Place Paper by Mayrah Udvardi

PLACE PAPER The Importance of Riverfronts in Serving an Areaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Ecological, Social & Economic Needs Case Study: Corvallis Riverfront and Corvallis Riverfront Park Location: 1st Street from Washington to Taylor, Corvallis, OR River: Willamette River

Figure 1. Aerial view of Corvallis in 1951 (Source: Gwil Evans Photographic Collection)

ES 299 US Environmental History Professor Turner 5.12.2013

Mayrah Udvardi Unit 6206 21 Wellesley College Dr. Wellesley, MA 02481-0620

TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction…………………………………………………………... p. 3 Historical Ecologic Function of the Willamette River……………….. p. 6 Homesteaders and the Early Use of the River in the 19th Century…… p. 7 The Effects of the Land-Grant College….……………………............. p. 9 Intensification of Industry and Agriculture in the 20th Century………. p. 11 The Legacy of Industrialization and Agriculture in the 20th Century… p. 15 Post-Industrial Transformation of the Riverfront………......………… p. 18 Corvallis Riverfront Commemorative Park Today…………………… p. 20 Conclusion……………………………………………………………. p. 24 Appendix……………………………………………………………… p. 26 Sources………………………………………………………………... p. 45

INTRODUCTION Imagine a college town where a new riverfront park, on the downtown side of the Willamette River in Oregon, anchors a revitalized industrial area and nearby historic buildings house thriving local businesses. Corvallis Riverfront Commemorative Park serves as the front yard for the city of Corvallis and its people, serving their social and economic needs and responding to the context of the river and its surrounding environment. Residents of Corvallis value the park on a deep level, as it stems from a complex historical relationship between Corvallis and the Willamette River, which historically buttressed city’s growth. The river played a crucial role in urbanization, both causing and being affected by the establishment of industry and agriculture. The struggle throughout the twentieth century to dominate and disvalue the Willamette River culminated in the community taking ownership of their dependence on it and what emerged is the Riverfront Park. The story of the Corvallis Riverfront up to the late 1900s is not unique to cities around the United States. It follows the paradigm of development where second nature (canals, bridges, irrigation schemes, dams, logging of riparian zones) improved first nature (rivers) for capital gain. Many of the effects of river commodification that Corvallis experienced are also visible in other riverine cities: Minneapolis, Savannah, Memphis, Philadelphia, Portland, and San Antonio, to name a few. Rivers are what environmental historian William Cronon would call first nature; they are an essential and desirable natural feature that Americans have always sought to capitalize on.1 As industries and communities built up a second nature around rivers, they transformed them into commodities that fueled economic growth and propelled American society through the 18th,19th, and 20th centuries.

William Cronon. Nature’s Metropolis. Norton, New York. 1991, p. 45.

Industrial and urban development along rivers not only changed their course and composition; it also drastically affected their shorelines’ habitability for humans. As rivers became resources, individuals who relied on them for agriculture or subsistence no longer had access. Eighteenth-century policy around river rights favored unbridled economic growth over management and conservation, which led to a host of urban problems down the road. The Progressive Era was the start of more government involvement in the management of rivers, which were slowly being understood as fragile common pool resources.2 However, pollution and mismanagement of rivers in urban areas continued throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. This culminated in some cities with eye-opening disasters like burning rivers, complete loss of fish species, flooding and outbreaks in disease. Local and national response to years of mismanagement of rivers varied and was largely influenced by local shifts from industry to service-based economies. Today, cities around the United States remain depressed and lack functioning riverfronts, in part because of a history of mismanagement and unchecked industry. Yet there are some cities like Corvallis where residents came together to revitalize their riverfront areas to serve the ecosystems and communities that depend on them. Corvallis Riverfront Park is a manifestation a community’s determination to reinvest in its first nature in a productive and sustainable way. Many cities around the country are also reclaiming their riverfronts in conscious and similarly productive ways.3 The Corvallis Riverfront Park serves as an ideal case study for redevelopment projects and for how a realization of an area’s environmental history can inspire collective action and sustainable urban planning. Corvallis, Oregon is one of hundreds of cities in the United States that has emerged due to its proximity to a river (see Figures 1-2). This place paper will explore the evolution of the Corvallis

James Turner, Lecture. Feb. 26, 2013.

Charles Little. Greenways for America. Johns Hopkins University Press. 1995, p. 81.

riverfront through an environmental historical lens. Such a perspective is critical in fully understanding the history of development and the value of the river for the Corvallis community today. Its history is organized around three significant periods of development: (1) homesteaders and the early use of the river in the nineteenth century, (2) intensification of industrial and agricultural activity in the early twentieth century following the establishment of the land-grant college, and (3) the post-industrial transformation of the riverfront that led to the Riverfront Redevelopment Scheme in the latter half of the twentieth century. The transitions between these three periods can be understood by examining major local and national events and changes in first- and second nature relationships. The first period marks homesteaders’ initial attempts to improve upon the land surrounding the Willamette River. Corvallis townspeople viewed the river as an important resource that facilitated the growth of the local forestry and agricultural economies. Regular flooding was considered an unavoidable consequence of progress and advancement and did not deter farmers from clearing the riparian zones for cultivation. Access to the river provided people with jobs and became the ideal place to house the agricultural school, which further attracted people to the town and increased pressures on industry and agriculture. In the second period, townspeople actively began to make “improvements” to the river’s structure and composition, to prevent “natural disasters” and facilitate economic growth. Efforts to damn, dredge, clear-cut, and channel portions of the river were sometimes successful, but most often just served as stopgap solutions for the larger environmental consequences of development that were at play. After World War II, industry along the riverfront became obsolete. This third stage marks a paradigm shift in environmental thought and the first- and second nature relationship. Following the national trend towards environmental awareness and protection, Corvallis residents realized that the health of their river was intricately linked to their wellbeing and success as a community. After the state-proposed vehicular bypass was adamantly boycotted, residents came together to take back the

riverfront property and turn it into a public good. Forty years of planning, fundraising, and bureaucracy ensued and resulted in one of the most successful riverfront revitalization case studies in the United States. The paper will focus on the community’s changing vision for the riverfront’s role in Corvallis and the local, regional, and national implications of the 1998 Riverfront Redevelopment Scheme. Through this historic analysis, it will become obvious that a parasitic relationship between Corvallis and the Willamette River was responsible for Corvallis’ depressed condition in the mid-twentieth century and that a paradigm shift in the way the Corvallis community viewed the river (from viewing it as a commodity to a social, economic, and environmental asset) inspired the Riverfront Redevelopment Project. This reflects a growing trend in cities around the country to revitalize community riverfronts.

HISTORICAL ECOLOGIC FUNCTION OF THE WILLAMETTE RIVER The Willamette River and the stretch of riparian zone along which present-day Corvallis sits have served key ecological functions since the last ice age. The Willamette River flows in a broad structural valley that constitutes the heartland of Oregon. The river and its tributaries drain an area of about 11,200 square miles lying south of the Columbia River and bounded on the east by the Cascade Range and on the west by the Coastal Range.4 Most of the major tributaries rise among mountains of the Cascades, which reach elevations of 10,000 feet and are snow-covered for much of the year.5 The Willamette River is a significant migratory corridor, nursery, and spawning habitat for salmon. Nearly 50 species of fish have been identified in the river. Historically, the portion of the river

James Sedell. "Importance of streamside forests to large rivers: the isolation of the Willamette River, Oregon, USA, from its floodplain by snagging and streamside forest removal." Verh. Internat. Verein. Limnol. 1984, p.1828-1834.

Sedell, Op. cit.

against which Corvallis now rests had banks merely 1.5 to 2.6 m above the low water line with a floodplain 1.6 to 3.2 km wide.6 The position of the river and floodplain was ever changing and startlingly dissimilar to the confined and linear river channel that urban, industrial and agricultural development has shaped (see Figure 3). In 1800, the Willamette River was physically more complex than it is today. Local climate and the sheer size of the Willamette tributary made the river highly unpredictable and dynamic. Stream flow from the basin is about 26 million acre-feet annually, which is about twice that of the Colorado River.7 Precipitation accounts for the large flow: the entire basin averages 63 inches annually, 60 percent of which occurs from November through February in the form of snow in the mountains and rain on the valley floor.8 This causes considerable swelling in the river during the winter and spring.9 Because of the stable forest riparian zones that existed prior to Euro-American settlement, flooding seldom caused harmful erosion or fallen trees. That would not be the case in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries (see Figure 3).

HOMESTEADERS AND THE EARLY USE OF THE RIVER IN THE 19TH CENTURY The location Corvallis sits on was an ideal site for trade because of its relationship to the Willamette River and the Mary’s River, which feeds into it. In the 1800s, Oregon Trail settlers began staking claims on the fertile soils in the Willamette Valley.10 The first settlers in the valley were retired French trappers who had been given land and supplies by the Hudson’s Bay Company.11 Since the

Sedell, Op. cit.

Joseph Lyons. "Land Use, Floods, and Channel Changes: Upper Middle Fork Willamette River, Oregon". Water Resources Research Vol. 19 (2). 1983, p. 463-471.

Joan Baker. "Alternative futures for the Willamette River basin, Oregon." Ecological Applications Vol. 14(2). 2004, p. 313-324.

Baker, Op. cit. John Horner. Oregon: Her History, Her Great Men, Her Literature. The J.K. Gill Co., Portland. 1919, p. 164.

10 11

Howard Corning. Dictionary of Oregon History. Binfords & Mort Publishing. 1956, p. 445.

fur trade era, trappers and traders used the river to bring their hunting spoils from the hinterland up to Portland. Hilly and heavily wooded valley meant that rivers were by far the best and often only means of travel. These ‘first nature’ conditions needed little improving upon for the scale of human activity during this period. In the following years a number of other settlers, both British and American, came to the valley, but it was not until 1843 that a flood of migrants passed over the Oregon Trail and discovered the fertile territory.12 By 1845 there were more than 5,000 Americans in the valley alone, and with the settlement of the boundary dispute with Great Britain many more settlers migrated to the area.13 Joseph Avery, a farmer who had come to Oregon to find better agricultural soils, surveyed a town site on one particularly favorable location where the Mary’s River joined the Willamette River in 1849 and named it Corvallis.14 Corvallis quickly became an important trading town, serving as an agricultural hub and a port for forestry districts upstream (see Figure 4). Agriculture and forestry infrastructure (second nature impacts) were the major agents of change in the degradation of the riparian zones along the Willamette River and the improvement of Corvallis over the rest of the nineteenth century. The best farmland was on the active floodplain, both because of the rich soil quality and the potential to harness the river’s water for irrigation. These factors spurred settlers to stake their claim along the river. As they cleared the floodplain forests, the timber supported the construction of the first homes, general stores, and trading warehouses along the present-day riverfront. Steamboats used to ship logs up and down the valley were also an important driving force in the riparian forest cutting (see Figures 5, 7-9). The logging industry was primarily focused in the hills of the Coastal and Cascade Range, which drastically changed the composition of the tributaries that fed into the river. Increased sediment from erosion and loss of riverbank structure

12 13 14

"Willamette River." The New Encyclopedia of the American West. Yale UP, 1998. Credo Reference. Web. 2011. Corning, Op. cit. Horner, Op. cit.

made these tributaries more unstable and prone to flooding and shifting course.15 The reduced width of the riparian forests and depletion of shoreline was an incredible loss to the Willamette River and would eventually lead to increased flooding and required river upkeep (see Figure 6). While the effects settlers had on changing the Willamette River in the nineteenth century were immediate and had lasting consequences, the damage was on a scale smaller than the damage in river valleys of central and eastern United States. Had it not been for the discovery of gold in California in 1848, the Oregon Territory might have achieved a larger population (and consequentially been victim to greater environmental destruction).16 The gold rush not only diverted people southward off the Oregon Trail, it also drew people from Oregon to the mines of California.17 These national factors decelerated migration to the Willamette Valley and prevented the population and industrial economy from growing to the extent that it did in other western cities. In studying the effects Corvallis homesteaders had on changing the Willamette Riverfront, it is important to realize that the effects of development in Corvallis on the river are nowhere near as extreme as the effects of development in cities like Cleveland and Lowell. Eastern cities had a hundred-year head start in many cases to cities in the West, in terms of agricultural and industrial development. In the nineteenth century, second nature improvements to the Willamette River at Corvallis were limited to travel up and down the river and clearing of the river’s floodplains for cultivation. It wasn’t until the establishment of the land-grant college at the end of the nineteenth century that agriculture and industry intensified and began redefining the river’s course and composition.

15 16 17

Sedell, Op. cit. Corning, Op. cit. Corning, Op. cit.

THE EFFECTS OF THE LAND-GRANT COLLEGE: OREGON STATE UNIVERSITY The land-grant college played an important role in the establishment of an agricultural economy and environmental research on the Willamette River. The college was originally founded in 1856 as the first primary and secondary school in Corvallis. In 1868, the Oregon Legislative Assembly expanded the school to include the Agricultural College of the State of Oregon because of Corvallis’ central location along the Willamette River (its “first nature” advantage). This act allowed the school to be the recipient of the United States Land Grant fund, which further bolstered the agricultural economy of Corvallis and reliance on the river. In the late 1890s, the school changed its name to Oregon Agricultural College and became an important component of the agricultural sector in the valley. Successful farmers from around Oregon sent their sons to the college to learn the most advanced farming practices and useful skills like accounting before they returned to take over the family farm. As the college grew, it complicated the relationship between Corvallis and the Willamette River. The college fostered an increase in agricultural production and Corvallis soon became the main supply and shipping center for the farmlands around it. As a result, population tripled between 1880 and 1900 and again between 1900 and 1910.18 Many wealthy patrons of the college invested in agricultural research and thereby influenced the school’s agenda. Agricultural output and maximization of resource extraction became a priority and increasing technological additions to the river began to change its course and habitability for other species. With an increasing population, Corvallis also began expanding westward and putting more stress on its hinterland. The college supported destructive management and economic practices for much of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. However, in the mid-twentieth century it began to serve the local and national environmental movement with its pioneering research of ecology and natural resource management. Research slowly raised awareness of the effects of the agriculture and forestry

Riley Moffatt. Population History of Western U.S. Cities & Towns, 1850-1990. Lanham, Scarecrow. 1996, p. 208.

industries and impacted the environmental consciousness of the population. In the mid-1970s, at the advent of the modern environmental movement, researchers began to make connections between fertilizer application on fields and changes in river biochemistry.19 Forest management also became a focus and researchers began to recommend more sustainable forestry practices.20 An emphasis on research could not undo the effects of Corvallis’ parasitic relationship to the Willamette River. For over half a century after it was founded, the college encouraged unsustainable farming and forestry practices that became ingrained in the culture of the valley’s people. The intensification of second nature improvements on the river in the first half of the twentieth century was complex and closely linked to the growing influence of the land-grant university.

INTENSIFICATION OF INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE IN THE 20TH CENTURY The morphology of the Willamette River in the urban fringe of Corvallis at the onset of the twentieth century resembled more of a “water system” composed of channels, interconnections, and dams rather than a single continuous flow of water, as it tends to be portrayed. After half a century of development alongside the river, Corvallis had come to depend on it for many functions. The river supplied water for irrigation, facilitated transportation, and carried away wastes.21 To fully understand the relationship between Corvallis and the Willamette River, it is important to realize that the portion of river passing through Corvallis was not just affected by changes that were happening in the town. Boundaries when examining environmental impacts on rivers are incredibly complicated and wrongdoers cannot be easily pinpointed, as the changes in the river’s biochemistry are an

“Historians of Science Collections”. Oregon State Libraries, Special Collections. 2013.

“Historians of Science Collections”, Op. cit.

Stephane Castonguoay. Urban Rivers: Remaking Rivers, Cities, and Space in Europe and North America. University of Pittsburg Press. 2012, p. 240.

accumulation of all of the happenings upstream.22 In discussing the role Corvallis and surrounding farms had in shaping the river, the impact other industries and cities had upstream cannot be forgotten. Corvallis was heavily shaped by its geographical boundaries as it continued to expand in the twentieth century. Upon the city’s founding, homesteaders nestled their houses up against the banks of the Willamette.23 As the town grew, its grid stretched west, away from the river, until it reached the first rolling hills of the Coastal Range (less than a mile west and northwest of downtown). Bordering Corvallis to the south was the Mary’s River tributary, which became a key channel for transporting timber and agricultural products from Corvallis’s hinterland. With an expanding economy and population, industries soon took over most of the stretch of riverfront to serve their needs and most residents receded several blocks west, where neighborhoods became informally zoned (see Figure 13). Up until the beginning of the twentieth century, it was the navigability of the waterway that determined the river’s status as a public good. Steamboat travel was essential to the functioning of Corvallis and was constantly complicated by channel conditions. Overhanging trees, fallen snags, logjams, heavy storms, and dry spells were all first nature factors that impeded on the navigability of the waterway.24 For the first twenty years of steamboat service to Corvallis, captains cleared their own way or waited for high water. In 1871, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers started working to keep the channel clear.25 The Corps dredged, cleared fallen trees, and further destroyed riparian zones to prevent growth from interfering with steamboat passage.26 The Corps also built diversion

Castonguoay, Op. cit.

Mauricio Villarreal. "Up By The Riverside." Parks & Recreation 38.6 (2003): 63. MAS Ultra - School Edition. Web. 24 Apr. 2013.

24 25 26

Jacqueline Rocheford. “Riverfront History”. Corvallis Riverfront Park Placard. 2002. Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit.

dams in the river to keep the water where it was needed. “Cut-off” dams blocked side channels and “wing dams” were walls built on both sides of the river that narrowed the channel.27 Despite the sustained efforts of the Corps, the river could not be kept navigable all the time. The efforts of the Corps in many ways were a stopgap solution to the larger environmental consequences of second nature improvements both in Corvallis and upstream (see Figure 10). Destruction of the riparian ecosystem and persistent erosion made the river more prone to flooding, fallen trees, and sediment buildup on the riverbed. While the river was naturally unpredictable and its path dynamic, the relationship it had with Corvallis and the surrounding area increased its volatility and the town’s vulnerability. The course of the Willamette River changed both as a byproduct of the agriculture and lumber industries and as a conscious effort to facilitate transportation. In the mid-1880s, concern grew among Corvallis citizens that the Willamette River might abruptly change course and bypass Corvallis.28 If the river were to change course, it would be disastrous for the town’s river commerce. Goods and passengers boarded steamboats from the riverfront warehouses and docks on Corvallis’ built-up riverbank. Development and floodwaters were eroding the outer bank of the bend in the river, in which Corvallis was nestled (see Figure 11). The townspeople of Corvallis appealed to the federal government to prevent the river from abandoning the town and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers were sent in to stabilize the eroding riverbank.29 The Corps’ first attempt to fortify the river’s outer bank was washed away in the flood of 1890.30 Many townspeople were upset that the Corps had not taken the other suggested approach and carved a channel southwest of the S (see Option B in Figure 11). In an opinion piece in the Corvallis Gazette a townsman wrote, “The talk of

Rocheford, Op. cit.

Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit.

29 30

Rocheford, Op. cit.

reconstructing the old revetment is the silliest twaddle… We want a new channel and we want it now!”31 The Corps ignored the complaints and continued to lengthen the revetment around the original bend because it required fewer resources than digging a channel would (see Option A in Figure 11). In 1900, the river began to shift course and the water gushed through the overflow chute, leaving an island in the middle of its two paths (see Figure 12). At the time, townspeople were thankful that ‘nature’ had worked in their favor. In reality, the river changed course because of the slow build-up of land on one side. Thus, the phenomenon was largely a product of second nature improvements on the river. With the establishment of steamboat navigation companies in the 1860s, wharves and warehouses sprang up along the riverbank. By the 1870s, several large flourmills and warehouses sat on the edge of the riverfront, built chiefly to store and process wheat. Other undesirable structures began to emerge in this “industrial zone” in the early twentieth century, including the city jail and the wastewater treatment plant. The conscious confinement of dirty infrastructure to the stretch of the riverfront speaks to the parasitic relationship Corvallis had to its river. The primary use Corvallis had for it was as a waste depository and facilitator of movement and trade. The river was not considered an entity with intrinsic value or functional aesthetic worth. Industry along the riverfront shaped the Corvallis economy and relied heavily on the Willamette River for transport and waste removal. In 1909, the flat at the junction of Mary’s River tributary and the Willamette River began its 45-year history as one of Corvallis’s major industrial sites with the establishment of the McCreedy Brothers Sawmill.32 Because the mill was built on low ground, it was vulnerable to flooding and lumber was frequently destroyed or carried away in large storm surges. Lumber companies transported logs from the coastal range to be processed and

Rocheford, Op. cit.

distributed at the sawmill. The McCreedy mill furnished most of the buildings erected between 1910 and 1929 on the Oregon Agricultural College campus.33 Later named Corvallis Lumber Company, the mill supplied wood to the war effort during WWII.34 Vast intensification of timber harvesting in the hills led to shortages of timber and after the war, the mill’s owners decided to move its operations to Dallas, Oregon, fifty miles north of Corvallis.35 This transition was a product of the shift from reliance on the Willamette River for transportation to the use of trucks for shipping. Access to the hinterlands was no longer limited to stretches along tributaries and vast areas of untouched forests became new focuses for the timber industry. The legacy of the mill industry on the riverfront was instrumental in the development of Corvallis and the gradual degradation of its hinterlands and river (see Figures 14-15). After some time, the mill burned down and the site remained empty for many years until it was re-appropriated as an extension of the Corvallis Riverfront Park. WWII not only put pressure on the forests of Corvallis’s hinterland, it also spurred production on farms and factories around the area, which had lasting effects on the Willamette River. Increased use of various technologies such as pesticides, herbicides, and fertilizers as well as new breeds of high yield crops were employed on land throughout the valley, with an emphasis on making production more efficient.36 Oregon Agricultural College (to be renamed Oregon State University in 1959) played a large role in researching new agricultural chemicals and higher yield technology. The national and international need for grain weighed more on the shoulders of researchers than the local environmental impacts of such large-scale production. Undeniably, increased levels of chemicals and fertilizers heavily affected the Willamette River. In the 1950s, scientists at Oregon State University tested increased nitrogen and phosphorus levels from fertilizers

33 34 35

Jacqueline Rochefort. “Corvallis Riverfront History”. Corvallis Parks and Recreation. Brochure. 2006. Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit.

James Shepherd. "The development of new wheat varieties in the Pacific Northwest." Agricultural History. Vol. 54 (1). 1980. p. 52-63.

that were impacting dissolved oxygen levels and promoting algal blooms in bends along the river.37 Studies also found dioxins present in river samples when dioxin research became prevalent a few years later, which most likely came from paper mills upstream of Corvallis.38 Because fields and factories spread up and down the extent of the Willamette River, point sources for river pollution were all but impossible to determine. The agricultural and forestry economy was deeply embedded in the hearts and mindsets of the people of Corvallis and the greater valley. Farming and lumber had come to define the Corvallis community by the mid-twentieth century and it would take more than minor compositional changes in the Willamette River to open their eyes.

THE LEGACY OF INDUSTRIALIZATION AND AGRICULTURE IN THE 20TH CENTURY By the late 1960s, intensive development along the Willamette River had created severe environmental problems. For over a hundred years it had served as a convenient dumping ground for industrial and agricultural waste materials and sewage; by the 1960s it was one of the nation’s most polluted rivers.39 But problems cannot be reduced to simply industrialization or the spread of urbanization. Waterway management was repeatedly punctuated by incidents that set its users against one another. Tensions between industries and the upstream agricultural community increased in the mid-twentieth century because farming and damning projects had increased the severity and frequency of flooding to a noticeable level.40 Additionally, the build-up of pollution and sediment in the river and the conflicting demands on the whole of the river decreased the utility of this water network as the century continued.41 Waste material increased the organic content of the rivers

“Willamette River”, Op. cit.

Charles Henney. "Biomagnification factors (fish to osprey eggs from Willamette River, Oregon, USA) for PCDDs, PCDFs, PCBs and OC pesticides." Environmental Monitoring and Assessment. Vol 84 (3), 2003. p. 275-315.

39 40 41

“Willamette River”, Op. cit. Castonguoay, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit.

considerably and tended to accumulate in certain areas. These deposits increased siltation and obstruction of waterways, which aggravated flooding when the water was high and caused greater inconvenience and health hazards during periods of low water or drought (see Figure 17). Flooding was the first issue to create tension between the city and the outlying communities, both upstream and downstream from Corvallis. Cities concentrate not only people, economic wealth, cultural activities, and political institutions, but also environmental risk. The fundamental processes of industrialization, urbanization, rapid population growth, and technical innovation in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries significantly altered the patterns of vulnerability within the cities built up around rivers.42 The boundaries of Corvallis floodplains had been consistently crossed since the town’s founding. Modern societies tend to think of rivers as canals rather than meandering and dynamic streams. In his book, Urban Rivers: Remaking Rivers, Cities, and Space in Europe and North America, Stephane Castonguoay describes the paradigm of thought pertaining to the river as, “a body having a fixed length but no prescribed breadth, with the result that the floodplain is often used for farms and settlements as if it were not part of the river’s system”.43 This assumption led to great economic success in the Willamette Valley, as people capitalized on the fertile and easily plowed soils on the Willamette River flat. By the mid-twentieth century, flooding became an environmental justice issue in Corvallis, as lower-income people crowded into the inexpensive flood zones. Upper- and middle-income communities had established themselves in the hills around the university, which were several blocks west of the riverfront. Poorer communities grew south of the Mary’s River, where most of the

Castonguoay, Op. cit.

industry that remained after the 1960s still exists today.44 The historic 1964 flood made clear the vulnerability of old infrastructure and homes situated on the floodplain.45 In the early 1960s, many of the industrial sites along the river were closed down because they struggled to comply with new environmental regulations. In a valley-wide campaign to control pollution in the Willamette River Watershed, the Oregon State Legislature established the Willamette Greenway program in 1967.46 This not only enforced more stringent pollution and zoning requirements for industry, it also awakened community members to the effect their development had on their river and on their own health and wellbeing. To the municipality, the river and its watershed remained the main supply of irrigation water, and to a lesser degree an instrument for waste disposal. Therefore, the conservation of the river and its waters was important. To meet the needs of the people, the Oregon Department of Environmental Quality was created in 1969.47 In the 1970s, the State of Oregon established the Land Conservation Development Commission to help preserve farmland and forests around cities, and to establish urban growth boundaries to lessen sprawl.48 And in the early 1990s, the Oregon Department of Environmental Quality and Oregon State University also began intensive biological monitoring to evaluate aquatic ecosystem health and potential impacts of second nature developments.49 The disposal of waste materials into the stream was strictly regulated, and in the mid-1990s the Willamette was appreciably cleaner than it was a decade earlier.50 All of the local and national emphasis on environmental research and conservation in the late twentieth century had a profound effect on the relationship between the river and Corvallis.

44 45 46

Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit. Webb Bauer. "A Case Analysis of Oregon's Willamette River Greenway Program." Thesis. Oregon State University, 1980.

Sharon Clarke. "Oregon, USA, ecological regions and subregions for water quality management." Environmental Management. Vol. 15 (6). 1991, p. 847-856. 48 Clarke, Op. cit. 49

Daniel Villeneuve. “Environmental Stresses and Skeletal Deformities in Fish from the Willamette River, Oregon”. Environmental Science & Technology. Vol 39 (10). 2005, p. 41.

Clarke, Op. cit.

Corvallis residents began to understand their impact on the environment and realized that they had collective responsibility to keep it functioning as an ecosystem. The economic value of the river shifted from being based on its instrumental use to its aesthetic and ecologic services. This marked a paradigm shift in the way townspeople interacted with the river and would eventually trigger them to re-imagine the role of the Corvallis Riverfront.

POST-INDUSTRIAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE RIVERFRONT The riverfront along downtown First Street was the stretch of river in Corvallis most affected by industry in the early twentieth century. In the late 1950s, the site was characterized by abandoned industrial lots, complete loss of the native riparian ecosystem, an unstable bank and increased risk of flooding, and a colossal parking lot.51 Because the riverfront was visible to people as they entered Corvallis from the northern, southern, and eastern highway arteries, its condition became a matter of local pride as well as of the effected environment (see Figure 18). Efforts to improve the Corvallis riverfront began in the late 1950s, when the city purchased the land to serve as a vehicular bypass around downtown.52 Community outcry led to a change in the bypass’s location and in the 1970s the city began to develop a master plan for the Riverfront Park.53 Corvallis townspeople envisioned the riverfront as a downtown showcase, combining commercial business, park use, and a celebration of the river’s natural features. However, economic recession prevented the city from making any visible headway until the 1990s, when a volunteer citizen group headed by Jacqueline Rocheford, the director of Corvallis Parks and Recreation, formed the Riverfront Enhancement Task Force.54 This movement marked the transition from a parasitic second nature approach, which defined the city-

Rocheford, Op. cit.

Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit.

53 54

Rocheford, Op. cit.

river relationship in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, to a more environmentally pragmatic approach, in which human and environmental needs are considered simultaneously. The Corvallis Riverfront Park did not happen because of public subsidies to private development. It happened because of a larger community vision that stressed open space and urban renewal over private enterprise and pollution. In 1996, the taskforce presented the City Council with a master plan, which was adopted after several public hearings.55 The plan included storm water management improvements, reforestation and ecological restoration of the riparian zone, educational stations up and down the park’s path, observation points for bird-watching, public plazas, bicycle and pedestrian streets, art installations, a skate park and basketball courts.56 Landscape Architecture Firm Walker Macy and CH2M HILL, one of the major private sector employers in Corvallis, worked throughout the design process to achieve community consensus on the project (see Figure 19). The design team worked hand in hand with a community-based design review committee to ensure direct community feedback as the park plan evolved. The public process included regional, state and local agencies, community stakeholders, Oregon State professors, the Corvallis Arts Council and local downtown business leaders.57 Charrettes (where architects gather with community members to hear their needs and input on design proposals) guided the design process so it truly became a product of the townspeople. At the heart of this process was the emphasis on reestablishing a new relationship to the riverfront; one that would celebrate its role in shaping the town while emphasizing the preservation of its essential ecological services. “This was a forgotten edge, as the city had developed in other directions and turned its back on the river," landscape architect Michael Zilis said upon the park’s completion. “With this new park, people are realizing the value of the riverfront and adjacent businesses are blossoming. We now have cafes, bakeries and restaurants

55 56 57

Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit.

facing the waterfront and building vital connections between the downtown area and the riverfront.”58 After forty years of hard work and community collaboration, the Riverfront Park was finally completed in June of 2002.

THE CORVALLIS RIVERFRONT PARK TODAY Stretching nearly a mile along the Willamette Riverfront, the Corvallis Commemorative Park and Riverbank Restoration improved more than 25 acres of public property.59 This public open space between the downtown business district and the river’s edge focuses on providing opportunities for celebration, interpretation and contemplation, all centered around the river. The park design reflects traditional regional customs and historic industrial practices.60 It pays tribute to the Willamette River and the people who interact with it, and reclaims an incredible natural resource for the community and for regional wildlife. The Riverfront Park has dramatically improved opportunities for social interaction and environmental education in Corvallis. The project involved many local artists who created works that reflect the culture of the town and its historic relationship to the river.61 Of special note is the Jackson Plaza Fountain, a huge granite surface custom-carved to show the historic channels of the Willamette River in 1852.62 A variable spray fountain serves as a play feature for children (see Figure 23). Surrounding this plaza are interpretive signs describing the early river, and the effects of development and channelization, riparian issues, and water quality in the nineteenth and twentieth century. Monroe Plaza is developed as a contemplative public garden. The plaza features a grove of

DJC Staff. “Corvallis riverfront park captures national attention”. DJC Oregon, Daily Journal of Commerce. Dec. 10, 2004.

Rocheford, Op. cit.

Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit.

61 62

Rocheford, Op. cit.

native trees with seating and game tables tucked into ornamental garden beds. A playful bronze sculpture of otters peers out from the native vegetation. Madison Plaza represents the civic core of the waterfront.63 Aligned with the City Courthouse on Madison Avenue, the plaza provides long seatwalls, art and a paving pattern that echoes the patterns of historic logjams on the river. Generous open space is retained to allow for community events such as the holiday tree lighting and civic presentations. These three plazas anchor the park and allow space for social interaction around community events, while honoring the river in the backdrop. The Riverfront Park has become a nucleus for community events and local business, in part because of its proximity to the river. The Wednesday and Saturday Farmers markets, the July 4th Parade, Da Vinci Days Water Race, numerous marathons, and citywide intertubing parties rely on the riverfront in a new way (see Figures 20-21). People use the walking and biking paths along the park to access South Town (south of the Mary’s River) in order to enjoy the views of the river and the serenity of the space (see Figure 22). Rather than serving as a commodity for economic development and progress, the riverfront is now the center of community recreational activities. The restoration of its waters and riparian zone are a large part of why it can be enjoyed by the entire community. The park’s design is not an attempt to recreate a pre-settlement “natural” ideal. Rather, the designers and consultants involved in the project strived to understand the ecological services that the river could provide and utilize modern technology, such as the stabilization piers, to sustain it. The restoration of the riverfront involved removing more than l00 tons of debris, rubble, asphalt, and all invasive species, and re-establishing native riparian vegetation.64 Stabilization piers extend 55 ft below ground, to prevent future flooding damage along that stretch.65 Care was taken to protect existing trees before and during construction, and native plantings were designed to fit within the

63 64 65

Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit. Rocheford, Op. cit.

existing riparian plant community.66 Although all physical traces of the site’s industrial legacy were erased with the clean-up, the educational aspects of the park remind visitors of the riverfront’s transformation and the facets of second nature that propelled the city’s growth (see Figure 24). The Riverfront Redevelopment Project can be seen as a new type of second nature improvement to the riverfront, as the City of Corvallis is capitalizing off of the re-appropriated space. Although it was a contentious multi-million dollar investment, the Riverfront Park has proved to be financially viable. The park prompted the revitalization of the entire downtown area and new zoning requirements were put in place to encourage mixed-use buildings and public access along the riverfront. The streets are now active at all times of day, with buildings serving as residence, office, and commercial spaces. Imagining the dynamic of the site fifty years ago, it is impossible to fully comprehend the impact this riverfront transformation has had. Property values along the riverfront have appreciated 12.5 percent and commercial tax revenues have increased 3.9 percent since 2002.67 The community also plays a huge role in maintaining the park. Vandalism and littering has never been a problem, which keeps park maintenance costs low.68 The Riverfront has become a financial and cultural asset to the community, where the ecological health and correlating aesthetics of the river substantially improve the city’s economy. Through the success of the Riverfront Park, the city government has come to realize a larger trajectory for the city of Corvallis and the Willamette River. Plans are underway to extend the Riverfront Park further north, pastt the Van Buren Bridge, which serves as the major eastern artery into the city. In his announcement of the 2020 City Plan, Corvallis City Councilman Ken Gibb said, "Corvallis in 2020 boasts a central city that is the vibrant commercial, civic, cultural and historic heart of the county. Corvallis' vibrant riverfront is the city's downtown showcase that respects and

66 67 68

Ken Gibb. Community Development Director, City of Corvallis. Interview. March 2013. Gibb, Op. cit. Gibb, Op. cit.

celebrates the river. The riverfront features a variety of restaurants and shops, a public square, and ample green space with jogging and cycling paths. The public square is a frequent site for lunchtime concerts and summer entertainment. The upper stories of many picturesque riverfront buildings provide some of the downtown's most desirable residences and office space.”69 The emphasis on continuing and improving the relationship between Corvallis and the Willamette River has been formalized into the long-term development goals, which shines light on the potential for all cities with similar historic relationships to their rivers to revitalize their waterfronts.

CONCLUSION Projects like the Corvallis Riverfront Park have been achieved along urban rivers all over the country with similar effects. The social, economic, and environmental value that returns to these (often depressed and abandoned) waterways is phenomenal and a true testament to humans’ ability to overcome paradigms of economic development, commodification of nature and individualism. The regional and national implications of riverfront redevelopment schemes like the Corvallis Riverfront Park suggest a growing urban trend towards community collaboration, shared responsibility, and a desire to see “nature” return to the city, where it has a rightful and vital place. Despite the heavy local praise the Corvallis Riverfront Park has received for its transformative work along the waterfront, the historical relationship to the river and the effects of social stratification within Corvallis still impact some of its communities today. Flooding has historically been the primary danger of developing along the riverfront and consequentially, those who could afford to move above the floodplains did so in the twentieth century. Low-income communities of South Town are by far the most vulnerable to flooding (compare Figures 28 and 29).

Rocheford, Op. cit.

The Flood of 2012 affected these communities to the extent that access to the rest of Corvallis was blocked for several days (see Figures 25-27).70 While these floods are considered natural disasters (regular flooding was common along the Willamette River long before the area was developed), the superimposing of infrastructure along the river in a way that increases vulnerability is entirely unnatural. Areas with heavy community investment like the Corvallis Riverfront Park can confidently be protected with fifty-foot concrete stabilization piers. But such an expensive operation is entirely unfeasible along the rest of the riverfront stretching south, in part because of physical barriers but mostly because of the lack of political will and financial incentive (see Figures 30-32). It is unreasonable to expect one project to fix the problems that one hundred and fifty years of yield-centered second nature incurred. While it is important to celebrate the successes of community collaboration and natural restoration, these the Riverfront Park project should not be used to mask the unequally distributed effects of development along the river. Environmental injustice is largely a product of a historically capitalist system of development and commodification of the river. Rectifying historical injustices will take the conscious effort of all members of the Corvallis community and must start with the realization that problems do still exist in this idyllic town (see Justin Soare’s, “Greener Pastures: Corvallis, Oregon”, which inspired my family to move to Corvallis in 2003).

“The Flood of 2012”. Corvallis Gazette-Times. Web. January 20, 2012.

APPENDIX

Figure 2. Map of Corvallis (Source: Google Maps, 2013)

Figure 3. Map of region (Source: Google Maps, 2013)

Figure 3. Change in Willamette River Watershed (Source: Oregon Historical Society)

Figure 4. Drawing of Downtown Corvallis from east bank, 1858 (Source: Oregon Historical Society)

27 Â

Figure 5. Oregon Trans. Company Corvallis Wharf, 1880s (Source: Corvallis Historical Society)

Figure 6. Flood of 1890 (Source: Benton County Historical Society)

28 Â

Figure 7. Blumhart's Ferry, 1891 (Corvallis Historical Society)

Figure 8. Riverfront, 1894 (Source: OSU Archives)

Figure 9. Blumhart's Ferry drawing, 1890s (Source: Corvallis Historical Society)

Figure 10. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 1899 (Source: Patricia Brenner Collection)

Figure 11. Schematic showing channel change, 1900s (Source: Riverfront Information Placard)

Figure 12. Change in river's course with new channel (Source: Oregon State University Libraries)

Figure 13. 1935 Aerial (Source: OSU Special Collections)

Figure 14. View of the Corvallis Mill, 1939 (Source: Oregon Historical Society)

Figure 15. Corvallis Lumber Company, 1940s (Source: Corvallis Historical Society)

Figure 16. Aerial view of Corvallis in 1951 (Source: Gwil Evans Photographic Collection)

Figure 17. 1964 Flood (Source: Central Services History Center)

Figure 18. 1975 Aerial view of downtown Corvallis (Source: OSU Special Collections)

Figure 19. Flyer in Support of Riverfront Plan (Source: Friends of the Riverfront Committee)

Figure 20. Corvallis Farmer's Market, 2012 (Source: James Jacobs)

Figure 21. Aerial view of park, 2010 (Source: Livablecities.org)

36 Â

Figure 22. Footpath winding through park, 2010 (Source: Livablecities.org)

Figure 23. Children playing in fountain (Source: Anonymous)

37 Â

Figure 24. New Riverfront (Source: Michael Hanscom)

Figure 25. Flood of 2012 (Source: OregonLive.com)

Figure 26. People in South Corvallis during 2012 Flood (Source: Gazette Times)

Figure 27. Swollen Willamette River during 2012 Flood (Source: Anonymous)

39 Â

Figure 28. Property in NW Corvallis unaffected by floodplain (Source: City of Corvallis)

Figure 29. Property in SE Corvallis affected by floodplain (Source: City of Corvallis)

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Figure 30. Comprehensive map of Corvallis

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169

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183

197

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177

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JEFFERSON WAY

WC-OAK-W-3

HILLSIDE DR

OAKSHADE DR

BELL AVE

WD# 98-0179

S-GOO-W-6 WD# 97-0167

Locally Significant Wetland

LINDA ST

GOODPARK ST

99 WEST

12s5w12 AT RW ER

SEAPORT CIR

OREGON

S-MAR-W-6

STERNWHEELER DR

S-MAR-W-7 WD# 97-0503

Pond

S-GOO-W-1 WD# 93-0305

WD# 90-0114

EDGEWATER AVE

S-WIL-W-6

VIL LA PL VILLA DR

S-GOO-W-3

RIVERGREEN AVE

S-MAR-W-16

HIGHWAY

220 221

OREGON

12s5w16

Wetlands 12s5w13

99 WEST

S-MAR-W-5 WD# 96-0280

Potential Wetland

12s5w14

219

S-MAR-W-3

MIDVALE DR

SCHOONER AVE

12s5w15

Wetland/Upland Mosaic

STELLER DR

GOODNIGHT AVE

S-GOO-W-4 CL

HIGHWAY

PW WD# 02-0136

KENWAY DR

WC-MAR-W-16

GLENN ST

BROOKLANE DR

COLLINS PL

BROOKLANE D RIVE

ALDRIN PL

WAKE ROBIN AVE

WC-MAR-W-17

12s5w17

AVE

WC-OAK-W-1

BLUEBERRY DR

WINDFLOWER DR

PW WD# 99-0151

WAS

S o u t h F o rk Sq u a w C

POLK

AVE

'A' AVE

WC-SQU-W-6

COUNTRY CLUB DR

SON

WD# 02-0596

WC-SQU-W-8

WAY

162 165

167 168

HELEN AVE

IN DI NG

WC-OAK-W-4 WD# 99-0528

163

WILLOW AVE

WC-SQU-W-9

age

157 158

164

WC-SQU-W-10

Pond

FOUR ACRE ST

WC-OAK-W-6

156

WC-OAK-W-5

LOOKOUT DR

Pond

WD# 03-0706

FREM

AVE

WC-SQU-W-11

12s5w05

BUC HAN AN

AVE

BUR EN

AVE

REIM

AVE

C r e ek

WC-OAK-W-7 161 160

BANYON CIR

POLK

VAN

JACK

MON ROE

WASHINGTON WAY

QUIETCREEK DR

AVE

WATER WORKS AVE

BUC HAN AN

AVE

OE AVE

DONOVAN PL

E OV GR

Pond

12s5w06

MONR

BANYON CIR

ORE

AVE

CAMPUS WAY

Pond

BO AR

13th ST

POLK

BLVD

MEMORIAL PL

EE CR

ISON

JACKS ON AVE

150

WC-OAK-W-9

55th ST

IET QU

VAN BUREN

53rd ST

HILLS

FILLM

JACKSON AVE

27th ST

WD# 97-0377

Pond

WEST

17th ST

11s5w34 JOHNSON AVE

145 146 148 152 151 153 154 155

147 149

159

WC-SQU-W-8

JACKSON AVE

138

RESERVOIR AVE

ELL

REN

HARR

SHORT AVE

137

WC-SQU-W-12

WC-SQU-W-13

STAR KER

CORN

PIERCE WAY

TYLE R AVE

HARRISO N BLVD

VAN BUREN AVE

143

CAMPUS WAY

WC-SQU-W-14

C re

BUCHANAN AVE

TAYL

HARRISON BLVD

144

WC-OAK-W-8

WC-SQU-W-13

N-GAR-W-2

GRANT AVE

D ix

HARRISON BLVD

BECA AVE

LINCOLN AVE

FILLMORE AVE

AVE

11s5w25

WD# 98-0315

GRANT AVE

DRAPER PL

TYLER AVE

141 142

WA Y

11s4w30

WD#'s 97-0381, 95-0264

r f ie

HAYES AVE

POLK AVE

11s5w33

136

IDG E

Ga GARFIELD AVE

17th ST

POLK AVE

WC-OAK-W-11

134

14th ST

TAYLOR AVE

K AVE

TAYLOR

HARR ISON BOULEVARD

140

WC-SQU-W-15

17th ST

POL

WC-OAK-W-13 WD# 99-0556

127

N-GAR-W-5 WD# 03-0596 N-GAR-W-1

HOBART AVE

BECA AVE

18th ST

D RIVE

131 WC-OAK-W-28 132 WC-OAK-W-12

WC-SQU-W-16

139

CO OL

110

120

125 128

WD#'s 96-0003, 95-0290

N-GAR-W-3

CLEVELAND AVE

11s5w26

GREELEY AVE

GRANT CIR

BECA AVE

LINCOLN AVE

FILLMORE AVE

111

129

60% Wetland

GRANT AVE

23rd ST

11s5w32

GRANT AVE

LINCOLN AVE

N-SEQ-W-5 CIRCLE BLVD

SPRUCE AVE

N-GAR-W-4 WD# 93-0024

17th PL 20th PL

GREELEY AVE

WC-OAK-M80-15

130

N-SEQ-W-4

HAYES AVE

DREAM PL

-29 -W AK

11s5w31

HAYES AVE

102

109

WD# 96-0633

122

124

126

WD#'s 98-0520, 97-0382

WD# 02-0360

14th PL

20th ST

C-O W

108

123

OAK CREEK

MENLO DR GARFIELD AVE

104

101 100

WC-OAK-M90-17 114 WC-OAK-M80-14 116

113

Pond

11s5w27

T PL

ARTHUR AVE

GRANT AVE

84 88

112

WC-OAK-W-16

76 85

ANGELEE

N-SEQ-M70-1

LAWNDALE PL

CIRCLE BLVD

14th ST

CRES

CREST DR

GARFIELD AVE

KINGS BLVD

PW 107 115 119 121

PW 45

HAYES AVE

78 89 94 95

105

106

118

O NL

11s5w28

77 82

PW GARRYANNA PL

SPRUCE AVE

DIANE PL

N-VIL-W-3 WD#'s 98-0520, 91-0028 Wa lnu t

AVE

CLEVELAND AVE

PW 50

DALE

103

135

MAP

LARCH AVE ME

L DR

WC-OAK-W-20

43 44 46

11s4w19

e en

KIRSTEN

IRONWOOD AVE

CIRCLE BLVD

JAMESON DR

81 92

AVE

CYPRESS AVE

FORESTGREEN AVE

LOCUST AVE

CIRCLE BLVD AVE

MULKEY AVE

79 87 91

117

133

69 68

25th PL

29th PL 23rd ST

HIL

66 73

PW 90

DOUG LAS

HAM

NORWOOD PL

xo n

27th

ASHWOOD DR PL

WIT

VIE

PLYMOU TH CIR

TERRACEGREEN PL

FORESTGREEN AVE

IEW AV EST

Z PL

JON PL

SUN

OAK

WD#'s 94-0187, 91-0115

CONIFER BLVD

PW WALNUT BLVD

12th ST

N-VIL-M70-1

11s5w24

AVE

ELMWOOD DR

MAX INE

KINGS BLVD

Oak C re

WC-OAK-W-10

D BLV

ROOSEVELT DR

FRIT KLEINSCHMIDT PL

OD DR

CE LAN

WC-OAK-W-18 53 PW 58 56 52

V EL T DR

GREEN PL

CREST DR

11th

BRUNO PL

ELMWO

48 49

NUT

13th ST

29th ST

RO O

McKINLEY DR

WC-OAK-W-21 WD# 98-0326 42

WAL

AVE

MAXINE

STEWART PL

ANJNI CIR

GARRYANNA DR

CANARY PL

INGER PL

LEGACY PL

TAFT AVE

PW IEW AV EST

CONIFER BLVD

ANJNI CIR

JONQUIL E PIN LU

PW WALNUT BLVD

Vill

WC-DIX-W-2

CIR

R PL

WD#'s 02-0533, 99-0233

Y PL TERE MON

Y PL

DEE

C re

GE NRID

GLE

11s5w29

AUDENE

D DR

WD# 99-0562 29th

CASSIA PL

ACE

ER BEAV

PW ARROWOOD CIR

35 36

LAN

WC-OAK-W-22

34 37

11s5w23

WC-DIX-W-1

WD#'s 00-0131, 92-0092, 00-0391, 99-0233 ON

WD# 97-0382

MEADOW PARK CIR

ELK S DR FOX

13th PL

S eq

HER

JEAN PL

FAIR OAKS DR

WC-OAK-W-30

11 12

N-VIL-W-2

N-SEQ-W-3

MAXINE CIR

HIGH

L ST

LISA

SONJA

A NIC RO VE

ROYAL OAKS DR

TAI

OSPR

WD#'s 95-0101, 91-0095, 95-0060

11s5w30

Pond

BER KLE HUC

11s5w21

CHENILLE PL

WC-OAK-W-24

FOOTHILL PL

POP

WC-OAK-W-23 PONDEROSA AVE

WINDSOR PL

SITKA PL

PW 27

WD# 96-0001

FOX

60TH

POPPY DR

WC-OAK-W-25

WD# 99-0339

ELKS

N-SEQ-W-2

WD# 93-0188

CAM

WC-DIX-W-5 WD#'s 01-0171, 00-0619

VE RB EL LE

LIVE OAK DR

GLENWOOD DR

ROYA L OAKS

SIL

BOX WOO D PL

PW 25 247

IA ELL

E as tC r e ek

WC-DIX-W-4 WD#'s 01-0171, 99-0283

WC-DIX-W-6

WILD ROSE WILD DRROSE DRIVE

r th

PW WC-OAK-M75-26

PW 13

WC-OAK-W-27

HIGHLAND DR

11s5w22

11s5w20

N-NOR-W-1

Lester Avenue

LESTER AVENUE

Field Verified Wetland

S-GOO-W-2

Rivers Streams

KIGER ISLAN D D RIVE

WD# 03-0047

S-WIL-W-5

S-MAR-W-2

Wetland field data points PLS grid

S-WIL-W-2

Railroads 12s5w23

Subarea/UGB boundary

S-MAR-W-2 S-WIL-W-4

12s5w22

WELTZIN AVENUE

Parcel boundaries

CORLISS AVENUE

3 MILE L ANE

S-MAR-W-2

CONVILL AVENUE

226

S-WIL-W-1 ST

S-MAR-W-1

AIRPORT AVENU E

WD# 02-0591

225

LOWE

224

STAN DISH AVE

233 236

235

S-DRY-W-4

237

249

229 230

250

S-DRY-W-5 WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

S-MAR-W-1

S-DRY-W-6

WD# 02-0591

S-MAR-W-1

S-DRY-W-4

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591 238

12s5w29 12s5w28

12s5w27

S-MAR-W-1 WD# 02-0591

12s5w26 239

S-DRY-W-2

240

WD# 02-0591

241

242

S-MAR-W-1 WD# 02-0591

243 244

S-DRY-W-1

S-DRY-W-2

S-MAR-W-1

S-DRY-W-2

WD# 02-0591

S-DRY-W-1 WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

245

246

12s5w33

Information shown on this map is for planning purposes only and wetland information is subject to change. There may be unmapped wetlands subject to regulation and all wetland boundary mapping is approximate. In all cases, actual field conditions determine wetland boundaries. You are advised to conact the Oregon Division of State Lands and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers with any regulatory questions.

WD# 02-0591

12s5w32

Mapscale: 1 inch = 600 feet Projection: State Plane Oregon Zone North, FIPS zone 3601 North American Datum 1983

S-DRY-W-8

STREET HOUT

WD# 02-0591

Wetland site number referenced in leaf green. DSL wetland determination numbers are referenced in deep red. PLS section numbers are referenced in light brown.

223

S-DRY-W-7 231

S-DRY-W-3 234

s_8

227

228

232

STREET

S-WIL-W-3

ZEDWICK

BOONEVILLE

S-MAR-W-2

12s5w21

GAGNON STREET

12s5w20

S-MAR-W-4

12s5w34

Sources: Field inventory conducted by Pacific Habitat Services. All base data provided by the City of Corvallis. Data compilation and map production by Ecotrust, 2003. Miles 0

0.25

0.5

Figure 31. Corvallis wetlands (Source: City of Corvallis)

NA T U R A L HA Z A R D S

FRA ZI

ON CR

C RE

K C R EE

KS C C rr ee ss cc ee nntt JAC

VIE

E E ll ll ii oo tt tt C C ii rr cc ll ee

BBee ll hh aa vv ee nn D D rri vv ee

C O R V A L L I S, O R E G O N

NT AIN

H H ii gg hh ll aa nn dd D D rr ii vv ee

VVaa ll ll ee yy D D rr ii

H H ii gg hh ll aa nn dd D D rr ii vv ee

vv e e

CO RV A LL IS

CI T Y

L IM IT S CI T Y

L IM IT S

S S tt rr ee ee tt

CO RV A LL IS

C C oo nn ii ff ee rr

W W aa ll nn uu tt

D D rr ii vv

W Waa ll nn uu tt B B ll vv dd

H H ii gg hh ll aa nn dd D D rr ii vv ee

K K ii nn gg ss B B ll vv dd

22 99 tt hh S S tt rr ee ee tt

St at e Hw y

FF ii ll ll m m oo rr ee A A vv ee nn uu ee

B B uu cc hh aa nn aa nn A A vv ee nn uu ee

B B ll v v dd V V aa n n B B uu r r ee

nn A A vv e e nn u u ee

JJ ee ff ff eerr ss o o

9th

St re et

ee A A vv e e nn u u ee

33 55 tt hh S S tt rr ee ee tt

A vv ee nn uu ee R Ree ss ee rr vv oo ii rr A

Wil

M M oo n n rr oo

C C aa m m pp uu ss W W aa yy

lam

H H aa rr r i r i ss oo n n

R B ll vv dd H H aa rr rr ii ss oo nn B

f I

9t h St re et

G G rr aa nn tt A A vv ee nn uu ee

BBllvv dd K K ii nn gg ss

33 66 tt hh S S tt rr ee ee tt

B B ll vv d d

W al nu t

L IM IT S

X ON

C I T Y

vvee rri i DD

È C

C B ll vv dd C ii rr cc ll ee B

C O RV A LL IS

eekk rree

BB ll v v

W Wii t t hh aa m m

H i l ll i l

W Waa l l nn u u tt

C C

M U LK

B B ll vv dd

O Oa a kk

B B ll vv

S S aa tt ii nn w w oo oo dd

P P oo nn dd ee rr oo ss aa A A vv ee nn uu ee

nn A A vv e e nn u u ee

S S tt rr ee ee tt

W Waa ss hh ii nn gg tt oo nn W W aa yy

55 33 rr dd

R R oo aa d d

W W ee ss tt H H ii ll ll ss R R oo aa dd e W We NA DU

R R ee ss ee aa rr cc hh CI T Y

W Waa yy

ssttee

C RE E K

rr nn

B B ll vv dd

f ? I ©

L IM IT S

CE RA

44 55 tt hh S S tt rr ee ee tt

55 33 rr dd

S S tt rr ee ee tt

M IL L

P P aa rr kk A A vv ee nn uu ee

C C rr yy ss tt aa ll LL aa kk ee D D rr ii vv ee

CO RV A LL IS

BBll vv dd

33 55 tt hh S S tt rr ee ee tt

W W ee s s tt H H ii ll ll ss

rrnn ttee eess W W

È C

Ma ry

s Rive r K K ii gg ee rr

II ss ll aa nn dd

D Drr ii vv ee

LEGEND Co r v a l l i s C i t y L i m i t s Urba n Growt h B ou ndary St ream s

H H ee rr bb ee rr tt A A vv ee nn uu ee CO RV A LL IS

CI T Y

F l o o d H a z a r d A r ea s

L IM IT S

BOONEV

IL L E SLOUG H

0.2-Ft. Fl oodway

100-Year Floodplain High Protection

S S tt aa tt ee H Hw w yy 99 99 W W

Partia l Protection

St e ep l y S l o p e d A r ea s 10-14.99% S lope 15-24.99% S lope 25-34.99% S lope 35% a nd great er S lo pe

La n d s li d e s R i s k High (I nc l ud es h i g h l an d sli de r i s k a r ea s, e x i s t i ng l an d sl i de ar e a s a nd l a nd sl i d e de br i s r un o ut a r ea s )

! GI S SERVICES Public Works Department

0 .1 2 5 0 .2 5

0 .5

0 .7 5

1 M i le s

C or v al l is Mun ic i pa l Ai r por t

Note: Map Refinements and Corrections to Mapping Errors are Addressed as Outlined in the Land Development Code. Natural Hazard and Natural Resource Overlays are Approximate.

1 I n c h = 2 0 0 0 F e e t

Date of preparation: October 2006

Slopes information is based upon December 31, 2004 mapping and the Notice of Disposition for the Land Development Code Update signed by Mayor Helen Berg on December 16, 2004.

Figure 32. Corvallis natural hazards (Source: City of Corvallis)

SOURCES •

Baker, Joan. "Alternative futures for the Willamette River basin, Oregon." Ecological Applications Vol. 14(2). 2004, p. 313-324.

•

Castonguoay, Stephane. Urban Rivers: Remaking Rivers, Cities, and Space in Europe and North America. University of Pittsburg Press. 2012, p. 240.

•

Clarke, Sharon. "Oregon, USA, ecological regions and subregions for water quality management." Environmental Management. Vol. 15 (6). 1991, p. 847-856.

•

Corning, Howard. Dictionary of Oregon History. Binfords & Mort Publishing. 1956, p. 445.

•

Cronon, William. Nature’s Metropolis. Norton, New York. 1991, p. 45.

•

DJC Staff. “Corvallis riverfront park captures national attention”. DJC Oregon, Daily Journal of Commerce. Dec. 10, 2004.

•

Gibb, Ken. Community Development Director, City of Corvallis. Interview. March 2013.

•

Horner, John. Oregon: Her History, Her Great Men, Her Literature. The J.K. Gill Co., Portland. 1919, p. 164.

•

Kimmerer, Robin. "The role of indigenous burning in land management." Journal of Forestry Vol 99 (11). 2001, p. 36-41.

•

Little, Charles. Greenways for America. Johns Hopkins University Press. 1995, p. 81.

•

Lyons, Joseph. "Land Use, Floods, and Channel Changes: Upper Middle Fork Willamette River, Oregon". Water Resources Research Vol. 19 (2). 1983, p. 463-471.

•

Moffatt, Riley. Population History of Western U.S. Cities & Towns, 1850-1990. Lanham, Scarecrow. 1996, p. 208.

•

Henny, Charles J., et al. "Biomagnification factors (fish to osprey eggs from Willamette River, Oregon, USA) for PCDDs, PCDFs, PCBs and OC pesticides." Environmental Monitoring and Assessment 84.3 (2003): 275-315.

•

Rocheford, Jacqueline. “Riverfront History”. Corvallis Riverfront Park Placard. 2002.

•

Rochefort, Jacqueline. “Corvallis Riverfront History”. Corvallis Parks and Recreation. Brochure. 2006.

•

Sedell, James. "Importance of streamside forests to large rivers: the isolation of the Willamette River, Oregon, USA, from its floodplain by snagging and streamside forest removal." Verh. Internat. Verein. Limnol. 1984, p.1828-1834.

•

Shepherd, James. "The development of new wheat varieties in the Pacific Northwest." Agricultural History. Vol. 54 (1). 1980. p. 52-63.

•

Spores, Ronald. "Too Small a Place: The Removal of the Willamette Valley Indians, 1850– 1856". American Indian Quarterly (University of Nebraska Press) Vol. 17 (2). 1993, p. 72.

•

Turner, James. Lecture. Feb. 26, 2013.

•

Villarreal, Mauricio. "Up By The Riverside." Parks & Recreation 38.6 (2003): 63. MAS Ultra School Edition. Web. 24 Apr. 2013.

•

Villeneuve, Daniel. “Environmental Stresses and Skeletal Deformities in Fish from the Willamette River, Oregon”. Environmental Science & Technology. Vol 39 (10). 2005, p. 41.

•

Bauer, Webb. "A Case Analysis of Oregon's Willamette River Greenway Program." Thesis. Oregon State University, 1980.

•

"Willamette River." The New Encyclopedia of the American West. Yale UP, 1998. Credo Reference. Web. 2011.