen, makingobediencedifficultand violationor evasionoflaw both simpleandprofitable.Needwewonderthat"respectforlaw" is weakerwithusthanwithnationsthathavenoconflictsofjurisdiction,nodividedallegiance,nofantasticlegalfictions?

Federalismwasa necessarycompromisewhenthemarvelous Americanconstitutionwasproposed. Butconditionshavechanged and thestateshavelostmuchoftheirfunctionand occupation. More"nationalism"isessentialtomoralityaswellastheefficiency, althoughincertaindirectionshomerule,localautonomy,andthe greatestscopeforexperimentationaremostbeneficial.In point offact,thewholeAmericansystemisundergoingprofoundmodification,and thereis as yetlittlecorrespondencebetweenreality and legal theory.This lack of congruityproducespractical anomaliesofvariouskinds.

Thereis a thirdgreatcauseof"Americanlawlessness,"and thatcauseisalsoinherentintheAmericanpoliticalsystem.The referenceis to theuniqueprerogativeofthecourtsin regardto legislation.The independenceof the judiciaryis a bulwarkof civilrightsandliberties,whilethedoctrineofseparationofgovernmentalpowers,ifnotcarriedtoofar,isfundamentallysound. We are carryingit toofar,and arenowlimitingit in themunicipal sphere. Powerfulwritersare advocatingfurtherlimitationof it inthesphereofstategovernment.Wearenotlikelytoestablish commissiongovernmentforstates,butwearelikelytoincreasethe advisorypowerofstateexecutives,andtoenablethemtointroduce "administrationbills"and"administrationbudgets,"as wellas to defendsuchmeasuresonthefloorofthelaw-makingbody. But, whateverwe maydo to simplifyadministrationand add to its efficiency,weshallnotshacklethejudiciaryormakeitsubservient eitherto theexecutionor to thelegislativedepartment.Courts cannotbefearlessandimpartialunlesstheyarewhollyindependent.

Atthesametimethereisplentyofroomfordoubtanddiscussion withreferencetothepowerofthejudiciarytopassuponandannul legislationon constitutionalgrounds. Thispower,as thoughtful menare aware,is not expresslyconferredin any constitution.

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ChiefJusticeMarshallfounditinimplicationsofthefederalConstitution,and hisargumenton thesubjecthas beenadmiredby greatlawyers.Thepeoplehaveacquiescedinandsanctionedthe remarkableinnovation.Still,in practicegravedifficultieshave arisen. Grantedthata writtenconstitutionneedsandpresupposes authoritativeinterpreters;grantedthatthecourtsarethebestand safestinterpretersoftheorganiclaw,ityetmustbeadmittedthat thereis somethinganomalousina schemewhichpermitsa single judgeofinferiorjurisdictionto "kill" an actofCongressorofa state legislature,or to suspendit indefinitely.The anomaly becomesflagrantwhenthisextraordinarypoweris usedrashlyor arbitrarily.It is hardlyto be wonderedat thatrestrictionsand safeguardsarenowbeingurged. Thusithasbeensuggestedthat unanimousdecisionsofthehighestcourtsshouldberequiredwhere laws dulypassedand signedare to be declarednulland void. Othershave suggestedthree-fourthsmajoritiesof the highest courtsfortheexerciseofthepowerinquestion.

Whateverwemaythinkoftheseandothersuggestions,thefact thatthereis,as SenatorRootofNewYorkhas admitted,much discontentandimpatientcriticismofthecourtsisonethatinduces soberreflection.Thefeelingis widespreadthatthereis toomuch "judiciallegislation"in theguiseofmereinterpretation;that "thedeadhand"controlsthecourtsandcheckspoliticalandsocial progress;that not law,but economicand politicalconceptions outgrownbythepeopletoooftenpromptdecisionsthatundothe workofyears. Judgeshavebeenchargedbypopularleadersand progressivelegislatorswith"usurpation"and class bias. Such charges,suchsuspicionsandagitationarenotconducivetorespect forlawandgovernment.

It is notmerelawlessness,dislikeofrestraint,andirreverence that yieldcriticismof the courts. The situationis in truth unsatisfactoryand abnormal. It challengesattentionand readjustment.The linemustbe moreclearlydrawnbetween reasonableinterpretationand legislationby construction.The questionmustbe definitelysettledwhetherwe are to adhereto thepresentpractice,andacceptfive-to-fourorfour-to-threedecisionsonconstitutionalquestions,as wellas suspensionofstatutes

by singlejudgesoffirst-instancecourts,or whetherwe are to changethe existingarrangementby well-consideredlegislation embodyingthematurethoughtof ourownday. To settlethis questionwouldbetopromoterespectforlawanditsinterpreters.

Onemoremajorcauseremainstobe named-onewhichgrows outofthemannersoflibertyanddemocracy.Howcantherebe respectforlawas lawwhenthereissolittlerespectformostofthe menwhoaresenttothelegislaturesandcitycouncilstoenactour laws? Whena legislatureadjournsthecryoneverysideis,"Good riddance!" Commendationfora legislatureis theexception,not therule,eveninthemostdignifiedandresponsibleofourorgansof opinion. The averagelegislatureis generallyunderfire. It is accusedofinefficiency,oftreachery,ofcorruption,ofservilityto specialand predatoryinterests.Bad statutes,crude statutes, omissions,failuresarealmostalwaysfoundin itsrecord. Many of our lawmakersare condemnedas cheappolicemen,toolsof selfishbosses,representativesofprivilege.We attacktheirrules, theirmethodsand theirmotives. We applaud "insurgency." We complainbitterlyofthe.moraland intellectuallevelofour politiciansandourlegislatures.

Thereis,alas! buttoomuchgroundforall this,butthepoint is thatonecannotexpectto findhighrespectforlawinsuchan atmosphere.Wecannot,exceptinthespiritofirony,speakofthe "wisdomofourlegislature " afterassailingitasa hotbedofintrigue, dishonesty,andparasitism.Wecannotproclaim"thebreakdowns ofrepresentativegovernment,"investigatescandalsand bribery conspiraciesandatthesametimedemandrespectforthehandiwork ofsuspected,branded,orindictedmen.

It isnowgenerallyadmittedthat"toomuchpolitics"isoneof ourseriouspoliticaltroubles.We have toomanyelections,too manycandidates,toomanyoffices.Ourballotsare toolong,our votingistooblindandtooignorant.Thisconditiondoesnotmake fordemocracyanddemocratization.Itdiscouragesthecitizenswho havenodirect"bread-and-butter"interestinpoliticsandrenders themapathetic.Themenwholivebypolitics,holdorseekoffice, workforfriendsorpatronswhoexpectfranchisesorfavorswithout a fairconsideration,,thriveonpolitics. Theyareeternallyvigilant,

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and successis theirreward. The disinterestedcitizencannot competewiththem. Fewerelections,simplermachinery,shorter ballots,longertermsofoffice,greaterauthorityinelectiveofficials (underproperchecksandrestrictions)-suchreformsas theseare necessaryunderexistingconditionsifwewishtoraiselegislativeand politicalstandards,to makelaw-makingand law-administration trulyrespectable.Ifwecould,evenfora relativelyshortperiod, conscientiouslypraiseourlawmakers,creditthemwithsincerity, ability,andpublicspirit,and speakwelloftheirachievements, the generalpublicattitudetowardlaw and legislationwould undoubtedlyundergoa healthychange.

Amongtheminorandlessgeneralcausesof"Americanlawlessness"thefirstintheopinionofmanyobservers,isourantiquated and unreformedlegalprocedure.Thelaw'sdelaysandthelaw's technicalitiesandred-tapearetoonotoriousto requiremuchdiscussion. The formsand practicesthe UnitedStatesborrowed fromEnglandthatcountryhaslongsincemodifiedorabolished;in mostofourstateslawyersandlegislatorsaretooapatheticortoo short-sightedandroutine-riddentoreformandmodernizeprocedure. Litigationis thereforecostly,andcriminaljusticeslow,uncertain, andinefficient.It is notnecessarytoassumethatspeedyjustice is alwayssurejusticein orderto sympathizewiththedemandof progressivejuristslikePresidentTaft,Mr.MoorfieldStorey,and othersforsimplicityandcommon-senseinpleadings,fordignityand decorumintheexaminationoftalesmenandtheconductofcases, and fora reasonablelimitationofappeals. The absurditiesand vulgaritiesofAmericanprocedurebenefitnooneexceptthehabitual criminalsand theshysters.

Publicsentimentandthesentimentofthepracticalandefficient businesscommunityhavetoleratedabominationsinlegalprocedure, first,becausea youngandprosperousnationisnaturallyeasy-going, and,in thesecondplace,becausedelays,technicalappeals,and decisionsontechnicalgroundshavebeenerroneouslyassociatedwith democracyand equal opportunity.Whereeverybodyhas "a chance,"indictedorevenconvictedmenhaveamiablybeengiven everypossiblechance. Oldconceptionsoflawandgovernmenthave beenappliedto newsituations.The perversionof thewritof

habeascorpus,forexample,hasincertainstatesthreatenedtomake justiceimpossibleinparticularclassesofcriminalcases. Judgesof inferiorcourtsclaimedtherightto retrycases decidedby the highestappellatecourts,andhadtobesharplyrebuked.

It scarcelyneedsurgingthatinefficiency,waste,farcicaltechnicalitiesin theadministrationoflawandjusticeunderminemen's respectforconstitutedauthority.

Finally,as an enlightenedforeignthinkerhas observed,the "magnificentdistanceswhichseparateAmericancitieshamperthe advanceofthehighercivilization."TheUnitedStates,as another foreignwriterhassaid,isa continentratherthana country.There isa profounddiversityofinterestsandfeelings.Eachsectionhas itspeculiarconditionsand problems,and each sectioninsistson beingallowedtoworkoutitsproblemsinitsownway. Thefuture maybringabouta splendidsynthesis,buttheperiodofstormand stress,of transition,ofreadjustmentis inevitablycharacterized by restlessness,impatience,conflictbetweentraditionand fact, realityandform.

In anycourtofreasonandphilosophicalinsighta demurrerto theindictmentoftheAmericannationonthescoreof"lawlessness" andlackofdisciplineandreverencemustbefullysustained. The true,philosophicalstatementis thatin theUnitedStates,owing toitshistorical,geographical,social,industrial,andotherconditions; owingtotheIndianproblem,theslaveryandNegroprobleminits variousphases,the heavyand unprecedentedimmigration,the "melting-pot"processesand the natureofthediverseelements whicharethrownintothepot,thequestionoflaw-enactmentand law-enforcementisoneofextraordinaryandunparalleleddifficulty andcomplexity.Thustostatethecaseistoemphasizethemagnitudeofthetaskbeforethecountryas wellas thesupremedutyand necessityofpromotingsolidarity,like-mindedness,andunityamong us whilecherishingfreedomoflocal experimentationand useful differenceswithinwidelimits.