VILLAGES IN THE CITY Analysis And Proposal For A Concious Redevelopment: A Case Study Of Lijiao
Matteo Missaglia
To my Mum and Dad
VILLAGES IN THE CITY Analysis And Proposal For A Concious Redevelopment: A Case Study Of Lijiao Master Thesis in Architecture Construction City Polytechnic University of Turin September 2017
Tutors: Prof. Michele Bonino Arch. Edoardo Bruno
Matteo Missaglia
Contents 0 1 2 3 4 5 6
Where Do The ViCs Stand?
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Urban Village: An Apology
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A Tale Of Three Villages In Canton
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Introduction, Aims Of This Work.
Bond, Losers, Contrast.
Methodology, Analogies, Xian Cun, Shipai Cun, Liede.
Lijiao Cun, Now & After
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Cun-Tinuity
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An Unended Project
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State Of Arts, A New Lijiao.
Conceptual Approaches, Cun-Tinuity.
Conclusions.
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Appendix
Aknowledgements, Bibliography, Sitography.
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WHERE DO THE VICS STAND? Introduction
Introduction: Where Do The ViCs Stand?
INTRODUCTION The Village in the City, as the name says, it is an autonomous settlement that, since the extensive development that affected Guangzhou, as well as other cities in China, has been dramatically swallowed by the dining mouth of the city just beside. Formerly surrounded by farmland, the farmers started losing it in spite of the urban space, still maintaining the property rights on their housing plot. Given their not alienable rights they cannot capitalise their assets into housing sale. Therefore their solution is to develop high densities neighbourhoods with high rising housing buildings. The complex social, political and spatial issues, typical of the Chinese context, brought the emergence of ViCs. Ma and Wu (2005) pointed out that what seems to be an “illegal� settlement actually is not to be mistaken as a ghetto of despair where disadvantaged people are trapped hopelessly but are oasis of inexpensive housing and self-organised land transformations. The landlords earn a great deal of rent income and work hard to improve the village’s quality. When the city government confiscates the farmland, while leaving residential areas of villages, the latter demands a higher amount of compensation. Thus the Village in the City become recognisable by its dual urbanrural structure.
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Introduction: Where Do The ViCs Stand?
Deprived of their traditional agricultural resources, the villagers, out of need, become builders. The “illegal” buildings serve as housing for the masses of migrants, who are institutionally and economically excluded by the urban system. Consequently, ViCs become migrants enclaves, characterised by high density and overcrowding. Therefore, they work as twilight zones: the entrance to the city, the foothold for opportunities in development. With the developments of urban areas and ViCs, migrants have massively floated to work in industries and service sectors into Guangzhou. Although, the majority of them cannot acquire the citizenship that links to formal urban housing, education, employment and social welfare. The city government recognises them just as “temporary” workers and assumes that – theoretically – they will return to their home-towns in the future. Unable to access public and commercial housing in state redistribution and formal market spheres, migrants turn to informal market options; therefore villagers who lost their farmland during the processes of urbanization and find difficulties to participate in the formal urban labour market, “illegally” build their houses to meet the cheap housing demand of migrants.
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Introduction: Where Do The ViCs Stand?
AIMS OF THIS WORK The main aim of this work is to analyse Guangzhou’s ViCs and stands firmly against their uncontrolled demolition and reconstruction without any bothering about their history and morphological development throughout the years and, nowadays, the improvement without taking into account the migrants. Deeper in detail, the author will propose a project on Lijiaocun, a Village that is supposed to be “re-developed” following the aims of the 15th Masterplan of the Municipality of Guangzhou.
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URBAN VILLAGE: AN APOLOGY Chapter 1
Chapter 1: Urban Village: An Apology
Lijiao Village, 2017. Photograph taken by the author
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Chapter 1: Urban Village: An Apology
To better understand the concept of the urban village, its similarities and differences with the European imagery, and the causes that affect Chinese reaction to this phenomenon we are going to try to set down an apology. We are going to set it on different themes.
BOND I saw a dense structure abruptly interrupting the cityscapes of Chinese urbanity, irritatingly injecting disorder into the generic I saw a dense structure abruptly interrupting the sprawl of skyscrapers, officially envisioned to produce a contemporary cityscapes of Chinese urbanity, irritatingly injecting ‘garden city’. This anomalous fabric consisted of tiny towers, all seven disorder into the generic sprawl of skyscrapers, officially floors high, in an extremely compressed layout, as if it were zipped up envisioned to produce a contemporary ‘garden city’. This electronically. Paradoxically, the impression was one of human scale, a anomalous fabric consisted of tiny towers, all seven floors feeling of place and space missing in the surrounding make-believe city. high, in an extremely compressed layout, as if it were I was told that this anomalously compressed settlement had previously zipped up electronically. Paradoxically, the impression was been a farming village.
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one of human scale, a feeling of place and space Yushi Uehara, Guangzhou, 2004 missing in the surrounding make-believe city. I was told that this anomalously compr The beginning of the end started with a village of fishermen called Caiwuwei, next to Shenzhen. In 1977, right out of the blue, its inhabitants found themselves out of their homes because the village was supposed to be in the way between the railway from Hong-Kong to Guangzhou. The expansion of Shenzhen Urban Area as a balloon brought the village to be swallowed (Y. Uehara, 2006). In the past 40 years, starting with Caiwuwei as one of the first recorded cases, loads of researchers
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Chapter 1: Urban Village: An Apology
– both from China and abroad – put under scrutiny the unusual developments of the Villages-in-the-City phenomenon. Architects and planners were looking at the morphology with great interest. In Guangzhou, though, this interest was utterly nonexistent: at the dawn of the new millennium the Municipality stated that the aim was to tear down every and each one of the 138 counted villages by 2015 (CCP Guangzhou Municipal Government, 2000). Nowadays many have been replaced by high-rising compounds, such as Liedecun or Panyu, of whom we will discuss about later on. Indeed, the destruction portrays a considerable loss to the city and inhabitants, both on historical, sociological terms and economic ones. (M. Crawford and J. Wu, 2014) The villagers are uniquely bonded to their land, due to a series of policies, laws and historical facts. For instance, the villagers have all common ancestors and they are defined by one or few more shared surnames: their genealogies are jealously kept inside their ancestral halls. In 1956 Beijing collectivised farmland and clustered the villagers into cooperatives. Afterwards, in 1978, the Central Government disassembled the communes to create townships, villages and village groups. Although, to better understand the actual situation of land owning and the problem of migrants in the urban villages has to
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Chapter 1: Urban Village: An Apology
be explored in the land policy that happened in China in the Eighties. There is an important distinction in the land ownership field in China’s legislation: state ownership and collective ownership. The first is typical of administratively allocated land and urban land whose land-use rights can be transferred and leased to users under payment. The latter is mainly owned by rural communities of rural land, where all the components of the rural community are designated in a balanced share of the land (M. Crawford and J. Wu, 2014; Y. Song and Y. Zenou, 2012; Ding and Knaap, 2005). De facto, the people, after the urbanisation has reached the boundaries of the Village, find themselves to be normal villagers any more: they become the inhabitants of a Village in the City. Their farming land required, their occupation gone, they become part of a city that cannot be theirs because of the above-mentioned policies. From another point of view, this situation turns really charming: the uncountable quantity of migrants from China’s vast rural flat-lands, try to find personal economical growth and a job in the hugeness of the Chinese coastal cities.
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Chapter 1: Urban Village: An Apology
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LOSERS
What’s the problem? The city government got land to develop, What’s the problem? The city government got land to the villagers got new apartments and money. Nobody seems to have develop, the villagers got new apartments and money. lost. Nobody seems to have lost. Helen Siu, 2010
Nobody seems to have lost, although on a closer look there are many actors in this play that suffer from the changes applied to the villages-in-the-city. Despite the condition, mostly under the standards, the apartments are the only affordable choice for the flow of floating population coming from other cities in China. The new housing that is being built are just luxury apartments. The annihilation of urban villages drags the floating population into finding other housing solutions in other urban villages. This will not lead the already overcrowded conditions into become any better. We have to search the causes of migrants’ complications inside Chinese policies about the hukou system. The “registered residence” system divides the population into two major groups: the rural and the urban. It is an instrument, born in 1958, for maintaining social control and a mechanism for residence registration (Zhang et al., 2014). Hukou status is ‘birth-subscribed’ and passes down from generation to generation (Cheng and
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Selden, 1994). Nowadays the hukou is more a tool to abuse the migrants’ position. Their workforce represents the cheap labour that allows the booming cities to grow (Ren, 2013). The urban hukou allows the population who owns it to have subsidised food and employment within the city, that includes housing, healthcare and pension, together with the subsidised education. The holder of rural hukou have no such privilege (Z. Liu, 2005). This means the castification of the whole city of – for instance – Guangzhou. The villagers, the migrants (rural-hukou holders) cannot participate into the urban life mostly because they are not considered as a part of the entity of the urban. Although, after the re-development of the ViCs, the villagers will get an urban hukou, the migrants will not. Liu (2005) in his paper explored the impact of the hukou system on society. The repercussion is deep inequality. The paper argues, and we agree, that since the hukou system denies rural population the access to proper education and, afterwards, to urban employment, together with other benefits. The example given in the essay published on the n. 33 of the Journal of Comparative Economics is of a fifteen years old person who finally obtains the so craved urban hukou: the child will never
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Chapter 1: Urban Village: An Apology
receive the same education as a urban-hukou peer would have been given at that age. This leads to less chances to get a state sector job and to self-employeeship or unemployment, that results in no benefits.
Shipai Village, 2017. Photograph taken by the author
The problem seems practically solved for the villagers and for the city itself as well but it is important to count that the “floating population� has rights as well.
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CONTRAST We already set some descriptions of an urban village, and we will go deeper in the subject in the next chapters, still there are some concepts that we would like to remark. There are 138 ViCs just in the Guangzhou county. Each one of them has its own history and roots and the bottomup developments are driven by different causes. Yet, while walking inside the cityscapes, you end up recognising that you are in an urban village. This has to do with the difference in the urban form and development that characterised both the objects in the past years of urban growth. The conflict between the modernisation process in the city and inside the urban villages boundaries is intense. Building pressure, the dualistic regime of the soils and the floating population are the key factors through which it is possible to read the origins and evolution of the villages in the city. The new urban geography of Guangzhou’s urban villages developed together with the city’s development, giving out elements of contrast in the administrative fields, social tension and urban decay but, especially, the village provides to the city needs more than the city itself. Morover, ViCs’ urban informality and flexibility bonded
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Chapter 1: Urban Village: An Apology
back together the elements of tradition of family and social life. As Vazzano (2006) states, the villages were victims of many transformations but still they are the record of the spatial organisation, the morphological characteristics and building typologies that are peculiar of the rural villages that were occupying the Pearl River Delta flat-lands. And still today, the proximity of production and consumption spaces results in a highly powerful use of land, together with the high flexibility rooted within (Huang ,2016). The informality we are dealing with is not as South America’s favelas. We are contemplating a space development which is not codified, but that does not mean it is not planned. The clan is the planner of the village itself. Thus, this brought to a pattern that Friedman praises in his “L’Architecture de Survie”: the planned informality, where everyone gets what they need and how they need it. Therefore we are talking about a contrast that is – on a closer look – absent. The relationship between the village and the city is more of a dychotomy, both took their own path, even though it eventually led to an opposition. The two paths have, therefore, to be looked at in a diversity of institutions and how their organisation reacted to the economical push that both the city and the villages were subdued at.
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Chapter 1: Urban Village: An Apology
With all the efforts that the City Government put on the redevelopment of the whole area of Guangzhou, it did not bring to the expected results. The city became a copy-paste of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisins, without the chance to host or support the life of all its citizens. The floating population of migrants are forced – economically and institutionally – to live inside the villages. The villages cover the 20% of the land in Guangzhou, and the 70% of the migrants live there. We can assert – and praise – the villages ability to absorb such quantity of people, a thing that the city is not able to do. Therefore, the village can become the example of the alternative to life inside the towers.
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Plan Voisins, Masterplan, Le Corbusier, Paris, 1922. Rework of the author.
Chapter 1: Urban Village: An Apology
Xian Village, 2017. Photograph taken by the author
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A TALE OF THREE VILLAGES IN CANTON Chapter 2
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METHODOLOGY In this chapter we are going to present three villages and their stories in the past years to better understand the arrival to the our project site: Lijiao Village. We intend to follow the steps of the collegue Ioannis Diaskoufis (2017) in a methodology that revisionates Serge Salat’s. Following a field survey, the stories will be more concentrated on the results of the analysis that we want to propose. Serge Salat’s methodology, explained in “Cities and Forms” (2011), points out six different levels of analysis that can be superimposed at a later time to help aknowledge the whole framing of a generic place. The first level is set to describe the people and their activities, thus a city is defined as a site of exchange and activities. The second is the network of streets of the city. Subsequently Salat presents the study of the plot subdivision and their organisation, as they play a crucial part in the built environment form. The fourth is the topography. The last two are the land uses and activities and the three dimensions of the city as air pollution, sun light and temperature. Together with the advantages of this type of analysis, we want to aknowledge its limitations. We have to readjust
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Pages 26-27: Extract of Tianhe map. Rework of the author. Previous page: Lijiao Cun, 2017. Photograph of the author.
Chapter 2: A Tale Of Three Villages in Canton
the method to our own limitations, such as the lack of knowledge of Chinese language or the complete foreign dimension in which we are working.
ANALOGIES We are hereby introducing three villages: Xian, Shipai e Liede. All the three of them lay on the North-South axe that is, in the 15th Masterplan of Guangzhou City, the new pathway that controls the new Central Business District. The choice was lead by the fact that they represent three different types of approach in the ViCs redevelopment, as the Government states “One Village, One Policy”. Although these three villages – together with the fourth, Lijiao – are different in history, urban and historical development, they lay in a territory inside the frame of Guangzhou that, as we already said, was victim of an important transformation. And it is due to these transformations that the villages organisms reacted mostly in the same way. The urban pressure coincided in the same reaction. Although, what has to be clear is that we are not describing two sides of Bad and Good. The villages witnessed this type of development due to the lack of real estate developers with a consistent economical opportunity. Indeed, it is not a matter of attachment to the
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traditional urban form. Anyway, either conciously or not, it resulted in the extraordinary phoenomenon of the urban village. It resulted in the ability of the villages to reinvent themselves upon their own territory. Will the planned and codified city development able to do that?
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Lijiao Cun, 2017. Photograph of the author.
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XIANCUN For many scholars, the village of Xian is considered the “bad guy” of the whole ViCs phenomenon. Situated in Tianhe district, it has become famous for its antonomastic image. The positioning of Xian in one of the most desirable areas in Guangzhou – it lays on the North-South axe that is interested by the re-development of the city. Thus it should have been demolished years ago, although it is still there, standing out as a symbol of what a urban village is. The demolition started – illegally – few years ago and it has been stopped by the provincial authorities, according to “Migrants Positioning”. The local authorities urged the process to complete it before the starting of Asian Games. As it stands nowadays, Xian Cun is just a cluster of half eradicated buildings with no windows nor external cladding. No maintenance or garbage handling is present in the everyday life of the villagers. The demolition is intended to continue although not enough villagers accepted the authorities' compensation.
Previous page: Xian Cun morphological map, author rework.
What we want to enhance in this chapter is a major issue: the village is still fenced. On the account of many visitors we talked to and read about, the village started
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to be fenced and hidden by the people passing by just before the Asian Games. The number of cameras in the surrounding was covering the entrances and – especially during the demolition – guards were asking for IDs. The main purpose was to hide the decay and deterioration that was going on inside those walls. Sennett, in his book of 2008, described the boundaries of the village as borders that can be challenged and they are the real symbol of the village negotiations towards the city. In fact, that happened. The local population is struggling the be recognised as a real community and their only strenght is to raise the demand for compensation. The informality that leads the life inside the village at the moment is also a protest against the force that the authorities are pushing on the inhabitants. The hairdresser personally asked us to have a haircut, in the middle of the road, on a broken chair and in front of a half-shattered mirror. He was still standing in front of the wrecks of his former barber shop. Today the village of Xian is still amazingly alive. As we already pointed out, the village is fenced, therefore its relationship with the city is utterly non existent. The topography shows a lake in the South side of the village, where the villagers used to fish, wash clothes or spimply enjoy their spare time.
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Xian Cun, 2017. Photograph of the author.
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The network of road follows, as many other villages, the former channels system (Frassoldati, 2015). The most southern road is the most full of shops and restaurants, except for the fact that nowadays the buildings cannot host the shops anymore, being all wrecked up, waiting for the final blow.
Previous page: Serge Salat's scheme of Xian Cun. Illustrated by the author Xian Cun, 2017. Photograph taken by the author.
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SHIPAICUN As for Xian, Shipai Village lays inside the most progressive and urbanised area in Guangzhou: Tianhe. Shipai – after 30 years of land requisition – had lost all of its farmland it had now re-emerged into a new, urban reality. The village became victim of the bizarre urbanisation mechanisms that we described in Chapter 1. The pressure from land requisition and need of housing turned Shipai into one of the most dense villages in Guangzhou. The density is about 75.000 hab/km2 (Vazzano, 2006) and it took to the peculiar kissing buildings phoenomenon. Shipai is not a ghost village as Xian: the streets are so crowded that a visitor cannot breath and the shops are full of people – even from the surrounding city. We also have to remark the enormous IT market on Shipai West Road that sets the boundary, as the land requisition of 1994 states. Shipai still awaits a re-development. The project, alongside the relocation of villagers, has been around since 2004 (Lin, 2010), and it serves as a marketing tool for attracting investments. The final goal is to convert the village into a mixture of residential and commercial areas (Zhongshan University Urban and Regional Research Centre, 2004). Skyscrapers will replace the small
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Previous page: Shipai Cun morphological map, author rework.
Shipai Cun, 2017. Photograph of the author.
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buildings and the villagers will be resettled there. There are no plans for the floating population, though. Migrants are the true heart of Shipai, working in IT workshops and as sales retailer, they compose the 85% of the 55.000 inhabitants. As we stated in Contrast paragraph, the villagers were farsighted, transforming their small and traditional houses into dormitories for the floating population. The main issue is, though, that this will all the cheap, informal services – such as dormitories, warehouses and restaurants – would be replaced by expensive urban services. Leaving the migrants hung. The topography of the village is studied through a map from 1984. But – thanks to that – we can see the relationship that was created through the temples and the water nearby, as a result of Feng Shui practices. The over-development of the village led to the disappearence of all the water spots. The Ancestral Halls are the causes of the spatial arrangment of the dwellings, as they were belonging to a clan or another (Diaskoufis, 2017).
Next page: Serge Salat's scheme of Xian Cun. Illustrated by the author
The street structure is, as we stated in the paragraph about Xian Cun, derived from the channels that were connecting all the village. Shipai Cun inherited the same street network as it was present in ancient times, but with a violent change in uses: it has been re-adaptated due to
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Shipai Cun, 2017. Photograph taken by the author.
the enormous urbanisation it was victim of. The streets are way less wide than Xian Cun’s, they have a width of maximum 3m. The true and peculiar characteristic of Shipai is the “One Line Sky”: the buildings are so attached one to each other that the sky is visible only through one thin line that dims all their anonymous façades; many are the parts of the village in complete darkness.
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The entrances from the village – being conceiled from view by the buildings hosting the IT markets – are packed with small light structures that stand as tiny groceries or food shops. Inside the village there are plenty of shops selling meat, vegetables and dough products. More important functions serve the many ancestral halls: they keep intact the clan’s history. Afterwards the community uses the temples as gathering places for clan celebrations. The temples’ spaces are kept – unlike the rest of the village – immaculate. From above, the view of Shipai might seem quite homogeneous. Althoug, from a closer look, the plot subdivision is more complex, because the hierarchy of spaces is dictated by the ancestral halls positioning. The separation might exist or not between the single block and the ground floors of the dwelling buildings are mainly used as dormitories. The dychotomy we discussed in the previous chapter in Shipai is represented by its atypical growth. Shipai Cun could not expand outside its boundaries for it was being contained by the pressure inflicted by the city. Therefore, the village expanded in the only way possible: in height.
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LIEDE Liede is not a urban village. It was, though, until the reform era, when it lost its rural status and nominally has been converted effectively into a part of the City of Guangzhou. The mixed-use towers took the place of the village, deleting any trace of rurality from that territory. Although the change was massive, the collective of Liede remained. Through reforms that included shareholding and corporatisation audits, the village collective has been trasformed into a shareholding company, mantaining alive just the economical bond that linked the villagers together. The migrants living there had to flee, as the renting fees skyrocketed. Indeed, the value of an apartment raised from – roughly – 4.000 RMB/m2 to 30.000 RMB/m2 apartment in a perfect modernist neighbourhood. The floating population cannot afford this ammounts anymore. On the other hand, nowadays the area became the most refined in Tianhe district, where all the expats set their affairs.
Previous page: Extract of Liede morphological map, author rework.
Being the first village ever to sign for redevelopment, the process has been put under a mindful scrutiny and it set the base for the other plans of redevelopment in the city of Guangzhou.
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Analytically speaking, the Liede compound – we cannot name it “village” anymore – became as every other piece of the city: great green areas, 6 lanes roads and an enormously decreased density. The migrants, most contributed greatly to the city development and some even lived in the village for 20 years, benefited nothing from this housing upgrade; rather they were dispelled out of this neighborhood to other villages in the periurban areas without any settlement assistances form the government.
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Liede Compound, 2017. Photograph of the author.
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LIJIAO CUN, PRESENT & FUTURE Chapter 3
Lijiao Village, 2017. Photograph taken by the author
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Chapter 3: Lijiao Cun, Present & Future
STATE OF ARTS Lijiao Village can be found on the very South of Haizhu area in Guangzhou. It stands on the imaginary line that connects Zhujiang New Town to the Southern part of Guangzhou – that is to say, the new horizons of expansions planned in the new Masterplan for the City of Guangzhou. Inside the map there are areas pointed out as working sites, in which the distruction of the village is progressing very quickly. Lijiao has a history of more than one thousand years. It still carries the signs of its history, as we are about to explain in the next paragraphs. Given the very favourable position, Lijiao still is one of the most important centres of logistic and packaging of the area: the channels and the river nearby are the main causes of this success, given that most of the trades were conducted with boats. In this chapter we are going to develop an analysis on the site, as described in Diaskoufis (2017).
Previous page: Lijiao Cun morphological map, author rework.
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TOPOGRAPHY The site presents a relatively flat land, where the only hill present are at the centre between the streets. It is important to point this out because it derives from the former use of the land for agriculture and the nowadays street network. The water still plays a very important outcome of the actual morphology of Lijiao: there is a close relationship between the waterspots – or channels – and the Ancestral Hall, owned by the clan family having the rights on that piece of land. Ancestral temples are important elements for the spatial arrangement of the traditional village, as houses belonging to a certain clan will be oriented according to their corresponding ancestral hall. It is important to cite the presence of a huge number of Chinese banyan, a tree native of the tropical regions, also known as curtain fig tree. Its concentration does not gives a very neat configuration. Most of the trees get to 30m in height and are at least 3 to 5 hundreds years old. Street Network The street network plays an important role for the life inside Lijiao. There are XXX roads that can be recognised as the most important.
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Previous page: Lijiao Cun historical maps, from top left to bottom right: 1929, 1949, 1955, 1978 rework by Edoardo Bruno and the author.
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Chapter 3: Lijiao Cun, Present & Future
They are set as the former channels that were leading from the centre of the village to the agricultural land and were used as commercial hubs in the whole village. Nowadays the streets kept this function, that is why we can find all the small shops concentrated on the borders of the plots. The most important roads are, therefore, holding together the plot subdivision, that, from the outside, looks like a huge and impenetrable wall.
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Previous page: Lijiao Cun topographical map, showing the trees, the built environment and the Ancestral halls. Author rework. Lijiao Cun, 2017. Photograph taken by the author.
Chapter 3: Lijiao Cun, Present & Future
ACTIVITIES All the activities are set on the roads, and are very heterogeneously scattered on the borders of the plots. All the activities are small workshops or laboratories, stocking places and most of the times they are open until late at night, when some people can be sighted sleeping too. The small activities make the street very busy and crowded, with people running. In the village’s busiest streets, many buildings stand upon a podium, a single step that is extruded by 20 to 50 cm from the building. This step clearly defined each shop’s space from the street and the walking space from the building. The shops rarely exceeded this limit, keeping the road clear from their merchandise, while using this small space as showcase to expose their products. Inside its boundaries, Lijiao holds many insititutional functions too. A hospital, two primary schools and one secondary. It is present a military centre, highly guarded and impenetrable. Next page: Lijiao Cun ground floors function map, showing the commercial, dwellings, industries and the institutional buildings. Author rework.
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fashion shops
dwellings
restaurants
groceries
restaurants
ancestral halls
electronic shops
institutions
entertainment
logistic & production
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Chapter 3: Lijiao Cun, Present & Future
PLOT SUBDIVISION In the research of the plot subdivision analysis of Lijiao we encountered – as in other ViCs – difficulties in separate the different blocks. In modern urban planning practices, the block is considered as a fundamental unit for the production of urban space that is then subdivided into lots (Scheer, 2015). Although, in the urban villages the basic unit is the single building, giving out not a single hint of hierachy of the spaces around. From a bird’s eye view the space appears to be completely homogeneous, a continuous and steady arrangement of the type over the village’s space until its total development. The hierarchy of the space could be only understood at the ground level, and more specifically from the mapping of functions.
Previous spread: extract and detailed map of functions inside a plot. Author rework. Next page: Lijiao Cun plots subdivision map. Author rework.
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DENSITY Being Lijiao a very industrial village, in the 1980s modern for the time, the density is – of course – mirroring the use of land. Using the same analysis method as Diaskoufis (2017), we developed a study of the density in three parts of this village: the central plots, the Western periphery and the North-East boundaries with the city.
Density schemes and table of Lijiao Cun.
Density of the core areas appears to be kept at far lower levers, containing an higher number of traditional houses, with an average number of four floors. On the contrary, the newly developed houses, together with the danweis, that are found in the Western part of the village, have an average of 11 floors. With slightly wider alleys, the environment in Lijiao did not appear to share as many problems as Xian or Shipai: the roads appeared to be a little more lightened and breezier. Nevertheless, they share the same issues of sanitation event in its newer parts.
South West Lijiao Study area Typology Arrangment N° of buildings Built space (%) N° floors (av.) FAR index
North East Lijiao
100x100m Medium rise, industrial Individual 12 49% 8 3.41
100x100m High rise, dwellings Compounds 4 32% 32 3.5 76
Central Lijiao 100x100m Low rise, mixed Individual 96 77% 5.8 3.78
Chapter 3: Lijiao Cun, Present & Future
RELATIONSHIP WITH THE CITY The morphological analysis on Lijiao – compared to the sourroundings – reveal a very complex relationship with the city. It is important to state that its transformation and its vicinity to the Pearl River let the village to a huge development, beying stated in many sources to be the most broadened village in Guangzhou. These survival practices – such as the use of land as market places, logistic stores and industrial production factories – gave to Lijiao the bases on which to build its reputation inside the Municipality. The city, although, as in many other examples tried to hide the image of Lijiao, building around. Therefore we can see two compounds one on the North-West wind and the other on the North-East. The infrastructures stop right next to Lijiao, or pass over it in an unorthodox manner. The villagers, although, used the cover of the highway to build another market place. Eventually, it is visible the will to transform this village into something that is averse to its nature.
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A NEW LIJIAO Lijiao is one of the last villages in Guangzhou where every window of every shop has a sewing machine. Some of the small brick houses have stacks of wood outside for cooking. It’s a village of small businesses, everything is family run. Tiny factories making plastic bags, shirts, clothes, toys, gift boxes. In the 1980s a village like this was very modern, not it’s old Guangzhou. Lijiao is already sourrounded by new developments, most of which are empty. Walking across the northern highway and into a new building called “Riverside Mansion”, I got handed a booklet reporting a price such 20.000 RMB (2.500 Euro circa) per square metre. Probably that is why the buildings are empty. Therefore, after all the advertisments all around Lijiao, the village of people will be replaced with big empty buildings. On the 22nd of August the Village community voted on a 70% average to continue with the ongoing transformation. According to the requirements to be included inside the City of Guangzhou, Lijiao village is to adopt a comprehensive transformation of its 151.41 mln of square meters. "New Lijiao" project masterplan. Lijiao Renovation Site: https:// goo.gl/i1NyQg
The villagers – leaving outside the floating population – decided for their own village to be destroyed and
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replaced with high rise buildings with no bond with Lijiao’s structure whatsoever. There are many advertisment inside the village, a brainwashing process that it has been going on for years, giving no chances for a different study on the matter. The average rent for a house in Lijiao is now 15 RMB/ m2 per month. It is therefore adverstised by the Pearl River Construction Company that the compensation will increase the average rent to 80 RMB/m2 per month, giving the chance to the villagers to become richer. Although, will this be real? It is also advertised that canals will be kept, together with the style of the various workshop business and the charm that the streets have. This will take place just on the main canal, where there are the fewer number of shopping activities, being developed mainly on the main roads nowadays. Our critique is not due to our will not to destroy the whole village, because we agree on that point. We think that the village is in a state of despair and need of a renewal. The main complain onto the project of the municipality is the impossibility to keep the real memory of Lijiao’s past. "New Lijiao" project masterplan. Lijiao Renovation Site: https:// goo.gl/i1NyQg
We agree on Aldo Rossi’s point of view, stating that
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"New Lijiao Cun" adverstisment inside the village. Lijiao Cun, 2017. Photograph taken by the author. Next page: Presentation render of the New Lijiao. Lijiao Renovation Site: https://goo.gl/ i1NyQgFOTO.
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the city grows itself; it acquires its own concience and memory. On its construction, the original cause its kept as much as the causes for the new developments. Hence, the project of the new Lijiao is an important step toward a growing urban design sensibility that has not happened in other urban villages renovation projects. Although this project is an outstanding limitation to the “tabula rasa� effect, we are convinced that a bigger effort could have been done. The final project, eventually, will insist on an area of 151,2 hectares, where 43,77 are set for residential use and 33,38 for commercial activities: 2,43 mln of sqm will be used for new residential buildings and 1,92 mln of sqm for commerce. The project involves 11.847 people and 4.768 households. The heritage asset insists for 150.000 sqm, with a constructed area of 105.000 sqm, representing just the 2,4% of the whole project.
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Lijiao Village, 2017. Photograph taken by the author.
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CONCEPTUAL APPROACHES FRAGMENTED BIGNESS In order to mantain what we think are the most important features that a urban village – and mostly Lijiao Cun – has we divided the village in neighbourhoods in order to intervene on each and everyone of them singularly. Every neighbourhood is traced by the former canals. We decided therefore to keep the street network, the functions inside the neighbourhoods, the topography layout, the average heights of the buildings and – most importantly – the Ancestral Halls together with their pairs of trees inside the village’s fabric. Hence, the project aims to be just a point inside the timeline of the one-thousand years old Lijiao, giving it the needed transformation but without deleting its important history as rural village and – lately – as Village in the City. The touch we would like to give is important, massive and wants to be competitive against the Municipality proposal. We are to challenge the Chinese approach onto the renewal of ViCs, giving just one example, in order to match the One Village One Policy that the 15th Masterplan programmed. The architecture inside the Villages is nowadays
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considerable bold and big. The streets are crowded and – as the most important public space in Chinese life – active and noisy. Although, inside the villages blocks or – as we already called them – neighbourhoods, the streets are narrow, dirtier and more silent. They mostly connect the dwellings to the more lived main streets. Thus the village blocks look like huge walls that are punctured by small access to the block itself. This privacy is to be kept because is typical of the Chinese planning. As Boeri in his L’Anticittà states, we should always change point of view and scale to understand the different levels of urbanity of the object we are studying. Therefore, on a bird’s eye view, this Bigness looks fragmented and pixellated. On an even closer look, every building looks different one to the other, giving an even bigger shock to a foreign visitor. The villagers or the inhabitants of the village can get lost in their own neighbourhood. To quote La Cecla “the primitives used a way to set the transition from child to menhood, you should get lost inside the nature – or landscape – before becoming a man”. We want, at the neighbourhood level to repropose this thoughs. The concept of the masterplan is therefore composed by a very strict grid of private and narrow streets, connecting the main roads and the dwelling buildings, of which we will discuss later on.
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ONE LINE SKY The vicinity between the buildings gave to the literature various hints on their poetry, setting the basis of an imagery flow. The vicinity between the buildings is also called One Line Sky. The fact that those tall buildings, once tiny and low in height, almost touch themselves on the top letting little light to light up the streets, is one of the main features of the Villages in the City. Nowadays this vicinity, or jokingly called Handshake Buildings, are not considered anywhere a good feature for a neighbourhood. Although we want to develope buildings able to enhance the architecture quality of the village itself. The One Line Sky, we believe, has to be kept because it is one of the main features of the loss that the visitor or inhabitant lives.
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RESILIENCE & THE GRID The Village in the City is an outstanding example of urban resilience. The bottom-up actions that Lijiao – as much as many others – performed allowed the village not only to survive, but to become one of the most important shelters for workers and therefore an important hub for industries. In forty years the village allowed itself to change and to become the urban – or rural? – structure we now witness. The changes that will take place inside Lijiao Cun are the occasion to celebrate the flexibility of the place, as a point inside its own timeline: from rural village, to urban village, to...? We now want to get hotd of the Metabolist experience of reconstructing the distruction due to the nuking of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, for its phylosophy.
“
”
Our constructive age... will be the age of high metabolism. Order is born from chaos, and chaos from order. Extinction is the same as creation... We hope to create something which, even in destruction will cause subsequent new creation. This something must be found in the form of the cities we were going to make – cities constantly undergoing the process of metabolism.
Noboru
Kawazoe, 1960
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Urban design for metabolism provides a flexible framework for accommodating adaptable changes and managing growth. Thus, our action is to overimpose a grid structured buildings frame that will work as a resilient organism that allows changes when most needed. There is great variety in the use of the grid from block size to road width, and from pure right angles to circular arrays. We coded the uncoded of the ViCs, overposing a grid where there were just – on the canonic bird’s eye view – scattered buildings. Thus the buildings are orientated onto the Ancestral Hall that is rooted inside the clan’s neighbourhood, and so is the grid.
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SHARING As we already encountered inside the litterature, the Village in the City is a very segregative object. The floating population would not mix with the locals, the locals do not have interaction with the citizens and the citizens if they can avoid it, would not set a foot inside the village. Therefore we propose a sharing use of the buildings. The molecules of every standing alone building are set in order to communicate with the others, enhancing people’s bond with their own territory, as per the urban village itself. The partitions of the buildings communicate throughout a staircase connecting the ground floor to the top, where a garden or a terrace is set. LANDSCAPE As we witnessed, the people inside the villages use their empty spaces to decorate and personalise them on their own. Thus our proposal is to set spaces to be used for this purpose. The frame works on the top and the bottom of the buildings. As the scheme shows, the loom sets the landscape on the top and meanwhile the mixed but personal use on the bottom, the molecule beside is set vice versa.
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SHARING
+
LANDSCAPE
=
LOOM
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FLEXIBILITY We want to follow Koolhaas’ steps in defining flexibility as the creation of margin-excess capacity that enables different and even opposite interpretations and uses. The Village in the City – in an unplanned and unpredictable way – is the ultimate example of this creative process. The way the urban villages were able to absorb the urbanisation mechanisms is exactly the feature we want to implement inside the project. Lijiao, with its Chinese traditional houses and network development was able, out of extreme monetary and spatial need, to transform itself and welcome ten times its population and attract vaste range of activities that otherwise would not be existing in any other places but the urban villages. Therefore, the flexibility of the plans and the staircases structures are exactly for this purpose. The research of a Technical Mean (Forty, 2004) wants to be a subtile political strategy. We agree with Henri Lefebvre stating – in his La Production De L’Éspace – that the function of a building (or a space) is one of the most invasive acts that capitalism can achieve. Although we want to be clear that the appropriation of the space in the litteral sense is not
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to be contemplated inside our proposal. The denial, for instance, with the Municipality proposal, of a ground floor room being both a workshop and an apartment is de facto the denial of the essence of the urban village. Thus, the flexible space is, in this project, both a hallow of the village’s feature and an innovative approach for the future uses of the new Village in the City. With this approach, we want – as the Metabolists did – to work to re-create a sense of the place and the time. The timeline we discussed about in the previous chapters can go on and grow on the bases that we are providing. To conclude, the flexibility both takes part in the features of the buildings, the relationship they have with the floor they occupy and the uses of the spaces created by and inside the buildings themselves. Accordingly, this is not just the description of our proposal, but also the narration of the essential traits of the Urban Village. The Urban Village can be called therefore part of the city, without renouncing to be the rural settlement that was in the past.
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TRANSLUCENCY Translucency is the via media between transparency, obscurity (its opposite) and reflectivity (its reversal). It is the suspension moment between the blockage and the knowledge (Vidler, 1992). The villages, inside the fragmented blocks we earlier discussed, usually lack of natural light. This is mostly due to the One Line Sky phoenomenon. To counterbalance this, we decided the claddings to be translucent: both the inside activities – by night – and the daylight can budge each others. Thus the activities can be showed through the shadows of the people and objects. As a phenomenal translucency, the figures can interpenetrate without an optical destruction of each other, just together with the shadows and the daylight reflecting.
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CUN-TINUITY Cun (村, cūn, /t͡sʰuən/) is the noun describing the village, signifying a community of people, smaller than a town. The aim of Cun-Tinuity, as we already pointed out, is to let the village remain that way, instead of being changed into the Generic City that surrounds it. The project is set on the central part of Lijiao, next to the main bridge that connects the Eastern part to the Western, passing over the only canal left. The project is developed following an orthogonal grid, formed by 15m wide squares. As we anticipated in the previous chapters, the grid follows the same orientation of the Ancestral Hall of the chosen neighbourhood. The grid helps us to let the place become more flexible: thus the use of that specific square can be replaces in further times. At the centre of every square lays a 3 ramps staircase. It connects all the modules, of which we will discuss later on. The staricases are the skeleton of the main structure and emptied inside to let the light go through to light up the ground floor.
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DISTRIBUTION The distribution of the whole project can be divided into the vertical, horizontal and circular one. The vertical, as we already described, is set as a regular forest of staircases that allow the users to reach the top of every building. The horizontal displacement is described as the pedestrian grid, that connects the two main road encircling the site. The circular is set as the most outstanding pathway inside the site. It circles, in a suspended manner, the whole site, changing heights and depths, and also giving the chance to the visitor or usual user to have other ways to live the project. PUBLIC vs PRIVATE As for the analysis in Chapter 3, the commercial and services activities lay on the external borders of the site, therefore, in our proposal, we set the commerce to work as boundaries for the internal privacy of the neighbourhood. Thus, four different levels of privacy are set.
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The most private environment is the module that – depending on the use that the visitor is setting – can enjoy his own individual space. The public life is bound to the main roads and the neighbourhood’s social life is set onto the grid streets. As the street is the main public space in Chinese culture, the roads and passageways are meant as the protagonists of the internal public spaces. An even more private level is the staircase: it works as an alone compound, with its own shared spaces inside. UP IN/AND THE VILLAGE Life does not happen just on the ground floor. The roofs are walkable and usable from all the visitors and they are divided into a loom, explained by the scheme at page 99. Thus, the features of the former urban village are enhanced, giving even more space for the individual expansion. Another “Up in the Air” characteristic is the suspended passageway, that sets a circle from the terraces on the Northern side and rises up to the capsules in the Southern. With this we want to point out that the designed
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structure is perfect to hold different kinds of activities and sometimes opposite, at the same time. THE CAPSULES The capsules are the smallest organism inside the project: they are the holder of the various activities that could be put inside the neighbourhoods. They are changeable, movable, eliminable and usable in different kinds of ways. Inside Cun-Tinuity, some of the capsules are used to be the landing or the take off for the suspended passageway, where relaxing or exposition functions can be hold. They are 55 sqm of usable space, divided between the others from a opaque cladding but opening to the rest of the village with a curtain wall made by polycarbonate pannels. The plans can show their uses that are the main encountered by the author during the visits inside the villages. The access is uniquely from the ladding in the staircases, from where they are connected to all the other organisms inside the compound.
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AN UNENDED PROJECT
Chapter 5
Chapter 5: An Unended Project
CONCLUSIONS In conclusion, the Cheng-Zhong-Cun are a very complicated phenomenon inside the Chinese coastal cities, and mostly in Guangzhou. They are both avoided and praised from the Government and the City Municipality, for their ability of urban absorbment and resilience and their unwholesomeness. The relationships between the actors are complicated: the villagers rent filthy apartments to the floating population of workers for them to build up a city in which none of the two are welcomed. The city decides to ground the village because it looks like a bad environment and ruins the city’s image to the open World. The city, though, is going to make the most out of the migrants – cheap labour and fewer regulations – to build up the city in the image and likeliness of the Generic City, theorised by Rem Koohlaas. Thus, we discussed an apology of the urban village: not a place of wonders, but a place that was able to make feel at home people that were coming from thousands of kilometres afar. Architecturally speaking, the places created by thousand of years of history were able to hold this huge migration, to hold the needs and problems of the surrounding city. The city was not able to do that. The actors had a very important light inside this
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dissertation. Firstly the villagers are uniquely bonded to their land, due to a series of policies, laws and historical facts. For instance, the villagers have all common ancestors and they are defined by one or few more shared surnames: their genealogies are jealously kept inside their ancestral halls. De facto, the people, after the urbanisation has reached the boundaries of the Village, found themselves to be normal villagers any more: they become the inhabitants of a Village in the City. Their farming land required, their occupation gone, they become part of a city that cannot be theirs because of the City policies. From another point of view, this situation turns really charming: the uncountable quantity of migrants from China’s vast rural flat-lands, try to find personal economical growth and a job in the hugeness of the Chinese coastal cities. Despite the condition, mostly under the standards, the apartments are the only affordable choice for the flow of floating population coming from other cities in China. The new housing that is being built are just luxury apartments. The distinction of the actors is played on another field: the citizenship. We discussed the hukou system as the main cause of the segregation inside and outside the villages.
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The urban hukou allows the population who owns it to have subsidised food and employment within the city, that includes housing, healthcare and pension, together with the subsidised education. The holder of rural hukou have no such privilege. This means the castification of the whole city of – for instance – Guangzhou. The villagers, the migrants (rural-hukou holders) cannot participate into the urban life mostly because they are not considered as a part of the urban entity. Although, after the re-development of the ViCs, the villagers will get an urban hukou, the migrants will not. This is going against the informality that saved the life of the city, a coded informality that was able to stand out so much that the city realised this phenomenon existed. The informality we are dealing with is not as South America’s favelas. We are contemplating a space development which is not codified, but that does not mean it is not planned. The clan is the planner of the village itself. Thus, this brought to a pattern that Friedman praises in his “L’Architecture de Survie”: the planned informality, where everyone gets what they need and how they need it. Therefore we are talking about a contrast that is – on a closer look – absent. The relationship between the village and the city is more of a dychotomy, both took their own
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path, even though it eventually led to an opposition. This double existence of both tolerance and exploitation can be seen in three different villages, before we started taking a look to the main subject of this work, the redevelopment of Lijiao Village. We studied three villages northern than Lijiao: Xian, Shipai and – now not a village anymore – Liede. The choice was lead by the fact that they represent three different types of approach in the ViCs redevelopment, as the Government states “One Village, One Policy”. Although these three villages – together with the fourth, Lijiao – are different in history, urban and historical development, they lay in a territory inside the frame of Guangzhou that was victim of an important transformation. And it is due to these transformations that the villages organisms reacted mostly in the same way. The urban pressure coincided in the same reaction. Although, what has to be clear is that we are not describing two sides of Bad and Good. The villages witnessed this type of development due to the lack of real estate developers with a consistent economical opportunity. Indeed, it is not a matter of attachment to the traditional urban form. Anyway, either conciously or not, it resulted in the extraordinary phoenomenon of the urban village. It
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resulted in the ability of the villages to reinvent themselves upon their own territory. We arrived eventually to the redevelopment of Lijiao Village and after the analysis on the site we discovered the many features that a urban village as Lijiao has. The levels of privacy, the evolutions of the roads and the trasnformation that the case study had in the past years are enhanced and praised inside our proposal. Although, we called this proposal an unended project. That is because without taking into account the actors of this whole situation we cannot withold the real problem. There are still no legislations in the People’s Republic of China to stand beside the problems of the population. There are still no rules that explain how to take care of their past, to make a better future. The existing legislations are the capitalistic infiltrations in which a developer has to spend fewest money and the inhabitants pay the consequences. The villagers will lose their status, they will lose the hundreds of years of bonds, of traditions and of history, but the majority of them is not bothered: they will get a monetary compensation and an apartment inside a wanna-be-Miami compound with palmtrees and the newest franchise shop at the ground floor.
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We are not discussing that the architectural and practical quality of the urban village is untouchable. It is undeniable that the streets are dirty, the houses are wrecked and the people are not encouraged to make this place better. If the developers and the planners would look further, they would see a wider range of possibilities that this village – or these villages – can become. Just then, the Village in the City can become a useful and even a prominent part of the City.
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APPENDIX
Chapter 6
Chapter 6: Appendix
AKNOWLEDGEMENTS It has been a long journey throughout these six years and these many places. Six years in which I experienced pain, sorrow and despair, but mostly these six years have been the ones in which I was able to find people who made me let in the light. Grazie a mio fratello Marco, io e te contro il mondo. Grazie a Lele, per non essere l’amico evanescente. Ευχαριστώ τον Ηλία, για όλες τις απίστευτες εμπειρίες, στο παρελθόν και στο μέλλον.
Thanks to Vito, Nefeli, Veronica, Marta and Silvia, without your laughs all of this would have never been possible. Ευχαριστώ σε Ντον, Μήτσος, Νέσνε, Κος, Λικ, Διαθεσώ, Βουδου, Μωρής, Διόν, Χάρδου και Πέντε γιατί είστε η ελληνική μου οικογένεια.
Grazie a mia Nonna, Mariella, Anna, Anastasia, mio Zio, Michele, Giorgio e Stavros per prestarsi ogni giorno ad essere un po’ le mie mamme e i miei papà. Ευχαριστώ τον Τζον για όλη την βοήθεια και συμβουλές που μου έδωσε.
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谢谢 a Maria, Eva e Nduong senza le quali la mia avventura cantonese sarebbe stata vuota. Grazie ai miei compagni Chiara, Serena, Roberta, Diego, Tuana, Rossana, Martina, Davide e Federico per aver reso quelle giornate di stress una vera barzelletta. Grazie a Edoardo che, con i suoi consigli, mi ha aiutato alla prima e all’ultima prova di questo Politecnico. Grazie al mio professore Michele Bonino, per essere stato in grado di trasmettere la sua passione e conoscenza. Matteo
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