The city inside things (vs. things inside the city) by Margherita Bilato

THE CITY INSIDE THINGS (VS. THINGS INSIDE THE CITY) Margherita Bilato

THE CITY INSIDE THINGS (VS. THINGS INSIDE THE CITY). Margherita Bilato Master’s thesis TU Berlin Berlin, July 2014

Professor Jörg Stollmann Chair for Urban Design and Architecture, TU Berlin Professor Rainer Hehl Visiting Professor for the Fachgebiet Entwerfen und Innenraumplanung, TU Berlin Printed in July 2014 Paper: Munken Print White 18, 115 g/m2

My deepest gratitude goes To my professors, for the precious guidance and support. To AC Creutzfeldt and MARS, to MPM and especially AVSI, for their mentoring and professional advice. To the people I met in Maputo. To my mother, my father, my brother, my sister, my brother-in-law and my grandmother, for their immense love. To my friends away from here, especially Margherita, Giulia, Marta, Valentina and Alessio. To my friends here, especially Margherita, Marzia, Francesco and Federico. To Luca, my priceless support. To my Berliner family, too many names, sorry, but you know you are in. To my “atelier” people, to my ex-flatmate Mathieu and to my uni-mates Mattis, Lucia and Sean. To the ones I will never forget and to the ones I forgot. To the ones who helped me remember that beauty can always cross your road in unexpected ways.

“THE EYE DOES NOT SEE THIN BUT IMAGES O THAT MEAN OT “L’OCCHIO NON VEDE COSE MA FIGURE DI COSE CHE SIGNIFICANO ALTRE COSE” Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities, in “Cities and Signs 1”, 1972

S NGS OF THINGS THER THINGS”

00 IT’S ABOUT THE CITY

We are used to thinking that cities are the result of a form given to the needs of people who create them, live in them and use them, and evolve following their changes and planning. And we are also used to seeing a correspondence between spaces and activities in them.

In informal unplanned contexts, needs emerge in an impelling way and sometimes concretise in non-codified ways, so that at times we cannot see any translation between spaces and phenomena anymore. Things happen, but they are not translated into specific physical spaces, where their function is expressed through the elements of the space itself. Nevertheless, they do happen and give form to the city as social dynamics.

In this case, the point of view of the observer is crucial. Nowadays, due to modern technologies and the traditional approach of urban planning, quite often the perspective used to look at cities is a top-down one. But even if we go back to the Middle Ages, we find the same attempt to watch them from a higher eye than the human one (a bird view for example, or the axonometric projection) even though at that time we didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have the means to get that point of view. It was a theoretical approach and an imaginary vision. When many of us think about a city, we see streets, buildings, squares etc. from above. We have an image of the city that is also connected with the orientation we try or want to have in it, like the visualisation of a map. So, moving through the city is also influenced by this vertical eye.

However, the act of going through the city is essentially a horizontal movement. De Certeau in his “The Practice of Everyday Life” says:

“The act of walking is to the urban system what the speech act is to the language or to the statements uttered.” (Michel de Certeau, The practice of Everyday Life, Paris, 1980, P. 98). 14

Walking through the city generates a tale of the self. Already almost fifty years ago Kevin Lynch, in his book “The image of the city”, told us about the perception of the city as its own essence. The image of the city is not only a physical one, but also, and not less importantly, a mental one. The mental image is the one related to the sensitive (perceivable) aspect of experiencing, so the one which leads to judgment. And judgment determines actions, and the use of space. According to the Global Health Observatory, in 2010 the global population crossed the threshold of 50% living in urban areas (1). This was a significant step. Although only 3% of the world’s land surface consists of cities (2), it hosts more than 3.5 billion people. Maputo, the capital of the African state of Mozambique, has 1.1 million inhabitants. About 800 000 of them live in informal or semi-informal settlements. These are the parts of the city that have grown the most during the last sixty years, cramming the existing “bairros” (neighborhoods) and opening new directions of expansion. The “Cidade de Cimento” (litterally “concrete city”, the formal one) is just a small portion of Maputo, in terms of both surface and popu-

lation. The “Cidade the Caniço” (“reed city”, the informal one), on the contrary, is the most dynamic part, in which an incredible range of worlds come together, mixing customs from the rural context with highly urbanized occurrences. This is the part of the city that grows and evolves. But it evolves, frequently, more with facts and less with physical spaces.

This work focuses on the informal bairro of Chamanculo C in Maputo. It hosts about 26 000 people and is one of the most densely populated of the capital, as well as one of the oldest. Informal dynamics are set in a greatly organised hierarchy and internal organisation. Here the city takes unexpected forms and shows us the potential for something that withstood even the most negative predictions and visions of something that should have been temporary, according to the initial design for Maputo. This work is a tale about the city inside things in Chamanculo C, a pro-positive vision of images that mean other things, which leads to a strategic proposal to let the city be inside things.

01 MAPUTO

01.1 Facts. 01.2 Identity. 01.3 Stability. 01.4 Our Provate Property. 01.5 Infrastructure. 01.6 Urban Fabric. 01.7 Notes.

Mozambique

Maputo

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS IN THE WORLD. Amount Of Population Living In Informal Settlements In Some Cities (1).

Mexico City

Lima

Caracas

Rio de Janeiro

Buenos Aires

Bogota

Chennai

Bangkok

Manila

Karachi

Mumbai

Jakarta

Capetown

Nairobi

Accra

Lagos

Luanda

Kinshasa

Maputo

10.000.000

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS IN THE WORLD. Percentage Of Population Living In Informal Settlements In Some Cities In Relation To The Whole Population Of The Cities (1).

Mexico City

Lima

Caracas

Rio de Janeiro

Buenos Aires

Bogota

Chennai

Bangkok

Manila

Karachi

Mumbai

Jakarta

Capetown

Nairobi

Accra

Lagos

Luanda

Kinshasa

Maputo

100%

01.1 Facts. Source: Perfil Estatístico do Município de Maputo, 2011, except for “Education” from the World Bank.

Population Surface Density

ca. 1 178 000 347.69 km2 3486.08 inhab./km²

GENDER Women Men

51.3% 48.7%

AGE AND PROJECTION 0-14 years old 15-24 years old 25-49 years old 50-59 years old More than 60 years old Life expectancy Infant mortality rate Population growth Total Fertility Rate

36% 24% 31% 5% 4% 55 years 72.3/1000 1.3% 2.65

POPULATION COMPOSITION Blacks Whites Others

95.7% 0.67% 3.63%

LANGUAGE 1st spoken language 2nd spoken language 3rd spoken language

portuguese xichangana xirhonga

EDUCATION Gross enrolment ratio. Primary Male Female

105% 56% 44%

INFRASTRUCTURE Paved roads Unpaved roads

37% 63%

HOUSE Owned Rented Relinqueshed Missing

73% 21% 4% 2%

BASIC SUPPLY Households with electicity Households with canalized water

63% 55%

MAP OF MAPUTO.

Situation 2014.

SATELLITE CITY OF MATOLA (NOT PART OF MAPUTO CITY)

Maputo Bay

<EXPANSION DIRECTIONS

<CITY BORDER

Xefina Island

<THE CIDADE DE CANIÇO FIRST DEVELOPED AROUND THE CIDADE DE CIMENTO

<THIS IS THE CIDADE DE CIMENTO: here lives 9,6% of the whole population of the city of Maputo

01.2 Identity. Urban, Peri-urban And Suburban In The City Of Maputo.

Maputo has several identities that can be perceived as soon as you enter the city. Like many African colonial cities, it is founded on a very strong dual system 26

(colonists/locals), due to the historical evolution of the city (> see AA page 245).

In addition to that, as part of a Portuguese expansion plan, during the 60s we witnessed the creation of so called “reservas” (reserves), located in the outer part of the city. These identities are all part of the same city but have completely different features and embody very dissimilar ways of living.

The first one, the urban area, also called “Cidade de Cimento” (“Concrete City”), represents the planned city, the one where the Portuguese used to live and which was the object of most of the urban planning done in Maputo.

The second one is the “peri-urban area”. This area was defined by the Portuguese to be the one which would receive the urban expansion, like the “reservas” located in the Northern extremity of the city. These reservations were in most cases only determined in terms of their location, and were sometimes provided with a basic infrastructural system, but they were not planned at a deeper level. As a result, there was a partly informal

development on top of a planned under-layer, accompanied by a more recent re-qualification process, which attracts new and different real estate interests.

The third one is the so called “suburban area”, the area surrounding the urban one; wild and anarchic, it developed without any order. The informal city, heritage of the “Cidade de Caniço” (“Reed City”, because of the material used for the houses), where local people used to live during the colonial time. It’s remarkable that in the toponymy, either written or oral, we see the adoption of the two expressions “Cidade de Cimento” and “Cidade de Caniço”: using the word “City” as two different realities, instead of words like “quarter” or “district” as part of the same entity.

Maputo has a surface of 347.69 km2 and a total population of about 1 100 000 inhabitants. People living in the urban area are 106 250, in the suburban one 848 022 and in the peri-urban one 157 573 (1). This means that 9.6% of the whole population of Maputo lives in the planned part of the city, 76.3% in the informal one and 14.1% in the semi-informal one. Informal and semi-informal added together account for 90.4% of the population. This is not a recent phenomenon, though. The estimated population of Maputo in 1970 (then called “Lourenço Marques” under the Portuguese control) was of 600 000 people, 73.2% living in the suburban area. The trend didn’t decrease after the independence in 1975, with 75.7% in 1980 and 81.9% in 1990(2).

01.3 Stability. Elements Of Time And Permanence.

The “Cidade de Cimento” was created with a permanent character, through a process of consolidation. 28

Originally a military setting, it had to be solid from its origin. Later on, it embraced the glorifying modernist design as a manifesto of the Motherland, which wanted to promote a strong image of its power. Oversea territories were the perfect training for Portuguese architects after Salazar’s rise to power . In this particular historical moment, Portugal adopted the language of Modernism as binding agent for its colonies. The result is an affinity between the urban architecture of Lourenço Marques, Luanda, for instance, and other African centres, which put on a second level the peculiarities of the single ones.

The original nucleus of the city of Maputo is therefore conceived as a strong street grid defining the blocks. These are not very compact to optimise the grid and are quite heterogeneous in building types. Single houses are flanked by three-storey buildings or by skyscrapers, and the silhouette of the city continually changes. Orienting in this part of the city is facilitated by the geometrical design of the infrastructure system, and by the visible connection between natural elements and the topographic conformation. Cars are widely used, but going through this part of the city on foot is not uncommon. The distances are acces-

sible and many of the hot spots are easily reachable. Even if there are various hints characterizing each single quarter, there are cohesive elements all around the Concrete City.

The “Cidade de Caniço”, on the contrary, has always been thought as temporary. Starting from the early decades of the XIX century, it was the first landing place for local people coming from rural areas, looking for a job in the city. As this phenomenon started to get bigger, it drew the attention of the Portuguese who therefore made a special law for the new buildings cropping up all around the city (1). According to this law, people were not allowed to build with bricks or any resistant material so that the demolition would have been less onerous in case of a new plan for the area. Actually, cane buildings were taken from the traditional land settlement and transplanted into this new reality of the suburban area. Later on new building materials were adopted, such as wood and zinc, and eventually bricks after the Mozambican independence. The settlements spread occurred in a quite anarchic way, and it’s hard to understand whether the infrastructure system defined or was defined by the surrounding. The hierarchy of the streets is highly differentiated, from very narrow paths called “becos” to broader roads. Most of them are dirt patches, with no drainage facilities. The street, an ordering element in the planned city, here creates a labyrinthine structure which leads to a completely different way of producing and living social spaces.

01.4 Our Private Property. The Land Law And Its Consequences.

According to Rita-Ferreira, in 1965 in Lourenço Marques the large majority of land (about 88%) was privately owned, and 75% of this was in the hands of 11 30

landowners (1).

Later on, after the independence, one of the first provisions by the new government concerned Justice, Education and Health, which were nationalised, such as Real Estates with profit, rented and abandoned houses (Decreto Lei N. 5/76 do 5 de Fevereiro)(2). This was part of the socialist politics of the new government which also stated in the Constitution in 1975 that the right of use of land was not subject to any tax. Every Mozambican had the right to use the land, but none had the right to rent it or make money out of it. The government established the APIE (Administração do Parque Imobiliário do Estado - State Buildings Agency) to manage all the buildings belonging to this category.

The Land Law of 1979 focused on rural and agricultural land and was signed by the Ministry of Agriculture. Urban areas were not matter of further considerations and therefore urban planning and land use were left for a long time to unregulated administration beside customary tenure systems. To put things in context, we cannot forget the civil war which was exacerbating

the conditions of the whole population. From 1977 until 1992 more than 6 000 000 Mozambicans left their homes and farms to move to other countries or to the cities (2). After the end of the conflict many of them wanted to go back to their houses, just as many foreigners or previous colonists tried to claim the right over lands that had been being used for years by other people. On the other hand, the cities had given a shelter to many people who did not want to move back. A new updated and more complete version of the Land Law was therefore urgent. With the help of international institutions, Mozambique created an Ad Hoc Commission to face the land administration issue. The result was the new Land Law of 1997, which tried to give rights to many different players involved in the land issues, like rural communities, private owners but also investors to facilitate economic growth without conflicts. The land was confirmed to be state property, but some interesting adaptations were introduced about the State Land Use and Benefit Right (Direito de Uso e Aproveitamento da Terra â&#x20AC;&#x201C; DUAT). The law provides three ways to claim the DUAT over land: â&#x20AC;&#x153;First and most significantly, the law gives rural communities and individuals perpetual rights of land use and benefit based on their customary systems of land use. Second, the law gives perpetual use rights to individuals who have been occupying land in good faith for at least 10 years and hold the land for residential or family use. Notably, communities and individuals do not need to survey their boundaries, register their rights, or obtain title to establish their land rights and enjoy the protections of the law. Communities and individuals can offer proof of land rights through oral testimony, thus eliminating a costly

obstacle that often prevents the poor from effectively establishing their rights. A third means to obtain land rights is available to individuals and entities upon application and authorization by the government. Authorized rights are available in periods up to 50 years, with one renewal. Every applicant for land must consult first with local communities to see if the land they want is occupied (i.e., is subject to a customarily acquired DUAT). Since most land is under a custom32

ary DUAT , the consultation then becomes a discussion on how the investor can obtain a new DUAT over the land in question. If the community is willing to cede its rights, terms and conditions for this can be agreed. When agreement is reached, the investor can proceed to request a new DUAT in his or her name. This process is designed to ensure that communities do not lose land that is essential for their livelihoods and food security. It is furthermore meant to encourage communities and investors to negotiate mutually beneficial arrangements for land use and development that are tailored to local needs and development goals. There is no legal distinction between the DUAT obtained through any of the three ways provided for in the law. Acquired rights and authorized rights are fully equivalent. If necessary, or if desired, holders of acquired rights can identify their boundaries and land uses through delimitation and demarcation procedures and record and register their land rights, but they are not required to do so to assert and enforce those rights. Authorized rights must, however, be demarcated and registered.(...) Under Mozambiqueâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s land law, communities and individuals can offer proof of land rights through oral testimony, thus eliminating the costly obstacles of surveying, registration, and titling that often prevent the poor from effectively establishing their rightsâ&#x20AC;?. (2)

As we can see, the Land Act 19/97 kept together many aspects, existing dynamics and possible future interests and can be considered very innovative and progressive for the time and situation it was written in.

Nevertheless it left the urban situation unsolved. Only in 2006 was the “Urban Land Regulation” (Regulamento do Solo Urbano) approved by the Council of Ministries. It remarks the same principles of the Land Act, but introduces some important conditions and variations specific for the urban context. First of all, it ”allocates the responsibility for determining DUAT to the municipality” (3). Secondly, land access is managed through other procedures. The modalities go from concession, drawing, public auction, particular negotiation and good faith occupation (Art. 24). To wit, the particular negotiation could occur for the concession of DUAT for lot designated for living purpose, where the building come from direct initiative of house cooperatives or associations (Art. 28). Eviction is mentioned in Art. 39, executed by public entities for higher common interests, upon adequate compensation. Despite the legal processes described in the Urban Land Regulation, we witness in most cases informal ways of handling the land issue. “The majority of city dwellers access land through social networks. Typically a new migrant to the city contacts someone they know in a particular casas to find out whether there is land available. Others may have contacts with influential people higher up local structures, and through these networks, will pay a fee to buy space in the city. (…) Many people are still bound to the informal system, i.e. people are still accessing land through relatives or friends who informally

transfer their access rights, while bypassing formal structures such as the municipality. However, community leaders such as the “Chefe do quarteirão” or “Secretário do bairro” are still the main players in the process of land transfer and allocation.” (3). Beside all these above aspects, the reality is that in the urban context of Maputo, more than 70% of the lots are not legally registered (4). 34

Not only land access but also land security is an important issue to be solved. Re-qualification projects are often perceived as a threat because they would interrupt the actual land occupation which is, particularly in informal areas, the only recognised way to keep the right over the land (4). That’s the reason why legal land acquisition is already on top of the priorities of upgrading interventions. “Re-qualification operations are, according to the vision and strategies of PEUMM, operations in which the right of the inhabitants is absolute and respected, who can therefore continue living where they have been lived until now, and only in exceptional cases it will be considered a re-location, based on free will and compensation, in other districts.”(4).

01.5 Infrastructure. Different City Features.

The city of Maputo still reflects the Portuguese plan for its mobility infrastructure. The Cidade de Cimento has got a road system, which would indeed need 36

an urgent maintenance intervention, considering the long civil war that unfortunately kept the priorities of the Municipality on other levels. Overstepping the Avenida Marien Ngouabi, towards the Western informal settlements, the road net appears really different, as in the peri-urban parts, although a basic layot had been planned there. The city of Maputo has 35 km of paved roads and 64 km are unpaved (1). The number of cars has increased during the last few years, so that the access to the inner part of the city has become problematic. Physical distances are not proportional to regular time distances. Public transport company TPM (Transportes Públicos de Maputo) manages the public transport system, which is flanked by private operators (the so called “chapas” - literally metal sheet, a word that indicates a small van with a theoretical capacity of about 15 people), which overcome the TPM in terms of services offered. Unfortunately even the two combined fail to cover the demand. The sewerage system is only found in the Cidade de Cimento and in a part of the “Jardim” district, and was planned by the Portuguese with a capacity of 90 000 users. In the rest of the city either traditional latrines or septic tank are used (1). As for rain drainage system, only 30% of the total surface is covered (1).

WEDNESDAY 10x(1SHOT/1MINUTE) User Comparison Between Two Spots In Polana Cimento (Urban Part - 1) And Xipamanine (Suburban Part - 2).

(2)

(1)

CARS AND PEDESTRIANS IN RELATION. (1) Avenida Eduardo Mondlane Corner Avenida Julius Nyerere, Polana Cimento.

2:05 pm

2:06 pm

2:07 pm

2:08 pm

2:09 pm

2:10 pm

2:11 pm

2:12 pm

2:13 pm

2:14 pm

CARS AND PEDESTRIANS IN RELATION. (2) Rua De Xipamanine, Xipamanine.

1:41 pm

1:42 pm

1:43 pm

1:44 pm

1:45 pm

1:46 pm

1:47 pm

1:48 pm

1:49 pm

1:50 pm

Informal streetmarket of Xipamanine. Photo Credits Jo達o Branco.

01.6 Urban Fabric. Observations on the different Urban Fabrics.

The identity variation described in the previous chapter is more evident if you look at the urban fabric. In the following pages some examples of urban, periurban and suburban fabric (always in this top-down order, at the same scale) are shown. Page 46 shows vertical variations, from three/four-storey buildings from the 50s (due to the growth of the Cidade de Cimento, â&#x20AC;&#x153;blockedâ&#x20AC;? by informal settlements all around (1)) to the more recent sky-scrapers; page 47 illustrates the blocks, geometrical defined in the urban and peri-urban cases, almost totally selfgenerated in the suburban scenario; page 48 displays buildings, in their relation to each other: the occupation of the ground indicates a very different density and the void space (page 49) is of course proportionated to the build one. Related to such various urban fabrics are also very heterogeneous ways of living, from the private dimension to the public one. In the urban context, we have both vertical and horizontal directions, although the vertical elements seem to fragment social reactions. In the suburban one, relationships occur mainly horizontally. Distances play a very different role and almost everything is compressed.

URBAN FABRIC. Location Of Examples Of Urban (1), Periurban (2) And Suburban (3) Fabric.

(2)

(3)

(1)

02 PHOTO STORY

Photo story. A Visual Introduction To The Quarteir達o 16A (Upper Part) In Chamanculo C.

In the following pages you will get an overview of the context I focused my attention on. The pictures are aimed at showing people, habits, situations, materials etc. I met them and observed them there during my visits to the Quarteir達o.

The authors of the photos are myself and my co-worker (and resident of the Quarteir達o 16A) Ernesto Messias Inguane, who led me through his quarter and assisted me in the interviews I conducted. It was very important and significant to get his first impressions about the questions I wanted to ask, and also his point of view on things I wanted to take pictures of.

Giving him the camera and letting him catch some moments of the everyday life of his neighbours and friends gave me the opportunity to see things from a perspective I would have never been able to get otherwise.

This four-handed photo story is the result of this cooperation.

Note: P. 072-073: Photo Credits AVSI Mo巽ambique.

WELCOME TO THE QUARTEIRﾃグ 16A IN THE DISTRICT OF CHAMANCULO C, MAPUTO, MOZAMBIQUE.

THIS MESSAGE MEANS SOMETHING LIKE “IT’S BETTER IF YOU MIND YOUR OWN BUSINESS”.

BROADER STREETS ARE USED AS MARKET PLACES, TO SELL DIFFERENT PRODUCTS SUCH AS VEGETABLES, FRUIT AND COAL, FOR EXEMPLE.

EVERY SITUATION CAN BE N OPPORTUNITY TO SELL: YOU CAN FIND EVERYTHING, FROM SIGARETTES TO ALCOHOL, FROM BASIC FOOD TO NAPPIES. SOMETIMES THERE ARE SMALL “SHOPS” ON THE STREET, SOMETIMES YOU HAVE TO ENTER PRIVATE HOUSES TO GET YOUR PRODUCT OR SERVICE.

EVERY LOT IS FENCED WITH SOMETHING TO SHOW WHERE THE PROPERTY BEGINS AND/OR TO PROTECT IT. VARIOUS MATERIALS ARE USED, MOSTLY IRON SHEET AND BRICKS.

ONE OF THE MOST COMMON SECURITY SYSTEMS CONSISTS IN PUTTING PIECES OF GLASS AT THE TOP OF THE FENCE.

YOU CAN FIND DIFFERENT TYPES OF HOUSES: THESE ONES ARE THE TRADITIONAL ONES MADE OF REED (CANIÇO).

A REED HOUSE COVERED BY A LAYER OF MORTAR. THE INTERIOR IS EMBELLISHED WITH TILES ON THE FLOOR.

ANOTHER COMMO

USED FOR HOUSE IS IRON SHEET.

ON MATERIAL

EVEN THOUGH THIS ONE IS NOT IN THE QUARTEIRﾃグ 16A

SOMETIMES YOU CAN FIND HOUSES LIKE THIS, BUILD UP WITH IRON SHEET. THIS IS BECAUSE IN LESS RECENT TIMES LOCAL PEOPLE WERE NOT ALLOWED TO BUILD USING BRICKS. SO THEY TOOK INSPIRATION FROM A HOUSE TYPOLOGY, USING A MATERIAL THAT WASNﾂｴT RELATED TO IT.

LATER ON PEOPLE STARTED TO USE BRICKS TOO. IN MOST CASES YOU FIND CONCRETE PAVEMENT AS BASE FOR THE HOUSES, INDEPENDENTLY FROM THE MATERIAL USED FOR THE WALLS.

IN ADDITION TO THAT, THERE ARE MORE ANCIENT BRICK HOUSES, WHERE PORTUGUESE USED TO LIVE BEFORE THE INDEPENDENCE.

NOT MANY BUILDINGS ARE PAINTED, EXCEPTED FOR ADVERTISEMENTS OF BIG COMPANIES.

IRON SHEET HOUSES, HOWEVER, ARE MORE FREQUENTLY PAINTED THAN OTHER HOUSES.

IN THE QUARTEIRﾃグ 16A THERE ARE THREE CHURCHES AND ONLY ONE OF THEM IS IN A PROPER BUILDING (UNDER CONSTRUCTION). THE OTHERS ARE HOUSES WHERE PEOPLE GATHER IN THE COURTYARD FOR RELIGIOUS FUNCTIONS.

HERE ARE SHOWN SOME OF THE SO CALLED “BECOS

WHICH CONSTITUTE THE INTERNAL CONNECTION SY

S”: NARROW INNER PATHS

YSTEM.

SOMETIMES PEOPLE COMPLAIN ABOUT BECOS BECAUSE THEY ARE WAY TO NARROW TO LET PEOPLE WALK AND ALSO BECAUSE THEY TURN INTO DANGEROUS PLACES AT NIGHT.

INTERIORS CAN VARY A LOT. SOME OF THEM, LIKE THIS, ARE FURNISHED WITH “SOUTH AFRICAN” PIECES OF FURNITURE.

THIS ONE IS THE INTERIOR OF THE OFFICE OF A TRADITIONAL HEALER, A VERY IMPORTANT REFERENCE POINT IN THE COMMUNITY.

IN SOME OTHERS THE OWNERS LAY OUT WICKER MATS ON THE FLOOR. PIECES OF FURNNITURES SUCH AS TABLES ARE USED TO KEEP FOOD OR UTENSILS.

MANY DAILY ACTIVITIES ARE CARRIED OUT IN THE COURTYARDS.

THIS GIRL HAS HER CARPENTER WORKSHOP IN THE SHARED BACKYARD OF HER HOUSE.

100

101

HIDDEN BY SOME WALLS THERE’S A VERDANT GARDEN WHICH WAS STARTED BY THE PEDECESSORS OF THE MAN NOW LIVING THERE.

CHAMANCULO C

03.1 Lhamba nkulo. 03.2 Facts. 03.3 Hierarchy in the Bairro. 03.4 The Xitique. 03.5 Floods.

03.01 Lhamba nkulo. Name Origin of Chamanculo.

According to the “Spoken Map” (Mapa falado) of the Diagnóstico sócio-económico da comunidade de Chamanculo C, edited by the NGO AVSI, the district of Chamanculo (in 1975 divided into four parts - A, B, C and D), has been named after two lagoons which were located in this area. The bigger one was known as “Lhamba nkulo”, a Ronga word that means “Bath for the elderly”, because its use was reserved to elder people.

Women during a meeting in the Bairro of Chamanculo C. Photo credits AVSI Moçambique.

105

CHAMANCULO C. Location Of The District Of Chamanculo C In The City Of Maputo.

<HERE IS THE DISTRICT OF CHAMANCULO C

03.2 Facts. Source: Diagnostico Socio-Economico da Comunidade de Chamanculo C, AVSI, 2013

108

Population (Census 2007) Surface Density* N° of Quarteirões

26 179 people 1.38 km2 18 940 inhab./km² 74 (76?)

GENDER Women Men

51.3% 48.7%

AGE 0-20 years old 21-40 years old 41-60 years old 61-80 years old Missing

46% 34% 12% 4% 4%

PROJECTION Population growth

-0.5%

JOB Student Formal job (with contract) Informal job Unemployed Homemaker Retired Missing/not declared

39% 12% 23% 7% 12% 2% 5%

Average monthly income

2859 MZN (ca. 65 Euro)

*Density in comparison with Berlin district of Neukölln (11.7 km²): with a density of 14.110 inhab./km² (source: Zensus 2011) it is one of the highest of the German city.

CHAMANCULO C. Map Of The Quarter Of Chamanculo C.

109

03.3 Hierarchy in the Bairro. Inner Organisation.

Although we could think that an informal Bairro is not ruled by any order, there is a strong organisation system inside it. 110

Back in the colonial era, the Portuguese was to used the pre-existing authorities to keep control over local people. Such authorities, called “Régulos” (Chiefs), were required to manage customary law issues and were often not trusted by the communities as their role seemed to betray their part.

After the independence, the new government wanted to create a completely new society based on socialist principles. Nevertheless, it soon tried to fill the organisational gap left by the Portuguese, creating the so called “facilitators groups” (grupos dinamizadores, GD) (1).

These Groups were committees of eight to twelve people, headed by a “Secretary”, who were supposed to deal with different issues. Among them, they had a mobilisation function to promote active participation to common activities, from education to collective work, security services, garbage collection etc (2).

The GD had also a juridical function and were designated to spread the FRELI-

MO’s positions and to be the nearest point of reference for people in a pyramidal system.

In the beginning they were not explicitly political institutions, but the secretaries were chosen among the most committed activists and their bases were located in the FRELIMO’s party headquarters in each district. Some other hierarchically lower roles were introduced into the system, the so called “Chefe do Quarteirão” (Chief of the Block) and the “Chefe das dez casas” (Chief of ten Houses), which were thought to be intermediaries in communicating and administrating processes. They were elected by the people and had no direct political connection with the party.

Although with time many functions fulfilled by the GDs were redistributed and/ or institutionalised, the role of the Secretario do Bairro and the one of the Chefes has been confirmed to be recognised in both directions. This inner structure still defines the dynamics that occur in the different levels of the bairro and the quarteirões to the ten-houses-dimension.

111

03.4 The Xitique. A Social Economic Practice.

In Mozambique, informal practices related to the management of resources, money and savings are not uncommon. 112

The so called Xitique (from the Tsonga language, it means â&#x20AC;&#x153;savingsâ&#x20AC;?) is one of the most used. Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s a mutual system and consists in sharing resources (money, but also clothes, capulanas, food etc.) and benefit from that.

It interests a group of people (usually friend or colleagues) who decide the amount of money (or other things) each one has to deposit, the frequency of the deposit, and the frequency of the access to the collected goods and the use of it.

To be part of one group a person has to guarantee the regularity of his/her commitment. Periodically, each one receives the whole amount of collected money/ goods and can use it to afford things at one time, thing that would be difficult to get without this strategy.

Typical uses of the collected money would be buying scholar items for the children of the women involved, covering the costs of marriages and funerals, buying construction material to improve the house situation or throwing a party too.

There is also a form of Xitique used by families, where all incomes are collected

together to guarantee more frequent visits or to organise family get-togethers.

The so called â&#x20AC;&#x153;Xitique geralâ&#x20AC;? (general Xitique) refers in particular to market practices, in which a seller who part of a Xitique group can, for instance, buy a big amount of products to sell, having the possibility to have a bigger profit margin. 113

Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s interesting to notice that this practice is prevailing with women and that is still largely used, beside formal and official banking savings strategies.

114

People trying to bypass a flooded road in Chamanculo C. Photo credits AVSI Moรงambique.

03.5 Floods. One Of The Most Serious Problems Of The Bairro.

It is impossible not to mention floods when talking about Chamaculo C. The climate of the city is influenced by its proximity to the Indian Ocean. Since Maputo is located on an inter-tropical and sub-tropical zone, the rainy season last from October through March, with a peak between January and February (1). Although itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s a relatively short time, it can be a critical moment for the people of the informal quarters of Maputo, because these are the very parts of the city which lack canalisation and drainage systems. Only the bigger street are paved, but once you leave them you can only find dirt patches, which turn into water puddles as soon as the rainy season starts. In addition to that, one of the most common reaction of the people of Chamanculo C has been the attempt to block the water by digging earth out of the outer sides of the roads, in order to build some kind of barriers. The result is that the level of the road is often higher than the one of the lots. So, when it rains, the water, since the embankment is not sufficient to stop it, flows over the reinforced sides directly into the courtyards and then into the houses, because frequently the bases are not elevated enough to keep the houses above the water level.

115

In 2008 the Municipality of Maputo approved a Five-Year-Development-Plan (2009-2013) called â&#x20AC;&#x153;Plano de Estrutura Urbana do Municipio de Maputoâ&#x20AC;? (Urban Structure Plan of the Maputo Municipality - PEUMM), which focused on physical infrastructure, such as roads, water and electricity supply and waste collection. Drainage system is therefore already on the top of the to-do list of the Municipality. 116

117

Flooded road. Photo Credits AVSI Moรงambique.

04 QUARTEIRﾃグ 16A

04.1 Facts. 04.2 The House. 04.3 The Lot.

121

04.1 Facts. Source: Diagnostico Socio-Economico da Comunidade de Chamanculo C, AVSI, 2013

Population Surface Density 122

344 people 9 386 m2 36 650 inhab./km²

WATER SUPPLY. 58% INSIDE THE LOT | 37% OUTSIDE THE LOT | 5% ND/MISSING

ELECTRICITY. 84% PREPAID | 9.6% NO CONNECTION | 4.8% ND/MISSING | 1.6% NEIGHBOURS

TOILET. 32.3% SEPTIC TANK | 34% TRADITIONAL | 27.4% IMPROVED | 4.8% ND/MISSING | 1.6% OFFICIAL DRAINAGE SYSTEM (ONE UNIT)

QUARTEIRﾃグ 16A. The Quarteirﾃ｣o 16A (Upper Part) In The District Of Chamanculo C.

123

QUARTEIRÃO 16A VS A BERLINER BLOCK IN NEUKÖLLN, BERLIN*. Density Comparisons.

124

built area 43% void area 57% n° of floors 1 floor area ratio 0.43

built area 57% void area 47% n° of floors 5 floor area ratio 2.87

built area/person 43% void area/person 57%

built area/person 87.5% void area/person 12.5%

*These datas only refer to the selected blocks and are not representative for the whole city.

50m

04.2 The House. House Typologies And Overcrowding Ratio.

The houses I mapped in the Quateirão 16A can be sorted out into two typologies. The first one can be identified with a house in which the rooms are aggregated under the same roof, with an inner distribution system and walls separating indoor and outdoor spaces. It may happen that the toilet is located outside the house, but it’s considered part of the main unit.

The second one is a house where the rooms are distributed into different units so that the cohesive space is represented by the courtyard. These units can be built with different materials, such as bricks, wood and iron sheet (called “madeira e zinco”) and reed (caniço).

The average number of persons per household is by 6.4 (Germany: 2.02, source: OECD Better Life Index Germany (1)), while the Rooms-Per-Person Ratio is 0.67 (Germany: 1.8, source: ibidem). According to the OECD study the average Rooms-Per-Person Ratio in OECD countries is 1.6. In the entire Quateirão 16A there are no houses with more than one storey. Also the houses belonging to the first typology are only on one level.

125

ROOMS-PER-PERSON RATIO. Germany And Mozambique In Comparison (N째).

126

1.8

0.7

127

HOUSE TYPOLOGY N.1. Bricks (Blocos).

128

COLOUR PALETTE. Use Of Colours/Elements In House Typology N.1.

129

HOUSE TYPOLOGY N.2.1. Bricks (Blocos).

bricks are often used to block the roof 130

grating (build from the inside)

ventilation system

windows (opening towards outside)

some of the houses are covered by a plaster layer and sometimes painted

COLOUR PALETTE. Use Of Colours/Elements In House Typology N.2.1.

131

HOUSE TYPOLOGY N.2.2. Wood And Zinc (Or Iron Sheet) (Madeira E Zinco).

132

grating (build from the inside)

windows (opening towards outside)

panels of different materials are used fot internal walls

COLOUR PALETTE. Use Of Colours/Elements In House Typology N.2.2.

133

HOUSE TYPOLOGY N.2.3. Reed (Or Caniรงo).

134

135

Dona Amelia and her son sitting in front of their reed house.

04.3 The Lot. Use Of The Space.

One of the strongest characteristics of informal quarters is the unplanned appropriation, distribution and use oflots. 136

According to the history of the Bairro, reconstructed by its inhabitants during the editing of the “Diagnostico Socioéconomico da Comunidade de Chamanculo C” by the NGO AVSI (1), this part of the city was originally an unoccupied area which took its name from two nearby lagoons. The bigger one was called “Lhamba nkulo”, a Ronga word meaning “Bath for old people”, suggesting that only older people were allowed to bath there. During the last decades of the XIX century, the whole area was divided between two owners, the first one being a woman called Dona Saquina Xidsiça, and the second one a settler who let his properties to an employee of his called Mussagy. Later on, with the beginning of the migration from the countryside, these two people started to divide their lots and sell parts of them to the newcomers. The microfragmentation came as a consequence of the massive flux of people who moved to Maputo either to work in the city or who were on the way to better job opportunities in South Africa. After the independence, many people sought refuge from the long civil war which affected Mozambique from 1977 until 1992 - in the capital, thus increas-

ing the amount of population living in informal districts surrounding the ancient core of the city. From the interviews I conducted, it seems that the lots are all properly registered. Sometimes the acquisition or the transition of the DUAT is managed informally.The borders of the lot are often subject to arbitrary modifications. This also means that the infrastructure system has been rearranged throughout the years. Taking a small part from the street surface to enlarge the lot wasn’t uncommon at all. The “becos” (narrow inner paths), are the result of the further subdivision of bigger lots and they also may change conformation during the time. It is interesting to observe the distribution of the house units in the lot itself.From the analysed cases, it emerges that almost all the house units (Typology N.2) are oriented toward the inner courtyard and there’s no interest in relating the house with the street. Sometimes they are built with some distance between the road and the houses themselves, with the addition of a fence. Other times, they are built directly behind the street but the access to the house is set through the courtyard. At times, there are doors or windows on the street side and yet these aren’t used, and are often nailed down. Only in the presence of some shops or business we can exceptionally find houses which are open to the street. All other commercial activities are run on the street, with no connection with the building at the back. The small cabins used as shops, which are located in the lot and only accessible from the inside, are of course orientated towards the street, but are separated through a grate: people often gather in front of it, but they are not meant to invade the private space of the lot.

137

LOT DIVISIONS. The Quarteir達o 16A With Its Lot Divisions.

138

LOT CONFIGURATION. Composition Of Single Units And Their Spatial Organisation.

139

OUTDOOR. Unit Orientation And Access.

140

141

STREET ACCESS TO THE LOT ACCESS TO THE UNIT/HOUSE

05 INTERVIEWS Senhor Nhancale, Ernesto, Aurora Fernando, Beti, Adelina, Luisa, José, Raquel, Maria, Adelaide, Esperança, Domingos, Ariel, Amelia, Lenia, David, Isaac, Sergio, Elisa, Olinda, Anna Esther, Carmen, Argentina, Felizarda, Alice, Rute, Marta, Alberto, Alberto, Maria Betty, Alberto Mahela, Tina, Felizberto Antonio, Litos Felipe, Sonia Ernesto, Persina Vasco, Helena, Gilda, Aires Guilherme, Ancha, Risita, Isabel Castigo, Alzira, Felizberto, Maria Carolina, Joãna Jasse and Odorico.

Interviews. Confrontation With The Inhabitants Of The Quarteir達o 16A.

During my visit in Maputo I had the occasion to interview some people of the Bairro de Chamanculo C, in particular of the Quarteir達o 16A (upper part-01). 46 families let me come into their houses and answered a questionnaire about the topic of living in their neighborough, about their everyday life, their worries and their proposals to improve their situation, if they found it the case it should need improvment.

In the following pages you can see the result of these interviews and some information I mapped.

The collected datas refer to the interviewed people.

145

VISITED HOUSES.

146

INTERVIEW SAMPLES.

147

148

149

150

151

152

153

154

155

156

157

158

159

The Gavisse Family.

CONSTRUCTION MATERIALS. Bricks | typology N.1 Bricks | typology N.2.1 Iron sheet Reed Not visited 160

Almost 3/4 of the visited houses in this Quarteir達o are made of bricks, followed by 1/5 made of iron sheet and only 5% made of reed.

PERMANENCE IN THE QUARTEIRﾃグ. 0-10 years 11-20 years 21-30 years 31-40 years 41-50 years more than 50 years Not visited

More than 65% of the population of the Quarteirﾃ｣o 16a has been living there for longer than 30 years. Almost 1/4 for more than 50 years. Only four family units are new in the Quarteirﾃ｣o and moved in in the last 10 years.

161

JOB AND COLLECTIVE ACTIVITIES. Job activities bar

bar

Job activities and church

ITPH church/ ITPH church/ copies copies

Church “Igreja Evangélica Assembleia de Deus”

cigarettes/

cigarettes/ whisky whisky

162

grocery

grocerystands stands

computer

grocery

grocery grocery

computer repair repair

stands grocery stands

grocery stands

bar

church/ nappies

bar

church/ nappies carpenter

(windows)

carpenter wicker (windows)

shoemaker

basket maker

wicker basket maker

shoemaker tailor´s shop

cigarettes

cigarettes carpenter

tailor´s shop

sweets stands

traditional healer

carpenter

In the Quarterião 16A there are 22 collective and job activities run in houses, courtyards and “barracas”. Among the services and products, you can find groceries, nappies, coal, sigarettes, alcohol, copies, English lessons, two shoemakers, a wicker basket maker, a traditional healer, two carpenter workshop, a computer expert and a seamstress. There are three churches, one is a church and two are private houses.

COLLECTIVE LOTS.

163

Same patterned houses show the collective lots (quintais partilhados) - 1/3 of the total amount; the things that are shared are of course the lot itself, electricity (15%), water (50%) and toilets (65%).

PUBLIC ILLUMINATION SYSTEM.

164

63% of the interviewed people, when asked about their feelings related to the street, said it â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s a safe place. 37% perceive the street as an unsafe one, where robberies and other crimes occur. However, they testify that the situation now is much better after the insallation of the public street light system.

OPENING TO THE STREETS AND PATHS.

165

A little less than the half of the interviewed people declared that they do some activities in the streets. These could be chatting with neighbours, selling products, sitting on a chair in warm days and playing (for children). 52% of them are not accostumed to use the street for any activity, due to inadequate safety or spatial occasions to do that.

MAPPED SHOPS IN THE SURROUNDING STREETS.

166

tailor´s shop

couch lab/ clothes

tailor´s shop

food stand bar

food stand/ coal

sojogo bar (betting bar)

bar

When asked about shops or stands present around the Quarteirão, many people mentioned “bancas”(stands) and “barracas” (bars); very few mentioned other kind of shops/activities. Most of them said that there is nothing out there.

167

Dona Gilda.

06 UNBLOCK

06.1 Land Access. 06.2 Processes And Elements. 06.3 Relocation. 06.4 The Temporary Quareir達o. 06.5 The Catalogue Experience(d). 06.6 Growing Connections. 06.7 Test Area. 06.8 New Organisation. 06.9 Directions. 06.10 Reinterpretation. 06.11 Spreading The Model.

“But hope for nothing from man if he works for his own life and not for his eternity. Because then quite uselessly would I teach them architecture and its rules. If they build houses to live in what can they trade their life against their house? Because this house must serve their life and nothing else. And they say ‘useful’ for their house and they do not consider it for itself but only for its utility. It serves them and, inside, they occupy it to enrich themselves. But they die stripped because they do not leave behind neither an embroidered tablecloth nor priestly gilding on board a ship of stone. Asked to exchange, they wanted to be served. And when they leave there is nothing left.”

Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, La Citadelle, VI, 1948

The first part of this work was aimed at telling the reality of the Quarteirão 16A in Chamanculo C, Maputo. Through this study, it was possible to read the city in the elements of its context, to understand some processes and their status and to identify factors to work with. In the following chapter you will see my project in the form of a strategy for reacting to reality and upgrade the informal through informal.

171

06.1 Land Access. What You CanÂ´t Do Without.

One of the biggest problems of the QuarteirĂŁo is the lack of security related to land access, since many of the inhabitants of informal districts do not have any 172

official permit to live there. From the analysis I conducted, I can say that this aspect contributes to block any upgrading action in a significant proportion.

Every kind of intervention, which involves groups of people, neighbourhoods or areas, both in formal and informal contexts (unless coercive practices are used) is based on the factors of economic sustainability, which, in turn, has its roots in social sustainability. Social sustainability takes on different features according to its context. Sometimes, social sustainability focuses on the needs of single individuals or communities, with services like schools, transport systems, urban accessibility etc.

In the context of Maputo, instead, especially in its informal part, we can assert that what social sustainability means is the reassurance that the people affected by planned infrastructural interventions (drainage, roads etc) will go back to their houses, afterwards, in a certain and absolute way. In order to fight the threat of not going back to their houses, people could ben-

efit from the Land Law communities conditions, by transferring the vision of communities from the rural context (for which the term “community” was initially thought) to the urban one. To work on a sustainable connection scale, the first community unit would be the Quarteirão.

Quoting the 1997 Land Law, Chapter III, Par. 2: “In the following circumstances, the right of land use and benefit is not subject to a time limit: a) Where the right was acquired by local communities through occupancy”

(Land Law, Chapter III, Art. 17, Par. 2, a, see P. 243 and ff.)

If the entire Quarteirão were recognised as a “community”, all the inhabitants of the Quarteirão would have the right to live in their houses without time limit: this could break the existing condition which, according to my analysis, contributes to blocking any longer or pro-positive perspective on the reality of the Bairro.

The creativity needed for improving life conditions is definitively influenced by this land access issue, and therefore it becomes clear that the efficiency of this project can’t prescind from this passage. It would be impossible to talk about an architectonical level without first unblock this empasse.

173

06.2 Processes And Elements. How You Get Into It.

During the first part of this study, I tried to understand what kind of city is the informal part of Maputo 174

I investigated the dynamics that can be observed there, from different points of view. I tried to identify the engine of things there, how things start and evolve, which principles are followed, and which elements are important or essential or unnecessary.

The following aspects have been taken as basis for further reflections: - self-build: that’s the way things are created here. The relationship between humans and objects is this way much closer, and the interaction possibilities much wider. Knowing that you can change something because you physically built it, can/may/does shorten reaction times and allows for the interpretation of problems and solutions. - the model: after having analysed the Quarteirão 16A I can assert that, even if we talk about self-built products and spontaneous building initiatives, models can still be found around the block. There are a few matrices and more or less fixed variations of building techniques. The enormous heterogeneity of small details is indeed detectable at a smaller scale, but from the typological point of view the range is limited. This points out a possible “imitative” process used during the creation of the Bairro. This could be confirmed by the fact that build-

ing rules have often not been respected, which would underline an approximate building approach lacking know-how. - the fence: 100% of the houses I visited have a fence. Whether to show the property boundaries or to protect it or its inhabitants, every lot is fenced. Many a times, the fence is almost symbolic, since neither the materials used nor the structure itself could prevent from unwanted intrusions. Also in the case of shared lots, single families tend to define their own space. This could also be read as an element to affirm the single unit in a very dense and flattening environment. Even if it divides the single plots,the fence is, paradoxically, the only physical element that connects all the units of the Quarteirão. - the unit/the community: often due to their historical background, people of the informal city don’t feel part of the community or don’t transfer this feeling to practice. In the informal part of the city, associative spaces are often not considered a priority or are soon replaced by some more urgent functions. Personal connections, which often are the binding elements of a community, are not translated into physical spaces. Other sort of transverse relationships and community expressions arise in different ways, for example in business and credit systems (e.g. the so-called “Xitique”, P. 110).

Self-building and imitation will be used as active processes for the upgrading of Chamanculo C

175

pesquisa sobre a casa, chamanculo c, maputo, moçambique, maio 2013 caro morador, cara moradora quero como primeira coisa explicar-vos a razão de esta pesquisa. ela é parte dum estudio sobre o bairro de chamanculo c. pois a função principal da maior parte dos predios é abitativa, esta pesquisa tem o alvo de fornir uma imagem dela situação atual para compreender como a casa tem morada (os quartos dela casa, o espaço esterno, a relação com a rua ecc.). para além de dados qualitativos (vossa descrição da casa), seria necessário flanquear-vi dados quantitativos; por esta razão, pediria-vos se seria posivel tirar forografias de vossa casa e prender algumas misuraçoes. é importante especificar que trata-se dumo estudio para la facultade de architectura de a technische universität de Berlim e que a esta pesquisa não seguirà nenhuma intervenção direita para nenhuma instituição. o resultado deste trabalho serà messo a disposição de AVSI para verificar se serà possivel, eventualmente, inserir esto aspeto nelas estrategias dos interventos sociales de requalificação. se vocês estam d´acordo, podem preencher o questionário que esta depois esta página. de aquí a 7 dias o questionario serà retirado. entretanto, eu procederia para fazer as misuraçoes e para tirar as fotos, como já esplicato supre. é importante, para conseguir no trabalho, que para cada casa estam quer o questionário preenchado quer as fotografias/ misuraçoes. para qualquer pergunta estou a disposição. pois na prosima semana vou començar a reunir as informaçoes necesarias, serà possivel para vocês contatar-me ou direitamente quando vou visitar a vossa casa ou em forma escrita, no escritorio do campo. obrigada para vossa disponibilità e colaboração. margherita bilato

176

technische universität berlin

pesquisa sobre a casa, chamanculo c, maputo, moçambique

agradecando AVSI 1

177

178

179

06.3 Relocation. Taking Chances.

Many upgrading plans are going to come to their deadline soon. The priorities for many of them deal with physical interventions focused on the 180

infrastructure system: roads and canalisation are considered among the most impelling needs of Bairros like Chamanculo C. In many visions of the Maputo of the future, the conceptual formulation of these plans shows that informal settlements are going to be â&#x20AC;&#x153;de-infomalisedâ&#x20AC;?. One of the practices that has already been used in the past and that has raised fears among the inhabitants of informal quarters is their relocation into other areas. This practice often destroys social dynamics that are an essential part of the city, and that create/shape the city itself. In addition to that, as said before, the vulnerability of people living in these settings is partially due to the instability perceived by the inhabitants, who are not sure they will be able to live in their quarter in the future. This leads to a constant tension between the will to settle down in a permanent situation and the decision not to invest resources into something that doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t seem solid enough.

All this contributes to the solidification of mixed factors that give a pendant character to the whole scenario and it seems difficult to take a step forward in

the right direction.

Actually, the strategy thought for this context uses the temporary re-location as positive occasion. Let’s assume that these physical interventions are necessary and that they need a certain amount of time to be carried out. Let’s also assume that, although thought for the scale of the whole district, they can be executed step by step, operating in smaller areas. We can therefore think of the possibility to define an intervention unit, in order to proceed gradually, and this unit could be the Quarterião.

The plan of action would consist in provisionally moving the inhabitants of a Quarteirão to a temporary accommodation located into the Bairro. A place inside the Bairro of Chamanculo C would need to be found with the prerogative that It could house all the inhabitants of a Quarteirão at the same time. This place could be the football pitch called “Cape Cape” (officially dedicated to the world-famous athlete Lurdes Mutola who grew up in the Bairro of Chamanculo), located in the South-Eastern part of the district. After several interventions, the last one having been sponsored by the telephone company MCEL in 2006 (1), the place seems to be used for other purposes such as garbage collection: the seating area has been deprived of the roof and so on. The Cape Cape has seen better days and uses.

181

LOCATION OF THE FOOTBALL FIELD “CAPE CAPE”.

182

183

TEMPORARY RELOCATION OF THE QUAREIRÃO 16A ON “CAPE CAPE”.

184

185

06.4 The Temporary Quareirão. Arranging The Space On Cape Cape.

The surface of the football pitch measures about 8100 m2. If we take the Quarteirão 16A01 as guideline, we see that the built area corre186

sponds to about 4036 m2. That´s an average of 12 m2/person. With the current Rooms-Per-Person ratio of 0.67, considering the amount of people living in the Quarteirão 16A01 (344), that gives 230 rooms. Multiply that by the 12 m2 we got before, and we obtain 2760 m2 of surface needed for the temporary accommodation. Therefore,the Cape Cape pitch is more than adequate.

This Scenario would lead to the erection of “The Temporary Quarteirão”. For the time needed for the infrastructural upgrading of Chamanculo C, a temporary “ Quarteirão” would be built in the football pitch. The pitch is thought to house people just for the time required for the interventions on their dwellings, to facilitate the work.

The Cape Cape, after this temporary conversion, would go back to its original function (and this needs to be a fixed point). The pitch is thought to house people just for the time required for the interventions on their dwellings, to facilitate the work.

TEMPORARY QUARTEIRÃO WITH NEW INNER PATHS.

187 THE “CAPE CAPE TEMPORARY QUARTERÃO” HEADQUARTERS

BUILT SURFACE PROJECTED ON CAPE CAPE.

06.5 The Catalogue Experience(d). Enlarging The Repertoire.

The function of the Temporary Quarteirão would not only be a temporary accommodation. 190

From the observations carried out in the history of Chamanculo, we can say that very often the building process has also been an imitation process. This is deducible from various details observed. From the structural point of view, very often some important rules are not followed, but you can easily recognise a matrix either in the quarter or not so far away. It´s remarkable, for instance, that for the Brick Typology (2.1, P. 130), from the cases I was able to observe, you can find a rule for the position of the ring beam, followed on the frontal part of the house by a fix brick layer. The bricks themselves, however, are not shifted from one row to the following one, denouncing that at the base of the construction techniques there aren’t any structural principles, but rather the approximation of a model. From an aesthetic point of view, we’ve seen how some elements have been marked or represented without having any correspondence to the structure itself.

The challenge would be to move away from merely imitating the form to imitating the process behind the things.

These considerations point out the possible methods applied in the construction of the houses and applicable for their upgrade. Drawing inspiration from other existing typologies (for example see House Typology N.1 described in Chapter 4.2), either taken from the same context or imported from others, results in a sort of collage that could be one of the strengths of the upgrading process of Chamanculo C. 191

The Temporary Quarteirão could be seen as a living and growing Experience Catalogue for those people who have to stay there during the time of the physical interventions. Considering that after this time people would go back to their houses with some important changes, this could be an important chance to offer “The Catalogue Experience”, giving at the same time inspiration and knowledge for the possible housing upgrade, that would happen in the form of self-build practice. The Temporary Quarteirão would be the headquarter for building workshops: this could be carried out in two parallel ways.

The first one would deal with the interventions that caused this temporary situation. One important point of this strategy is to make people feel involved in the process. An ultimate relocation is not contemplated and instead of that there is an inner temporary redistribution inside the same Bairro. This could have a positive value because it would be a physical, but not drastic,

change in time and space and could therefore stand out in this semi-paralyzed panorama. The next step would be active participation: in the Temporary Quarteirão it would be possible to attend professional training for the required intervention (canalisation etc.), to teach specific know-how to a specific group of people willing to learn a job and to put it into practice. 192

The second way would have the house as topic. The aim of the Temporary Quarteirão as Catalogue Experience is to add new inspiration sources for the already assimilated repertoire that you can encounter around the Bairro, and, at the same time, to update and improve the know-how about building. A selection of materials would be there to let people re-think their conception of house, which will be the core of the Temporary Quarteirão. The constant exchange due to the flux of people (it´s important to remember that the inhabitants of a Quarteirão would stay in the Temporary Quarteirão only for the time required for the interventions in their own Quarteirão, followed by the next Quarteirão and so on) would contribute to a continuous mutation and enrichment of the typological upgrade. At the same time, the Temporary Quarteirão would be a reference point, a sort of how-to-build manual for those people willing to improve their houses or workspaces.

Once the inhabitants go back to their homes, they would find paved roads and a drainage system.

This fundamental changes actually open a much wider range of possibilities, that could be integrated straight away with the inputs seen and acquired in the Temporary Quarteir達o.

193

06.6 Growing Connections. Re-Thinking The Community.

I started this chapter saying that one of the main factors that contributes to the problematic situation of the Quarteir達o is the land access issue. A possible solu194

tion for that coul be, as said before, to work with the concept of communities. The condition of community applied to the Quarteir達o would give people the stability needed to upgrade.

The thesis I would like to put forward is that reinforcing connections leads to an increased sense of community. To unblock the situation in the informal context actions should be taken around this aspect. Nevertheless, the concept of community is not only a word, and feeling part of a community cannot be imposed from above. Connections are often the sign of collective activities. Common interests bring people together. In the current situation, there are not many connections to be recognised in the Quarteir達o 16A. I proceeded in my analysis trying to understand the existing ones. I started with thematic connections: similar business and job or collective activities could bring their players together. I found six groups: four of them are commercial, and two of them are social/political. The commercial ones could be: groceries and food stands; bars and cigarettes;

crafts and others activities.. The social/political connections are of two natures: on one hand the churches (“actual” churches but also those houses used for religious functions); on the other hand the geo-political division of the so called “Ten Houses”. It´s interesting to notice that the house-churches present aesthetic affinities, if we consider that the same colours have been used to decorate the spaces related to this functional typology. These connections could be the starting point forfurther work on the sense of community.

An unavoidable condition of the temporary relocation would be the necessity to re-organise the settlements trying to find appropriate situations to embody new connections or reinforcing existing ones. The temporary Quarteirão would be the perfect occasion to test them.

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POSSIBLE CONNECTION FACTORS.

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THEMATIC CONNECTIONS: FOOD.

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THEMATIC CONNECTIONS: BARS AND CIGARETTES.

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THEMATIC CONNECTIONS: ARTISANS.

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THEMATIC CONNECTIONS: OTHER ACTIVITIES.

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THEMATIC CONNECTIONS: CHURCHES.

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POSITION: ACTIVITIES ON STREET FACING PLOTS (18/22) AND ON “BECOS” FACING PLOTS (4/22).

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PHYSICAL CONNECTIONS.

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VISIBILITY: ACTIVITIES THAT ARE OPEN TO THE STREET (4/22).

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INTER-THEMATIC CONNECTIONS.

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INTER-THEMATIC CONNECTIONS: CONCENTRATION.

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VISUAL CONNECTIONS: AFFINITIES.

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In the Quarteir達o 16A there are two churches which organize their activities in private houses. In both of them, even if they belong to different cults, a combination of colours can be observed: light blue, red and white. In the first one some pillars and the chairs present these colours. In the second one, walls and windows and the door are painted with this palette.

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06.7 Test Area. Temporary Connection Test.

The strategy would be organised as follows. The first step would be the re-location of the Quareirão 16A to Cape Cape. 210

As underlaying structure we keep, for sake of simplicity, the one already existing in the Quarteirão, since the re-planning of the plot is not part of this study. Because the starting point is the reaction to the current situation, we will just project the present configuration onto Cape Cape. This is a simplified model and does not have to fit exactly in the new area. As the next step, we have to find a spot which could be improved through the reinterpretation of its connections. In this case, we have chosen a zone connecting on one side the church and on the other side the house-church in the central part of the Quarteirão. The plots here present different conditions: one plot with the public function of the church, one shared plot, one temporarily empty plot (the house of the shoemaker which burnt down last year and has not yet been rebuilt), one plot registered as “anexos”, which we suppose is reusable, and the church-house. This seems to be the right spot also because of the public or semi-public vocation of the two extremities. In addition to that, some “becos” already serve the inner part of it. Ten existing activities are already directly or less directly (through “becos”) related to the area. At this point, we need to open new inner physical connections to proceed with the re-qualification.

TEST AREA: PROGRAM.

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+1 +1

06.8 New Organisation. Actors Involved Into The Process.

The existing subdivision of the Quarteirão could be the basis for the new organisation. 212

The Quarteirão is, as said before, divided into “Ten Houses” Groups. In our case study, we have five of them, since we have a total amount of about fifty households. The division of these groups is only hypothetical, since I did not have access to the actual divisions. Nevertheless, the whole Quarteirão is to be considered the unit. The new collective space in the middle is pertinent to all five Groups, and not only to the adjacent ones. The free plots get the “public status” by general decision, considering that, according to the PEUMM guidelines, every new intervention/re-qualification needs to include spaces for social aggregation (see the priorities of the “Plano de Estrutura Urbana do Município de Maputo”, I - Introducão ao PEUMM – Suas Razões e Filosofia, P. 8, downloadable at http://goo.gl/jvrEZL). This reconsidered surface will be a central point in the organisation of the Quarteirão.

As a next step, we could think of opening new inner physical connections. Removing a small part of some of the plots would help obtain this and such collaboration could be rewarded with some dedicated space in the common area.

By looking at figure below, we can see that in the lower part of the block this procedure could be successful, but in the upper part it would be extremely hard to open new spaces, because of its density. Therefore, the horizontal connection is not sufficient as cohesive element for the Quarteir達o.

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06.9 Directions. Horizontal, Vertical And Transverse Connections.

The lack of space has been denounced as one of the most felt problems by the the people I Interviewed. 214

Since creating new ground space is not possible, it could be reasonable to think of building in the vertical direction. The topic of verticalisation is not new in the informal debate. Introducing a new direction within building and relations could be critical in this context. Therefore, the movement should not be fragmented into horizontal and vertical dimension, but be transverse instead. Some activities are deeply related with the courtyard, and building one more level could interrupt this connection. On the other hand, some activities are run in the courtyard just because there is no other spaceavailable. The strategy for this would be to add a new level, but using it for activities that keep a connection with other activities. Public spaces, shops, workspaces could be on this second layer and, because of their collective nature, they could bring the connections with them. The transverse dimension does not have to be physical: it can also be created through visual affinities (taking inspiration from the church-houses case), and does not have to be direct,: it can also follow â&#x20AC;&#x153;topographicâ&#x20AC;? principles generated by the existing buildings. The fence could help achieve this, being the element connecting every single plot.

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VERTICAL BUILDING GROWTH.

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CONNECTION DIRECTIONS.

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06.10 Reinterpretation. The Revolution Of The Fence.

As we said before, the fence is a very important element in the Quarteir達o.

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Using the custom of thinking the house/plot together with the fence, we could introduce some variations and let the fence become a new ordering element.

First of all, we have to consider that, since the fence has two sides, it interests at least two parts; whether private plots or one plot and a public space (the street or the new common area), the interests of more agents have to be taken into account, in order for the fence to be used as a shared component.

Secondly, we could combine the social function of this element with a structural one.

Since the lack of space also affects living situations, we could think of introducing a system in which the fence can be used as a structural support for what comes behind it or on top of it. This could be done with in-situ concrete, which offers, through a system of pillars and beams, the possibility of building indoor spaces based on its static function.

Used as a fence only, instead, it could be arranged with different fillings and could be used as an interface for different needs and occasions.

A credit system based on the Xitique model could be used for the parts involved in the process. Every family unit of the QuarteirĂŁo would be part of the FenceXitique and contribute proportionally to the financial burden. 219

There would be two financial sources: public funding and private credit. The public fund of the Municipality of Maputo related to interventions of a public nature. Instead of funding only big scale actions, a part of that money would flow into these micro interventions.

This would lead to the erection of common structures. The first beneficiaries of the interventions would start paying a sum of money to the Xitique. This money would go to the user s of the other side of the fence to complete the works in their private plots. The person receiving the money and building the fence will be the next one giving money to their neighbours, who can then benefit from the other side of the fence. The last ones of the chain would be the peripheral plots, whose dwellers would build the part of the fence facing the public space of the street (the same situation applies for plots facing â&#x20AC;&#x153;becosâ&#x20AC;?). The public finance interventions would need a maintenance fund which would be fed by the marginal plots. If there were the need, money would periodically be gathered for the general maintenance.

The principle behind this economic strategy is that you first get the support you need to improve your situation and then you can contribute to the upgrading of the rest. Once you reach stability and youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re given the means, you can actively take part in the process.

If anyone does not want to be part of it, the next one in the chain would take the 220

money from the first communal fund. The existing social/political organisation would help manage these special situations.

Other transverse connections, dealing with the nature of the activity, would also refer to this general system, which can start only if the previous conditions (community/presence of social spaces) are met.

FENCE: CONSTRUCTION CHAIN.

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THIS FAMILY WANTS TO BUILD A NEW HOUSE.THE STARTING POINT IS THE FENCE, RIVISITED IN A STRUCTURAL WAY, BESIDES THE FUNCTION IT ALREADY HAS (PROPERTY/SECURITY). IN SITU CONCRETE SEEMS TO BE THE MOST PRACTICAL OPTION: THE TRANSPORTATION OF PRE-CAST CONCRETE ELEMENTS, IN FACT, COULD BE DIFFICULT DUE TO THE NARROWNESS OF THE STREETS AND PATHS IN THIS PART OF THE CITY. IN ADDITION, THE LIFTING OF VERTICAL ELEMENTS WOULD NEED CRANES WHICH COULD ALSO BE PROBLEMATIC. THE FORMWORKS FOR IN SITU CONCRETE COULD BE RE-USED, THE MATERIALS ARE EASILY AVAILABLE AND SELF-BUILDING COULD MAKE USE OF TIME AND MANUAL RECOURCES WHICH DON´T LACK HERE.

THE BUILDING SYSTEM IS AS SIMPLE AS POSSIBLE: STRIP FOUNDATIONS, PILLARS AND BEAMS. FOR THE INFILL WALLS, DIFFERENT MATERIALS ARE USED: FULL BRICKS (AUTOCLAVED AERATED CONCRETE COULD BE SUGGESTED FOR ITS FAVOURABLE PROPERTIES: LIGHT, FIRE-RESISTANT, GOOD INSULATION ETC.), AND PERFORATED BRICKS, TO PROVIDE DIFFERENT LEVELS OF TRANSPARENCY AND VENTILATION. NOT EVERY MODULE NEEDS TO BE BUTTRESSED: SOME OF THEM CAN BE USED AS A PASSAGE OR ENTRANCE FOR OTHER SPACES (SHOPS, WORKSHOPS ETC). IT´S IMPORTANT TO SAY THAT IN THIS FIRST PHASE THE REINFORCEMENTS NEED TO BE LEFT OPEN IN THE THREE DIMENSIONS FOR POSSIBLE FURTHER BUILDING.

ONCE THE FENCE IS BUILT, IT OFFERS THE STRUCTURAL BASIS TO BE USED AS A HOUSE WALL.THE OPAQUE SURFACES ARE DESIGNED TO BE PART OF THE HOUSE ITSELF. WINDOWS, DOORS AND OPENINGS IN GENERAL ARE ORIENTED TOWARDS THE COURTYARD, ACCORDING TO THE EXISTING ORIENTATION. THE WALL IS MEANT TO BE THE SUPPORT FOR THE HOUSE OR PARTS OF IT, WHICH CAN BE PLANNED AT A LATER DATE.

THE PRESENCE OF THE GROUNDFLOOR PROVIDES AUTOMATICALLY THE POSSIBILITY TO BUILD IN THE VERTICAL DIMENSION. THE FENCE, FROM LINEAR ELEMENT, EVOLVES INTO A ROOM, A BI-DIMENSIONAL ELEMENT, AND THEN INTO A TWO-STOREY HOUSE. THIS WAY, THE FENCE CAN BE APPROACHED FROM BOTH SIDES: IT´S A SHARED STRUCTURE. FROM ONE SIDE AND FROM THE OPPOSITE,IT CAN DEVELOP INTO THIS PROCESS OVER TIME. THIS MEANS THAT WALLS THAT WERE SUPPOSED TO BE MORE TRANSPARENT THAN OTHERS (WITH PERFORATED BRICKS FON INSTANCE) CAN LATER BE CONVERTED INTO FULL WALLS ON THE OTHER SIDE. SINCE THE OPENINGS WOULD BE BUILT ON THE COURTYARD SIDE, NEIGHBOURS COULD BUILD THE EXTENSION OF THEIR HOUSES WITHOUT COMPROMISING THEIR PRIVACY.

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REINFORCEMENTS NEED TO BE PROTECTED FROM WATER AND AIR, SINCE THE BUILDING PROCESS COULD EVOLVE OVER TIME. AFTER AN ANTICORROSION TREATMENT, THEY WOULD BE THE PERFECT PLACE FURNITURE AROUND. BUILDING SHELVES COULD BE USEFUL, FOR EXAMPLE, SINCE THE KITCHEN IS OFTEN LOCATED OUTSIDE. HOW TO ADAPT THESE SPACES IS LEFT TO THE NEEDS AND WISHES OF THE PEOPLE. THE MESSAGE HERE IS: THESE REINFORCEMENTS NEED TO BE COVERED: IT´S A GREAT CHANCE/OPPORTUNITY TO BUILD SOMETHING BEAUTIFUL FOR YOUR HOUSE!

THE SAME THING HAPPENS WITH VERTICAL REINFORCEMENTS, WHICH COULD BE USED AS FLOWER VASES, OR AS A SUPPORT FOR A SIGN (FOR A SHOP PERHAPS) OR FOR ANY ELEMEMENT THAT COULD BE USEFUL OR DECORATIVE, OR FUN OR NICE.

AFTER OPENING NEW INNER PATH, THE TOPIC OF THE ACCESS TO THE “PUBLIC” AREA IN THE MIDDLE HAS TO BE SOLVED.

DONA LUISA´S HOUSE

NEW INNER PATH THROUGH Q16A TO: THE CARPENTER´S HOUSE AND SHOP, THE WORKSPACE COURTYARD AND THE CHURCH#2 THIS WAY

THIS COULD HAPPEN BY USING THE FENCE AS MEDIATOR ELEMENT. BRINGING THE EXISTING SHOPS (THE ONES IN MARGINAL PLOTS) TO THE STREET WOULD GIVE A MORE PUBLIC CHARACTER TO THE ACCESS.

PRIVATE HOUSE

THE COURTYARD IS USED FOR RELIGIOUS MEETINGS

VENDE-SE discartaveis 6MT cada THEY ALSO SELL THINGS

ACCORDING TO THE NATURE OF THE ACTIVITIES, DIFFERENT ACCESSABILITY LEVEL COULD BE NEEDED. IN THIS CASE, FOR EXAMPLE, THE HOUSE HAS A PRIVATE DIMENSION BUT, WORKING AS CHURCH AS WELL, IT MAY NEED, IN SOME OCCASIONS, TO BE MORE OPEN TO THE PUBLIC.

USING THE NEW STRUCTURE OF THE FENCE WOULD LET PEOPLE RECONSIDER THE RELATIONSHIP WITH THE PARTS AND THE FUNCTIONS IN DIFFERENT MOMENTS.

DIFFERENT TRANSPARENCY LEVELS OFFER DIFFERENT INTERFACES

VENDE-SE discartaveis 6MT cada

THE COURTYARD IS USED FOR RELIGIOUS MEETINGS

06.11 Spreading The Model. Exporting The Model To Other Quarteir천es.

Once the experiment of the Temporary Quarteir찾o comes to an end, the inhabitants of the Q16A will go back to their houses and apply the experienced model. 238

The next Quarteir찾o will follow and little by little the whole Bairro will get a new conformation, where inner micro-connections will be the binding elements. The next step could be connecting these social spaces between Quarteir천es, so that the entire Bairro can benefit from the self-generated upgrading process.

AA EVOLUTION OF THE CITY

Back in the XV century, the Portuguese explorer Vasco de Gama landed in the North of the present Mozambique, on the the Ilha de Moçambique, which then) became the capital of the new Portuguese colony.

The South was first discovered by Lourenço Marques in 1544, who started exploring the area near the Maputo Bay. Until the beginning of the XIX century this part of the country did not raise the attention of the Motherland. Starting from 1825 the first groups of colonists arrived and settled down, living by cultivating and trading in the nowadays capital, at that time called Lourenço Marques.

In the original nucleus of the city, the “Baixa”, was built the Fortaleza (Fortress), such as two houses in “European” style, 70 made of clay, 40 of straw and few of wood. The first infrastructure plan was designed in 1857, with six streets running parallel to the Maputo River. Starting from this point the population started to increase due to the growing port and trade activities (1).

In 1892 we can find a more elaborated urban concept for the city, the so called “Plano Araújo” (from the name of the Engineer António José Araújo who created it), which was considered at the time one of the most advanced plans of Southern Africa. This project created the rigid knit of the city, its perpendicular streets and avenues and block modules. This structure found its model in a typical military matrix, leading to a very open

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and ventilated infrastructure net, which could sustain the possible expansion of the city. Important land reclamations accompanied this new phase of building. The city was provided with the first electric public transport in 1904, considering it as an essential condition for Lourenรงo Marques to branch off. In 1908 the train station was built, connecting the city with other important centres of Southern Africa (2). 244

Due to a rapid growth of the population and commercial activities, a new plan was needed. In 1907 the Portuguese developed an expansion plan for LM, by literally drawing with the compass two arcs, the first 2017 m long, and the second 5000 m, with the centre located in the Baixa. These were supposed to define the limits of the city, delineating the directions of the possible expansion, yet without giving any rigid layout to follow. Lourenรงo Marques was growing in grace and elegance, in line with its new condition of capital of Mozambique starting from 1898 (3).

About thirty years later many solid buildings rose up transforming the city into a well-advanced European oasis surrounded by a tropical African landscape. The measure applied by the Portuguese in 1933 is worth mentioning because it stated that all the land had to be turned into public property. This was thought as the best strategy to be able to intervene in the design of the city, without having any private investor obstructing it. During the following decades the trend followed the expectations and many buildings started to be built according to the principles of Modernism.

In 1932 António de Oliveira Salazar was elected Prime Minister of Portugal, installing his dictatorial leadership which went on until the “Revolução dos Cravos” (Carnation Revolution) in 1974. This fact also had influence on Lourenço Marques

(4)

The Ministry of the Overseas elaborated a new urban plan between 1947 and 1952, following the guidelines proposed by the Estado Novo, in which we find the aim of consolidating the image of the regime. In this context the infrastructure was considered priority and a macro-roundabout system was developed. The plan, called “Aguiar” from its author, was approved in 1955. It’s in these years that the density of the city increased and we assist to the spread of high-rises (4).

Between 1950 and 1960 the local population went up to 8%, a huge growth considering that until that point the trend had been around 2%. Two reasons among others drew local people to the capital: the hope for job opportunities in the city and the fact that Lourenço Marquez was located near the border with South Africa, where diamond and coal mines often represented good chances of employment. Nevertheless, they never managed to cross the barrier of the circunvalação (bypass) and were consequently not part of the Portuguese city. Therefore, they began to settle down in quarters located around the core of Lourenço Marques, such as Xipamanine, S. José, Chamanculo, Munhuana, Tlhmbane and Mavalane giving birth to the first informal settlements, without any

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proper basic services like water, infrastructures, electricity etc. They started to call this part of the city “Cidade de Caniço” (caniço is the Portuguese word for reed) because of the material used for the houses there whereas the planned one was called “Cidade de Cimento” (Concrete City) (1).

Meanwhile the Portuguese had to deal with the problem of finding befitting ar246

eas to locate their industrial activities and appropriate strategies to apply for the increasing population and density. That resulted in a new urban plan in 1967 called Plano Azevedo. One of the principal aims of this plan was to modify the land politics, in order to block the uncontrolled boom in those areas lacking in proper infrastructures. For this reason it was proposed to build “reservas” able to receive the expected expansion. Likewise important was to improve and expand the existing road system

(1)

In 1975, after nine years of internal armed conflict and after the Carnation Revolution in Portugal, which overthrew the dictatorship of the Estado Novo, Mozambique won its independence. Samora Machel was named the first President of the “República de Moçambique”.

Starting from this point, due to the civil war which tormented the country until 1992, we assist to a massive migratory flow from rural contexts directed to the main cities, and in particular to the capital now called Maputo.

This led to an uncontrolled occupation of everything that could be occupied. The houses that were used by the Portuguese had come into state ownership, such as restaurants, clubs, cultural and sport centres, schools etc. The Cidade de Cimento was now for the first time fully experienced by the natives and the Cidade de Caniço was there to house all who moved to Maputo to find a better situation than the one they left. 247

After its independence Justice, Education and Health were nationalised, as well as real estates with profit (Decreto Lei N. 5/76 do 5 de Fevereiro). The land was property of the State and every Mozambican family had the right to own a house on it. Renting was not contemplated. Therefore the Government established in 1976 the APIE (Administração do Parque Imobiliário do Estado - Administration of State Housing Stock) to manage all the new buildings acquired. Nevertheless, the expansion of the city was not under control and already in 1980 50% of the urban population of Maputo was living in informal settlements .

(2)

In 1987 the Government founded the “Fundo de Desenvolvimento de Habitação Própria” (PPHP) to try to face the increasing problems of the Cidade de Caniço, but because of financial difficulties of the state it had never been able to work properly.

Through the sponsorship of the Unated Nations, the Republic of Mozambique

defined a “Politica Nacional de Habitação” from 1987 until 1991; however, this was not sufficient to substantially change the big scale the phenomenon which it had evolved into.

In 1987 The World Bank funded a further project called “Projecto de Reabilitação Urbana” (PRU) for the cities of Maputo and Beira. The housing component 248

represented ca. 6% of the budget. This consisted in giving credits for construction kits to build houses, without including any intervention in an upper urban scale (1).

After many attempts and further steps forward, in 2007 the Municipal Council of Maputo (CMM) applied to obtain financing by the World Bank of ca. US$ 50 million for a long term plan called “Programa de Desenvolvimento Municipal de Maputo” (PROMAPUTO - Maputo Municipal Development Program) for the following 10 years. The program is divided in two parts: in the first one the aim is to be able to create and develop urban management tools. During the first phase of this plan, until 2009, the “Plano de estrutura Urbana do Município de Maputo” (PEUMM) was developed, with the priority of upgrading the existing informal settlements, both from a strategically and physical point of view and from a social one (1).

Some interesting ongoing projects are run in the city, such as the pilot “Projeto de Cooperação Técnica Trilateral - Apoio à Requalifi cação do Bairro Chaman-

culo C no âmbito da Estratégia Global de Reordenamento e Urbanização dos Assentamentos Informais do Município de Maputo” (Support For Upgrading The Chamanculo C Neighbourhood In Accordance With The Global Strategy For Urbanizing And Reordering Informal Settlements In The Maputo Municipality), funded by the Italian Cooperation, the Brazilian Cooperation and Cities Alliance.

“In its approach to slum upgrading, Mozambique is the first country to benefit from a unique form of South-South cooperation—the Italian-Brazilian Triangular Cooperation Programme, which is based on an agreement between Italy and Brazil to carry out cooperation activities with third countries. Through the programme, Mozambique is able to draw on more than ten years of experience with integrated and participatory slum upgrading developed in Bahia, Brazil with the support of Italy and the Cities Alliance. (...) The overall goal of the project: Support for the Upgrading of the Chamanculo C Neighbourhood in accordance with the Global Strategy for Urbanizing and Reordering Informal Settlements in the Maputo Municipality, is to contribute to reducing poverty and to boost the development of the population living in low-income informal areas in the city of Maputo” (http://goo.gl/2i3wmi).

It is through the Italian NGO AVSI, which is working on the “Socio-Economical Diagnosis” in range of the above mentioned project, that I got to know the quarter of Chamanculo C in the city of Maputo.

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PLAN FOR THE EXPANSION OF LOURENÇO MARQUES IN 1895.

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LOURENÇO MARQUES IN 1939, AERIAL VIEW.

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BUILDINGS IN THE CENTRAL PART OF LOURENÇO MARQUES IN THE SEVENTIES.

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NIGHT VIEW OF LOURENÇO MARQUES IN 1973, FROM A BUILDING NOW AT THE CORNER BETWEEN AV. 24 DE JULHO AND AV. KARL MARX. PHOTO TAKEN BY NUNO PIRES.

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MAPUTO, 2011, AERIAL VIEW.

AB THE LAND LAW N. 19/97

Chapter II Chapter III Chapter IV

The new Land Law (Law 19/97) was approved in 1997, signed by at that time president of Mozambique Joaquim Chissano.

CHAPTER II - OWNERSHIP OF THE LAND AND PUBLIC DOMAIN

ARTICLE 3 - General principle The land is the property of the State and cannot be sold or otherwise alienated, mortgaged or encumbered.

ARTICLE 4 - State land fund In the Republic of Mozambique, all land makes up the State Land Fund.

ARTICLE 5 - National Land Cadastre 1. The National Land Cadastre shall consist of all necessary data to: a) Know the economic and legal status of the land; b) Know the type of occupancy, use and benefit as well as an evaluation of soil fertility, forestry areas, water, fauna and flora reserves, mining exploration areas and areas for tourism. c) Organise efficiently land utilisation, protection and conservation. d) Determine the appropriate regions for specialised production. 2. The National Land Cadastre shall determine the economic qualification of the data defined in the previous paragraph, in order to provide a basis for the planning and distribution of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s resources.

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ARTICLE 6 - Public domain The total and partial protection zones are part of the public domain.

ARTICLE 7 - Total protection zones Areas that are intended for nature conservation or preservation activities and areas for State security and defence are considered total protection zones. 264

ARTICLE 8 - Partial protection zones The following are considered partial protection zones: a) The bed of interior water, the territorial sea and the exclusive economic zone; b) The continental platform; c) The strip of maritime coastline, including that around islands, bays and estuaries, which is measured from the high tide line to a mark 100 meters inland; d) The land strip of up to 100 meters surrounding water sources; e) The land strip of up to 250 meters along the edge of dams and reservoirs; f) The land occupied by public interest railway lines and their respective stations with a bordering strip of 50 meters on each side of the line; g) The land occupied by motorways and four lane highways,aerial,surface, underground and underwater installations and conduits for electricity, telecommunications, petroleum, gas and water, including a bordering strip of 50 meters on each side, as well as the land occupied by roads including a bordering strip of 30 meters for primary roads and 15 meters for secondary and tertiary roads; h) The two kilometre strip of land along the terrestrial border; i) The land occupied by airports and aerodromes with a surrounding strip of land

of 100 metres; j) The 100 metre strip of land surrounding military or other defence and security installations of the State. ARTICLE - 9 Special licences for activities in total or partial protection zones No rights of land use and benefit can be acquired in total and partial protections zones, although special licences may be issued for specific activities. 265

CHAPTER III - THE RIGHT OF USE AND BENEFIT OF LAND

ARTICLE 10 - National persons 1.National individual and corporate persons, men and women, as well as local communities may be holders of the right of land use and benefit. 2. National individual and corporate persons may obtain the right of land use and benefit individually or jointly with other individual and corporate persons by way of joint title holding. 3.The right of land use and benefit of local communities adheres to the principles of joint title holding for all the purposes of this Law.

ARTICLE 11 - Foreign persons Foreign individual and corporate persons may be holders of the right of land use and benefit, provided that they have an investment project that is duly approved and the following conditions are observed: a) in the case of individual persons, provided that they have been resident in the Republic of Mozambique for at least five years;

b) in the case of corporate persons, provided that they are established or registered in the Republic of Mozambique.

ARTICLE 12 - Acquisition The right of land use and benefit is acquired by: a) occupancy by individual persons and by local communities, in accordance with 266

customary norms and practices which do not contradict the Constitution; b) occupancy by individual national persons who have been using the land in good faith for at least ten years; c) authorisation of an application submitted by an individual or corporate person in the manner established by this Law.

ARTICLE 13 - Titling 1. A title shall be issued by the general or urban Public Cadastre Services. 2. The absence of title shall not prejudice the right of land use and benefit acquired through occupancy in terms of sub-paragraphs a) and b) of the previous article. 3. The application for a title for the right of land use and benefit shall include a statement by the local administrative authorities, preceded by consultation with the respective communities, for the purpose of confirming that the area is free and has no occupants. 4.The title issued to local communities shall be issued in the name of the community, which name shall be decided upon by the community. 5. Individual men and women who are members of a local community may re-

quest individual titles, after the particular plot of land has been partitioned from the relevant community land.

ARTICLE 14 - Registration 1. The constitution, modification, transfer and termination of the right of land use and benefit are subject to registration. 2. The absence of registration does not prejudice the right of land use and benefit acquired through occupancy in terms of sub-paragraphs a) and b) of article 12, provided that it has been duly proved in terms of this Law.

ARTICLE 15 - Proof The right of land use and benefit can be proved by means of: a) Presentation of the respective title; b) Testimonial proof presented by members, men and women of local communities; c) Expert evidence and other means permitted by law.

ARTICLE 16 - Transfer 1. The right of land use and benefit may be transferred by inheritance, without distinction by gender; 2. The titleholders of the right of land use and benefit may transfer, inter vivos, infrastructures, structures and improvements existing on the land by means of a public notarial deed, preceded by authorisation from the competent state entity

267

3. In the cases referred to in the preceding paragraph, the transfer shall be recorded on the respective title. 4. In the case of urban tenements , the transfer of the immovable property includes the transfer of the right of land use and benefit of the respective plot. 5. The titleholder of the right of land use and benefit may mortgage the immovable assets and improvements which he/she has duly been authorised to make 268

on the land or which he/she has legally acquired a right of ownership over.

ARTICLE 17 - Term 1.The right of land use and benefit for purposes of economic activities is subject to a maximum term of 50 years, which is renewable for an equal period upon application by an interested party.After the renewal period, a new application must be presented. 2. In the following circumstances, the right of land use and benefit is not subject to a time limit: a) Where the right was acquired by local communities through occupancy; b) Where it is intended for personal residential purposes; c) Where national individual persons intend it for family use.

ARTICLE 18 - Termination of the right of land use and benefit 1.The right of land use and benefit shall be extinguished: a) By failure to fulfil the exploitation plan or investment project without justifiable reasons within the time limits established in the application approval, even if tax obligations are being complied with;

b) By revocation of the right of land use and benefit for reasons of public interest,preceded by payment of fair indemnification and/or compensation; c) Upon the expiry of its term or a renewal thereof; d) By renunciation by the titleholder. 2. Upon termination of the right of land use and benefit, the non-removable improvements shall revert to the State. 269

CHAPTER IV - EXERCISING OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES

ARTICLE 19 - Exploitation plan The applicant for land use and benefit shall present an exploitation plan.

ARTICLE 20 - Licensing and the right of land use and benefit The approval of an application for the right of land use and benefit does not dispense with the need for licences or other authorisations that are required by: a) The legislation applicable to the exercise of the intended economic activities, namely agriculture and livestock, agro-industrial, industrial, tourism, commercial, fishery and mining and environmental protection; b) Directives of land use plans.

ARTICLE 21 - License Period License periods shall be defined in accordance with the applicable legislation, independently of the authorised period for the right of land use and benefit. From: JosĂŠ Caldeira, Adrian Frey, Land Law Legislation, MozLegal Lda, Maputo, 2004

N NOTES

00. 01_ Global Health Observatory, http://goo.gl/bfK844 02_Socio-economic Data and Applications Center (SEDAC), http://goo.gl/8uVytu

01. 272

01_ Total Population: The World Factbook - CIA; Population in informal settlements: Mexico City (A), Lima (B), Caracas (B), Rio de Janeiro (C), Buenos Aires (H), Bogota (E), Chennai (D), Bangkok (D), Manila (F), Karachi (E), Mumbai (D), Jakarta (D), Cape Town (G), Nairobi (D), Accra (D), Lagos (G), Luanda (I), Kinshasa (I), Maputo (J) A_Mike Davis, Planet of Slums, 2006 | B_UCL | C_IBGE | D_UN Habitat | E_ World Bank | F_GaWC | G_IRIN Africa | H_ INDEC | I_Cities Alliance | J_Perfil Estatístico do Município de Maputo 2011

01.2 01_ Conselho Municipal de Maputo , Perfil Estatístico do Município de Maputo, Maputo 2011 02_ Conselho Municipal de Maputo, PEUMM – Plano de Estrutura Urbana do Município de Maputo, Volume II – Análise Da Situação Actual, Maputo, 2008

01.3 01_ MICOA-DINAPOT et al., 2006a, P. 15 in Ana Anjo, A Reabilitação de Áreas Urbanas “Informais” em Moçambique, P. 163, Universidade de Aveiro, 2009

01.4 01_Paul Jenkins, Urban management, urban poverty and urban governance: planning and land management in Maputo, in “Environment and Urbanization 2000 12: 137”, April 2000 02_Robin Nielsen, Christopher Tanner, Anna Knox, Mozambique´s innovative land law, in “Focus on Land in Africa, Placing land rights at the heart of development”, January 2011 03_José Alberto Raimundo, Inês Macamo Raimundo, Operation of the Market Study, Land Access in Urban Areas, The Case of Maputo, February 2012 04_ Conselho Municipal de Maputo, PEUMM – Plano de Estrutura Urbana do Município de Maputo, Volume II – Análise Da Situação Actual, Maputo, 2008

01.5 01_ Madalena Dray e Bruno Nhancale, Programa de Desenvolvimento Municipal do Município de Maputo, Actualização do quadro de gestão ambiental e social, Conselho Municipal de Maputo, Abril 2010

01.6 01_Paul Jenkins, Xilunguine, Lourenço Marques, Maputo – structure and agency in urban form: past, present and future, in African Perspectives 4: The African city centre (re-)sourced, University of Pretoria/Thswane Sept 24-28 2009

03.2 01_ AVSI, Diagnostico Socio-Economico da Comunidade de Chamanculo C, 2013

273

03.3 01_Margaret Hall, Tom Young, Confronting Leviathan: Mozambique Since Independence, Athens: Ohio University Press 1997 02_Sara Araújo, O Estado moçambicano e as justicas comunitárias: Uma história dinâmica de imposições e respostas locais diferenciadas, in “CIEA 274

7 #29: Conflicto Social y sistemas jurídicos consuetudinatios africanos: la redefinición constante de la tradición, Lisboa, 2010

03.5 01_http://goo.gl/jLjjbj

04.2 01_http://goo.gl/EcLNHy

04.3 01_ AVSI, Diagnostico Socio-Economico da Comunidade de Chamanculo C, 2013

06.3 01_http://goo.gl/IMhAvL

AA 01_ Conselho Municipal de Maputo, PEUMM – Plano de Estrutura Urbana do Município de Maputo, Volume II – Análise Da Situação Actual, Maputo, 2008 02_ MICOA - DINAPOT, Mozambique, Cities Without Slums, Analysis of the Situ-

ation & Proposal of Intervention Strategies, Maputo, 2006 03_ Ana Cristina Fernandes, Vaz Milheiro, A Joyous Architecture. As exposições de Arquitectura Moderna Brasileira em Portugal e a sua influência nos territórios português e africano, 8º Seminário DOCOMOMO Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, 2009 04_Paul Jenkins, Xilunguine, Lourenço Marques, Maputo – structure and agency in urban form: past, present and future, in African Perspectives 4: The African city centre (re-)sourced, University of Pretoria/Thswane Sept. 24-28 2009

275

ABBREVIATIONS

APIE - Administração do Património Imobiliário do Estado ASSCODECHA - Associação Comunitária para o Desenvolvimento de Chamanculo “C” AVSI - Associazioni Volontari per il Servizio Internazionale, NGO CA - Cities Alliance CMM - Conselho Municipal de Maputo 278

DINAPOT - Direcção Nacional de Planeamento e Ordenamento Territorial DM - Distrito Municipal DUAT - Direito de Uso e Aproveitamento da Terra FFH - Fundo de Fomento de Habitação FRELIMO - Frente de Libertação de Moçambique GD - Grupos Dinamizadores INE - Instituto Nacional de Estatística LOT - Lei do Ordenamento do Território MCEL - Moçambique Celular MICOA - Ministério para a Coordenação da Acção Ambiental MOPH - Ministério das Obras Públicas e Habitação (Moçambique) Nations Development Programme” - UNDP) PEU - Plano de Estrutura Urbana PEUMM - Plano de Estrutura Urbana do Município de Maputo PGU - Plano Geral de Urbanização PNUD - Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento (“United PP - Plano de Pormenor PPHP - Programa de Promoção de Habitação Própria

PPU - Plano Parcial de Urbanização PROMAPUTO - Programa de Desenvolvimento de Maputo PRU - Projecto de Reabilitação Urbana RLOT Regulamento da Lei de Ordenamento Territorial RENAMO - Resistência Nacional Moçambicana UEM - Universidade Eduardo Mondlane WBG - World Bank Group WHO - World Health Organisation

279

VG VIDEO GALLERY

Praça Touros, Autodromo e Carnaval - Lourenço Marques, No Outro Lado Do Tempo Lourenço Marques | Colonial time

Lourenço Marques (part 1) - Lourenço Marques, No Outro Lado Do Tempo Lourenço Marques | Colonial time 282 Lourenço Marques (part 2) - Lourenço Marques, No Outro Lado Do Tempo Lourenço Marques | Colonial time

Marrabenta e moda - No Outro Lado Do Tempo Lourenço Marques | Colonial time

Lourenço Marques - Anos Sessenta - “A Cidade das Acácias, a Pérola do Índico” (parte 1) Lourenço Marques | Colonial time

Lourenço Marques - Anos Sessenta - “A Cidade das Acácias, a Pérola do Índico” (parte 2) Lourenço Marques | Colonial time

Lourenço Marques - Anos Sessenta - “A Cidade das Acácias, a Pérola do Índico” (parte 3) Lourenço Marques | Colonial time

Lourenço Marques - Anos Sessenta - “A Cidade das Acácias, a Pérola do Índico” (parte 4) Lourenço Marques | Colonial time

Lourenço Marques - Anos Sessenta - “A Cidade das Acácias, a Pérola do Índico” (parte 5) Lourenço Marques | Colonial time 283 Lourenço Marques - Anos Sessenta - “A Cidade das Acácias, a Pérola do Índico” (parte 6) Lourenço Marques | Colonial time

1990 study of housing and living conditions in Maputo peri-urban area, Paul Jenkins Lourenço Marques | Post-colonial time | Paul Jenkins

Studio Maputo | Baixa de Maputo Maputo | Baixa

A Procura De Pancho Maputo | Pancho Guedes

WAVe incontra Pancho Guedes Architecture | Pancho Guedes

AVSI Mozambico - Il mondo del lavoro: nuove sfide per i giovani di Chamanculo C Chamanculo | Informal | AVSI

Chuva 17.01.2012 Chamanculo Chamanculo | Informal | Floods 284 ASSCODECHA, o sorriso do Chamanculo Chamanculo | Informal | ASSCODECHA

Anarquia no Xipamanine Xipamanine | Informal

Xipamanine Xipamanine | Informal

Requalifição do Xipamanine Xipamanine | Informal

Aphrodisiacs in Maputo, Mozambique Xipamanine | Informal

Azagaia - Minha GeraĂ§ĂŁo (c/ Ras Haitrm & Word Sound and Power) Maputo | Contemporary music | Informal

Kastelo Bravo - Tou ficando maluco Maputo | Contemporary music | Informal 285 Ogah Siz Ft Capo Gang - Chamanculo Maputo | Contemporary music | Informal

LW - Amuyve Maputo | Contemporary music | Informal

Pitchon - Tenho dow Maputo | Contemporary music | Informal

TF TABLE OF FIGURES

P. 011: Central Lourenรงo Marques with several Guedes buildings - photographed in about 1965 (source: http://goo.gl/Ez3ApS) P. 017: View of window grates in the Cidade de Cimento, PhC Carla Fumagalli P. 019: World, Mozambique, Maputo, Author Margherita Bilato P. 020: Informal Settlements In The World (N). Author MB P. 021: Informal Settlements In The World (%). Author MB 288

P. 024-025: Map Of Maputo. Author MB P. 035: View of window grates in the Cidade de Cimento, PhC Carla Fumagalli P. 037: Wednesday 10X(1Shot/1Minute). Author MB P. 038-039: (sequence) Cars And Pedestrians In Relation, PhC Marta Moretti P. 040-041: (sequence) Cars And Pedestrians In Relation, PhC Dercio Manhissa P. 042: Informal streetmarket of Xipamanine. PhC Joรฃo Branco. P. 044-045: Urban Fabric, Location of Examples, Author MB P. 046: Urban Fabric, Vertical Differenciation, Author MB P. 047: Urban Fabric, Blocks, Author MB P. 048: Urban Fabric, Built, Author MB P. 049: Urban Fabric, Unbuilt, Author MB P. 051: Housedoor in Chamanculo C, Q16A, PhC MB P. 054-101: Photostory, PhC Ernesto Messias & MB P. 103: Frame from Chamanculo - Ogah Siz Ft Capo Gang (see VG P. 285) P. 105: Women during a meeting in the Bairro of Chamanculo C. PhC AVSI Moรงambique. P. 106-107: Chamanculo C, Location, Author MB P. 109: Chamanculo C, Map, Author MB

P. 114: People trying to bypass a flooded road in Chamanculo C. PhC AVSI Moçambique. P. 117: Flooded road. PhC AVSI Moçambique. P. 119: Children in the Q16A, Chamanculo C, PhC MB P. 121: Areal photo of the Q16A, Courtesy of Município de Maputo via AVSI P. 122: Facts, Author MB P. 123: Quarteirão 16A, Author MB P. 124: Quarteirão 16A Vs A Berliner Block In Neukölln, Berlin, Author MB P. 126: Rooms-Per-Person Ratio, Author MB P. 127: House typologies represented together, Author MB P. 128: House Typology N.1, Author MB P. 129: Colour Palette, House Typology N.1, Author MB P. 130: House Typology N.2.1, Author MB P. 131: Colour Palette, House Typology N.2.1, Author MB P. 132: House Typology N.2.2, Author MB P. 133: Colour Palette, House Typology N.2.2, Author MB P. 134: House Typology N.2.3, Author MB P. 135: Dona Amelia and her son sitting in front of their reed house, PhC MB P. 138: Lot divisions, Author MB P. 139: Lot configuration, Author MB P. 140-141: Outdoor, Author MB P. 143: Mr Odorico Macucule, PhC MB P. 146: Visited houses, Author MB P. 147-158: Scans of some interviews, Author MB

289

P. 159: The Gavisse family, PhC MB P. 160: Construction materials, Author MB P. 161: Permanence in the Quarteirão, Author MB P. 162: Job and collective activities, Author MB P. 163: Collective lots, Author MB P. 164: Public illumination system, Author MB 290

P. 165: Opening to the streets and path, Author MB P. 166: Mappes shops in the surrounding streets, Author MB P. 167: Dona Gilda, PhC MB P. 169: “Cape Cape”, source: http://goo.gl/DbkQ2M P. 176-179: Scans of some interviews, Author MB P. 182-183: Location of the football field “Cape Cape”, Author MB P. 184-185: Temporary relocation of the Quarteirao 16A on “Cape Cape”, Author MB P. 187: Temporary Quarteirão with new inner paths, Author MB P. 188-189: Built surface projected on “Cape Cape”, Author MB P. 193: Beginning new construction, Author MB P. 196: Possible connection factors, Author MB P. 197: Thematic connections: food, Author MB P. 198: Thematic connections: bars and cigarettes, Author MB P. 199: Thematic connections: artisans, Author MB P. 200: Thematic connections: other activities, Author MB P. 201: Thematic connections: churches, Author MB P. 202: Position: activities on street facing plots and on “becos” facing plots, A MB

P. 203: Physical connections, Author MB P. 204: Visibility: activities that are open to the street, Author MB P. 205: Photos showing the opening to the street in three commercial activities, PhC MB P. 206: Inter-thematic connections, Author MB P. 207: Inter-thematic connections: concentration, Author MB P. 208: Visual connections:affinities, Author MB P. 209: Two photos showing the visual connection affinities, PhC MB P. 211: Test area: program, Author MB P. 213: New oranisation diagram, Author MB P. 216: Vertical building growth, Author MB P. 217: Connection directions, Author MB P. 221: Fence: construction chain, Author MB P. 222-229: Fence: construction process, Author MB P. 230-231: Access case 1, present situation, Author MB P. 232-233: Access case 1, possible intervention, Author MB P. 234-235: Access case 2, present situation, Author MB P. 236-237: Access case 2, possible intervention, Author MB P. 239: Spreading the model, Author MB P. 241: Frame from “Praça Touros, Autodromo e Carnaval - Lourenço Marques, No Outro Lado Do Tempo” (see VG P. 282) P. 250-251: Plan for the expansion of Lourenço Marques in 1895 (source: http:// delagoabayworld.wordpress.com) P. 252-253: Lourenço Marques in 1939, aerial view (source: http://delagoabay-

291

world.wordpress.com) P. 254-255: Buildings in the central part of Lourenço Marques in the Seventies. Author unknown (source: http://delagoabayworld.wordpress.com) P. 256-257: Night view of Lourenço Marques in 1973, from a building now at the corner between Av. 24 de Julho and Av. Karl Marx. Photo taken by Nuno Pires (source: http://delagoabayworld.wordpress.com) 292

P. 258-259: Maputo, 2011, aerial view (source: http://delagoabayworld.wordpress.com) P. 260: Ex-president Chissano, who signed the law revision in 1997 (source: web) P. 271: Building in Maputo, PhC Carla Fumagalli P. 277: Mercado de Xipamanine in the 60s (source: http://delagoabayworld. wordpress.com) P. 281: Super Bangalala, frame from “Aphrodisiacs in Maputo, Mozambique” (see VG P. 284) P. 287: People dancing in Xipamanine, PhC MB P. 295: People standing in front of a wood-and-zinc house in Mafalala. Photo credits Iwan Laranjeira.

ICONS COPYRIGHT P. 211 Construction worker designed by Dan Hetteix from the Noun Project P. 211 Tailor designed by James Keuning from the Noun Project P. 211 Saw designed by John Br端ggemann from the Noun Project P. 211 Screwdriver designed by Tony Gines from the Noun Project P. 211 Priest designed by Luis Prado from the Noun Project P. 211 Table designed by Sophie Hauge Katan from the Noun Project P. 211 Bed designed by Joel Bryant from the Noun Project P. 211 Chef designed by Juan Pablo Bravo from the Noun Project P. 211 Family designed by Endre Samson Kiss from the Noun Project P. 211 Church designed by Richard C. Vervoorn from the Noun Project P. 217 Eye designed by Nicolas Ramallo from the Noun Project

293

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I would like to thank all the people who helped me with the realisation of this booklet, with support, informations, photos, translations, corrections. My gratitude goes in particular to Alessandro Galimberti, Davide Valentino, Marta Moretti and the AVSI Staff in Maputo and Milan, Giampaolo Bilato, Carla Fumagalli, Senhor David Nhancale, Ernesto Messias Inguane, Antonio Matola, JosĂŠ Maria Langa, Margherita Martignoni, James Johnston, Devin Toletti, Chris Downing, Federico Gargaglione and Luca MulĂŠ. Thank you all.