Raceascivicfelonyn
LoıcWacquant
Thehighlyparticularconceptionof‘race’as national‘principleofsocialvisionanddivision’ (Bourdieu1989)thatAmericahasinvented, virtuallymatchlessintheworldforitsrigidity andconsequentiality,isadirectoutcomeof themomentouscollisionbetweenslaveryand democracy after bondagehadbeenestablished asthemajorformoflaborconscriptionand controlinanunderpopulatedcolonyhometo anagrariansystemofcommercialisedproduction(Fields1982).No othersocietyhascombined thosetwocontraryprinciples ofsocialandpoliticalorganisation:bondagewasabolishedintheCapecolonyin 1834,sevendecadesbefore thelattermergedintothe nascentSouthAfricanRepublic;theFrenchrestored slaveryunderNapoleonin 1802aftersuppressingitin 1794butitconcernedonly far-awaycoloniesanditwas eradicatedin1848,longbeforetheThirdRepublic firmlyestablisheddemocraticprinciples;Brazil retainedslaverylongerbutitwasamoribund institutionthatpersisteduntil1888undera monarchicalregime.ThattheUSAalonewasa slaveholdingrepublic premisedonthedoctrineof naturalrightsexplainsitselaborationofan aversiveandall-encompassingconceptionof ‘race’asdenegatedethnicitygearedtoreconcilingthe‘self-evidenttruth’that‘allmenare createdequal’andendowed‘withcertainunalienablerights’withthearrantviolationof
theseverysametruthsbythebondageof millionsofblacks.
LoıcWacquantisDistinguishedUniversityProfessorofSociologyandAnthropologyattheNewSchoolforSocial Research,ProfessorofSociologyatthe UniversityofCalifornia,andaResearcher attheCenterforEuropeanSociologyin Paris.Hisinterestscomprisecomparative urbanmarginality,thepenalstate,bodily crafts,socialtheory,andthepoliticsof reason.Hisrecentbooksinclude Body& Soul:NotebooksofanApprentice Boxer (2004)and DeadlySymbiosis:Raceandthe RiseofNeoliberalPenality (2005). Email:loic@uclink4.berkeley.edu
TheJimCrowregimereworkedtheracialisedboundarybetweenslaveandfreeintoa rigidcasteseparationbetween‘whites’and ‘Negroes’–comprisingallpersonsofknown Africanancestry,nomatterhowminimalor (in)visible–thatinfectedeverycreviceofthe postbellumsocialsystemandcultureinthe South.Withabolition,‘statussegregation’ anchoredbythedivision betweenfreeandunfree laborturnedintoa‘verticalsocialsystemofsuperandsubordination’that ‘integrat[ed]theethnically dividedcommunitiesinto onepoliticalunit’andfosteredthecontinuedmonopolisationofhonourby whites(Weber1920,p. 934).Theghetto,inturn, imprintedthisdichotomy ontothespatialmakeup andinstitutionalschemas oftheindustrialmetropolis.Somuchsothatinthewakeofthe‘urban riots’ofthe1960s,whichintruthwereuprisings againstintersectingcasteandclasssubordination,urbanandblackbecamenear-synonymous inpolicy-makingaswellaseverydayparlance. Andthe‘crisis’ofthe‘innercity’,whichbythen replacedthe‘wickedcity’ofthelate-nineteenth centuryastheincarnationofurbandreadand socio-moraldissolutioninthenation’scollective conscience,cametostandforthecontinuing contradictionbetweentheindividualisticand
competitivetenorofAmericanlife,ontheone hand,andtheenduringsocio-spatialseclusionof AfricanAmericansfromit,ontheother.
Asanewcenturydawns,itisuptoanother ‘peculiarinstitution’bornoftheadjoiningofthe hyperghettowiththecarceralsystemtouphold thesocialandspatialisolationoftheirresidents andremouldthesocialmeaningandsignificance of‘race’inaccordancewiththedictatesofthe deregulatedeconomyandthepost-Keynesian state(Wacquant2000).Now,thepenalapparatushaslongservedasaccessorytoethno-racial dominationbyhelpingtostabilisearegimeunder attackortobridgethehiatusbetweensuccessive regimes.Thusthe‘BlackCodes’ofthe1860s servedtokeepAfrican-Americanlabourinplace followingthedemiseofslavery(Myers1998) whilethecriminalisationofcivilrightsprotestsin theSouthinthe1950saimedtoretardtheagony ofJimCrow(O’Brien1999).Buttheroleofthe carceralinstitutiontodayisdifferentinthat,for thefirsttimeinUShistory,ithasbeenelevatedto therankofmainmachinefor‘racemaking’.Its materialstrangleholdandclassificatoryactivity haveassumedasalienceandreachthatare whollyunprecedentedinAmericanhistoryas wellasunparalleledinanyothersociety.
Theresurgentdangerousness ofblackness
Amongthemanifoldeffectsoftheweddingof ghettoandprisonintoanextendedcarceral mesh,perhapsthemostconsequentialisthe practicalrevificationandofficial solidificationof thecenturies-oldassociationofblacknesswith criminality anddeviousviolence.ThecondemnationofNegrophobiainthepublicspherehas notextinguishedthefearandcontemptcommonlyfeltbywhitestowardsagroupthey continuetoregardwithsuspicionandwhose lower-classmemberstheyvirtuallyidentifywith socialdisorder,sexualdissolution,schooldeterioration,welfareprofiteering,neighbourhood decline,economicregression,andmostsignificantlyviolentcrime(Hurwitz&Peffley1998, Terkel1992).Surveysoffearofcrimehave consistentlyfoundthatAmericansaremore scaredofbeingvictimisedbyblackthanwhite strangers,whilestudiesofthedeterminantsof perceivedcriminalityinlargecitieshaveshown
thatthepercentageofyoungblackmenis positivelyassociatedwiththebeliefthatstreet crimeisaseriousproblem,netoftheeffectof individualandneighbourhoodcharacteristics (Quillian&Pager2001,St.John&Bates1995). TheequationofanonymousAfrican-American maleswithperilonthestreetismoreovernot limitedtothewhiteneighbourhoodsanddwellersofthedualisingmetropolis.Bythe1980s,a ‘siegementality’haddiffusedintoblackdistricts thatinclineditsresidentstobe‘suspiciousof unfamiliarblackmalestheyencounter[ed]’in publicplaces(Anderson1990,p.5).Theresultis thateverywherethedominantstrategyfor ensuringphysicalsafetyinurbanspaceisto avoidyoungerAfricanAmericans.Inthedualisingmetropolis,theappraisiveslogan‘blackis beautiful’hasbeeneffectivelysupplantedbythe vituperativeadage‘blackisdangerous.’
AlongwiththereturnofLombroso-style mythologiesaboutcriminalatavismandthe widediffusionofbestialmetaphorsinthe journalisticandpoliticalfields(wherementions of‘pre-socialsuperpredators’,‘wolf-packs’,‘animals’andthelikearecommonplace),the massiveover-incarcerationofblackshassuppliedapowerfulcommon-sensewarrantfor ‘usingcolourasaproxyfordangerousness’ (Kennedy1997,p.136).Inrecentyears,Americancourtshaveconsistentlyauthorisedthe policetoemployraceas‘anegativesignalof increasedriskofcriminality’andlegalscholars haverushedtoendorseitas‘arationaladaptationtothedemographicsofcrime’,madesalient andverified,asitwere,bytherapidblackening oftheprisonpopulationaftertheghettoriotsof the1960s,eventhoughsuchpracticeentails majorinconsistenciesfromthestandpointof constitutionallaw(Kennedy1997,pp.143,146). Throughouttheurbancriminaljusticesystem, theformula‘Young 1 Black 1 Male’is routinelyequatedwith‘probablecause’justifyingthearrest,questioning,bodilysearch,and detentionofmillionsofAfrican-Americanmales everyyear(Gaynes1993).
Inits1968decision Terryv.Ohio,justas raceriotswereroilingthemetropolis,theUS SupremeCourtauthorisedthepolicetocarry outstopsandsearchesonthe‘reasonable suspicion’thatcriminalactivityisafootbased onmerepresenceinahigh-crimeareaand evasivebehaviour.Inthedecadessince,the
steadyloweringofthethresholdofevidenceset bythejudiciarytomeetthis‘locationplus evasion’standardhas‘resultedinstopsand frisksofresidentsofinnercities–primarilypoor persons,African-Americans,andHispanic Americans–faroutofproportiontotheir numbers,andoftenwithoutjustification’(Harris1994,pp.622–623),settingoffaselfperpetuatingcyclewherebythepolicearrest ghettoresidentsfortheprimaryreasonthatthe latteravoidthemonaccountoftheveryongoing harassmenttowhichtheyaresubjectedbythe police.Civil-rightsorganisationshavesoincorporatedthispracticeintheirnormal‘horizonof expectations’thattheyhavetakentotraining blackyouthsinmajorcitiesonhowtohandle routinechecks,stop-and-friskcampaigns,and streetsweeps.IntheMarylandsuburbsof Washington,forinstance,thelocalchapterof theNAACPandtheBlackLawyers’Association joinedwithteachersandthepolicetorun coursesinhighschoolsinwhichadolescents rehearsedwithrealofficerstheirprobablefuture arrest,bodilysearch,andinterrogationsoasto minimisethelikelihoodofaseriousincidentand injury(Miller1997,pp.100–101).
Buttheconflationofblacknessandcriminalityisnotlimitedtotheperimeterofthe racialisedurbancore:inotherdistrictsofthe metropolis,thepolicehaveelaboratedandthe courtshaveendorsedthe‘out-of-place’doctrine accordingtowhichalaw-enforcementofficeris warrantedtofindsuspiciousapersonofone ethnicityobservedinanareaprimarilypopulatedbyanother.Thuswhenblackmenenter whiteneighbourhoodstheirraceisreadasan outwardindicatorofpotentialunlawfulactivity andusedasjustificationforstopping,questioning,andsearchingthem.Whenwhitesenterthe ghetto,ontheotherhand,theassumptionofthe policeis either thattheyareengagedincriminal activity,typicallyasconsumersofdrugsor prostitution, or thattheyhavelosttheirwayand areinneedofassistancelesttheybeharmed. (Whenwedrovetoandfromtheboxinggym whereIconductedethnographicfieldworkinthe ChicagoghettoneighbourhoodofWoodlawn forthreeyears,mycoachDeeDeealways instructedmetokeepabriskspeedforfearthat thepolicewouldstopusongroundsthata youngwhitemanandanoldblackmanriding togetherinabeat-upPlymouthValiantinthat
areamustbeuptolegalmischief.)The‘out-ofplace’doctrineappliedinwhiteareasand‘random’investigatorystopsandstreetsweepsapplied inblackones‘indicatehowraceisoftenthesole predictorindecidingwhichcriminalsuspectsto detain’(Johnson1995,p.656;ontheprevalence ofracialbiasinstreetsearchesandsweeps,pretext stops,drugprohibitionenforcement,andqualityof-lifepolicing,seealsoCole2000).
Togetherwiththepracticeofpandemic overcharging,thewidespreadacceptancebythe courtsofraceasprobativeofcriminalactivity andthesteadyerosionoftheprobable-cause requirementsetbytheTerrydecisionensurethat poorurbanAfricanAmericansfindthemselves caughtintheclutchesofthepenalsystemin numbersandwithanintensityfaroutof proportionwiththeircriminalinvolvement (Maclin1998,Roberts1999).Theconflationof blacknessandcrimeincollectiverepresentation andjusticepolicy(theothersideofthisequation beingtheconflationofblacknessandwelfare receiptinthesocialpolicydebate)thusreactivates‘race’bygivingalegitimateoutletto theexpressionofanti-blackanimusintheform ofthepublicvituperationofcriminalsand prisoners.AswriterJohnEdgarWideman (1995,p.504)pointsout:
It’srespectabletotarandfeathercriminals,toadvocate lockingthemupandthrowingawaythekey.It’snot racisttobeagainstcrime,eventhoughthearchetypal criminalinthemediaandthepublicimaginationalmost alwayswears‘Willie’Horton’sface.Gradually,‘urban’ and‘ghetto’havebecomecodewordsforterribleplaces whereonlyblacksreside.Prisonisrapidlybeingrelexifiedinthesamesegregatedfashion.
Civilitermortuus:thetriple exclusionofconvicts
Byassumingacentralroleinthepost-Keynesian governmentofraceandpovertyatthecrossroadsofthederegulatedlow-wagelabour market,arevamped‘welfare-workfare’apparatusdesignedtosupportcasualemployment,and thevestigesoftheghetto,theovergrowncarceral systemoftheUSAhasbecomeamajorengineof symbolicproductioninitsownright.1 Itisnot onlythepreeminentinstitutionforsignifying andenforcingblackness,muchasslaverywas
duringthefirstthreecenturiesofUShistory. Justasbondageeffectedthe‘socialdeath’of importedAfricancaptivesandtheirdescendants onAmericansoilbytearingthemapartfromall recognisedsocialrelations(Patterson1982), massincarcerationalsoinducesthecivicdeath ofthoseitensnaresbyextrudingthemfromthe socialcompact,therebymakingthem civiliter mortui.Inmatesarethetargetofathreefold movementofexclusionaryclosureinstigated fromabovebythestateandsupportedfrom belowbythefearfulmiddleclassandresentful fractionsoftheworkingclass.
1.Prisonersaredeniedaccesstoinstitutionalised culturalcapital:justasuniversitycredentialshavebecomeaprerequisiteforemployment inthe(semi-)protectedsectorofthelabour market,inmateshavebeenmadeineligiblefor PellGrants,themainfederalprogrammesubsidisingcollegetuitionforlow-incomestudents, startingwithdrugoffendersin1988,continuing withconvictssentencedtodeathorlifelong confinementwithoutthepossibilityofparolein 1992,andendingwithallremainingstateand federalprisonersin1994.Thisexpulsionfrom highereducationwasvotedbyCongressin knowingdisregardofoverwhelmingevidence thatprisoncollegeprogrammessharplyreduce recidivismaswellashelpmaintaincarceral orderforthesolepurposeofdramatisingthe dividebetweenconvictedfelonsand‘law-abidingcitizens’(adetailedhistoricalandanalytical accountofthecampaigntosuppresspublic fundingofhigher-educationprogramsinUS prisonsinthe1990sisPage2004).Expulsionwas extendedafewyearslaterbyaclauseofthe HigherEducationActof1998thatbarsstudents convictedofadrug-relatedoffencefromreceivinganypublicgrant,loan,orworkassistance.
Intheparliamentaryandmediadebates,opponentsoffederalsponsorshipofhighereducation inprisonwildlyexaggerateditsscopeand financialweight,allegingthatinmatescholarshipshadundergone‘exponentialincrease’to 200milliondollarsandwouldsoonbloatpast thebillion-dollarmark;andtheyclaimedthat,as aresultofthismisplacedliberality,‘honestand hard-workingAmericans’werebeing‘elbowed out’ofcollege.Oblivioustoridicule,senator KayBaileyHutchisonofTexasevenasserted
thatshrewdconvictswerenowcommitting crimesfortheexpresspurposeofgaininga universitydegreeforfreebehindbars(see CongressionalRecord,USSenate,103rd Congress,vol.139,n.157[November1993],1st Session,Tuesday2November1993).Inreality, atthetimeoftheirfinaldeletionfromthe programme,felonsreceivingfederaltuition creditnumberednot200,000(asmaintainedby theirdetractors)but27,000foratotaloutlayof 35milliondollarsamountingto one-halfofone percent ofthetotalPellappropriationof$6.3 billion.Inadditiontogrossexaggeration,the opponentsofcollegeeducationinprisonrhetoricallysetupadichotomousoppositionanda zero-sumgamebetweenconvictsandthe‘childrenoflow-incomeworkingpeople’thatare bothspurious:first,prisonersthemselvesstem essentiallyfromthelowerfractionsofthe workingclassand,second,theiraccesstotuition supportdidnotdepriveotherapplicantssince thePellgrantprogramfunctionsinthemanner ofaquasi-entitlementinwhichallstudents meetingincomequalificationsreceivefunding.
Butthenightmarishpictureoflavish governmentsupportfor(black)prisonersrobbingordinaryAmericanscommittedtowork, morality,andrespectabilityoftheirfairshotat ‘theAmericandream’resonatedpowerfullywith theraciallyinflectedanti-welfarestatesentiment surgingthroughthecountryaswellaswiththe well-wornthemeofthe‘coddlingofcriminals’in ‘five-starprisons’(Flanagan&Longmire1996, Gilens1999).Anditadroitlytappedwidespread middle-classanxietyoverthefast-risingcostof collegeandtheincreasedintensityandunpredictabilityofeducationalcompetition:theprice tagforhighereducationexpressedasafunction oftheaveragehourlywagedoubledbetween 1972and1992whiletheoverallnumberof fellowshipsdeclined,nottomentionthat‘higher educationnolongeroffersaguaranteeof economicsecurity’(Mare1995).Justwhenthey area sinequanon formembershipinthemiddle andupperclasses,tertiarycredentialshave becomesoexpensivethatby1995ninestates hadestablishedprogrammesofanticipated tuitionpaymentallowingparentstostart ‘purchasing’afutureseatatthepublicuniversity fromthebirthoftheirchild,andmoststateshad instituted‘529plans’providingtaxbenefitsfor familiessavingmoneyforpayingforcollege.Itis
farmoreexpedientpoliticallyandfinancially sparingforelectedofficialstolambastethe fundingofcollegeeducationforprisoners, howevernegligibleitmaybe,thantoconfront thesourcesoftherisingcostanddecreasingyield ofstrategiesofmiddle-classreproduction throughthetransmissionofculturalcapital. Whatismostremarkableaboutthisepisodeis thatpoliticianswerewillingtobrushoffthe unanimousrecommendationofcorrectional officials,wardens,andpenologiststoretain collegeeducationbehindbarsanddismantled oneofthefeweffectiveandefficientprogrammesproventoreducecriminaloffending (thethree-yearrecidivismrateofformerprisonerswithacollegedegreeis5%comparedwitha nationalaverageof40%)forthesheersakeof deployingpopulistpenalrhetoricportrayingthe mostunworthyoftheunworthypoor–convictedfelons–associalparasitesfesteringonan overgrownwelfarestateandsuckingthe‘hardearnedtaxdollars’ofhonestcitizenswho, thoughtheyworkandsave,struggletotransmit theirmiddle-classstatustotheiroffspring.
2.Prisonersaresystematicallyexcludedfrom socialredistribution andpublicaidinanage whenworkinsecuritymakessuchprogrammes morevitalthaneverforthosedwellinginthe lowerregionsofsocialspace.Federallawsdeny welfarepayments,disabilitysupport,veterans’ benefits,andfoodstampstoanyoneindetention formorethan60daysongroundsthatinmates alreadyreceivefood,clothing,shelter,and medicalcarefromcorrectionalauthorities.They alsoprohibitconvictedfelonsfrommanyjobsin governmentorwithfederalcontractors,curtail theirparentalrights,andstrikethemoutfrom scoresoffederalbenefits.2 TheWorkOpportunityandPersonalResponsibilityReconciliation Actof1996thatended‘welfareasweknowit’ furtherbanishesmanyex-convictsfromMedicaid,publichousing,Section8vouchers(a governmentalrentalsubsidy),andrelatedforms ofmeans-testedassistance.Italsoexcludesfrom publicaidparoleandprobationviolators (regardlessoftheconditiontheyinfringed)and deniesassistancefortenyearstoanyone convictedofmisrepresentingtheirresidenceto obtainsupport.Section115oftheActeven institutesa lifetimeban onaccesstoTemporary AssistancetoNeedyFamilies(thesuccessor
programmetoAFDC)andpublichousingfor allpersonsconvictedofafelonyoffencefor usingorsellingdrugs–withoutexception,not evenforthemostdestituteanddesperatesuchas pregnantandaddictedmothersinsingle-parent households(Hirsch2001).
Thisfederalban,whichisimposeduniquelyon narcoticsviolators(andnot,forinstance,on multiplemurderersandserialrapists),was debatedintheSenateforagrandtotaloftwo minutes,oneminuteeachperparty,andnotat allintheHousebeforebeingadoptedbyan overwhelmingmajorityinbothhouses.Though thelawaccordsthemtheflexibilitytooptoutof thismeasure,moststateshaveelectedtoadopt it:22applytheinterdictioninfullandanother20 haveonlymodifieditsscopeandterms,including10thatmakebenefitscontingentonundergoingregulardrugtestingordrugtreatment (Rubinstein&Mukamal2002).Thelossof welfarebenefitsgravelyundercutstheabilityof poorwomentosustainthemselvesandtomeet thebasicneedsoftheirchildren,increasingthe likelihoodthatthesewillbeplacedinstategroup homes,inkeepingwiththeAdoptionandSafe FamilyActof1997whichacceleratesthe terminationofparentalrightsforwomenserving mandatoryminimumsentences(typicallyfor federaldrugoffences).Italsodiminishestheir chancetoescapefromaddictionastheycannot enterdetoxificationcentresafteracriminal convictionsincetheynolongerreceivethe publicaidwithwhichtopayfortheirroom andboardastheycouldbefore.Altogether,this dispositionhasstrucksome92,000womenand 135,000children,overhalfofwhomareAfrican AmericanandHispanic(Allard2002).
Otherfederallegislationpassedin1996and 1998inthewakeof‘welfarereform’establishes strictcriteriaforadmissiontoandevictionfrom publichousingunderanewpolicy,proudly announcedin1996byPresidentClintonin person,called‘OneStrikeandYou’reOut’. Thesenewrules,speedilyadoptedbythreequartersofthenation’shousingauthorities, grantthelatterwidediscretiontoejecttenants convictedofadrug-relatedoffenceandevento evictanentirefamilyforcriminalviolations committedbyanyoneofitsmembersinsideor outsideofthehousingcomplex.Someagencies havegonesofarastoexpelhouseholdsafterone
residenthadminimalinvolvementwithlawenforcementagencies,evenasimplearrestbythe policeleadingtonocriminalcharges(Rubinstein&Mukamal2002,p.48).Thisstatestrategy ofpublichousingexclusionhasimpacteda relativelysmallpopulationthusfar,numbering about20,000asofmid-2002,butitseffectis draconiansinceitaggravatestheirsocialinstabilityandmakesfamilyreunificationafter incarcerationconsiderablymoreriskyanddifficult.Andthemessageitsendsiscrystalclear: commitadruginfractionatthebottomofthe classandcasteorderandyouwillhavecast yourselfoutoftheciviccommunity,possibly makingyourfamilyhomeless.
Itshouldbepointedoutthatnocomparablebanongovernmentredistributionisenforcedattheotherendofthesocialspectrum, forinstancethroughthesuppressionoftax deductionsformortgageinterestpaymentsfor middle-andupper-classhouseholdswhose memberscommitdrugfeloniesorother‘crimes ofprosperity’suchastaxcheating,insider trading,orfinancialfraud.Itshouldalsobe notedthattheextensiveeffortsoftheSocial SecurityAdministrationtodetectcasesof erroneouspaymentsofSupplementalSecurity Income(ameans-testedprogrammeproviding cashpaymentstoaged,blind,ordisabled individualstohelpthemmeetbasicneeds)have targetedonlyresidentsofjailsandprisonsand leftoutinmatesofotherpublicinstitutionssuch ashospitals,clinics,nursinghomes,shelters,and drugandalcoholrehabilitationcentres,whoare alsolegallyineligibleforaidbutmostlymiddleclass(USGAO1995,pp.2–3).
3.Convictsarebannedfrom politicalparticipation via‘criminaldisenfranchisement’practiced onascaleandwithavigourunimaginedinany othercountry.AllmembersoftheUnionexcept MaineandVermontdenythevotetomentally competentadultsheldinstateprisonsand44 extendthisdenialtojaildetainees.Thirty-four statesfurtherforbidfelonyconvictsplacedon probationfromexercisingtheirpoliticalrights while29alsointerdictparoleesfromthebooth. In14states,mostorall former felonsarebarred fromvotingevenwhentheyarenolongerunder criminaljusticesupervision– forlife ineight ofthem(Alabama,Florida,Iowa,Kentucky, Mississippi,Nevada,Tennessee,Virginia,and
Wyoming).3 Theresultofthecombinationof widespreadandbroadballotrestrictionsbased onpenalsanctionandastronomicalconviction ratesisthatattheendof2000anestimated4.7 millionAmericans–oneofeveryforty-three adults–hadtemporarilyorpermanentlylostthe abilitytovote,including1.8millionwhowere notbehindbarsandanother1.7millionwhohad servedtheirsentenceinfull,makingfelonsand ex-felonsthe‘largestsinglegroupofAmerican citizenswhoarebarredbylaw’fromtakingpart inelections(Keyssar2000,p.308.Numerical estimatesvarywiththesources;thesearetaken fromAppendixAinUggen&Manza2002,table p.797).Giventheethnicallyskewedcompositionofthepopulationundercriminaljustice supervision,thesestatutesstrikeaparticularly severeblowattheelectoralcapacityofblacks:of the1.2millionstateandfederalprisonerskept fromthepolls,some632,000areAfricanAmericans;ofthe1.6millionex-felonsdenied thefranchise,overonehalf-millionareblacks.A merethirtyyearsafterfinallyaccedingtothe votingbooththankstotheCivilRightsRevolution,fully1.84millionAfricanAmericans–correspondingto oneblackmaninsixnationwide –arebannedfromparticipatinginelections throughpenalprohibitions.By1997,seven stateshadpermanentlydisallowedthevoteof morethanone-quarteroftheirblackmale residents(Fellner&Mauer1998,p.8).
Thedisproportionateimpactoffelondisenfranchisementlawsacrossthecolourline,with AfricanAmericanscomprisingashocking40% ofallpersonsthusbarredfromthepolls,should comeasnosurprise,forthelongpedigreeof theselawstiesthemintimatelytothehistoryof racialdominationintheUSA.Thoughtheyare impeccablycolour-blindonthefaceofit,most originateinthestrategiesofracialcontainment deployedbySouthernlegislaturesinthelate 1860sand1870s,whendenyingthevotetobroad categoriesofconvictswasanexpedientdeviceto excludeblackswhileformallyabidingbythe 15thAmendmenttotheUSConstitution prohibitingvotingrestrictionsbasedon‘race, colororpreviousconditionofservitude’.4 To illustrate,theConstitutionalConventionof1890 inMississippi,whichhadasitsexplicitaimto forbid‘Negrodomination’atthepolls,institutedfranchisequalificationsselectedspecifi-
callytoprohibitblacksfirstandforemost: residencywaschosenbecausewhitesthought thattheformerslaveswereaninherently ‘rootless’and‘migratoryrace’;thepolltaxwas introducedbecauseNegroeswerebelievedtobe naturallyshiftlessandimprovident;literacy requirementswerewellsuitedtoselectout membersofacommunitydeniedaccessto education;finally‘thelistofdisqualifying offences–whichincludedarson,bigamy,fraud, andpettytheft,butnotmurder,rape,orgrand larceny–wastailored,intheopinionofthestate supremecourt,tobarblacks,a‘‘patient,docile people(...)givenrathertofurtiveoffencesthan totherobustcrimesofthewhites’’(McMillen 1989,pp.42–43).5 Togetherwithdiscrimination, intimidation,andviolentsuppression,these measurescausedthenumberofblackvotersto plummetfrom87,000in1868to9,000in1892 (andapaltry28,000aslateas1964)whilethe numberofwhitevotersheldsteadyat70,000(it toppedhalfamillionbythepassageofthe VotingRightsActof1965).Evenattheirpeak, registeredblacksnevertallied10%ofthe African-Americanpopulationofvotingagein Mississippi.
Asophisticatedevent-historyanalysisusing decennialdatafromcensusesfrom1850to2002 confirms‘astrongandconsistentrelationship betweenracialthreatasmeasuredbythe percentageofnonwhitestateprisonersandlaws restrictingfelonvotingrights’:stateswithlarger sharesofAfricanAmericansbehindbarshave beenmorelikelytoadoptbroadstatutes forbiddingconvictsandex-convictsfromthe boothaftercontrollingstatisticallyforregion, timing,economiccompetition,partisanpolitical power,populationmakeup,andincarceration rate(Behrens etal.2003).Eveninthosestates wherefelondisqualificationwasnotadoptedfor purposesofracialexclusion,ithasoperatedwith suchglaringlydivergenteffectsacrossthecolour linethattheDirectoroftheUnitedStates CommissiononCivilRightspointedoutas earlyas1974that,whatevertheirintent,such laws‘establishedaninvidiousracialdiscriminationagainstminoritycitizens’(quotedinHench 1998,p.768).
Thefactthatgeneralisedfelonexclusion fromtheballotwasoneinapanoplyofmeasures adoptedduringandafterReconstructionto shoreupwhitesupremacybyshrinkingor
annihilatingtheblackvotehelpsexplainthat manystatesre-enfranchisedex-convictsduring the1960sand70saftertheJimCrowregime cametumblingdownandtheNorthernurban ghettowasrockedtoitsfoundationbythe frontalattackofblacksandtheirprogressive alliesinapoliticalfieldmademomentarily responsivetopressuresfrombelowbythe externalimperativesoftheColdWar(Dudziak 2000)andthe‘pacification’ofVietnam.It explainswhyliberalvotinglawsebbedagainin the1980sand1990sasmanystatesreinstated restrictionsagainstthebackdropofanti-black backlashandthewaningofpubliccommitment tocombatracialinequality(Reed,2001,Steinberg1995).Finally,themutualintricationof castedivisionandlegalrestrictionalsoaccounts forthefactthattheUScriminaldisenfranchisingpracticeisuniqueintheworldforitsseverity andscope.Numerousliberaldemocraciessuch asSweden,Ireland,Australia,andSpainallow theirinmatestovotebutthatisnotthereal differentiatingfactorhere;whatsetsAmerica apartisthepoliticalexclusionofconvictsnot underlockandofex-convictswhohavecompletedtheirsentences.ManyWesterncountries suchasBelgium,Italy,andCanadaimpose penalrestrictionsonthefranchiseforpersons placedonprobationorparolebuttheseare limitedintimeandcloselycalibratedtotheir individualoffence:civicdisabilitiesareinflicted asapenalsanctionrunningalongsideother penaltiesandtypicallyconcernsmallnumbersof offenders.Afewothercountries,amongthem FranceandGermany,disqualifysomeex-felons throughjudicialfiatbut,again,strictlyincases ofseriousviolationsoftheelectoralcodeorcivic crimessuchastreason,andthenonlyforafew yearsaftertheirprisontermorothersanction hasbeenserved.TheUSAisthesolecountryin theso-calledFreeWorldtoexcludebylaw, withoutthepossibilityofjudicialadjudication andrecourse,broadcategoriesofex-convicts fromthepollsindisregardofthespecificsof theirinfractionandbackground,and,evenmore so,toexcludethemforlife.
Inaddition,muchastheyuseincarceration profuselytorespondtoawidegamutofoffences thataretypicallypunishedbycommunity sanctionsorsuspendedprisonsentencesinother advancedsocieties(Tonry&Frase2001),the Americanauthoritiesdonotreservedisen-
franchisementsolelyforviolent‘career’criminalswho,onemightplausiblyargue,have de facto severedthemselvesfromthebodycivic.In severalstatespost-sentencedisqualificationis triggeredbyconvictionsthatdonotentail imprisonment,asinthecaseofaresidentof Mississippiwhodiscoveredthathewasdebarred fromthepollsforlifeduetohavingpleaded guiltytopassingabadchequeintheamountof 150dollars(Fellner&Mauer1998,p.5).This pointstoonelastfeaturethatsetstheUSA furtherapartfromotherliberaldemocraciesthat practicelimitedpenaldisenfranchisement:its furtive,nearlyinvisible,implementation.Every yeartensofthousandsofAmericansarestripped ofthefranchisewithoutevenknowingitdueto theprevalenceofpleabargainingthatcarriesas asilentanddistantriderthelossofthis fundamentalcivicpower.Thisisparticularly thecaseinjuvenilejustice,where‘an18-yearold whoexchangesaguiltypleaforalenientnonprisonsentence(asalmostallfirst-timersdo, whetherornottheyareguilty)mayunwittingly sacrificeforeverhisrighttovote’withouteven beinginformedofitbytheprosecutor(Shapiro 1997,p.62).
Finally,mostoftheUSstatesthatexclude personswithacriminalbackgroundhave clemencyandrightsrecoveryproceduresbut thesearegenerallysocomplex,costly,and cumbersomeastoensurethatfewformer convictsregaintherighttoenterthebooth.In Florida,whichalonedisqualifiesone-thirdofthe disenfranchisednationwide,thesheerquantity ofpaperworkrequiredofanex-felontoapply forrestorationofhisvotingprerogative,to quoteanattorneyspecialisingintheprocedure, ‘fill[s]twofilecabinets,withfiftysources spanningtwentytofiftyyearsofaperson’slife’ (Dugree-Pearson2002,p.381),amongthem completedocumentationofhiseducational, residential,andemploymenthistory(withthe namesofallhissupervisors)foroveraquartercentury,copiesofallhisfinancial,credit,andtax records,aswellasallcourtdocumentsfromall jurisdictionsinwhichheappears(includingall trafficticketsreceivedinhislifetimealongwith proofofpaymentforeach).Afterhisfilehas beenassembledandreviewed,theapplicantis putthroughapersonalhearingbeforethe governorandhiscabinetmembers,attheend ofwhichthegovernormakesafinaldecisionat
hisdiscretion.Theentireproceduretakesabout twoyearsandcostsseveralthousanddollars,a sumwellbeyondthemeansoftheaverageexconvictwho,inaddition,rarelyhasthecultural skillstonavigategovernmentofficesandthe leisuretospendweeksandmonthstravellingto andfromthemtoamasstheneededdocuments. Thisexplainswhyeveryyearsome40,000 residentsofFloridaarenewlydisenfranchised asagainstfewerthan2,000whoregaintheir votingrights(Dugree-Pearson2002,p.382–383).
Yetarguablythemoststrikingfeatureof themassdisenfranchisementofformerfelonsin theUSAisthatitisutterly devoidofpolicyor penologicalrationale.Legislators,legalscholars, andjudicialprofessionalshavebeenatalossto specifyandagreeonitspurpose.Theofficial rationale,basedonthe‘fearthatex-convicts mightusetheirvotestoalterthecontentor administrationofthecriminallaw’(Harvard LawReviewAssociation1989,p.1301)iseasily showntobewithoutfoundation.First,no evidencehaseverbeenadducedthatex-felons votedifferentlythanothersonmattersofcrime andjusticeand,weretheytodoso,they constitutesuchatinyfractionoftheelectorate (about0.8%nationwideattheirpeaktoday) thattheyareunlikelytoaffectthedispensation ofpenalsanctions.Second,ablanketexception banningallex-felonsfromtheboothtoguard againstrecidivismonthepartofthoseofthem sentencedforelectionviolationsisbothoverinclusive(itdisqualifiesmassesofformerconvictswhonevercommittedvotingfraud)and under-inclusive(severalstatesdonotdisqualify violatorsofelectorallaws).
Broaderphilosophicaljustificationsforthe civicexclusionof‘ex-cons’areequallythinand unconvincing.Thesocialcontractargument, rootedinLockeanliberalism,andthecivicrepublicanargumentfordisenfranchisement, accordingtowhichformerfelonsshouldbe excludedbecausetheyhavedemonstrated‘moralturpitude’thatmakesthem‘unfittoexercise theprivilegeofsuffrage,ortoholdoffice,upon termsofequalitywithfreemenwhoareclothed bytheStatewiththetogaofpoliticalcitizenship’ (HarvardLawReviewAssociation1989,pp. 1083–1084)turnoutuponexaminationtobe similarlygroundless.Inparticular,theviewthat ‘themanifestpurpose’ofdenyingthevotetoex-
convictsis‘topreservethepurityoftheballot box,whichistheonlysurefoundationof republicanliberty’(asexpressedbythelandmark1894AlabamaSupremeCourtcase Washingtonv.State)isincompatiblewiththe basiccommitmentofthemodernstateto inclusionandequality.6 Andtheracialimbalancecausedbyfelondisenfranchisementeffectivelyviolatestheequalprotectionclauseofthe FourteenthAmendmentduetoitsdemonstrably disproportionateimpactonanidentifiablesectionofthenationalpopulation,whicheffectively ‘deplet[es]aminoritycommunity’svoting strengthovertime’(Hench1998,p.787).Close examinationofboththeAmericanliberaland republicantraditionsconvergeswithcross-nationalcomparison,then,toleadtotheconclusionthatthegeneralisedandindefinite disenfranchisementoffelonsservesnocompellinggovernmentinterestandisfundamentally ‘incompatiblewithamodernunderstandingof citizenship,voting,andcriminaljustice’(Ewald 2002,pp.1134–1135).Andthatthisexpansive policyofcivicexcommunicationofconvictsis joinedatthehipwiththecountry’srigidracial division,pastandpresent.
Raceascivicfelony
Penologicalwarrantsforthecivicextirpationof formerconvictsareevenweakerthanpoliticalor philosophicalones.Themeasurecannotpossiblyservethepurposeofdeterrencegivenits near-invisibilityaswellastheweakandfading involvementofthelower-classelectoratethatis itsprimarytarget(Teixeira1992).Itisan ‘incoherentextensionofpunishmenttheory’ fromtheperspectiveofrehabilitationsinceit takesnoprospectiveaccountofthelikelihoodto re-offendand‘failstoincludeanopportunityfor theoffender’sreintegrationintosociety’(Johnson-Parris2003,p.136;Keyssar2000,pp.162–163,307–308).Itisalsodevoidofvaluefromthe standpointofincapacitationasitleavesexfelonsfreetocommitallmannersofcrimes outsidethevotingbooth.Anditblatantly violatestheprinciplesofproportionalityand parsimonycentraltothedoctrineof‘just desserts’byapplyingthesameblanketexclusion onallcriminalsirrespectiveoftheseriousness andcivicpertinenceoftheirinfraction(von
Hirsch1993,pp.6–19).Muchasthedoctrinesof liberalismandrepublicanismcanprovideonlya thinrhetoricalveneertoembellishthemass disenfranchisementofcurrentandformerfelons,noconsistenttheoryofpunishmentcan validateandstilllessmandatethispractice, especiallyonthescaleandwiththeseverityithas assumedatthethresholdofthetwenty-first century.
Thesameappliestothepoliciesofcriminal debarmentfromuniversitycredentialsandfrom state-sponsoredsocialredistribution.Allthree oftheseformsofexclusionaryclosuretrainedon pastandpresentprisonersaredrivennotby practicalortheoreticalpenologicalaimsbutby thepoliticalimperativetodrawsharpsymbolic boundariesthatintensifyandextendpenal stigmabyturningfelonsintolong-termmoral outsidersakininmanyrespectstoaninferior caste.Theetymologyoffelony,descendedfrom themedievalLatin fello meaningvillainor wickedanddesignatinganevilpersonbeforeit cametomeanperpetratorofaninfamouscrime, remindsusthatfelondisenfranchisementis quintessentially‘asymbolicactofpolitical banishment,anassertionofthestate’spower toexcludethosewhoviolatedprevailingnorms’ (Keyssar2000,p.163).
Butthenonemustask,whatprevailing normsandhowaretheyinfringedupon?Here onecomesuponwhat,intheopeninglinesof TheSoulsofBlackFolk,W.E.B.DuBois(1903, p.3)wistfullycalls‘thestrangemeaningofbeing blackhere’inAmerica.Fromthebirthofthe colonytothepresentday,albeitwithvariations inintensityandscope,blackshavebeencastin theroleofthelivingantithesistothe‘model American’,evenwhen,giventheopportunity, theyhaveembracedthatnation’scorevalues andmythswithmorezestandabandonthanany othergroup.Afterthesocialandsymbolic separationofEuropeanservantsandAfrican slavescrystallisedintheclosingdecadesofthe seventeenthcentury,slavesweremergedintoa compactfacelessmassdeemeduntrustworthy, dissipated,andslothful–inshort,thewalkingand-breathingdespoliationoftheProtestant ideal,atoncecivicandreligious,ofthe ‘dependable,orderly,andindustriousworker’ thatthePuritanssoughttocreatebycreatingthe Republic,andviceversa(Kolchin1993,p.68). Duringtherevolutionaryperiod,citizensofthe
newnationweretaughttoequatetheterm ‘freeman’withpoliticalfreedomandeconomic independence,againbycontrapositiontothe dark-skinnedslave,whowasforciblydenied thesetwinprerogativesofmembershiponthe spuriousgroundsthat(s)hewascongenitally incapableofassumingthem.Bythemid-nineteenthcentury,working-classformationoperatedviaracialconsolidationbyfusingblackness andservilityasthereviledantonymofgenuine Americanness,‘theperilsandprideofRepublicancitizenship’beingdefinedbyoppositionto ablackpopulationpicturedastheembodiment of‘thepreindustrial,erotic,carelessstyleoflife thewhiteworkerhatedandlongedfor’ashewas beingpressedintotheambitofwageworkand subjectedtocrushingindustrialdiscipline(Roediger1991,pp.11,14).Throughoutmostofthe twentiethcentury,theracialiststrainofAmericanismthatconstruesthenation‘asapeople heldtogetherbycommonbloodandskincolor andaninherentfitnessforself-government’ prevailedevenastheuniversalisticforcesof civicnationalismgainedstrength(e.g.,the1790 lawlimitingUSnaturalisationto‘freewhite persons’wasformallyabrogatedonlyin1952, evenasalawof1870included‘personsof AfricannativityandAfricandescent’among eligiblecategories).Theslowandbegrudging acceptanceofSouthernandEasternEuropean immigrantsinto‘God’smeltingpot’confirmed andreinforcedthecontinuedsocio-symbolic marginalityofAfricanAmericans,asliberal leaderscommittedonprincipletocolour-blind inclusiveness‘periodicallyreinscribedracialist notionsintheirrhetoricandpolicies’(Gerstle 2001,p.5).
Raceor,tobemoreprecise, blackness –for, sincetheorigins,itisthepresenceofdishonoureddark-skinnedpersonsbroughtinchains fromAfricathathasnecessitatedthe(re)inventionandperpetuationofracialvisionand division–isproperlyunderstoodasAmerica’s primevalcivicfelony.Notinarhetoricalor metaphoricalsensebutinfullaccordwiththe Durkheimianconceptionofcrimeas‘anact’ that‘offendsstronganddefinitestatesofthe collectiveconscience’ofthesociety(Durkheim [1893]1930,p.47),7 inthiscaseimputedwaysof beingandbehavingthatbreachAmerica’s idealisedrepresentationofitselfasthepromised landoffreedom,equality,andself-determina-
tion.Fornearlyfourcenturies,blackshavebeen consistentlyconstructedsymbolicallyand handledinstitutionally,notmerelyasnoncitizenslayingoutsideoftheinauguralsocial compactoftherepublic,butasveritable‘anticitizens’(Roediger1991,p.57)standingover andagainstit.Thisexplainstherecurrenceof schemesandmovementsaimedatextirpating themfromthesocietalbodybymigratingthem backtoAfrica,fromThomasJefferson’sadvocacyofdeportationaftereventualemancipation tothecreationbywhitephilanthropistsofthe AmericanColonizationSocietyin1816tothe popularsuccessoftheUniversalNegroImprovementAssociationofMarcusGarveywith itsplantorepatriateAfricanAmericansto Liberiaacenturylater.Italsoaccountsforthe prohibitionagainstblacksenlistingintheUS militaryuntil1862andforthecataclysmicsociosymbolicimpactoftheirserviceundertheflag duringthetwoworldwarsofthetwentieth century,whichdidmoretoshakethesocialand mentalfoundationsoftheUScasteorderthan alltheinternalmovementsofprotestuntilthen byerodingthedividebetweenNegroesand whitesinsidethemosthonorificorganofthe stateapparatus,themilitary(Gerstle2001, chapters5–6;Klinkner&Smith1999,pp.200–201,McAdam1989).
Blackswerenotpartofthis‘WethePeople’ thatformed‘amoreperfectUnion’to‘securethe BlessingsofLibertyto[them]selvesand[their] posterity’,toquotethepreambleoftheUS Constitution.TheAfricanandAfrican-Americanslave,latertheNegrosharecropperandthe blackindustrialproletarian,andtodaythe heinousmemberoftheinner-city‘underclass’ havebeenpersistentlypicturedandprocessedin nationaldiscourseandpublicpolicyas enemies ofthenation–asslaveshavebeenthroughout worldhistory.8 RichardWrightvividlycaptured thissenseofcombinedstrangerhoodandnefariousnessin NativeSon,thesignalallegorical portraitoftheblack-Americanconditionatmidtwentiethcentury,tornbetweentheglorious professionofdemocracyandthegruesome realityofcastedomination.Inthesceneofthe trialofBiggerThomas,aclumsyblackyouth who,outofbroilingracialconfusionand resentment,accidentallykillsayoungwhite beauty,thebohemiandaughterofanupstanding patricianfamilyfromChicago,Thomas’sattor-
neyuttersthispleaonbehalfofthemurderer andallegedrapist(forwhitescannotimagine thattheslayingwasnotsexuallymotivated) who,becauseoftheveryenormityofhisoffence (aftersmotheringhisvictiminpanic,hecutsher headofftothrowherbodyintothefurnaceof herparents’mansion),ismadetostandforevery blackpersoninAmerica:
Excludedfrom,andunassimilatedinoursociety,yet longingtogratifyimpulsesakintoourownbutdenied theobjectsandchannelsevolvedthroughlongcenturies fortheirsocializedexpression,everysunriseandsunset makeshimguiltyofsubversiveactions.Everymovementofhisbodyisanunconsciousprotest.Everydesire, everydream,nomatterhowintimateorpersonal,isa plotoraconspiracy.Everyhopeisaplanfor insurrection.Everyglanceoftheeyeisathreat. His veryexistenceisacrimeagainstthestate.(Wright1939, p.821;emphasisinoriginal)
Thustheroutineresort,particularlypronounced inperiodsoftransitionbetweenregimesofracial rule,tothepenalapparatustoensurethat‘the swarthyspectersitsinitsaccustomedseatatthe Nation’sfeast’(DuBois1903,p.10).9 Thusalso thepersistentrefusal,intheadministrationof penallawasinpublicdiscoursemoregenerally, toindividualiseblacks,resultingintheirlumpingintoacollectivetypedefinedbythestatus anddeedsnotoftheaveragememberbutofthe lowestandmostfearsome(Walton1992,pp. 397–401)–suchthatblacksarealwaysliableto betreatedas humiliores whenevertheyfailto furnishtangibleproof,byappearance,conduct, ortitle,thattheydeservetobeaccordedthe minimaldignitiesofcivicmembership,asinthe urbantaleoftheblackHarvardprofessorwho cannotflagdownacitytaxicabatnight.Savefor thequalifier‘impermissible’,legalscholar GeorgeFletcherisontherighttrack,then, whenhearguesthat‘categoricaldivestmentof votingrightsintroducesanimpermissibleelementofcasteintotheAmericanpoliticalsystem’ insofarasittreatsformerconvicts‘asinherently unreliablenotonlyforpurposesofvotingbut alsoingivingsworntestimonyattrial’,as personswhosesocialstandingisterminally impairedbypriorconvictions.Withtheacceleratingconflationofblacknessandcriminality, felondisenfranchisementisindeeda‘continuationof infamia’(Fletcher1999,pp.1895–1908) tappingthediscreditofslaveryandthesub-
sequentsullyingofcasteseparationviaJim Crowandtheurbanghettoasreactivatedby indeliblepenalsanction.
Replacingcurrentpenaltrendswithinthe fullarcofethnoracialdominationpromptly divulgestheclosekinshipbetweentherhetoric andpolicyofpoliticalexclusionoffelonsandexfelonsinthelatetwentiethcentury,ontheone hand,and,ontheother,thediscourseand practiceofracialdivisioninitstwopivotal periodsoftherevolutionaryupheavalagainstthe BritishCrownandthepost-CivilWardecades, thatis,thetwohistoricalconjuncturesinwhich criminaldisenfranchisementruleswerefirst introducedandthenbroadened.10 Inboththe notionof‘purity’ –oftheballotinonecaseand thewhitecommunityintheother–isthenational treasuretobepreserved.Inboththeabridgement of‘naturalrights’andthedilutionofconstitutionalprotectionareforcefullyeffectedtoexcise fromthesocialbodycategoriesdeemedinherentlydefectiveandindefinitelydefiling.(In Washingtonv.State,the1884AlabamaSupreme Courtcasethatcodifiedthe‘purityoftheballot’ doctrine,felonsareassimilatedto‘idiots,insane persons,andminors,’i.e.,individualsconstitutivelylackingin‘therequisitejudgmentand discretionwhichfitthem’forvoting).Inboth,the categorythusstruckbypublicbanishmentis madeintoapermanentlysubordinateoutgroup heldresponsibleforitsowncivicliminalityand inferiorlegalstatus,whichabsolvestheingroup ofitsroleandresponsibilityinproducingthat verydistinctionandcondition.Aswiththe impositionofanaturalisedcasteboundary,‘the disenfranchisementofex-offenderssimultaneouslyjustifiesandisjustifiedbyanideathat deviantsarethesourceandembodimentof corruption,pollution,andmoralturpitude;that theycanandmustbeisolated,fencedout,and politicallysterilized’(HarvardLawReview Association1989,pp.1314–1315,1316).
Thepenalalienationoftoday’sconvicts makesthemsocialsimilesifnotlegalreplicasof antebellumslavesinyetanotherrespect: althoughtheyarebarredfromcivicparticipation,theynonethelessweighonthepolitical scaleatthebehestandtothebenefitofthose whocontroltheirbodies,muchasbondspeople benefitedtheirplantationmastersunderthe ‘three-fifths’clauseoftheUSConstitution. Becauseinmatesaretalliedbythecensusas
residentsofthecountieswheretheyservetheir sentence,theyartificiallyinflatethepopulation countaswellaslowertheaverageincomelevel oftheruraltownsthatharbourmostprisons.As aresult,thesetownsaccrueaddedpolitical powerintermsofrepresentationintheirstate legislatureaswellasgarnerextrafederalfunding intendedtoremedypoverty:publicmoniesthat wouldgotoprovidingservicessuchaseducation,medicalcare,andtransportationand housingsubsidiestopoorblacksintheinner cityaredivertedtothebenefitofthepredominantlywhitepopulationofprisonmunicipalities.ItisestimatedthatCookCountywilllose $88millioninfederalfundingduringthecurrent decadebecauseofthe26,000-oddChicagoans (78%ofthemblack)reckonedasresidentsofthe downstatedistrictswheretheyareincarcerated (Dugan,2000).
Similarly,theenumerationofconvicts transferspoliticalinfluencefromtheirhometo theirhostcounty,therebydilutingtheelectoral strengthofblacksandLatinoslivinginthe metropolitandistrictsfromwhichmostprisonersstem–andthemoresoasdetentionfacilities arelocatedfurtherawayfrommajorcities.Thus 80%ofNewYorkstateprisonersareAfricanAmericanandHispanicandtwo-thirdscome fromNewYorkCity;but91%ofthemare housedupstate,intheconservativelily-white districtswhereallofthenewpenitentiariesbuilt since1982arelocated.Countingurbanprisoners asruraldwellersforpurposesofrepresentation (eventhoughthestateconstitutionspecifiesthat penalconfinementdoesnotentaillossorchange ofresidence)violatestheone-man,one-vote rule,andtranslatesintoanetlossof43,740 residentsforNewYorkCity,whichiscomputed tohavecosturbanDemocratstwoseatsineach ofthestatehouseandsenate(Wagner2002,p. 10–12).And,justascountingslavesboostedthe politicalpowerofSouthernstatesandallowed themtoentrenchslaverybycontrollingthe nationalagenda,the‘phantom’populationof blackandbrownprisonersenhancesthepolitical influenceofwhitepoliticianswhopursuesocial andpenalplatformsantitheticaltotheinterests ofghettoresidents.Inparticular,theseelected officialshaveacquiredavestedinterestinthe punitivepoliciesofcriminalisationofpoverty andcarceralescalationsuitedtoreplenishingthe supplyofunrulyblackbodiesthatguarantee
correctionaljobs,taxes,subsidies,andpolitical pulltotheircommunities,tothedirectdetriment ofthesegregatedurbandistrictsthatfurnish theseconvicts.
Inlightofthefiascocappingthe2000 presidentialcontest,itisironicaswellasiconic oftheincreasinglyconstrictiveimpactofAmericanelectoralcodesregardingfelonstonotethat Floridaleadsthenationwith827,000disenfranchisedconvictsandex-convicts,distributed among71,200prisoninmates,131,100probationers,apaltry6,000parolees(testifyingtothe strictnessofcorrectionalpolicyinthatstate), andastaggering 613,500formerfelons who, thoughtheyhavefullyrepaidtheirdebtto society,willnevercastaballotfortheremainder oftheirlives.InNovemberof2000,over256,000 ofthesepotentialvoterskeptfromtherollswere black.HadAlbertGore,Jr.,theDemocratic candidate,collectedthevoteofamereoneper centoftheseelectors–manyofwhomwere illegally barredfromtheboothduetodata recordingandprocessingerrorsbytheprivate firmcontractedbytheFloridaElectionBoardto verifytheeligibilityofformerfelonswho migratedacrossstatelines11 –hewouldhave handilywontheSunshinestateandconquered thepresidency.Butthereisameasureofpoetic justiceinhiscourt-ordereddefeatinthatfor eightyearsGoreservedasVice-Presidentinan administrationthatworkedtoincreasethe numberofconvictsandex-convictswithazeal andefficiencyunmatchedbyanyotherin Americanhistory(Wacquant2005b).
Thedebarmentofex-felonsfromtheballot yearsaftertheyhaveservedtheirsentence constitutedafarmorepotentbiasthanallof the‘hangingchads’andmisdesigned‘butterfly ballots’ofBrowardCountythatconsumed publicattentionduringtheweeksandmonths aftertheabortedFloridaelection.Thisepisode hasreenergisedsocialactivistsandanalystsalike intheirdenunciationoftheseeminginfringementonthesanctityofthedemocraticcompact itentails.Inasystematicstudyoftheimpactof felondisenfranchisementlawsonelectoraloutcomesoverthepastthreedecades,Uggenand Manza(2002)haveconfirmedthat,becausethey strikeprimarilyblackandpoorpotentialvoters, criminaldisqualificationssubtractmorevotes fromtheDemocraticthanfromtheRepublican campandhavelikelyreversedtheresultsof
sevenUSSenateelectionsinadditiontothe2000 presidentialracebycurtailingtheminorityvote. Butthisjustifiableconcernfortheskewingof electoral outcomes skirtsthedeepersignificance ofthe process offelonexclusion,whichisto enforceandcommunicatethedegradedstatusof convictsbyturningthemintoaquasi-outcasteof theAmericanciviccommunity,irrespectiveofits influenceonthisorthatvote.Itisinstructive heretorecallthat,duringthephaseofimpositionoftheracialrestrictionsthatgradually erectedtheJimCrowregime,oppositiontothe NegrovoteinthesegregationistSouthwas not proportionaltotheactualorpotentialweightof blacksatthepolls.Rather,itwasaprincipled oppositionbasedontheracialsyllogism(or, rather,paralogism):votingsignifiespolitical equality,whichimpliessocialequality,which inturnincitessexualassaultsonwhitewomen, i.e.,threatensthesocietalmythoftheracial purityofwhites(Litwack1998,p.221).Itwas notpoliticalexpediencysomuchascaste necessitythatmandatedthepoliticalexclusion ofthedescendantsofslaves.Thesamemaywell betruetodayaboutfelonsastheyhavebeen madeoverintothelatesthistoricalavatarofthe ‘badnigger’.
Notes
nThisarticleistheabridged versionofatalkbythesametitle presentedtotheColloquiumon InequalityandCultureof DepartmentofSociology, PrincetonUniversity,on1st March2004,preparedwiththe editorialcounselofDaniel Sabbagh.Itdrawsonchapter4of mybook DeadlySymbiosis:Race andtheRiseofNeoliberalPenality (Cambridge,PolityPress,in press).IamgratefultoBruce Westernforhisinvitationandto thecolloquiumparticipantsfor theirpatientattentionand vigorousquestioning.
1.Thisargumentisindebtedto DavidGarland’sexplicationof ‘penalityasasetofsignifying practices’that‘helpproduce
Indeed,itsufficestobreakwiththedominantideologyofcivicuniversalism,runningfrom AlexisdeTocquevilletoGunnarMyrdaland LouisHartzandtheirlatter-dayepigones, accordingtowhichAmericancitizenshipwas abinitio accessibletoallthosewillingtoembrace itsliberalidealsandrepublicaninstitutions,and torecognise,withrecentrevisionistpolitical history,thatUSdemocracyhasbeenfounded fromitsinceptionona restrictedcompactforthe deserving inwhichonlytheethnicallyand spirituallyworthypartake,forraciallyskewed felondisenfranchisementlawstoceasetoappear anomalous.12 Farfrom‘erodingdemocracy’,as theircriticscomplain,theselawsreactivateand updateoneofitsdeepestspringsandremindus thatcastedivisionhasbeenacoreandnota peripheraltraitofUSsociety,aconstitutiveand notateratologicalfeatureofAmericanrepublicanism.Measuresshuttingoutfelonsfromthe distributionofvaluedculturalcapital,socialwelfareredistribution,andthevoteconvergeto perpetuatea‘sphereofgroupexclusiveness’–to recallHerbertBlumer’s(1958,p.4)expansive definitionofracialprejudice–andtestifytothe stratifiedandrestrictivecomplexionofAmerican citizenshipatthedawnofthenewmillennium.
subjectivities,formsofauthority andsocialrelations’atlarge (Garland1991).
2.In1997,theBureauofJustice Assistance’s‘FactSheet’on DenialofFederalBenefits ProgramandClearinghouse listed 750programmesforwhich eligibilitywaspotentiallyaffected byfeloniousstatus(Olivares etal. 1996).
3.Foramoredetaileddiscussion oftheevolvinglegalcomplexities ofpenaldisqualificationandits variantsthanispossiblehere,the readerisreferredtoHarvardLaw ReviewAssociation(2002),and theliteraturecitedtherein.
4.Athoroughhistoriographical accountofblackdisenfranchisementinandafterthe ReconstructioneraisKousser (1974).Freeblackshadalready beenthetargetofasweeping movementofpoliticalexcommunicationduringthehalf-century priortotheCivilWar,alongside paupers,vagrants,andfelons (Keyssar2000,p.54–65).
5.Whenblacksprotestedthat thesemeasureseffectively annulledthe13th,14th,and 15th amendmentstotheUS Constitution,GovernorJamesK. Vardamanrepliedforthrightly thattheconventionwas‘heldfor nootherpurposethantoeliminate theniggerfrompolitics;notthe ‘ignorantandvicious’assomeof
thoseapologistswouldhaveyou believe,butthenigger.’.The state’sleadingnewspaper,the Clarion-Ledger,echoedfor goodmeasure:‘Theydonotobject tonegroesvotingonaccount ofignorance,butonaccount ofcolor’(McMillen1998, pp.43–44).
6.Forafullerdiscussionand refutationofthisargumentsee Wacquant(2005a,chapter5).
7.Durkheimgoesonto elaborate:‘Wemustnotsaythat anactoffendsthecommon consciencebecauseitiscriminal, butthatitiscriminalbecauseit offendsthecommonconscience. Wedonotreproveofitbecauseit isacrime;rather,itisacrime becausewereproveofit’(1930, p.48;mytranslation).
8.‘Nomaster,whetherinAncient Rome,medievalTuscany,or seventeenth-centuryBrazil,could forgetthattheobsequiousservant mightalsobea‘domesticenemy’ bentontheft,poisoning,orarson. Throughouthistoryithasbeen
saidthatslaves,ifoccasionallyas loyalandasfaithfulasgooddogs, wereforthemostpartlazy, irresponsible,cunning,rebellious, untrustworthy,andsexually promiscuous’(Davis1976,p.40–1).Notethatthislitanyofadjectivescontainsthequalifiersmost commonlyappliedtotheurban ‘underclass’intheAmericaofthe 1980s.
9.Rememberthat,for Durkheim,punishmentisasocial functionthatarises‘wherevera commandingpowerestablishes itself’whose‘primaryand principalfunctionisto(...) defendthecommonconscience againstalltheenemiesofthe interiorasoftheexterior’(1930, p.51;mytranslation).
10.Intheinitialperiodfrom1776 to1830,civicdisabilitieswere attachedtothecommissionof infamouscrimes,inaccordance withEnglishandancientRoman law,andalsostruckpaupersand transients.Between1870and 1920,criminaldisfranchisement
wasgeneralisedacrossstatesand extendedtolessercrimes(Keyssar 2000,pp.61–63,162–163).
11.ThestateElectionDivision purgedfromtherollsvoterswhose namesandbirthdatemerely resembled thoseofpeoplelisted infelonydatabasesinspiteof warningsfromitsownexperts thatthiswouldautomatically resultintheunlawfulelimination ofthousandsofeligiblevoters.A recentstudydisclosedthatblack voterswerethusexpurgatedatten timestherateofwhites(Donziger 2002,p.2).
12.SeeinparticularSmith(1999) on‘inegalitarianascriptive Americanism’basedonrace, nationalorigins,andgender; Gerstle(2001)on‘racial nationalism’anditsconflictive interplaywith‘civicnationalism’; andKing(2002)ontheenduring commitmenttowhitenessas touchstoneofthedifferential desirabilityand‘assimilability’ ofgroupsseekingtobecome Americans.
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