Gentrification: A Study into Glasgows Regneration - Meghan Barrett

To what extent can we argue that Glasgow represents traces of the coined term gentrification, with relation to its urban development.

Meghan Jane Barrett

AB 420 Dissertation 2017/18 BSc Honours Architectural Studies Student reference number: 201441957 University of Strathclyde Architecture 07/03/2019

Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge my dissertation supervisor, Ombretta Romice, for her consistent help and encouragement throughout both, the construction of this paper, and also throughout the Urban Design lectures that have helped to mould my thought process. I hope to carry the lessons I have learned into my future within architectural practice.

I would also like to acknowledge my parents for their encouragement and support, not only during the period of dissertation, but throughout my entire University career to date. As well as my friends, who have also helped to proof read my paper and provide great support throughout this process.

Key Words: Gentrification, Glasgow, Gentrified, Urbanization, Urban Renewal, regeneration, urban realm, housing, decline, rebirth, regenerative housing, Gentrifier(s), dormant, derelict, rehabilitation, social cleansing, organically.

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i. Acknowledgements ii. Key Words iii. Declaration iv. Abstract v. List of Figures vi. Introduction

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Chapter 1 - The Phenomenon 1.1 A study into gentrification 1.1.1 The definition and its architectural background 1.1.2. Case studies: Defining scholoarly viewpoints 1.2. The Tiers; The different stage models 1.3. Its effect; Social value and the development process 1.4. The argument

Chapter 2 - An overview of Glasgow’s housing 2.1 Glasgows crisis; then and now 2.1.1 Mercantile expansion 2.2 Changing policies; riddance of the slums 2.3 New social housing and the rise of suburbia 2.4. The rebirth: The new Gorbals 2.5. An example in gentrification 2.5.1 Rural suburbia 2.5.2 The commonwealth transformation

Chapter 3 - Glasgow’s Urban Transformation 3.1 Case Studies: Gentrified Neighbourhoods 3.1.1. The North and South of the River - Riverside Housing v Govan 3.1.2. The East End - Dennistoun 3.1.3. The South Side - Cathcart and Shawlands 3.1.4. The ‘New’ West End - Finnieston 3.2. Overview

Conclusion Bibliography Page 5

0.1 Lights Out - The significant change in residential developments

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Declaration AB 420 Dissertation 2017/18 BSc Honours Architectural Studies BSc Honours Architectural Studies with International Study MArch/Pg Dip Advanced Architectural Design MArch Architectural Design International

Declaration “I hereby declare that this dissertation submission is my own work and has been composed by myself. It contains no unacknowledged text and has not been submitted in any previous context. All quotations have been distinguished by quotation marks and all sources of information, text, illustration, tables, images etc. have been specifically acknowledged.

I accept that if having signed this Declaration my work should be found at Examination to show evidence of academic dishonesty the work will fail and I will be liable to face the University Senate Discipline Committee.�

Name: Meghan Jane Barrett Signed: Date: 28/02/2019 Page 7

Abstract Background If we stepped back several centuries, would we recognise our urban landscape?

As time has progressed, so has the shape and structure of Glasgow’s skyline. As we wander throughout architectural periods in time, we see the constant renewal of our building form. Over the last few centuries, our post-industrial landscapes have had a notable shift in their aesthetic, such as; the abolishment of our skyline-defining-high towers to the adaptation of new housing schemes, the rebirth of central areas of our cities once citied for its presence of industry and manual labour – into thriving centres of commune, and the overhaul of areas left derelict by the devastation of a changing world. With the constant arrival of such change within our urban realm, it is undeniable that the coined term ‘Gentrification’ will arise. Many scholars have been known to criticise the effects of ‘Gentrification’ for its successfulness in bringing change throughout architecture, and its ability to cater to all social classes; a factor which jeopardises Gentrification’s popularity.

Purpose/ Aim The aim of this study is to highlight possible areas within Glasgow in which we can see traces of Gentrification; this will be completed by looking closely at the various ‘stage models’ of gentrification and the comparison of the opinions of various critics to highlight the different outlooks on the subject matter. I aim to outline the differences in architectural design tendency, the rise and possible decline of various housing developments and their impacts upon the lives of the inhabitants and the city, the regeneration of the inner city, among other factors which hinder to traces of gentrification in Glasgow. This main objective of this paper is to carry out an in depth analysis into what Gentrification is, and to construct a comparison between its definition and the renewed areas of Glasgow over notable periods of time; conveying both its impact and its successfulness upon the lives of Glaswegians.

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Methodology An extensive literature review will be used to identify the views on gentrification by various key scholars, in order to formulate an arguement - which can then be related to case studies within Glasgow. In order to identify the value of regeneration and possible traces of gentrification within Glasgow itself I will follow on from the objectives, views and the argument, to then show an overview of Glasgow’s housing progression and digression over signifcant periods.

Both of the initial chapters will allow me to frame an analysis to critically study various neighbourhoods within Glasgow, for possible traces of gentrification.

Findings Through in-depth analysis I expect to pave the way for the research into the development of the city of Glasgow, with relation to gentrification. I also hope to produce a new hypothesis of the progression of selected neighbourhoods with the factor of gentrification present.

Originality and value This paper will construct both an overview of Glasgow’s housing renewal over time and provide a study into whether gentrification has actually been partially or fully negative upon the urban landscape as a whole. Through my findings it is clear that studies of Gentrification in Glasgow do not have the same comparison of such neighbourhoods in creating a hypothesis.

Limitations A limitation to this study may be the lack of literature written about the 21st century gentrification of Glasgow. As most written pieces are based on other built up cities (London, New York). It may be hard to find clear links to vieiws of places direcly in Glasgow.

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Figures List of Figures 0.1 Lights Out - The significant change in residential developments Disappearing-glasgow.com. (2019). Disappearing Glasgow » Gallowgate. [online] Available at: http://www. disappearing-glasgow.com/portfolio/gallowgate/ 2.1. Hutcheson Town vs Slum Housing Dreams, M., Dreams, M. and Dreams, M. (2019). October | 2015 | Municipal Dreams. [online] Municipaldreams.wordpress.com. Available at: https://municipaldreams.wordpress.com/2015/10/ 2.2. Municipal housing vs High rise development Dreams, M., Dreams, M. and Dreams, M. (2019). October | 2015 | Municipal Dreams. [online] Municipaldreams.wordpress.com. Available at: https://municipaldreams.wordpress.com/2015/10/ 2.3. Hutcheson Town housing development Gerald Blaikie, S. (2019). Hutchesontown Glasgow, Illustrated Guide. [online] Scotcities.com. Available at: http://www.scotcities.com/gorbals/hutchesontown.htm 2.4. The Gorbals, a contrast to overcrowding Gerald Blaikie, S. (2019). Hutchesontown Glasgow, Illustrated Guide. [online] Scotcities.com. Available at: http://www.scotcities.com/gorbals/hutchesontown.htm 2.5. The ‘new’ gorbals Glasgow Architecture. (2019). Laurieston Glasgow: New Gorbals Housing Association - Glasgow Architecture. [online] Available at: http://www.glasgowarchitecture.co.uk/laurieston-glasgow 2.6. Suburbia Kollewe, J. (2019). Why are Britain’s new homes built so badly?. [online] the Guardian. Available at: https:// www.theguardian.com/money/2017/mar/11/why-are-britains-new-homes-built-so-badly#img-2 2.7. Commonwealth village: before Disappearing-glasgow.com. (2019). Disappearing Glasgow » Dalmarnock. [online] Available at: http://www. disappearing-glasgow.com/portfolio/dalmarnock-2/ 2.8. Commonwealth village: after Forstergroup.co.uk. (2019). City Legacy, Glasgow Commonwealth Games Athletes Village. [online] Available at: http://forstergroup.co.uk/case-studies/athletes-village/ [Accessed 28 Feb. 2019].

3.1. Map of Glasgow: showing the neighbourhoods Source: Digimap.edina.ac.uk. (2019). Digimap. [online] Available at: https://digimap.edina.ac.uk/ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett

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Figures 3.2. Map: Riverfront housing vs Govan Source: Digimap.edina.ac.uk. (2019). Digimap. [online] Available at: https://digimap.edina.ac.uk/ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett 3.3. River Front housing Source: Google Maps. (2019). Google Maps. [online] Available at: https://maps.google.com/ [ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett 3.4. Govan housing Source: Google Maps. (2019). Google Maps. [online] Available at: https://maps.google.com/ [ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett 3.5. Map: Dennistoun Source: Digimap.edina.ac.uk. (2019). Digimap. [online] Available at: https://digimap.edina.ac.uk/ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett 3.6. Map: Finnieston Source: Digimap.edina.ac.uk. (2019). Digimap. [online] Available at: https://digimap.edina.ac.uk/ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett 3.7. Duke Street, Dennistoun Source: Google Maps. (2019). Google Maps. [online] Available at: https://maps.google.com/ [ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett 3.8. The Bungo, South Side Source: Google Maps. (2019). Google Maps. [online] Available at: https://maps.google.com/ [ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett 3.9. Map: South Side Source: Digimap.edina.ac.uk. (2019). Digimap. [online] Available at: https://digimap.edina.ac.uk/ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett 3.10. Finnieston Source: Google Maps. (2019). Google Maps. [online] Available at: https://maps.google.com/ [ Edited by author: Meghan Jane Barrett

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Introduction ‘To what extent can we argue that Glasgow represents traces of the coined term gentrification, with relation to its urban development’

“Glasgow is a city of disjunctions rather than conjunctions.” (P.Reed. 1999) Many academic individuals over time have both criticised and applauded Gentrification for bringing about a new regime to the urban realm. There has been an argument since its arrival in 1964 about the effectiveness gentrification has had upon the progression of a city and its inhabitants. The aim of this study is to show how, and if applicable, gentrification has helped to shape a revitalised Glasgow. Upon the recent regeneration of our neighbourhoods, many argue whether gentrification has in fact been enough to help solve the underlying problems; both socially and architecturally – or whether it has just aided a broken society. Sectors such as housing and the renewal of de-industrialised areas of land have massively been impacted by this wave of a gentrified landscape; arguably both negatively, and positively – which this paper will aim to convey throughout this piece of work, using key sources and case studies.

“Gentrification has emerged in the past few decades as an important topic of research in urban sociology, geography and economy, addressing the social impact of some forms of urban evolution...To some extent these studies emphasise the form of the environment in which gentrification takes place” (ROMICE, O. THWAITES, K. PORTA, S. GREAVES, M. BARBOUR, G. PASINO, P, 2016) Gentrification is most commonly discussed with the negative connotations attached. Much of this can often be through a lack of detailed knowledge about the entire subject. Gentrification in fact could be argued to be a natural process that has been seen to exist since the beginning of time (Lees, L. Slater, T. Wyly, and E. 2013). A process which as time moves on, the landscape of a city, town, and village changes as a part of natural evolution, this is when the process of Gentrification occurs; as a result of various factors. In order to asses this process, we must understand the differences associated with the different stages and types that become impacted on built up (Inner-city), or non-built up(rural suburbia) areas of land. With these factors in mind, this study will aim to look at a variety of different neighbourhood typologies and boroughs throughout different districts of Glasgow that have undergone periods of change, to convey both progression and digression when undergoing this change; with the aims of both to – source possible traces of Gentrification, and then identify the successfulness of this renewal process.

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Namely, I will comparatively look at housing and the differences in social class deviated from a rebirth of the housing stock itself and the impact upon the modern streetscape, the likelihood of a provision of varied ‘gentfiers’ and architectural tendency. I will, through the use of both literature and case studies, look at the arrival of niche cafes and new thriving commerce upon the once derelict de-industrialised neighbourhoods, as well as the initiatives taken over time to control urban sprawl and the production of mass housing; both of social and privatised value. Throughout research and findings, the aim is to produce a more resolute hypothesis that will intend to outline the effectiveness of Gentrification upon Glasgow as a whole.

In doing this, the study will then compare the difference in opinion of various scholars as I identify possible common themes.

This paper aims to initially delve into the definition of Gentrification, to outline what it really is, other than a process which has faced much negativity within the media over the last few centuries. Additionally, a key intention of this paper is to try to pave way for the many paths of opinion deviated from Gentrification; and try to relate the described stage models/ sequences to Glasgow, in order to identify possible imbedded traces of the process. With relation to Glasgow specifically, throughout the 21st century key places such as Dennistoun, The South-side, Finnieston, Govan and The Clyde front etc, once the proud home to industries (such as; markets, rail, ship building, etc.), arguably would not be the thriving centres of commune as they are today without Gentrification. Therefore, this study analyse both the negative and positive effects of this phenomenon on various places in Glasgow, and its people. Though it is clear that there have been improvements to Glasgow’s architecture throughout renewal incentives, many still argue that not enough is being done to master the aims of the initial plans set in stone to reproduce excelling communities which once stood, a good quality of housing, and also bring about a sense of a fair and equal way of life. With this case in mind, I aim to produce a time-line and produce a possible link to Gentrification, to show that numerous factors that may have contributed to the negative connotations surrounding the phenomenon.

Thus, this paper intends to produce a study of thorough research into the root definitions and written opinions of Gentrification, looking closely at case studies based on the different housing and renewal strategies in urban planning in Glasgow, the design of housing in terms of maps, photos and drawings.

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Problem Statement

Gentrification is a topic which is commonly discussed as a negative urban phenomenon that occurs when an area is upgraded. Although this can be the case for gentrification that is mass-produced, can it be applied to all cases? Therefore, with that question in mind, I aim to produce a thesis into the many ways that gentrification can be deviated - with a relation to key areas in Glasgow.

Therefore, the aim is to produce a paper that looks at the wider spectrum of gentrification and looks for possible traces of the ‘phenomenon’ within Glasgow.

Research Questions

1.What is Gentrification and why is it significant to the urban context?

2.What are the different types and stages of gentrification, and what impacts do each have upon an area?

3. What are the opinions of scholars, why are they significant, and what impact have they had in shaping the argument?

4. Can we argue traces of gentrification can be found within our neighbourhoods in Glasgow? And if so how have they affected the land and its inhabitants?

Research Objective

1. Derive a set of opinions and views through exhaustive literature review, an overview of historic movements and case studies.

2. Compile an accessible and comprehensive introduction to the subject matter of the study; conveying an understanding of what gentrification is, and its effects.

3. Develop an assessment into how the history of Glasgows housing has paved the way for change.

4. Conduct comparisons between key case studies to adapt new findings into notable areas in Glasgow.

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Research Methodology Primary methods employed in this body of research are the collation, and extensive comparative review of existing relevant literature, as well as in depth analysis of case studies.

Overview of chapters Chapter 1 - It is the intention that chapter one will look closely at Gentrification as a subject matter; outlining the initial definition of this term, the different sub definitions, as well as beginning the argument that will be investigated throughout this paper.

- Ruth Glass’ definition of Gentrification helps to begin the argument of impacted sectors and allows creating discussion about whether it is the evolution of gentrification kind that has had an impact upon society.

(LEES, L 2013) - I will mention examples in which gentrification can be seen as a healthy process that regenerates areas and allows a city to move along with the changing times and demands of life. (Duany, A 2001) - In order to progress onto examples of housing, I will present the views of the different social classes that sometimes lead to the conflicting argument about gentrification. (Paton, K 2018) - To outline gentrification fully, there could be argued a link between Gentrification and Urban Renewal. Gentrification is a process that over time has both developed its meaning, and its neighbourhoods. (PACIONE, M. 2015) - This chapter will conlcude with posing the argument; is Gentrification present in Glasgow? and if so to what extent.

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Chapter 2 - Chapter two deals with Glasgow’s housing from 1880 to the present day. It will aim to look at the success and failures in regenerating areas of Glasgow. I will also compare significant periods in time to create a journey of renewal, showing policies and schemes.

- I aim to begin by presenting the idea of the ‘issue’ and develop on to describe the problems ‘then and now’.

-Within this investigation into case studies into different types of stateled housing, I aim to gain perspective of those living within. (REOCH, E 1976).

- With reference to social housing such as high rises for example, this chapter will look at developments such as ‘Radburn’ plan, which shows how the open space and meeting halls were treated as part of the housing development. Which presents the idea that housing that is produced now is not of the same value.

Key quotations: “The flat has produced a building type peculiar to our own era” (Glendinning, M. Muthesius, S. 1994). This will create a comparison between the attitudes towards the gentrified housing schemes in the 21st century to that of the past.

Key quotations: “living up here really makes you feel you are part of a great city” “human filing cabinets” (Jepcott, A. Robinson, H. 1971) - In addition to the ideas about social housing, I will use this as a contrast to the privatised housing provided in Glasgow, which would relate to the conceptions about gentrification being for the ‘new middle class’ and the growth of ‘forced gentrification’. (LEY, D. 2001)

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Chapter 3 - Chapter three will look at Glasgow’s inner city and the link between Gentrification and urban renewal. It will research neighbourhoods that have seen much modern change in the 21st century; such as the Southside, The River Front, Dennistoun and Finnieston - to suggest possible traces of gentrification.

- I aim to suggest the relation between Urbanization and gentrification and their definitions, following reviewing reports based on the renewal of Glasgow’s urban renewal (Duncan, S. Robertston, D 1991).

- This section will mention such initiatives taken by the Government, such as the GEAR project in the East End; a project set up to regenerate the area, bringing regeneration to a place left derelict after de-industrialisation; which suggests that many areas have in fact been seen the positive impacts of this process.(Glasgow: the new East-End. 1980), (Wannop, U 1990) - I will then continue to analyse the zones of Glasgow, such as the Govan, Cathcart and Finnieston and look at the growth of these areas as a result of gentrification. (RAE, J 1984) This begins the base of an argument however as I aim to find further literature that contrasts with the view that they have been fully beneficial in providing a healthy society, based on the invasion of the upper classes.

- The aim of this chapter as a whole is to analyse the key neighbourhoods in Glasgow to suggest; possible signs of gentrification, if signs - to what extent, what stage are they in, to view how it has had an impact upon the progression. With reference to areas in London, I will analysis the productivity of the gentrification of the waterfront in Glasgow, being areas much devastated by de-industrialisation and containing much need for regrowth, with the suggestion of class displacment. (Glass, R 1964).

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1.

Gentrification: The Phenomenon 1.1 A study into gentrification 1.1.1 The definition and its architectural background 1.1.2. Case studies: Defining scholoarly viewpoints 1.2. The Tiers; The different stage models 1.3. Its effect; Social value and the development process 1.4. The argument

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Chapter 1 1.1 A Study Into Gentrification 1.1.1 The Definition and its architectural background Gentrification is a widespread-spoken-about phenomenon which makes the headlines of the architectural world whenever a period of upheaval and renewal of a degenerated area is underway. In 1964, the sociology pioneer Ruth Glass was the first to outline the term ‘gentrification’ with a definition, and to pave the way for the opinion’s of many. Glass stated that: “One by one, many of the working class quarters have been invaded by the middle class – upper and lower... Once this process of ‘gentrification’ starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the working class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of a district is changed” GLASS, R. (1964).

Though Glass’ research was based upon neighbourhoods within London, it soon became evident that it was applicable to cities and towns across the globe, as seen from the wide-spread theories and models produced by scholars to follow the findings in 1964. With the arrival of new developments and ever-changing desires and tendencies of human behaviour (among many other pivotal influences, we can notice that not only has the notion of gentrification developed, but we can see a significant change from the initial outlook that Glass provided.

1.1.2 Case Studies: Defining scholarly viewpoints In the grand scheme of the study of Gentrification, it is imperative to factor in the other views that spiralled from Glass’ initial thesis. Many do argue that this gentrification is a natural process that comes about after a period of notable change to a neighbourhood, thus making it a natural process of evolutionary renewal (Lees, L. Slater, T. Wyly, E. 2013). Therefore with the arrival of new developments, changing desires and tendencies of human behaviour it may be foolish to ignore the fact that gentrification may not be all as bad as it is portrayed. An example of this belief comes from Andres Duany, the American urban planner.

He describes Gentrification as “usually good news, for there is nothing more

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Chapter 1 unhealthy for a city than a monoculture of poverty”, this goes onto suggest that gentrification is good in the provision of a more thriving urban realm, rather than only providing the much-spoken-about displacement. Duany also states that there are benefits for existing residents of a gentrified neighbourhood, as if they were to leave there is a good chance that they would receive much better prices for their homes, whereas if they were to remain; there would more likely to be a general improvement to their lives throughout such things as improved consumer services etc.

“The evidence: It is the leaders who complain of gentrification, rarely the residents themselves, who know they have much to gain” (DUANY, A. 2001) Alongside the changing desires of inhabitants, came along the varied definitions and statements made by various scholars. Namely, we must look at the work of Philip. L. Clay in 1979 in defining his thoughts on the gentrification phenomenon. This study was one of the first to challenge the work of Glass since the arrival of the definitive description of gentrification. Clay’s survey was based on American neighbourhoods, to which he found that at private reinvestment in the 1970s could be found in all of the largest US cities. The particular neighbourhoods identified to have undergone this rebirth were at least 75 years old, the houses were generally Victorian and occupied by the working class, and some properties were abandoned, showing the “first wave” of Gentrification. (Lees, L. Slater, T. Wyly, E. 2013). This could indeed present the idea that, deviating from the initial definition, Gentrification comes along as a result of dereliction of units of the city and production of new life is undergone. This being a theory, that has time has progressed, could be argued to be heavily present within many cities in the UK, namely Glasgow.

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Additionally in 1979, on the contrary to the model identified by Clays, Dennis. E. Gales presented the idea of ‘classical gentrification’ through the use of a model that suggested the idea of ‘status distinctions’ between old and new residents in a gentrifying neighbourhood (Lees, L. Slater, T. Wyly, E. 2013). Much unrelated to the idea of regeneration and rebirth

Chapter 1 within the different stages of Clays model, Gales puts forward the idea of this ‘classical gentrification’ by outlining the population change in terms of the total displacement of former working class residents. He formulates the idea of the standard “gentrifier” type in the neighbourhoods classed as gentrified. Suggesting that gentrification is much more of a social cleansing process, which many do argue have created ‘broken neighbourhoods’ and a rising middle/upper class, causing the poor to remain poor. He gives a description of the ‘typical gentrifier’ “Most typical such household is childless and compressed to 1 or 2 white....”(Lees, L. Slater, T. Wyly, E. 2013) This in turn would go on to lay the foundations of the idea that Gentrification not only prohibits social mixing, but totally abolishes any resident other than the ‘young professional’ or those with enough wealth to cope with rising house prices.

1.2. The Tiers; The different stage models “One of the reasons that stage models of gentrification were developed was to cope with the temporal variations in Gentrification that were already apparent in the 1970s” (Lees, L. Slater, T. Wyly, E. 2013). Gentrification is undeniably a definition which hosts a variety of different sub-definite sections to describe a renewal of a way of urban life. With reference to Clays 1979 stage model of gentrification, key stages of the process of Gentrification within an urban space are outlined (Lees, L. Slater, T. Wyly, E. 2013). It begins by stating that in stage one, small groups of “risk oblivious people” inhabit housing that is already dormant.

This stage involves very little displacement because the regeneration that occurs is mostly involving residencies that are left to lay dormant. Clay describes the first stage individuals are generally consisting of; design professionals, artists or those who have the skill to under-take such “extensive rehabilitation”.

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Chapter 1 Stage two involves much more of the same typology of ‘gentrifiers’ moving into an area, only a small hand-full of small-scale speculators renovate house for resale/rental. This involves more promotional value than the first stage; however it is very rare that large developers are involved within this stage because the land value is still very scarce, but some displacement does occur as; new boundaries are identified, vacant housing becomes scarce and media begins to pay attention to the area beginning to change.

Stage three is known to play a large part in the regeneration process. This stage brings about the operation known as “urban renewal” as the large scale developer comes into the equation, bringing about an increase to house prices, as well as the volume of the production of building. This also paves way for a “new middle class” ideology and almost begins a process of “social cleansing” as this new class deviates from the pioneer roots of those aboriginal to the area. It must be seen that much of the negativity surrounding Gentrification could fall as a result of this stage as a result of the so-called ‘displacement’ of the lower-classes.

Clay’s model identified that stage four is a process involved in heavily changing the path of a built up area. It can be seen here that there is a larger number of properties gentrified, and at a more spiralling price.

Within this stage displacement affects both renting and home owning occupiers. This will undeniably have an effect upon the poorer classes upon the ladder. The contrast of the above stages undoubtedly hints at the argument many pose on the successfulness of the gentrification process across all social classes – and would cause outsiders to view this process as a social cleanser, as opposed to a boost to the current economy.

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Chapter 1 Gentrification was initially a process which was seen as “an economic, cultural, political, and social institutional phenomenon” (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013) which would regenerate the most derelict areas. Classical Gentrification is the term given to area undergoing economic rebirth, Glasgow has seen much of this kind as a result of reinvestment after de-industrialisation.

Gentrification by Loretta Lees gives us further insight to three sub-definite types of gentrification, which could be related to Glasgow specifically; rural gentrification, new build gentrification and super gentrification. All of which also are an addition to the argument that many make about the effectiveness of gentrified cities and towns.

The term ‘Rural Gentrification’ was deviated from a link between the ‘new middle class settlements’, with the socioeconomic transformation of the rural landscape. This generally involves this new class, alongside large housing developers, settling on areas of previous agricultural use. This also tends to marginalise the low income groups as house prices are high and are sought out to target those on higher incomes. This in turn would say too many that in this case, Gentrification is not a method of regeneration for the good of the social realm, but to promote to only the higher earners. Which would lead to the argument that once Gentrification is forced to mass produce, it becomes ineffective at cleansing the entire social realm and in fact could be seen as unsuccessful.

‘New Build’ Gentrification has been seen to spiral throughout Glasgow the 21st century in Glasgow indefinitely. This is of the notion of real estate developers working on the regeneration of the inner built up realm; with the provision of transforming the given city. This can be taken in many ways, however it must be noticed that specifically in Glasgow, projects under this bracket of Gentrification will have a positive impact upon the general street-scape by bringing life to areas that have lay dormant or in need for a ‘face lift’ for a period of time.

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Chapter 1 Gentrification will have a positive impact upon the general street-scape by bringing life to areas that have lay dormant or in need for a ‘face lift’ for a period of time. Some may argue however that new builds do not tackle the real issues of urban planning, but provide a mask to hide all of the wrongdoing by previous housing providers and developers. This type of gentrification tends to be undertaken by a private developer, which may not always provide for every social class.

This consequently leads onto the next type of gentrification described by Lees, as “super-gentrification”, also known as “forced gentrification”. In my findings, I have seen this term to be criticised heavily in relation to the social morality of its production of a new wave of living within a built up area. This process involves the “super-imposed” revitalisation of an area already gentrified. Throughout this, it would be foolish to assume any class other than the elite would cope with the rising housing stock prices.

Therefore, it does prompt the question of whether or not Gentrification over time has been effective within our society.

Relative to Glasgow, many scholars argue about the effectiveness of this process being adopted in neighbourhoods which were once primarily known as working class. With this factor in mind, as time as progressed with the removal of industry, we can see a slight shift, making way for the middle classes. Within this study, the aim is to analyse the effects and traces that gentrification can present within Glasgow itself.

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Chapter 1 1.3. Its effect; Social value and the development process As demonstrated, Gentrification has many impacts and therefore creates a wide range of opinions throughout the academic world about its effectiveness. As gentrification affects the urban realm, we must also asses its changes in relation to social class. In 1984, with the continuation of development of the urban fabric , Damaris Rose questioned the conceptualisation of Gentrification for being generalised as “typical gentrifiers and gentrified areas”. Rose preferred to see this process as a “chaotic concept” which encapsulates a multitude of tenures of housing... Allegiances coexisted together within a neighbourhood”. Rose’s view is clearly contrasting with that of Gale, who formulates the idea of the standard gentrifier (Refer to 1.1.2), and suggests the idea that much misconception of gentrification does come from this generalisation. Therefore, in terms of social class, Rose’s theory could hint at the idea of a mixed social environment produced throughout the light-gentrification of an area, examples of this are hoped to be portrayed throughout the residential case studies within this paper.

In addition to this, during the early 1970s, the “Urban Geographer” David Ley, witnessed first-hand social effects of a gentrified neighbourhood which lead to his studies into gentrification, his views were further influenced throughout the discovery of Daniel Bells ‘The coming of Post- Industrial society” (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013).

This involved much backlash in the rivalling world of scholars debating the Gentrification process; it was seen to be “a rather broad and vacuous set of generalizations” (Walker and Greenberg, 1982). This presents the argument that gentrification can very much be applauded. Inspired by the movement of Bell, Ley went on to argue that Gentrification had “represented a new phase in urban development where consumption factors taste and a particular aesthetic outlook towards the city from an expanding middle class

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Chapter 1 saw an imagining to an alter native urbanism to suburbanisation�. This would outline the relation to urban development and gentrification, as a stage of progression within the urban realm.

A factor that hinders the successfulness of gentrification, which is explored throughout the use of case studies later on in this paper, is its exclusivity in providing positive change for all social classes. “Gentrification corresponds to the 2 income (or more) professional household that requires both a relatively central urban location to minimise journey-towork costs of several wage earners and a location that enhances efficiency in household production (stores are nearer) and the substitution of market produced commodities� (Markusen 1981). This outlines that, without the factor of displacement, gentrification presents the provision of amenities for its inhabitants, especially within areas that have lay dormant. Other factors that have been noted to influence the arrival of such called gentrification include; rise in overall wealth and earnings, further education, social related divisions; the need to mix and the land use requirement and tendency. (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E 2013). These studies therefore outline the frame of the social class argument that is deliberated much throughout the modern world; in respect to the idea of social cleansing vs productive urban regeneration.

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Chapter 1 1.4. The argument Therefore, Gentrification is a topic which can be argued endlessly. The main argument that is tossed-around, that will be examined throughout this text, is the effectiveness of gentrification. It is evident that social class and wealth are common factors in preventing gentrification to gain a fully positive audience. As we have seen in the previous sections of this paper, many critics argue about; its effectiveness, its presence within the production of a thriving city, the social mixing and whether there is a specific band of people that it caters to. Jager outlines the term ‘the gentrification aesthetic’: “(T)he aesthetics of gentrification not only illustrate the class dimension of the process but also express the dynamic constitution of social class of which gentrification is a specific part... slums become Victoria, and housing becomes a cultural investment with facadal display signifying social ascension” (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E 2013).

This statement could in fact be construed many ways, with relation to both existing and prospective tenants in the gentrified neighbourhood.

In cases such as this, the middle-classes are highly likely to enter the area with the growth of regeneration. However, it could be argued that in relation to Glasgow, not all members of the existing working-class residents have been totally displaced.

Therefore, we see the birth of the argument, has gentrification played a role within areas of Glasgow, and to what extent?

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2.

An overview of Glasgow’s housing 2.1 Glasgows crisis; then and now 2.1.1 Mercantile expansion 2.2 The rise of the housing associations 2.3 New social housing and its demise; Hutcheson Town 2.4. A Rebirth 2.5. Privatised neighbourhoods and the rise of suburbia

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Chapter 2 2.1. Glasgow’s crisis; then and now To assess Glasgow in the present day in terms of its renewal and possible traces of gentrification, we must look to the past to show the pattern of pre-existing factors. Glasgow has, since its decline, been living in a post-industrial depression, with substandard housing and large areas of dereliction to its landscape. Factors that are still notably present; as will be examined in the following text.

2.1.1 Mercantile expansion The housing crisis is something that has existed throughout Glasgow for centuries, despite previous attempt at renewal. The rehabilitation and new adaptation of housing and its failures suggests that Glasgow for a considerable amount of time (and to present date) was left unresolved and was in need of much regeneration. The inter-war period brought about the 1919 housing, town planning act (Addison act) which was intended to bring about a further social wave of regeneration to the countries housing crisis. Its intention was to attend to the general needs of the working class – producing semi-detached houses with gardens. In addition to that in 1919, there still remained much visible crisis. The Government introduced the 1924 Housing act which was aimed at the “respectable poor”, the accommodation provided however was deemed as much smaller and still posed much problematic issues such as overcrowding (Scotlandhousingcrisis.org.uk. 2019). A further act proposed during the inter-war period in Glasgow was the 1935 Housing act. This was with the intention of pulling people from the deprivation of inadequate housing as a fault of slum; known as ‘slum clearance’. As a result of a greater demand, housing standards were noticed to have dramatically been reduced from initial intention and they then began to revert back to the tenement style; that prior to this period the Government intended to shift from. (PACIONE, M. 2015).

As Glasgow moved into its post-war development period, so did its state-

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2.1.

Hutcheson Town vs Slum Housing

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Chapter 2 led housing. Despite construction of over 50, 000 council houses between the periods of 1919 and 1939, intervention through regenerated housing stock was still required. Thus, the public corporations began to invest money in the housing sector after a period of war (PACIONE, M. 2015) The city engineer Robert Bruce proposed to aid this by high density suburbs, also known as ‘new towns’. This is an example of regeneration for the future within the 20th century, as there was great need for renewal in order to frame a comfortable life for the inhabitants of Glasgow, in the way of residential provision and the social realms surrounding it ABACUS, S. (2019). The ideologies behind the ‘Bruce Plan’ (1945) were to dramatically reform the inner city environment of Glasgow to promote its re-growth and make it a “healthy and beautiful city” within a timescale of 50 years. Much like the ideas behind the current processes of urban renewal in the 21st century, Bruce identified 5 key issues intended to be resolved by this report; transport, industrial growth, open spaces, redevelopment of the blighted areas of the city, provision for housing and commercial development. Though the plan was indefinitely rejected for being too radical in its form, the 5 key issues could be argued to have paved way for the regeneration that is currently being adhered to within Glasgow currently.(ABACUS, S. (2019). TheGlasgowStory) This could also pose the following question ; could the Government have been required to perform a period of dramatic redevelopment in order to actually achieve its aims of regenerating the city; much like the Bruce Plan. This also would suggest a possible link to the mass regenerative work undergone within the present day.

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2.2.

Municipal housing vs High rise development

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Chapter 2 2.2. The changing policies; riddance of the slums “gentrification is a socio-spatial phenomenon that entails interlinked changes in the values of inner-city areas, the upgrade of housing stock and services and the profile of their residents and their visitors” (PACIONE. 2001) Throughout the period (1919-1939) 50,000 homes were constructed within the district of Glasgow. That factor aside, a housing epidemic still very much remained. With the requirement for a supply of housing of habitable housing for the masses, the 1950s witnessed much change to the skyline as a result of the proliferation of high-rise building (Refer to 2.3).

As a result of the slum-like housing schemes that existed within Glasgow around this period, the Housing (Repairs and Rents) (Scotland) Act of 1954 meant that Local authorities would draft city and town plans to try to abolish the idea that its people were living in deprivation. In the 10 years after this act was passed 32,000 homes in Glasgow were demolished ; which in turn led to the ‘new towns’ (East Kilbride, Easterhouse, etc) forming on the outer ring of the city centre. (Scotlandhousingcrisis.org. uk. 2019). This could be argued to be both a failure, as well as a success, of the 20th century. On the one hand; housing was produced at a more humane level, however it also saw inner-city communities torn apart.

Much like the description of the latter stages of gentrification , described in Clays model (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013), this arrival of new developments at a larger, sped up scale causing possible displacement and preventing social mixing.

With the progression of the 20th century and the remainder of slum housing conditions, the group ‘Shelter Scotland’ arrived. Set up in Scotland in 1968, its aims were to try to diffuse the problems caused by the acute problem of the “legacy of slums”. This was a pivotal period within the regenerative processes of housing, as well as well-being, within Glasgow, as without its arrival; we would not have seen laws such as the 1977 Housing(Homeless persons act), which would make it a legal duty

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2.3. Hutcheson Town housing development

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Chapter 2 to house a homeless person, come into force. During the 1970s and 80s, Glasgow therefore saw the demolition of its unfit housing and the arrival of; new towns and high rises, hoped to bring about mass change

2.3 New social housing and its demise: Hutcheson Town In the 20th century, the growing desire for people to live close to the heart of the city and a shift in architectural tendency in relation to housing meant the skyline of the city began to change. Between the periods 1961-1968, high rise living encountered for ¾ of the housing stock within Glasgow (PACIONE, M. 2015). This movement came about as part of a revolutionary change that the Government began to take to tackle the housing crisis that loomed over Glasgow as a whole. It was of the hope that building-upwards would tackle the overcrowding and would be the provision of spacious-inhabitable homes, in comparison to its cramped living conditions that were seen throughout many tenements and existing social living.

The housing scheme ‘Hutcheson Town’(or ‘The Gorbals’) in the south of Glasgow was, of its time, seen to be of significant social and architectural value. Around this period in history, it was the largest redevelopment scheme in the United Kingdom. Between 1958 and 1973 a combination of 8 storey flats and 20 storey tower blocks were erected as a means of a new way of social living, within 3 sites; Hutcheson Town Polmadie, Hutcheson Town Gorbals and the Laurieston Gorbals (BRENNAN, T. (1959).Unfortunately, the Sir Basil Spence designed complex fell under due to the the lack of funds, that many had been faced with before, and too soon seen its demise. (PACIONE, M. 2015). In relation to the paper ‘Urban design and quality of life’ which states “Perimeter block type rather than the ‘towers in the park’” which indicates that through the findings of this paper, in relation to gentrified schemes in London that have seen the effect of collective action, that renewal of housing through

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2.4.

The Gorbals, a contrast to overcrowding

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Chapter 2 throughout the creation of tower blocks may not be deemed as successful.

(ROMICE, O. THWAITES, K. PORTA, S. GREAVES, M. BARBOUR, G. PASINO, P. 2016).

Though this scheme clearly did not remain part of the sky-line of Glasgow for as long as it had anticipated, mainly due to lack of maintenance and general decay, we must recognise that former residents generally speak highly of the type of community that could be found within these high rises. “Living up here really makes you feel like you are part of a great city” (JEPHCOTT, A. and ROBINSON, H. 1971). For argument sake, we could relate this to the gentrified schemes within Glasgow currently, the Waterfront housing for example (Refer to 3.1.4), which has almost zero architectural or social connection to a community.

Therefore, overall this scheme was proposed to provide a solution to the crisis, but instead the issues called for more regeneration. This is only now being addressed by the designs of ; Page\Park, Elder& Cannon and Collective Architecture housing project, upon the same site. (Newgorbalsha. org.uk. 2019). (Refer to 2.4).

2.4 The Rebirth: The ‘New’ Gorbals “well-managed environment(s) relatively devoid of nuisance, overcrowding, noise, danger, air pollution, dirt, trash and other unwelcome intrusions” (ROMICE, O. THWAITES, K. PORTA, S. GREAVES, M. BARBOUR, G. PASINO, P, 2016) In some instances, the 21st century has seen the public housing sector producing housing better fit for the needs of the people of Glasgow. This has been aided by organisations such as housing associations; to meet the demands of people requiring good quality social housing – namely the “New Gorbals Housing Association”. The Gorbals, once home to the failed scheme “Hutcheson Town” (Refer to 2.3) has since picked up the original aims of the scheme, in a more successful way; quality housing,

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2.5.

The ‘new’ gorbals

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Chapter 2 diversity, community spirit, centrality and producing a good environment needed for a housing scheme to thrive. With its long term dereliction, in 1989 a group of local residents got together to form the housing association which would enable the provision of the best possible services, housing and environment that they never materialised during the failed attempt of Hutcheson Town (Newgorbalsha.org.uk. 2019). The main aim of this group was initially to provide 250 homes with the Crown Street regeneration scheme, but has since grown dramatically as it now amounts for 2500 homes for social rent and 1600 for private ownership. Not only has this association delivered good quality housing, but it has worked hard to lay the foundations of a strong community that once was found before the clearance of slums in the 1970s. An example of this is ‘Go get Gorbals’ which is involved in providing skills, events and bringing the community together with things like the Gorbals fair (Newgorbalsha.org. uk. 2019). This scheme presents the idea of a re-established community spirit as well as housing fit for a mixture of different residents, factors that many of the failed schemes throughout history have not delivered.

2.5. An example in gentrification; Privatised neighbourhoods and the rise of suburbia 2.5.1. Rural Suburbia People like us live in the inner London suburbs really, we wanted to live somewhere that was mixed and various and vibrant, full of young middle class people doing places up” Stoke Newington Gentrification, Butler 1997 (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013) Bearsden, with the average house price of £341,441 (approx) in 2017, (News, S. (2019) is an example of a suburban village which was planned and designed to house the wealthy that desired to live out

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2.6.

Suburbia

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Chapter 2 with the inner-city, but still remain close to their professions. Though it is only an example of its typology within Glasgow, Bearsden is a perfect example of a village which presents the idea of a social and class division in places surrounding the cities outer shell. The middle class people who located in areas like this sought out “picturesque” suburbs, very much contrasting to the overcrowded slums that were filled with working class citizens throughout the 19th and 20th century. Though it developed before Glass coined the term ‘gentrification’ we can make links to its definition in some ways, for example; the term ‘rural gentrification’ (Refer to 1.2). This term is used to describe the “socio-economic transformation” of a rural landscape (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013), this involves the marginalising of low income groups, as the higher house prices are elevated due to the use of post-agricultural land. Bearsden being an example of a middle-class suburban community that was targeted at those on higher incomes, which prevents any class mixing. Therefore, within this study, we could argue that gentrification is present in the roots of its system; throughout the artificial creation of its residences.

2.5.2. The Commonwealth transformation

“We have been presented with the best chance in a generation, and possibly a lifetime, to improve the lives and raise the aspirations of every Glaswegian” (Steven Purcell, Glasgow city council. The Guardian. 2019) To move further into Glasgow to find a further neighbourhood that was criticised for its super-imposition on the post-industrial landscape of the East End of Glasgow was the Commonwealth village. . The area in which it fell upon was known to be practically derelict, like many areas of

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2.7. Commonwealth village: before

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Chapter 2 Glasgow affected by de-industrialisation, it was left with low spirits, lack of amenities, rich in unemployment and crime. A study by Chris Leslie, into the lives of those affected by the Dalmarnock housing regeneration, outlined a story of one particular resident which has painted the clear picture of gentrification (Disappearing Glasgow. the Guardian. 2019). In this case, the new housing development was proposed upon the site of the residents home, which would require its demolition. The price offered to the resident was a mere sum of £29,000 by the district registrar, leaving her unable to get back onto the property ladder; she was later evicted.

This example outlines the super-gentrification of an urban area, and represents the clear displacement of the lower classes in order to perform a ‘social cleanse’ to regenerate an area. We can also make clear links to Stage 4 in Clays Model (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013), whereby an area is both super-gentrified and existing middle class residents are moved from their place of residence to make way for urban renewal. While it must be recognised that the path of regeneration throughout the project of the Commonwealth village in Dalmarnock did indefinitely divide a city, there have also been notable success for the face of social housing; with relation to this housing scheme. In 2015, the housing units were put on the market for the people of Glasgow to invest in a new way of life. The housing development offered people; high quality homes for prices from £80,000, low energy bills, close to the city centre and good transport connections.

“We put this success down to the high quality of the homes, the fantastic value for money with prices from just £80,000, the low energy bills, the close proximity to world class sporting facilities and the excellent transport connections, which mean you can be in Glasgow city centre in a few minutes” (The Scotsman. 2019). We could suggest a link the programme of this project to that of the schemes found within the paper ‘Urban design and quality of life’, in relation to things like centrality of its location, good street network, smaller urban

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2.8.

Commonwealth village: after

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Chapter 2 blocks, good urban fabric; in the successfulness of a gentrified area – “Gentrification in the urban form may occur in ways that show recurrent patterns” (ROMICE, O. THWAITES, K. PORTA, S. GREAVES, M. BARBOUR, G. PASINO, P, 2016) It also provided a better way of living for people, which poses the question on the effectiveness of gentrification as a whole. As an area once criticised for its division, now applauded for being a model of how housing should be delivered for the people of Glasgow (The Scotsman 2019). Is a period of regeneration as bad as once thought?

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3.

Glasgow’s Urban Transformation

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Chapter 3 3.1. Case Studies: Gentrified Neighbourhoods The paper ‘Urban design and quality of life’ (ROMICE, O. ET AL 2016) explores the gentrification of 5 neighbourhoods in London and is aimed at grasping an understanding of whether common traditional traits of gentrification can be found. The case studies within this paper are to be examined for similar, if not to some extent the same, traces of gentrification. The 5 neighbourhoods discussed within this paper are; Telegraph Hill, Battersea Bransbury, Battersea, Brixton and Dalston – all of which, omitting Dalston, are described as areas that have undergone “collective action schemes” or “bottom-up” gentrification. ‘Collective action scheme’ is a term which suggests that an area, which has been left to degenerate, has been given a process of rebirth, causing a natural evolution of gentrification as opposed to an artificially sped up process, in relation to factors such as centrality, street network and block form- which could be argued to be applied to the case studies within Glasgow. To reference the work undergone in ‘Urban design and the quality of life’ to the analysis of neighbourhoods within Glasgow, the differentiation of process typologies must be outlined.

As gentrification is the progressive upgrade of an area, it can be a positive process when it happens organically – as this positive process generally occurs in a place that has undergone periods of dereliction, lack of funding and attention, is in need of change, still maintains a mixture of building types as well as users, and usually does not incur evident displacement. However, the problem could be seen to arise when the large scale investor invades the area; locals are evicted, house prices rise and there is a clear middle class movement.

Therefore with relation to the analysis already found about the coined term itself, we can analyse various neighbourhoods in Glasgow to identify possible links found throughout the traditional common traits in London.

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Chapter 3 The neighbourhoods that will be critically analysed for possible traces of gentrification, and their effects, are; - The Riverfront and Govan - Dennistoun - Cathcart and Shawlands - Finnieston

3.1. Map of Glasgow: showing the neighbourhoods

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Chapter 3

The River Side

River - Front Housing

Govan

3.2. Map: Riverfront housing vs Govan

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3.3.

River Front housing

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Chapter 3 3.1.1. North and South of the river 3.1.1. i. The River Front Housing Within most cities, the River-front holds some form of expectance to keep up with its appearance, Glasgow, is no different. The Clyde, the river that runs throughout the city of Glasgow, was historically known for its booming-industry success. The lack of industry to its water-front has caused much devastation to Glasgow to its revenue, as well to its residents. The ‘Clyde Waterfront’ project was set up try to resolve the underlying issues of the removal of such industries as shipbuilding. This was set up as an initiative to produce residential development, tourism and general regeneration. “while these new-super-gentrifiers often appear to pursue a compact and dense urban environment, structurally similar to traditional mixed neighbourhood model, they may also embrace different physical forms, for or a high-end tower-blocks and gates communities in large scale level” life’ (ROMICE, O. THWAITES, K. PORTA, S. GREAVES, M. BARBOUR, G. PASINO, P, 2016) A key stage of this project is the Glasgow Harbour housing developments, which was aimed to produce “inspiring residential development” to the outskirts of the city centre (Clydewaterfront.com, 2019). In turn this project hosted 2 phases for various private housing developers such as; CALA Homes, Bryant Homes and Park Lane. The first phase; consisting of 650 homes ranging in style (apartments, duplexes and penthouses) and costing a total of £1.2 Billion. The second phase; consisting of 819 over 16-22storeys, costing a total of £8.5 million. When studying this case study, we must revert back to its original aspiration of it being an “inspiring residential development”. Glasgow, facing a social housing deficit (Scotlandhousingcrisis.org.uk, 2019), it must be noticed that the notion of possible artificial gentrification is present. With direct relation to Clay’s

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3.4.

Govan housing

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Chapter 3 model of gentrification, we could place the Glasgow harbour housing within Stage 4 of the model. Suggesting that it presents large scale developers adopting an area of unused land, and producing housing for the wealthy minority of Glasgow, not for all social classes, which would in turn mean lack of social, ethnic and professional mixing. The Glasgow Harbour, though only a small case study within a large regeneration project, could link back to both a study of the Docklands in London for being super-gentrified, but also Glass’ (1964) original definition of gentrification, in showing the total displacement of the poorer classes.

ii. Govan South of the river, ironically situated directly across from the Glasgow Harbour housing, lies the town of Govan; filled with post-industrial depression, a social and economical crisis and a lack of opportunities for its people. Govan has been part of this Clyde waterfront regenerative project, in order to attempt to repair its realm, throughout the provision of; new mixed tenure residential development, rebirth of the public realm, restoration work, new businesses, renewal of current business and commercial and community opportunities (Clydewaterfront.com, 2019). We could therefore argue that Govan is within the early stages of a gentrified town, throughout its gradual increase in renewal. To contrast with the ‘Glasgow Harbour’ phases, the ‘Central Govan Action Plan’ was set up to try to produce things like new mixed tenure housing projects; in fact across 9 sites across Govan, which has produced homes for up to 1800 people and has been described as “21st century inner-city living” (Clydewaterfront. com. 2019). Though many do still argue that there still remains much social disconnect in Govan upon reflection, however it must be seen that the renewal occurring in Govan shows the early signs of the stage model outlined by Clay. Here we can also see links to the neighbourhoods in London studied within the paper ‘Urban design and quality of life’ in relation to their ‘collective’ action rebirth.

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Dennistoun

3.5 Map: Dennistoun

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Finnieston

3.6.

Map: Finnieston

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3.7.

Duke Street, Dennistoun

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Chapter 3 3.1.2. The East End: Dennistoun After de-industrialisation, the East End was in much need of rebirth. Duke Street in Dennistoun is one of Glasgow’s oldest streets, dating back to 1750.

In 1976 it was established for things like; its place in the industrial world and its cattle market. Now, in the 21st century, it is one of the areas of rebirth in Glasgow (Glasgowliving.today. 2019). In 1979 the GEAR project was set up with the aims of; helping residents secure employment, retain and create jobs, improve the quality of life and the environment and a provision of better housing and community. This set the pathway for the regeneration that has occurred, and still continues to occur within the east-end (1980. Glasgow: the new East-end). Duke street is a prominent central street within the inner cities east end and could be described as a “centre of commune” throughout the arrival of new restaurants, regenerated street frontage, shops, bars and proposed new housing developments. From this clear regeneration, we could argue the presence of gentrification within this area as, in much relation to Clays model of gentrification, we can see new employment, new occupiers and new housing; both of private and social.

The gentrification suggested to be present within this area may be of a more organic nature, as opposed to that in the Docklands in London, whereby it is artificially produced with the idea of creating a new social class. Duke Street has improved its overall appearance by regenerating shop frontage; this would allow the area to flourish as more residents will be more inclined to retire to the area; much like in stage 2 of Clay’s model. Some may argue that with larger attraction to the area, comes a new class (skilled-professionals and wealth) – this could cause some displacement to later arise (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013). Therefore, upon looking at the East End of Glasgow for common traces of gentrification, we can see that though it is clearly in its early stages, we could relate its progression to general urban renewal. This links back to the view of Duany (DUANY, A. 2001) by stating that gentrification is “usually good news, for there is nothing more unhealthy for a city than a monoculture of poverty”. As Duke Street in Dennistoun presents clear renewal, it is still within a natural rate. The problem would arise if, for example, large scale developers entered the area producing mass gentrified housing – displacing its residents and causing house prices to rise as a result of growing attraction.

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3.8.

The Bungo, South Side

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Chapter 3

3.1.3. The South Side: Strathbungo, Cathcart and Shawlands “Since centrality generates the potential for intense urban activities, we observe a pattern whereby gentrified neighbourhoods tend to be calm, safe and mainly residential” (ROMICE, O. THWAITES, K. PORTA, S. GREAVES, M. BARBOUR, G. PASINO, P, 2016) The South side of Glasgow is a further area of Glasgow which could be argued to have common, or similar, traits of gentrification – as presented within Dennistoun. The south of the river could be considered as a residential haven and an alternative for those desiring to live close to the inner city, without being faced with the rising living costs, in areas such as; the Merchant City. The South-side is mixed in tenure type and reaches out to a multitude of different Glaswegians; the young professional, the artist, the family, or even the elderly. The South-side is far more affordable than places like the west-end, with flat prices starting at around £50,000 – also very much contrasting to that of the Merchant City. It also has excellent links to the inner city and therefore, these factors alone would see the arrival of a new wave of “gentrifiers”. The Guardian reported “Southside is a more urban affair, dense with 19th century stone tenements, dive bars and snooker halls, spliced with edgy spots like Tramway or Glad Cafe, elbowed out for Pizza Express and Foxtons in duller cities more obsessed with property prices”(DYCKHOFF, T. 2019) – this suggests that the South-side has undergone gentrification.

To look directly at the neighbourhoods involved in this progressive process, we can look at Strathbungo. This is an area of Glasgow that is enriched in architectural and historical value and has seen much of a new wave of life upon recent years. In 1971, the Strathbungo Society was formed to promote both the conservation and regeneration of the area, as at this period it was under threat from destructive development. The society was revised in 1994 and began to set its aims at attracting a new wave of incomers; young professionals, families, media, arts, etc - a wave which continues to the present day (The Strathbungo Society. 2019).

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Strathbungo 3.9.

Map: South Side

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Chapter 3

3.1.3. The South Side: Strathbungo, Cathcart and Shawlands To look for traces of gentrification within this area, we can relate back to Clays distinction of the first stage model, whereby “design professionals, artists or those who have the skill to under-take such “extensive rehabilitation”, therefore the gentrification undergone in Strathbungo for example appears to be natural, as it has been flourishing over a long period of time and appears to have undergone little or no displacement of its original residents. This area also shows recurring signs of “collective-action”; the renewal is as a result of the work of the residents, as opposed to the private investor. This has had a knock-on effect upon surrounding areas such as Cathcart and Shawlands, which of recent years have followed the patterns of ‘The Bungo’ in attracting young professionals to revitalise the life of its Victoria-styled streets.

There are correlations between the studies within the south side of Glasgow and the paper “Three cheers for Gentrification” (DUANY, A. 2001), which suggests that areas that have gone the first stages of gentrification are positive as they bring re-growth of the social and economical realm of an inner-city neighbourhood. This hypothesis created by Duany, could be very much applied to the ‘hip’ renewal of the South- Side.

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3.10.

Finnieston

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Chapter 3 3.1.4. The ‘new’ West End: Finnieston “Today’s gentrifiers, next to the typical pioneers, might tie themselves less permanently to their place of choice than in the past, giving gentrified areas a different character than the original one achieved through progressive upgrade of stock” (ROMICE, O. THWAITES, K. PORTA, S. GREAVES, M. BARBOUR, G. PASINO, P. 2016).

Finnieston; close to the ‘heart’ of the West- End, separated from the inner city by the division of the M8, has been an area of Glasgow to which could be argued to define the term Gentrification. This area, much like the other Clyde-side spots, was devastated by the de-industrialisation and the decline of its manual labour-force. Like many of the other neighbourhoods examined within this text, the area of Finnieston was almost left aside to run derelict after the decline in industry. The area was in great need of revitalisation.

With the turn of the century and a changing aesthetic, we had seen a change in the dynamic of Finnieston, primarily Argyle St. An area which for a long period lay stagnant is now filled with bars, restaurants, shops, niche cafes and booming businesses. Among the commerce, are the residents, both new and existing? The gentrification that could be described in this area mostly falls under the stage one and two brackets of gentrification, in reference to Clays Model (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013). Therefore we can argue that this area has undergone a productive process of rebirth, starting with the renewal of its street frontage, the arrival of “design professionals” and “artists” who have the skills to undergo “extensive rehabilitation” Model (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013). This had then allowed for the neighbourhood to enter what is known as the second stage, throughout the arrival of ‘small’ businesses, pubs, and restaurants locating within the area as a result of increasing value of the land. This does then in fact present the argument that gentrification could be seen as naturally produced throughout inevitable evolution, as opposed to an environment which has been artificially sped up; as seen in stage four of Clay’s model. However, to encounter this, many locals could possibly witness a rising ‘new-middle class’ which may result from the rising interest; this could in turn cause future displacement if the area was to remove itself from the natural process by inviting such things as large scale developers.

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Chapter 3 3.2. An Overview Therefore, across the study into various neighbourhoods in Glasgow, we can see a multitude of reasons as to why gentrification could indeed be found within our architectural and social landscape. Throughout analysis, we can pair both Dennistoun and Finnieston together. Both have undergone regeneration as a result of a derelict post-industrialised landscape which required much life infused for it to be classed as part of the thriving inner-city. Though we could suggest links to the presence of gentrification, it appears to be of an organic nature with a lack of; large scale private investors, massively rising house prices, total displacement of working class residents. The Southside, such as Strathbungo, does have various cross-over with Finnieston and Dennistoun in terms of its attraction of young professionals and both having lower residential prices than that of the Merchant city. The difference with Strathbungo is that, before the turn of the 21st century, it had an enriched presence of artistic professionals, and therefore any change to its commercial or residential sector could be as a result of the changing natural user tendency and a natural progression of urban fabric, as opposed to a forced gentrification typology. With these factors in mind, many critics could argue that displacement could still be on the verge of occurrence as once a place is gentrified, it can spiral until it is unfamiliar with its roots. The paper “Urban design and quality of life� presents its findings that show that generally, areas that have undergone gentrification posses common traits, such as; presence of retail, strong connection to main streets, low-medium rise housing and a good link to transport systems – all of which these studies posses.

Contrary to the other case studies, The River Front Housing unlike the Collective-action (ROMICE, O. THWAITES, K. PORTA, S. GREAVES, M. BARBOUR, G. PASINO, P, 2016) residential regeneration within Govan is the most clear in outlining a clear classification of destructive gentrification and its effects upon the urban growth. With a high demand for mix tenure housing in Glasgow, The River Front housing could be seen as an example of a failed attempt at urban renewal, as it isolates

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its residence to those on a higher income – which would undoubtedly contribute to the idea of “class distinctions” between residents surrounding the area. Though this area of the river front required a definitive need for regeneration, it can be seen that much unlike the natural process of gentrification within an area such as Finnieston, The River Front housing has been artificially-produced and does not promote any further growth through the creation of a “broken neighbourhood” (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013). This in contrast to the work of the Clyde-waterfront regenerative project undertaken in Govan to try to improve the lives of those affected by economic and social depression. It highlights its presence to be under a category of the “super-gentrified” scheme, as well as falling under the latter stages of Clays Stage Model (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013).

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Conclusion

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“Glasgow is a city of disjunctions rather than conjunctions.” (P.Reed. 1999) So, to what extent is this still the case?

Gentrification is the process of the renewal of an urban fabric, at either a vast or piecemeal speed. It clear throughout analysis that many academics differ in their view on the subject, which has as a result framed the way we grasp gentrification within our everyday lives. Namely, we looked at the pivotal work of Philip.L.Clay who, since the arrival of the definition in 1964, paved way for a new outlook – creating the stage model and suggesting that there were different rates at which gentrification can occur; both naturally and artificially. In addition to Clay’s findings, we have also derived our hypothesis with the help of Andres Duany who suggested that the process is generally good news for an area in terms of its progression – much to the opposition of Dennis. E. Gales, who suggests that gentrification, creates nothing but class distinction and total displacement. Therefore, throughout much investigative study into the theories of Duany, Gales, and Clay, it is clear that gentrification can be related to urban renewal, in the sense that it is a natural process of evolutionary regeneration. It is only when an area meets the large scale private developer and is artificially aided; that we see the gentrification reported within negative opinion. With a clear hypothesis resolved, we have thereby tried to adopt this theory directly to neighbourhoods in Glasgow that have undergone periods of recent renewal. Upon in-depth analysis of the given neighbourhoods, we can conclude that; within Dennistoun, Finnieston and also the areas presented in the SouthSide, the process of gentrification that occurs is of a natural type and has occurred to recent date at a piecemeal rate – meaning that it has occurred with time. These neighbourhoods could also be placed within Stage one-two of Clays (LEES, L., SLATER, T. and WYLY, E. 2013) model, presenting the idea that it is still flourishing and the arrival of large-displacing contributors is still distant. To contrast, The River-front housing is very much the artificially-generated schemes we talk about; suggesting that when regeneration is forced upon an area that requires attention (or is a derelict area), there is a definite case for class separation, displacement of community and can be linked to the latter, destructive stages of Clay’s model.

To refer to the initial outlook; is gentrification present in Glasgow, and what effect has it had? The answer to the question is that; gentrification can be argued to be present within Glasgow, but at different rates across its districts. Gentrification is a topic which receives much backlash for producing negativity, broken societies and middle class communities. Although we can see that they are all clearly factors which do exist; it is not always the case. In fact the neighbourhoods of Glasgow have paved way and set new ground for further knowledge to be shared about the process itself. Thus with reference to Glasgow, the initial, organic stages of gentrification can be related to the general process of urban renewal, it is of the notion of mass-production and capitalism that allows a gentrified landscape to privatise.

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Meghan Barrett

Gentrification: A study into Glasgow’s regeneration (2019)