Benjamin Barber: The Headstrong Democrat

CriticalExchange

BenjaminBarberandthePractice ofPoliticalTheory

RichardBattistoni

ProvidenceCollege,Providence,RI02918,USA rickbatt@providence.edu

MarkB.Brown

CaliforniaStateUniversity,Sacramento,CA95819,USA mark.brown@csus.edu

JohnDedrick

TheKetteringFoundation,Dayton,OH45459,USA jdedrick@kettering.org

LisaDisch

UniversityofMichigan,AnnArbor,MI48109,USA ldisch@umich.edu

JennetKirkpatrick

ArizonaStateUniversity,Tempe,AZ85287,USA jennetk@asu.edu

JaneMansbridge

JohnF.KennedySchoolofGovernment,HarvardUniversity,Cambridge, MA02138,USA

Jane_Mansbridge@hks.harvard.edu

ContemporaryPoliticalTheory (2018) 17, 478–510.https://doi.org/10.1057/s41296018-0226-3;publishedonline15May2018

BenjaminR.Barber:TheHeadstrongDemocrat

OnequestionhascomeuprepeatedlyaboutmygraduatetrainingatRutgers University:howdidyoumanagetoworkwithBenBarber?Thewaythatquestion isaskedismeanttoimplythatBencouldbedifficult,whichistrue.Dissertation studentslikemewererequiredtoscheduleappointmentsweeksinadvanceandon themuch-anticipatedday,Benwouldoftenbedelayed,sometimesforhours.

Reschedulingwasnotanoptionandsowestudentsneededtoremainthere,outside ofhisoffices,attheready,becauseitwasneverclearwhenexactlyhewouldbe abletoseeus.SlumpinginthegraycorridorsofHickmanHall,wewaitedand waited,findingouteventuallythatthedelaywasbecauseBillBradley,Howard Dean,orPresidentBillClintonhadneededtotalktoBenimmediately.

InmeetingsBencouldbebrusque.Isupposesomepeoplemightsayhedidnot sufferfoolsgladly,butthetruthisBendemolishedfoolsgladly.Verbal argumentationwashisnaturalmediumandhewasadevastatinginterlocutor.

Bengraspedanargumentquickaslightningand,streakingthroughitsstructure, foundtheweakpoints,andstrainedthemuntiltheycollapsedfromtheirown internalfailures.Ifthewholeargumentwasknockedtothegroundasaresult,Ben

didnotcare.Infact,hemayhavebeengladofit.Therewasnotoleranceonhispart forweakness,eitherinintellectualsorintheirarguments.Hewasunrelenting, exacting,andwithoutpitywhenitcametointellectualendeavors.

And,sothepersistentquestion:whyworkwithsuchaman?Ihavealreadygiven youpartoftheanswer:Benwasunrelenting,exacting,andwithoutpitywhenit cametointellectualendeavors.Ifyouwantedyourideasandargumentstogeta rigorousexamination,youneededtoworkwithBen.Forme,though,thegreatest giftthatBenofferedwashisfearlessintellectualnature.Hewasafreethinking socialcritic–adaringrisk-taker–whopositionedhimselfagainstconventional thinkingtimeandtimeagain.Benwouldfastenontoanorthodoxpoliticalview and,interrogatingitfully,showthatitwasnotastrueorasbeneficialasonefirst supposed.

Thinkwesternliberaldemocracyisagreatpoliticalsystem?Read Strong Democracy andthinkagain.Thisambitiousandpassionatebook,re-issuedby UniversityofCaliforniaPressonits20thanniversaryin2004,openswithsome preliminary,throat-clearingpraiseforitstarget.Liberaldemocracy,Barbernotes, isoneofthesturdiestpoliticalsystems,anditscapacitytostolidlyendurepolitical turmoil,especiallyinAmerica,hasmadeitthemodernmodelofdemocracy throughouttheworld.Whatmostreadersmightexpectatthispoint–apaeanto JamesMadison,thewisdomofFederalistNumber10,ortheprescienceofthe framersoftheUnitedStatesConstitution–neverarrives.Instead Strong Democracy insiststhatwefocusonthesourceofliberaldemocracy’sdependability.Wheredoesitcomefrom?Knowingaswedo,fromPolybiusforward,that politicalregimesarenaturallyunstableandcarrytheseedsoftheirowndestruction withinthem,itisnotobvioushowliberaldemocracyavoidsthisfate.Whathadto besacrificed–whathadtodie–inordertogiveliberaldemocracyitsenduring life?

Barber’sanswerwasthatstrongdemocracyitselfwassacrificed.Realselfgovernanceandanengaged,participatorycitizenryhadbeengivenovertocreatea fakeor‘‘thin’’kindofliberal,representativedemocracythatwasapallidand uninspiredsubstitute.Liberaldemocracyhadmanyundemocraticimpulses accordingtoBarber,buttheyallstemmedfromacentralproblemofprioritizing individuallibertyaboveallelse.Liberaldemocracycrownedanewsovereign,the individual,whoreignedsupremeoverherowndiscreteandsolitarysphere.Thus, thispoliticalsystem‘‘iscapableoffiercelyresistingeveryassaultontheindividual –hisprivacy,hisproperty,hisinterests,andhisrights–butitisfarlesseffectivein resistingassaultsoncommunityorjusticeorcitizenshiporparticipation’’(Barber, 1984,p.4).Heinsistedthatliberaldemocracy,withitsradicalindividualismandits stolid,boringsortofstability,neveroutweighedthebenefitsofgenuineselfgovernance,collectiveaction,andcivicparticipation. StrongDemocracy confrontedreaderswithanuncomfortabledemand:thenecessityofdethroning themselvesassovereignindividuals.Institutingstrongdemocracy,agenuinely

participatoryformofself-governance,wouldrequireitsownkindofsacrifice.Each andeveryoneofusmustvoluntarilyabdicateindividualsovereignpowerandletgo ofthedreamofisolatedcontrolandself-reliance.

AsappealingasBarber’svisionofparticipatorydemocracywas(andremains), thebookraisedlegitimateconcernsthattheportrayalofstrongdemocracywastoo rosy,toooptimistic.AsAlanWolfe(1986,p.89)putit,the‘‘possibilitythatstrong democracymightunleashtheworstinmanaswellasthebesthastobe acknowledged.’’Thesesortsofconcerns–andothers–ledtothebookbeingread, re-read,praised,castigated,anddebated,asthemorethan8500citationsof Strong Democracy inscholarlybooksandarticleswellattest.

In Jihadvs.McWorld,publishedin 1995,Barberrespondedtoanewwaveof exultantpraiseforliberaldemocracypromptedbyFrancisFukuyama’s TheEndof HistoryandtheLastMan. Fukuyama,seeingthecollapseofstatecommunismasa monumentalhistoricalmoment,arguedthatliberaldemocracymarkedtheend pointofhumanity’sideologicalevolution,andthusitwasthefinalformofhuman government.WhileFukuyamaimaginedafutureofliberaldemocraticdominance andthepeacethatwouldlikelyflowfromit,Barbersawconflictandstrife.The contemporaryworld,heargued,wascaughtbetweentwoinversetrends:McWorld, theuniversalizingandhomogenizinginfluenceofglobaleconomicmarketsand popularculture,andJihad,theparochialandfragmentinginfluenceofracial, ethnic,andreligiousallegiances.Thesetwoforceswereantithetical;antipathy,for onefedandreinforcedtheother.Jihad(orelsewhereBabel)‘‘threatenedthe balkanizationofnation-statesinwhichcultureispittedagainstculture’’anditwas ‘‘againsttechnology,againstpopculture,againstintegratedmarkets;against modernityitselfaswellasthefutureinwhichmodernityissues’’(Barber, 1995a, p.4).Oneresultofthisdynamic,Barberargued,wasthattheplanetwasmelding togetherwhileattheverysamemomentitwaspullingapart.Thisepicconflict,bad enoughonitsown,wasmadeworsebecausebothtrendsunderminedthegenuine, participatorydemocracyofthesortoutlinedin StrongDemocracy.Eachtrend renouncedcivilsociety,subverteddemocraticcitizenship,andcompromisedcivil libertyanddemocraticinstitutions.Asonecriticpointedout,thetitleofthebook reallyshouldhavebeen Jihadvs.McWorldvs.DemocraticIdeals (Juergensmeyer, 1996,p.588).InoppositiontoFukuyama’stranscendentvisionofdemocracy, Barberargueddemocracywasunderthreatbythewarfarebetweenhomogenizing andfragmentingforces.Inhisview,historywasfarfromover.Indeed,itthreatened togobackwards‘‘inanatavisticreturntomedievalpoliticswherelocaltribesand ambitiousemperorstogetherruledtheworldentire’’anddemocracywasnowhere tobefound(Barber, 1995a,p.7).

Theuncannyprescienceof Jihadvs.McWorld wonitmanyadmirers.Itwasreissuedafter9/11withanewsubtitle,‘‘Terrorism’sChallengetoDemocracy,’’anda newintroduction,inwhichBarberconnectedtheargumentshemadein1996tothe eventsof9/11.Thebookvexedothers.Proponentsofliberal,free-market

institutionsobjectedtothedenunciationofthecapitalisticglobaleconomy. Fukuyama(1995,p.117)dislikedthebook’s‘‘snobbishdistasteforcapitalism.’’ ReaderslikeMarkJuergensmeyerandFareedZakariaraisedareasonableconcern abouttheuseofjihad,atermwhichalsosignifiesasacredstrugglewithinadevout Muslim,tosymbolizeeverycentrifugal,tribal,andviolentforceintheworld (Juergensmeyer, 1996;Zakaria, 1996).Juergensmeyerrightlypointedoutthatsome ofthesecentrifugalmovementswerefoundedinthenameofdemocracy,notin oppositiontoit.Seeminglyimpervioustoattack,Barberdefendedhisargumentin unequivocalterms.Respondingtoacriticwhoofferedafull-throateddefenseof free-marketenterprise,henotedthathisopponent’s‘‘penchantforpinkbaiting assuresmethathistoryandideologicalconflictarenotreallyoverafterall’’(Brus, 1992).

Barber’scontrarianstreakispresentinsomeoftheearliestofhiswritings.In 1974,whenmuchfocuswasonthetumultsofAmericandemocracy,Barberlooked toSwitzerlandin TheDeathofCommunalLiberty,amonographthatbeganashis dissertation.Ifyouwanttounderstanddemocracy,heargued,donotlooktobig, brashAmerica,butrathertosomeoftheoldestandmostparticipatorycantonsin Switzerland.Questioningreceivedwisdomfromthestart,Barberpulledthe ultimateanti-Tocquevillianmove:heturnedtoEurope,notAmerica,tounderstand democracy.Alongtheway,henotedthe‘‘stunningparochialism’’ofmostofthe politicaltheoryoftheday,whichreliedtooheavilyontheAnglo-American tradition.Givingasenseofwhatwastocomeinthebookand,asitturnedout,in hiscareer,BarberchafedagainsttheconfinesofAnglo-Americanpolitical tradition,noting‘‘thatitisasinsularasitisfertile,asnarrowasitislong,as dogmaticasitisconvincing’’(Barber, 1974,p.3).Dislodgingthedominant theoreticalapproachalsorequiredexaminingactualpoliticalalternatives,theSwiss cantons,andunderstandingtheirhistoryandthedevelopmentoftheirpolitical institutions.ThiswaspreciselywhatBarber’sbook,whichreallyshouldhavethe Tocquevilliantitle‘‘DemocracyinSwitzerland,’’setouttodo.

BenjaminR.BarberwillberememberedforhismanycontributionstoAmerican intellectuallife,tointernationalorganizations,andtopoliticalscience.Hewrote eighteenbooksofpoliticaltheory.In CoolCities,publishedbyYaleUniversity Pressrightbeforehedied,Barberarguedthattheexistentialthreatofclimate changeandtheinabilityofnation-statestodealwithitdemandedanewsetof politicalinstitutionsandarrangements.Heurgedcitiestothefore.Cities,he argued,shouldforman interdependentglobalnetworkdesignedtoaddressthe commonproblemofclimatechangeandcitizensshouldexplicitlyempowerurban leadershiptospeakontheirbehalf.Rightuntiltheend,Barberwasproddingusto thinkaboutpressingproblemsdifferentlyandgoadingustobebetter,more engagedcitizens.

BenjaminR.Barberwillberememberedforeditingthejournal PoliticalTheory fortenyears.Hewillrightlybecommemorated,too,forhiswide-ranging

intellectualinterestsinart,theater,dance,andfood,aswellasforauthoringplays andnovels,writingfortelevision,penningsonglyrics,andevencomposinga libretto.Hewillbeveneratedforalifetimeofawardsandhonors:hewasknighted bytheFrenchgovernment;hereceivedtheBerlinPrizefromtheAmerican Academy;andhewashonoredwiththeJohnDeweyAwardin2013.

Alongwiththesemanyaccomplishments,IwillrememberBenBarberasa lionhearted,evenfearlesscritic.Earlyoninwritingmydissertation,therewasone meetingwithBenthatIwasquitenervousandtenseabout.OnthisoccasionI dreadedtalkingwithBen,somuchsothatIwelcomedthewaitinHickmanHall becauseitdeferredwhatIexpectedtobeapainfulandembarrassingdiscussion.I hadbeentotheAmericanPoliticalScienceAssociation’sannualmeetingand presentedachapterofmydissertation.Thepanelistsandthediscussantwerefar moredistinguishedandlearnedthanI,and,notsurprisingly,theyfoundallsortsof flawswiththeargument.Iwasnotembarrassed–oratleastnottoomuch–about this.AsIhavesaid,Benreveredarmedintellectualbattlesand,thoughhelooked coldlyondefeat,healsounderstoodthatvictoriescamethroughpracticeand engagement.IwasnervousabouttellingBenthatthediscussant,thepanelists,and eventheaudienceseemedtogenuinelydisliketheargument.Mypaperarouseda greatdealofunaffectedantipathyandopposition,somuchsothatIwasconvinced thatthewholedissertationneededtoberethought.HowwouldIevergetajob? WhenthetimecametotalktoBen,Iexplainedthesituation.Tryingnottoletthe crashingwavesofdisappointmentinsidemeshow,Isuggestedthattheframing neededtochange.Thewholedissertationneededtoberethought.AfterIhadmade myspeech,Ibracedforhisreaction.Benwasecstatic.InsteadofthecriticismIwas expecting,therewasabarrageofpraise.Thework,Bensaid,wasforcingreadersto questiontheirassumptionsaboutdemocracy,anditwasgettingthemtothink withoutbanisters.Benassuredmetherewasnogreatersignthatthedissertation wasontherighttrack.Ishouldproceedwithouthesitation.

Tome,BenjaminR.BarberwasatrueheirofSocrates.Hewasagadflyonthe steedoforthodoxpoliticallifewhowasnotafraidtoarouseire.Henever bemoanedtheswatsthatcamehiswaybecauseheperceivedthesereactions differentlyfrommostofus.Heunderstoodthatswatsweregood;slingsandarrows wereevenbetter.Thesereactionstoldhimhewasontosomethingpromising.He wasdoingtheworkthathehadbeengiventodoasapoliticaltheorist.ThoughI wishthathewereherenowtocontinuehisworkasawhip-smartirritatorandpest, hehasleftittous:hisstudents,hiscolleagues,hisadmirers,hisfriends,thosewho knewhimpersonallyandthosewhoknewhimthroughhiswriting.We,whoare indebtedtoBenBarberforreasonstoomanytocount,owehimthis:acommitment tocontinuehisworkasanintellectualrisk-taker,afirebrand,andtheverybestkind ofpoliticalpest.

orbythestubbornnesswithwhichforeignscienceisspurned(1974, pp.200–201).

Thisquestionfiguresinto StrongDemocracy nowherethatIremember.Thatbook editsoutthisdarksideofAlpinedemocracytocarryforwardonlyitsbestfeatures. IdonotmeantosuggestthatBarberwillfullyrepressedtheonefeatureofhis archivethatbelieshislife’scommitments.Imean,rather,totakeupthegestureof hisinscription–toallowtheoryitsfictitiousaspectsandgrantfictionitstruths.

LisaDisch

Notes

1SomeofwhatappearsinthisparagraphandthenexttwoistakenfromMansbridge(1987),reviewof StrongDemocracy;otherparagraphsinthisessaydrawfromMansbridgeandLatura(2017).

2InadetailthatBenundoubtedlyrefusedconsciouslytocropfromthephotograph,thecitizen’s hands,claspedbehindhisback,holdarosary.ThephotographistakenfromBichhler(1969), oppositep.265,withpermissionofthepublisher.Thephotographof‘‘RepresentativeGovernment’’ istakenfromTobler(1971,p.27),withpermissionofthepublisher.

3Foraparsingofthissentencethatcriticizesitsfocusoncommonality,seeBickford(1996).

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