Deconstructing Anti-intellectualism
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ALEX ETL, SEP 25 2017Theyear2016offeredaseriesofshockingpoliticalevents,culminatingintheBrexitreferendumandtheelectionof DonaldTrump.Observersfromacrosstheglobetriedtointerpretthesedevelopmentsfromdifferentangles.The outcomeoftheirworkhasbeenanumberofnewlyemergingconceptsadaptedinordertomakemeaningoutofthe currentstateofaffairs.Termslike‘post-truthera,’‘filterbubble,’and‘anti-intellectualism’enteredtheexplanatory jargonofexperts,analysts,andjournalists.Thisarticletakesuponeoftheselinguisticconstructs–‘antiintellectualism’ – and aims to point out that its usage invokes exclusionary and dangerous practices.
Inherentintheconceptof‘intellectualism’isaprivilegedgroup–theintellectuals–who,incontrasttothosedeemed asthinkingwithemotion,areabletothinkrationallytoaddressgreatproblems.TheOxfordDictionarycallsit‘the exerciseoftheintellectattheexpenseoftheemotions.’Conversely,asRichardHofstadterwritesin‘AntiintellectualisminAmericanLife,’anti-intellectualideasandattitudessharethe‘suspicionofthelifeofthemindandof thosewhoareconsideredtorepresentit;andadispositionconstantlytominimizethevalueofthatlife’.(Hofstadter, 1963)Manyarticleshavepublishedinrecentmonthsthattheproblemwithcontemporarypoliticaleventsistherise of‘anti-intellectualism,’aphenomenonwhichissaidtoendangerthebasisofsociety.Forexample,MatthewMotta andJayA.DeSartbothconcludedthat‘anti-intellectualism’canbeusedtocraftsupportfordifferentpolitical movementsandpoliticians,asithappenedduringtheelectionofDonaldTrump.(Motta,2017;DeSart,2017) Besidestheseexamples,‘anti-intellectualism’becameapopulartermin2017amongsuchnewspapersasthe Washington Post, the New York Times, the Guardian, and the Diplomat.
‘Anti-intellectualism’asaconceptisinherentlyproblematicbecause‘intellect,’‘intellectual’and‘intellectualism’are nothing,butemptyorillusionarycategories.Thereisnoobjectivelyestablishedgroupof‘intellectuals.’Nonecan decidewhoobtainthecapabilitytothink‘intellectually,’thatis,toexercisereasoningattheexpenseofemotions. Nevertheless,theconstructedcategoryof‘intellectuals’isdepictedmostlybyacademics,experts,journalists, politicians,philosophers,writers,activistsandscientistsinoureverydaydiscourse.Thiscanbeseeninawiderange oflistsoftop‘intellectuals’,establishedbynewspapersliketheObserver,theNewYorkTimes,andtheForeign Policy.Asimilarexampleemergesfromtheabovecitedscholarlyarticles,sincebothMottaandDeSartusetheterm ‘intellectuals’ as constituted by scientists, academics and experts.
However,itiseasytoseethatonecouldexerciseintellectualismwithoutbelongingtothisgroup,justasthe constructedgroupofintellectualscanalsoeasilydrawontheirsubjectiveemotionsevenwithoutfullyunderstanding thefact.ThiswasalsocapturedbyNoamChomsky,whoarguedthatinmanycasesacademicsconstitutea privilegedclass,while‘plentyofpeopleinthecrafts,automechanicsandsoon,probablydoasmuchormore intellectualworkasplentyofpeopleinuniversities.’(MitchellandSchoeffel,2002:96)Hence,‘intellectualism’and ‘anti-intellectualism’ emerge as illusionary, empty terms from the discursive field.
Thebiggesttroublewith‘anti-intellectualism’isthattheconceptpresupposesacleardistinctionbetween ‘intellectuals’andthe‘masses’.Asshowedabove,theformergroupisconstitutedmostlybyscientists,academics, journalistsandexperts,thelatterconsistsofordinarypeoplewhodonothaveaccesstothetruthandtherefore requiretheintellectualservicesoftheformer.Inthiscontext,‘anti-intellectualism’referstotherejectionofthe ‘masses’toallow‘intellectuals’totellthemhowtosolvetheirownproblems.Hence,theconceptof‘antiintellectualism’impliesthatpersuadingthe‘masses’bylogicisnotpossibleanymore,whileitportrays‘intellectuals’
asthevictimsofthissituation.Thisimplicitlyimpliesthatscientificreasoningisaninherentlypointlesseffort,since the ‘anti-intellectuals’ will not pay attention to it.
Themoreimportantproblemis,however,thatthetwoconstructedgroups–‘intellectuals’and‘anti-intellectuals’–are mutuallyexclusive,henceabinaryoppositionemergesinthediscourse.Thisdivisionisfurtherstrengthenedbythe factthattheconstructedgroupof‘intellectuals’sharecertaincommontraits,suchastherejectionofBrexit,Trump andsimilaranomalies.Thus,aBrexitoraTrumpsupporterispronetobeingcalledan‘anti-intellectual’,or‘anti-elite’. Thepredicamentof‘intellectualism’or‘anti-intellectualism’isthatitperpetuatesthesemutually-exclusivecategories. Inotherwords,theterm‘intellectual’necessitatestheexistenceof‘non-intellectuals’orthe‘masses’.Thisisnotonly abinaryopposition,butalsoahierarchicalrelationshipinwhichthe‘intellectual’occupiesthesuperior(savior),while the ordinary people the inferior (needs to be saved) position.
Because‘intellectualism’and‘anti-intellectualism’arenotstablecategorieswithfixedcontent,thereisnoruleto decipherwhobelongstothe‘intellectuals’orthe‘masses’inreality.Nevertheless,thebinarycanestablishafeeling ofexclusioneventhoughtheseareonlyimaginedcategories.Beingintheinferiorgroupleadstodissatisfaction.This powerpositionplayswellintothehandsofpopuliststrategies,whichcannowutilizethisinferiorsentimentagainst theconstructedsuperiorgroupandgaincreditandsupportamongtheseeminglyexcludedmembersofthe ‘intellectual’society.Fromthisperspective,itisonlyamatterofpoliticalmaneuvertoignorescientificdata,an‘antiintellectual’movefromtheinferiorsidethatcanleadtoincreasedpopularity.Assuch,politicianscanoperationalize thisnotionandtargettheconstructedgroupof‘intellectuals’andthosepeoplewhoarelinkedtothisemptycategory basedontheiroccupationwithintheknowledgeeconomy.Inthisregard,theNewYorkTimesprovidedanimportant insight,howtheRepublicanPartystartedtoembracethe‘anti-intellectual’labelfromEisenhower,throughNixon,to Reaganinordertogainvotes.Similarly,NigelFarageusedthistoolafewmonthago,whenheaccusedtheLabour party that it was ‘hijacked by Islington intellectuals’.
Tobeclear,Iacknowledgeaneedforacademicexpertisetobedeployedinsystematicallydelegitimizingdecisions thatareharmfultosociety.However,‘anti-intellectualism’asanexplanatoryconceptisdefinitelynotahelpfultoolfor this,asitevokeselitistandexclusionarypractices,whichcreateevenbiggersocialdamage.Insteadofthis,onecan talkaboutcertaintrends,forexamplehowRepublicanshavegrownnegativeaboutcollegesanduniversities,orhow wehavetofacecertainlimitationsofreasoningduetothefunctioningofthehumanmind.Importantinsights,like thesecanprovideusefulentrypointsforfurtherresearchtoexplaindifferentphenomenon.Nevertheless,when analyststrytointerpretongoinginternationalevents,theymustcarefullyevaluatetheconsequencesoftheirwords. Justasexplanatoryconceptssuchas‘anti-intellectualism’canbeimmediatelyuseful,theycanalsoposeagreater, hidden danger.
Note
[1] I am grateful to Anna Etl-Nadudvari and Eric Frenkil for their comments and suggestions to improve my work.
References
Hofstadter, R. (1963). Anti-intellectualism in American Life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Laclau, E. (2005). On Populist Reason. London: Verso.
Motta,M.(2017).TheDynamicsandPoliticalImplicationsofAnti-IntellectualismintheUnitedStates.American Politics Research.
DeSart,J.A.(2017).Anti-Intellectualisminthe2016PresidentialElection.In:2017AnnualMeetingoftheWestern PoliticalScienceAssociation.[online]Vancouver,BritishColumbia.Availableat: https://wpsa.research.pdx.edu/papers/docs/desart2017.pdf [Accessed 21 Aug. 2017].
Mitchelle,P.R.andSchoeffel,J.(2002).UnderstandingPower.TheIndispensableChomsky.TheNewPress.New
York.
About the author:
AlexEtlisaPhDstudentattheNationalUniversityofPublicService,Hungary,whereheanalyzestheeffectof identity,strategiccultureandthreatperceptiononCentralEuropeandefensecooperation.Heisalsoaresearch assistantattheCenterforStrategicandDefenseStudies.Hisfieldofresearchincludescriticalinternationalrelations theories, security theories and European defense policy.