Urban Prototype

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ETH Zurich | DARCH | NSL Chair of Architecture and Urban Design Prof. Alfredo Brillembourg & Prof. Hubert Klumpner ONA J25 Neunbrunnenstrasse 50 8050 Zurich www.u-tt.com +41 (0) 44 633 90 78 Studio Coordinators: Melanie Fessel Diego Ceresuela Wiesmann

fessel@arch.ethz.ch ceresuela@arch.ethz.ch


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URBAN PROTOTYPE

New Typologies to Reclaim Public Spaces BOGOTÁ, COLOMBIA Design Studio | Fall ‘17


TABLE OF CONTENTS

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Design Studio

Overview 8 Schedule 10 Studio Brief-Urban Age Glossary 12 Chair Philosophy 26 Reading 28

Present Scenario

Columbia Country Profile Geographic Overview Demographic Overview Social, Political and Economic Overview Bogotรก City Profile Geographic Overview Demographic Overview Social, Political and Economic Overview

34 44 48 52

History of Bogotรก

Timeline Colonialism Post-colonialism Pre-Modernism Modernist Surge Period of Instability Urban Renewal

72 74 76 77 78 80 81

Historic Center

Overview Maps Public Spaces Transport Cultural Heritage PRCT Plan Overview Strategies Projects Selected Proposals

84 86 96 98 104

Overview United Nations Rockefeller Foundation Columbia University London School of Economics Inter-American Development Bank World Bank

128 130 131 132 133 134 135

Global Initiatives

56 60 64

106 108 111 114


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Urban Think Tank Toolbox

Glossary

138

Reference Projects

Historical Squares Rockerfeller Center, New York, USA Lijnbaan, Rotterdam, Netherlands The Barbican Center, London, England City Corridor, New York, USA Fun Palace, Cedric Price and Joan Littlewood Instant City- Plug in City, Archigram Inflatocookbook, San Francisco, USA Work of Roberto Burle Marx, Sao Paulo, Brazil Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris, France Parc de la Villette, Paris, France Netherlands Pavillon World Expo 2000, Hanover MFO Park, Zurich, Switzerland Vertical Gym Prototype, Caracas, Venezuela Opera House, Oslo, Norway Eco-Boulevard, Madrid, Spain Bosque de la Esperanza, Bogotรก, Colombia Superkilen, Copenhagen, Denmark UVA, El Orfelinato, Medellin, Colombia The Highline Network, New York, USA Seoul Skygarden, Seoul, South Korea Transit Hubs

146 148 150 152 154 156 158 160 162 164 166 168 170 172 174 176 178 180 182 184 186 188

Readings

Collage City, Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter No Stop City (Archizoom Associati), Andrea Branzi 49 Cities by Work AC Invisible Cities, Italo Calvino Bibliography

194 206 214 246 248

Impressum

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PHOTO PAGE


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DESIGN STUDIO The studio will explore new building typologies for reclaiming the public spaces and urban landscapes in the area of Plaza de Los Mรกrtires along a newly planned metro line in the city of Bogotรก. Students will propose architectural projects that react to the existing built legacy while generating an overall urban vision that tackles issues related to infrastructure, preservation, environment, mobility, tourism, and resource. Special emphasis will be given to the integration of public spaces such as parks and the adjacent built neighborhoods.


DESIGN STUDIO: OVERVIEW

Introduction

Students will design an alternative architectural project by creating urban prototypes for the Colombian capital of Bogotá. Replicable typologies, integrated infrastructure, and innovative urban scenarios will be generated that challenge conventional approaches to urban development, mobility, and open space. Bogotá is an emerging city that faces many of the same problems that come with the pressures of the global urbanization process in the 21st century. A post-conflict city in transition, one that is seeking a new identity in the midst of a peace process, is apt for a reformulation of its fragmented urban fabric in the central city. In this context, the design studio is seeking advanced opportunities to create an inclusive urban vision for the next metropolis. The public space in the city of Bogotá was lost decades ago to social and political turmoil, and it is now, that this space will have to be reconquered. The focus area will be in the historic center, and its network of streets, squares, parks, and their adjacent built environment around Plaza de Los Mártires and Avenida Caracas. Along this main artery of the city, the new “Metro de Bogotá” is currently in the planning process, an elevated metro system that will drastically be changing the urban fabric and value of real-estate in the area. This urban revolution is creating the immense opportunity to develop an experimental city vocabulary in the three-dimensional cityscape thinking through various scales and hybrid programming. Supported by the Chair of Landscape Architecture of Prof. Christophe Girot, the studio will collaborate with representatives from the City of Bogotá’s Planning Department, associated local and international partners and experts from the Universidad Nacional in Bogotá.

Methodology

Students will design housing projects that encompass both temporary and longer-term interventions at the scale of a city block, while generating an overall urban vision that challenges conventional approaches to issues related to public space, mobility, environment, and culture. Students will undertake research by studying existing international test cases, formulating their design hypothesis, planning urban scenarios, modeling their designs through various formats, and communicating their intentions in a series of critiques and reviews. Students will be encouraged to develop an individual and critical position on the potential role of the architect to guide a design process within broader social, political and economic systems. A series of lectures, screenings, readings, and discussions will accompany the design program. These will be given by selected experts from the fields of architecture, urbanism, landscape, building technologies and associated disciplines, as well as experts from the Urban-Think Tank Chair. Workshops and in-studio tutorials will be provided to train students in effective methods of representing complex ideas through visual media.

Attendance

· The studio will meet in the ONA building every Tuesday and Wednesday starting at 09:30. · Attendance is expected during all studio sessions and mandatory for all pinups, reviews, lectures, and workshops. · Regularly scheduled pinups will occur each Tuesday morning unless otherwise noted. Please see studio schedule for more information.

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Expectations

· Participants are expected to actively engage in all studio discussions and read suggested studio material in order to build a comprehensive knowledge base and common language within the studio. · Participants are expected to formulate clear ideas and narratives based on complex, varied, and potentially conflicted inputs from diverse and multidisciplinary sources. The studio is engaged in very complex research and challenging design problems, and it is the task of the participants to digest multiple inputs to generate a clear position and framework.

Tasks and Deliverables

· Specific Tasks will be handed out to participants and uploaded to the server throughout the semester. · Comprehensive lists of deliverables will be outlined within these tasks.

Grading

· Grading is based on individual participation, contribution, progress, process, as well as any work produced in a group. · Grades are not only based on final projects. Evaluations assess design process, semester progress, participation in studio discussion, graphic communication through representation, and verbal communication through presentation.

Submission of Work

· Pinups and reviews will be presented in either digital or print format. · All work must also be submitted to the server on time in the appropriate folder. · Standardization naming conventions should be used for each studio submission to the server: YY_MMDD_Surname_DrawingTitle.EXT

Archiving of Material

· Students will be required to maintain an A3 horizontal archive of work throughout the semester, as well as submitting all work to the server immediately after review/pin-up.

Office Hours

· Prof. Alfredo Brillembourg · Prof. Hubert Klumpner · Diego Ceresuela Wiesmann · Melanie Fessel

By Appointment By Appointment Thursdays, 10-12:00 Thursdays, 10-12:00

Contact Information · Prof. Alfredo Brillembourg · Prof. Hubert Klumpner · Diego Ceresuela Wiesmann · Melanie Fessel

brillembourg@arch.ethz.ch klumpner@arch.ethz.ch ceresuela@arch.ethz.ch fessel@arch.ethz.ch


DESIGN STUDIO: SCHEDULE

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STUDIO SCHEDULE - AUTUMN ‘17

TIMELINE

WEEK 1 18.09 - 24.09

WEEK 2 25.09 - 01.10

WEEK 3 02.10 - 08.10

WEEK 4 09.10 - 15.10

WEEK 5 16.10 - 22.10

WEEK 6 23.10 - 29.10

WEEK 7 30.10 - 05.11

WEEK 06.11 -

REVIEWS

STUDIO INTRO

1ST REVIEW

TUES. 19.09.2017

WEDS. 11.10.2017

DESK CRITS

DESK CRITS

SEMINAR WEEK

DESK CRITS

DESK CRITS

SEMINAR WEEK INFO

WORKSHOP | ILLUSTRATOR DESK CRITS

REVIEW

DESK CRITS

PIN-UP

WORKSHOP | VRAY

WORKSHOP | RHINO 3D DESK CRITS

TASKS

PIN-UP

INTRO LECTURE

DESK CRITS

STUDIO PRESENTATIONS

WORKSHOP | PHOTOSHOP SEMINAR WEEK INTRO

M T W T F S S

DESIGN PROJECT PHASES

ANALYSIS + WORKSHOPS

CONCE + LECTUR

<> <> <> <> <> <> <> <> <> EXTRACTION <> <> <> <> <> <> <> <> VISIO


WEEK 10 20.11 - 26.11

WEEK 11 27.11 - 03.12

DESK CRITS

DESK CRITS

WEEK 9 13.11 - 19.11

DESK CRITS

WEEK 8 06.11 - 12.11

WEEK 12 04.12 - 10.12

WEEK 13 11.12 - 17.12

WEEK 14 18.12 - 22.12

MIDTERM MIDTERM REVIEW REVIEW TUES. 14.11.2017

WEDS. 15.11.2017

PRE-FINAL REVIEW TUES. 05.12.2017

REVIEW / DOCUMENTATION

REVIEW

DESK CRITS

DESK CRITS

DESK CRITS

REVIEW

DESK CRITS

DESK CRITS

REVIEW

REVIEW

DESK CRITS

DESK CRITS

STEVEN HOLL | MARILYNE ANDERSEN LECTURE

WEEK 7 30.10 - 05.11

DESK CRITS

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FINAL FINAL REVIEW REVIEW WEDS. 20.12.2017

THURS. 21.12.2017

- - - GRAPHIC - PREPARATION - - -

CONCEPT + LECTURES

DEVELOPMENT + ADVISORS

<> <> VISION <> <> <> <> <> <> <> <> PRODUCTION <> <> <> <> <>


DESIGN STUDIO: STUDIO BRIEF - URBAN AGE GLOSSARY

The Urban Age Project Urban Age is an investigation into the future of cities organized by the London School of Economies and Political Science with Deutsche Bank’s Alfred Herrhausen Society. This investigation extends across the continents with an international and interdiscplinary network of national and local policy makers, academic experts and urban practitioners. Urban Age aims to heighten awareness of the links between physical form and social characteristics of cities by activating and sustaining an ongoing worldwide dialogue between heads of state, city mayors and internationally renowned specialists with practical and theoritical expertise in fields ranging from governance and urban crime to housing, city design and transport. Research has focused so far on urbanization in cities as diverse asNew York city, Shanghai, London, Mexico City, Johannesburg and Berlin, bringing the particular conditions of those cities into sharp focus with urban trends worldwide.

Source: Image Top: Burdett, R. (2010). The endless city. London: Phaidon.

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Source Image Top: Burdett, R. (2010). The endless city. London: Phaidon. Source Image Bottom: Burdett, R. and Sudjic, D. (2011). Living in the endless city. London: Phaidon Press Ltd.


DESIGN STUDIO: STUDIO BRIEF

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URBAN AGE GLOSSARY EXCERPTS FROM URBAN AGE CONFERENCES Architecture

Architecture has a role in the manufac­ turing of identity in urban contexts and the unique ability to make something visible long before it has actually happened. Architecture creates a sense of what a city is like. It is what we use to identify a city. Deyan Sudjic The intriguing thing about London is its vast repertoire of forms that are currently used in an incredibly virtuoso manner, in ways that they were never intended to be used. That is where I find the absolute brilliance of this city. Maybe more than 90 per cent of the accommodation in borough housing is used for entirely different purposes from those for which it was conceived. Rem Koolhaas Design to me is the imaginative manipulation of the physical fabric of cities, landscapes, buildings, in between spaces, environments, interiors and products to accommodate people in a sustainable way over time. I say design, as an active term, rather than buildings or architecture, because both buildings and architecture on their own are inert. Frank Duffy Architecture performs as an edification mechanism which empowers citizens: allows communities to have a sense of cohesion and allows disparate parts of communities to find some sense of direction within the idea of a city. David Adjaye I look to architects to be the animators and problem solvers in a very holistic way and I don’t know whether all of them are capable of being that, but urban design is about interdisciplinary teams of people working together. Nicky Gavron Source: Burdett, R. (2010). The endless city. London: Phaidon. Pg 484-494

Cityness

Urban agglomerations are very often seen as lacking the features, quality and sense of what we think of as cities. Yet urbanity is perhaps too charged a term, charged with a western sense of cos­mopolitanism of what public space is or should be. Instead, cityness suggests the possibility that there are kinds of urbanity that do not fit with this large body of urbanism developed in the West. Saskia Sassen If we cannot produce new theory, and I agree it is not easy, we can at least find new words. I noticed how Saskia Sassen introduced the word ‘cityness’ and how that word, even if it is pretty ungainly, has immediately been picked up. If we find new words we can hope to produce a framework of understanding. Without a framework, any means of instrumentality are futile. Rem Koolhaas Charm is not enough. Buildings do not do anything on their own. There has to be an idea of what that charm is for in this highly competitive twentyfirst­century world, and that needs to connect to economic survival and development through the generation of powerful world-beating ideas ... not just to copy outmoded twentiethcentury models, nor to rely upon the lovely historical fabric of the old city, but to reinvent the idea of what a city is for. Frank Duffy

City-Regions

In terms of social outcomes, what really matters in London, and in any city of its complexity at the macrolevel, is the successful economic development of the broader cityregion. This functional region is

interconnected in ways that go beyond the understanding of most individual actors living in it. Ian Gordon My view is that the Executive Commission for Metropolitan Coordination is a very promising beginning towards regional governance in Mexico City. Given that the metropolitan population is roughly equally divided between the federal district and the state, having the governor and the mayor as coequal partners is a good form of organization. It is also very important given the power of the national government over state and local matters. Historically and currently to have a mechanism that involves these three parties, implemented by their own governments, is the best way to address a range of metropolitan issues. Gerald Frug A regional urbanization process is replacing old ideas that cities are not simply growing through suburbanization and sprawl but in a very different way. They are hiving off new cities. We get multi-centric, polycentric, networked city-regions forming, and so the Mexico City region is the one that is 37 million. Edward Soja

Community

Schools of design- as well as schools of business, law, social work, public administration- have an eighteenth and nineteenth- century academic form to deal with twenty-first century problems. It is impossible to find graduate students who have a broad enough background to deal with the multiplicity of Urban Age issues… how all these things get interwoven in building new communities is absolutely crucial. We have people who


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approach problems one-dimensionally, designers who understand nothing about finance and school systems that are isolated from the political process in neighborhoods. Richard Baron We need to change the bourgeois point of view and begin to see the city from the point of view of poor people, the majority of the people that live in cities today. For poor people, community is essential; they need to aggregate in order not to be powerless, to create change. Max Bond Jr Not enough attention has been given to the mechanisms to ensure that any new community that we are creating, e.g. through re-zoning, is inclusive from its beginning in terms of income and race. Shaun Donovan Traditionally the center of a community is its most important place. In my view, the boundaries and borders are the city’s most socially important places. Culture gets made at the edges between difference, that’s how we create bonding. Richard Sennett Contestations center not only on the right to reside in the city, but also on actively shaping its future in accordance with people’s needs and values. Caroline Kihato

Economic Development

Civility means that the diversity of urban life becomes a source of mutual strength rather than a source of estrangement and civic bitterness. In the past this issue has been framed in terms of ethnicity or culture. In the current period of inequality, it needs

to be increasingly framed in economic terms. Richard Sennett By the year 2050, Shanghai’s economic size will be 12 times bigger, an amount equal to the product of the whole of China in the year 2000. Policies by Shanghai’s government are designed to channel this growth so as to make Shanghai an advanced manufacturing center, a center of trade and transport, and an international finance center. Its current weaknesses are the relatively low level of international connectivity of the city, the glass ceilings that small and medium enterprises face to growth and the limited participation that civil society has as a stakeholder in the economic development process. Qiyu Tu Many Alexandrian business owners lacked formal certification to enable them to access wider markets. Most businesses had limited access to a broad­er set of ideas that would enable them to upgrade to more profitable activities. Strategic focus was placed on enabling those who already had some momentum to raise profitability and expand their business: they might then employ long-term unemployed and youths. Miriam Altman China’s demographic context, economic dynamics and prourbanization policies provide the background of Shanghai’s hypergrowth, translating into hyper density not only of population and structures, but also of ideas and styles ... the job for Shanghai planners is to integrate all these differences. Siegfried Zhiqiang Wu We need twenty-first-century organizational structures, we need

new models for our agencies to deal with innovative funding, with the fact that there are stakeholder groups, that the systems that were once seen as independent are now highly interactive. Robert E. Paaswell

Equality

I think that in every city, but particularly cities in the developing world, urban design can be an extremely powerful tool to construct equality and integration. Even if we do not have income equality, we can aspire to construct equality in the distribution of quality of life so that the public good prevails over private interests. Just to mention a local example: if the hundreds of miles of New York’s waterfront were used for public space rather than private land, a lot of equality would be created. Enrique Peñalosa Modern transport is what collapses the distances between two points - it needs to be available to all equally. Hermann Knoflacher The transition from a state-organized urban working system to a market­ driven labor market produces severe forms of inequalities and exclusion. The former needs a complex institutional framework for a sustainable economic and social development, including access to educational facilities and healthcare institutions. Miguel Kanai

Global City

For researchers and policymakers, I think one of the critical strategies is to disaggregate the global economy into the multiple highly specialized circuits that compose it, from the many highly specialized financial systems to the


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small and semi-formal international real­estate markets that immigrants set up. Two things then happen. First, you can actually study the very slippery concept of the’global’. More importantly, you can locate your city on many global circuits and detect the links and strategic geographies that connect it to a whole bunch of other cities. Saskia Sassen The global city is a central location for production and a transnational market­place for high-quality, knowledge-based services. Dieter Lapple How does one understand the impact of their global-city status on the power of these cities? More precisely, what is the role of the city government in becoming a global city? There is little doubt that government officials promote their global-city status. But none of them can easily control such a development, let alone rethink or redirect city policy away from such a goal. Gerald Frug

Globalization

About globalization, Mexico City does not have the instruments to make a real change in public policy about economic development, technology, education or telecommunications. The city is not at the table about those decisions because traditionally, all the decisions about economic policy are Federal, without local participation. So we are spectators. Marcelo Ebrard The defining feature of contemporary African urbanism is the slum. What is underestimated is the extent to which major African cities attract, in their own ways, certain forms of colonial

and now global capital. That such forms of capital are for the most part predatory is without doubt. But isn’t this what, at least partly, globalization is all about­that is, a set of processes that are refracted, splintered and cracked? Achille Mbembe Global businesses operate very differently from a decade ago. I am deeply impressed by the impact that information technologies have had on every aspect of work. Assumptions of co­location and synchrony no longer correspond with the realities of these businesses. We need a radical change from the assumptions on which the architecture of cities in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was based. We have to be inventive in the way we design, deliver and manage buildings. The workplace needs to be prepared for mobility, volatility, permeability and complementarity of the big and the mall, what is internal to the firm and what is not. Frank Duffy Shanghai has always been an open city, ready to seize opportunities and allow its citizens to display their talent and creativity. This competitive tradition underlies its dynamic and progressive nature- an entrepreneurial spirit that sets it apart from other Chinese cities. But, as with any city that occupies a strategic global position, its future lies not only in the hands of its architects and policymakers, but in the national policy for growth and redevelopment. Zheng Shiling No matter how much the world’s cities operate as part of a single global system, acquiring the same kind of landmarks, museums, airports, motorways, and subject to the same quack remedies of tax incentives

and marketing programmes, the understanding of how different and distinct they are remains. Deyan Sudjic

Governance

Who is a stakeholder? Which corporations and interest groups are entitled to participate in urban governance? Who is included in the concept of community? It’s important to recognize that there’s no uncontroversial answer to any of these questions. In the UK, urban decisionmaking seems to rest above all on a single word, a word repeated so often on every page in every report that it is, quite frankly, overwhelming. That word is: partnership. Gerald Frug We need to create Metropolitan institutions, not Metropolitan government (which is different). Institutions with budget and public responsibility. Marcelo Ebrard The scale of urbanization, with its new vast geography of commuter sheds and supplier networks and labor and housing markets, is outstripping the structure and the administrative geography of city government. Bruce Katz The management of complexity in places where rights, knowledge and education now rightly have been allowed to give a voice to neighborhoods and individuals means that the task of governing cities is more complex than ever before. Citywide interests conflict with the most local of interests and it clearly takes the legitimacy of city leaders to bring about change. Examples such as Bogotá’s cycle ways, Washington’s renaissance, New York’s control of


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approach problems one-dimensionally, its education system or London’s Congestion Charge would not have come to fruition without the legitimacy of ballot boxes. Tony Travers I look at citizens as nuclear power. Properly channeled and harnessed, nuclear power can power the city, other­w ise it can destroy it. Anthony Williams

Housing

A house is not just a house; it is far more. A house involves land, water, electricity, and a whole range of issues that have to come together. Each one is a separate department in the city and unless you can bring them all together as a single team, you will never provide a fully serviced urban environment. Julian Baskin In China, the state had a standard for individual living space of 10 square meters per person within a room. All facilities, including bathrooms and kitchens, were meant to be communal and not the personal space of individuals. As recently as last year, this standard was changed. It has been raised to a little over 23 square meters per person and that includes various facilities. The measuring unit is now the apartment rather than the room. What it means, of course, is that we are leading more private lives rather than a completely public life. This increase in personal space changes not only how we live but also how we think about urban issues. The role of housing in relation to community, neighborhood and city is tied to the notion of urban fabric- that is to say housing as fabric. In opposition to the kind of monumental architecture or the architecture of monumentality, the architecture of fabric is an

architecture, or urbanism, of democracy. Yung Ho Chang The drive for the regeneration of Elephant & Castle began in 1998, after the experiences of Bankside, Tate Modern, and Peckham in Southwark. The original plan had an energetic programme for people to move out of poverty into employment. The borough, which has a very large percentage of subsidized (council) housing, has to face up to the alarming correlation between education achievement and housing tenure. My hope is that the cur­rent initiative will also be directly linked to the social problems that we find in the area, rather than turned into a purely physical approach that believes it can reduce and resolve these problems. Fred Manson

Informality

Informality can not be approached as a specific form of lawlessness: but we have to understand urban informality as mode of development, as metropolitan urbanization under the condition of globalization. Informality means not a given state but a process of continuous shifting between deformalization and reformalization. The informal economy should not be read as social disorganization or anarchy; it has its own institutions and forms of regulation. Its settlements are also working places with basic needs for shelter, living, spaces of inclusion and interpersonal integration. Dieter Läpple The informal economy is not equivalent to the illegal or underground economy. But then why do these activities fall outside of regulatory frameworks? On the one hand, there is an old informal

economy, particularly in the global south. But there is also a new informal economy that is part of the most advanced forms of contemporary capitalis. The old informal economy and the survival strategies that we know so well in Latin America may look similar, but we must make an analytical distinction between the two. The new informal economy exists in the global south; in Mexico City, Mumbai and Buenos Aires, in the intersections between high power professionals who inhabit the buildings of the corporate centres and the street ven­dors peddling their foods outside. Saskia Sassen There is a frequently occurring and erroneous belief that one size-fits-all policies can be applied to the entire informal sector. Jose Castillo Cities are built on commerce which goes all the way back to essentially informal economy. It is the soul of the city ... we are in a world now where you go from one city to another, and beyond the airport, beyond the road system, more and more cities are looking more alike. The informal economy is important because it distinguishes that city. Anthony Williams

Labor Markets

Urban manufacturing is the ‘silent partner’ in the urban economy supporting other key sectors, such as the creative, cultural and healthcare industries; it serves as a gateway to social integration by providing important employment opportunities with low entry barriers for people with different cultural backgrounds and qualifications. Dieter Läpple


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The scale of economic development in Shanghai can be characterized by its massive labor force. The total number of employees was 8.13 million in 2003, more than double the labor force in New York or London and larger than Tokyo’s. More than half of these workers are employed in the service sector but more than a third work in labor-intensive manufacturing industries. Growth at the top has meant an increase in international workers. Shanghai’s labor market provides opportunities for low-skill workers and this is a key element to explain the attraction of a ‘floating population’ of 5 million people to the city. Yuemin Ning The informal economy, if it’s pushed right, has people actually engaged in their own business. Fundamental economics will tell you that if you support that economy, you are more likely to create wealth than taking me from running my own business to working as wage laborer somewhere else. Anthony Williams Part of the problem has to do with overemphasizing the service sector and falling into a post-industrial trap and completely ignoring the manufacturing sector, the industrial sector; assuming that the trend in the world today is that the big cities of the world are completely losing manufacturing and therefore it should never enter into the picture. Dieter Läpple The distinction of manufacturing versus services is a historically changing one that has gone through a revolution over the past 15 years. A lot of specialized services today depend on manufacturing. Architects,

real-estate developers, and designer provide services actually dependent on manufacturing. Saskia Sassen There may be new jobs generated and new forms of value added in highend employment related to forward and backward linkages among productive sectors, but are these the types of jobs and spillovers that can address basic employment needs in a declining industrial locale like Mexico City, where informal-sector work is the lifeblood for most families and formal employment levels are down? ... Without new investments in job training or educational capital, it is unreasonable to expect that these new investments will translate into new forms of employment. Miguel Kanai My theory is that the new workplace will probably not need new forms, but the new dynamics of work will simply infiltrate existing forms of the city, exactly because they are new and therefore have a more creative ability to interpret and less need to convert. In a sense they will be both condemned and privileged to use existing substance. Rem Koolhaas

Migration

The conflicts between city residents and in-migrants, or peasant workers, could assume larger and deeper proportions in the future given the increasing volume of rural migration to cities. The Shanghai Municipal Government’s policies to educate and train in-migrants and to regularize their situation have reduced conflict and furthered social integration. But the reform of the household registration system, which prevents inmigrants from becoming residents,

is still pending. As the former reduces the psychological gap between cityresidents and in-migrants, the latter would eliminate an institutional wall against cohesion. If these two strategies can be achieved, we will make a large step towards a harmonious society. Guixin Wang Migrant networks play a critical role in providing a safety net for members without money, work or shelter. But few of these initiatives actively engage or demand inclusion in decisionmaking processes shaping the future of the city. Caroline Kihato The shrinking ability of the globalized city to benefit the vast marginal zones of exclusion has turned Mexico City’s metropolitan zone into the main region expelling Mexican migrants to the United States. Nestor Canclini The Mexican diaspora continues to transform the very physical nature of the North American city-primarily in California-challenging the rigidity of its incriminatory zoning policies by engendering an interest in flexible, inclusive and temporal urbanism. Teddy Cruz Governance imagines ‘stakeholders’ being ‘at the table’, working with city officials and others to formulate policy through consensus. It’s unimaginable that representatives of global business enterprises will be excluded from such a meeting. It’s quite imaginable, on the other hand, that there will be no one there from the floating population, the informal economy, or representing the poor newcomers who have recently migrated from another country. Gerald Frug


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Mobility

Johannesburg is founded on mobility. Since the discovery of gold in the nine­teenth century, the city has attracted laborers, entrepreneurs and industrialists hoping for a better life. As a place where strangers have always converged, the city is the site of continuous contestations over who belongs in the city and to whom the city belongs. Caroline Kihato What was once actively planned under apartheid is often reproduced and compounded in ongoing, usually unintended ways. One of the major commitments of the African National Congress government was to build some two million low-cost, subsidized houses within 10 years. We have got close to doing that, but in order to meet the budget and to develop these dwellings, they were built where land was cheap on the far periph­eries of the city. Therefore, mobility injustice has deepened, unintentionally, in the postapartheid era. Jeremy Cronin A rigid zoning approach, which separates uses and dedicates large proportions of land-particularly for new developments- to discrete residential, office, industrial or service uses, will have a huge impact on mobility requirements. Over the last 10 years, the daily distance traveled by Shanghai residents has increased by 50 percent. Hermann Knojlacher The result of treating informal as problematic comes at a high social cost. People move to cities to improve quality of life. However, since the informal settlements are outside the plans and the law, citizens have limited access to education and other

opportunities, resulting in lower social mobility. Geetam Tiwari Developers, and the financial institutions that support them, fall into default positions very easily. They do not realize that the office of today is not a stable building type because, especially in cities like London, neither synchrony nor colocation are necessary conditions of work any longer. This does not mean that people are going to work from home all the time, but they are going to be much more mobile, using many settings, in many different ways, in many different places. Gerald Frug

Neighborhoods

Have large-scale regeneration projects forgotten about the wider city? These bundles of public and private activities are powerful instruments that have excluded entire parts of the city and its people. Therefore, I think these projects need to be embedded in a larger socio­economic master plan that would also bring about benefits to the neighborhoods and to those people who are not included. Dieter Läpple New York City is indeed built out to its edges and yet it is now undergoing unprecedented immigration and population growth. This is a tremendous challenge to those of us in charge of planning this city. We must find places to channel this growth, while preserving neighborhood character. Amanda M. Burden We have 16 local governments in Mexico City, but they don’t have accountability in real terms with

neighborhoods or citizens, and they do not represent the citizens. A very important reform is needed. We need to guarantee that all citizens can evaluate the services we provide, and that the results will be published. Marcelo Ebrard Are Shanghai elites really eager to produce inclusivity in their city? What new identity formation springs from rapidly changing spaces? What is the meaning of community or neighborliness in a fluid society like this? We know by experience that it is more advantageous to govern by consent than by coercion. Sophie Body-Gendrot Part of the story in Washington, New York and London is about having a strong vision for the city and a strong framework within which participation and debate can occur. Otherwise it boils down to parochial interests. Every neighborhood says ‘I love the vision for the city-just not in my neighborhood do I want density’. Cities are coming out of an era where planning was too timid and afraid of big visions because they resulted in catastrophic effects. Now you are seeing a balancing between vision and participation. Andy Altman Other cities have a higher proportion of people from ethnic-minority back­ grounds but no city has more different cultural communities ... one of the things we’re doing since London government came in is to make sure that those cultures are able to celebrate their distinctiveness; so more and more festivals, more and more restaurants, more and more different kinds of experiences. Nicky Gavron


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Planning

Today’s planner has an arsenal of technological tools-from lighting to bridging and tunneling, to materials for buildings-which urbanists even a hundred years ago could not begin to imagine: we have more resources to use, but we don’t use them very creatively. Richard Sennett London is almost unique in being geographically defined by a 40-mile­ wide green belt surrounding Greater London, an area where you cannot build anything. The major underlying challenge, and theme for urban development debates, is that London will have to contain its long-term growth within that boundary of the Green Belt. Anthony Mayer The growth of future cities depends upon how well we are able to plan for the ‘unplanned’. The generic theme evolving from Asia, Latin America and Africa is that as cities expand, the ‘informal’ grows faster than the ‘formal’. Thus plans will need paradigmatic change to deal with the heterogeneous housing and mobility needs of growing populations. We will have to plan for activities that cannot be well-defined and predicted, which is better than turning a blind eye to the future. Geetam Tiwari Planning and bold visions are back again. Planning is emerging from the coma that it has been in since urban renewal. After those failures and the reactions to those failures, planning suffered a crisis of confidence in the profession, and planners thought: do we really have something to say about the city? Are we trying to do too much? Can we accomplish all these things?

Are we listening enough to what people want? But now, citizens are again looking at physical planning as a way of re-imagining their futures, as way of mobilizing actions and as way of empowerment. Andy Altman Contemporary Chinese urbanism is not based on the individualistic freedom of capitalism but rather on a system of effective cooperation. At the risk of sounding politically backward, we can put people together and find an agent intelligent enough to plan scientifically, rather than by the aggregation of individual desires focused on acquiring and occupying bigger spaces, wider ocean or park views and more happiness. Qingyun Ma For half of the public planning and public policy questions, you have to put yourself out there: close, face to face, eye to eye, spend a lot of time on the street, convince communities you know every street, every block, every house, that you really care, that you really hear their concerns, and as your plans go through the public process that you modify them to reflect what you have heard and little by little you achieve a consensus. Amanda M. Burden

Public Space

Public space and cosmopolitanism are foundational elements of any city. They have, however, been constructed in deeply western ways. In Shanghai, many interventions seem to be destabilizing these western concepts. Quingyun Ma argues that the Chinese city does not need public space because it makes public spaces that we might think of as private; bus shelters at night become a public space where people set up their tables to play cards.

Clearly the notion of public space developed out of a western European context might not help us read a city such as Shanghai, or perhaps even Mexico City, in ways that are useful. We need to strip our concept of the city from the overcharged meanings it currently has. Saskia Sassen New York and London, in their endeavours to revitalize former derelict spaces, have progressively defined which users they envision will use tuture embellished spaces that look public but in fact are subject to control: either from private security guards (i.e. waterfronts, commercial malls), or from publicly hired security employees (semi-public parks), or by police officers. Sophie Body-Gendrot We dream of a new European city where you can walk instead of taking the car, where the places for work, play and living are at a walking distance in a ‘pedestrianized’ city. If we are dense enough, we can pay for the construction, control and maintenance of public space. We can avoid the conditions that create ghettos, people can talk to each other, and the city then becomes a place for encounters between different cultures, different ideas, different opportunities. Joan Clos Now while we agonize over public space in our western sector, ironically in poor developing cities such as Lagos, public space is absolutely not an issue and I would say that public space is a dominant experience of city. Every square metre of the city is used most intensely for private life and public life. There is almost a merging of the two. I have never with my own eyes seen a larger intensity of urban


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interaction than in these really poor conditions. Rem Koolhaas One type of public space that has emerged since 1994 is understandably that which commemorates the struggle against apartheid. Symbolic buildings and public spaces have been built as sites for the presence of occluded histories and the mobilizing of collected bodies. Perhaps it is always like this when urban space is conceived as grand political gesture but surely, I would ask, it should now be layered with the multiple registers of public life, of selling of exchanging, of celebrating, of playing if it is going to fulfil the revolutionary potential which it commemorates. Lindsay Bremner Playing with the words that Lindsay mentioned, actually in one of the papers it says ‘making public life’, in the second it says ‘making public space’, and I would shift those words and say making life public and making space public or, as Bruno Latour would say, making things public. We have to imagine that the construction of public space has a wider sense of urgency beyond the duality of the park or the plaza. Jose Castillo Public transport constitutes a major element of ‘public space’. The time spent on commuting to work, changing modes or operators, constitutes a major experience of urbanity in Johannesburg. Mpeththi Morojole

Retro-fitting

All cities that currently exist are going to have to recycle their city spaces and their buildings. Anne Power

Ambiguity is something that happens over time and in living urban public spaces. This is why the architecture in these spaces is so important: the physical forms have the capacity to mutate. Richard Sennett Many who live in Shanghai are very interested in the preservation of the old city and its spaces, but when you look at Xian Ti Di you see a shell of a neighborhood and a preservation of physical space but no preservation of social infrastructure; losing the surroundings, the community is disappearing and being moved away. James Ferrer

Risk

Architecture can never be passive and there is a strong intolerance for our profession when we don’t have any answers and, perhaps worst, when we don’t even claim any answers. Rem Koolhaas Architects in London are having a great time now, but in a sense they are playing with fire. The architectural metaphor of the ‘zip’ to reconnect the tissue of the city looks very good on a sketch. However, when expanded to the scale that we are talking about, it runs the risk of actually backfiring. Ricky Burdett

Scale

Every project is a mega-project in com­parison to developed countries. Different languages, ideas, styles, materials and even a different attitude towards the implementation of projects is what we deal with every day. Siegfried Zhiqiang Wu Traditionally cities depended on the division of labor. Human-scale settlements were planned for places

where everything from small-scale transactions to wholesale business activities could occur. Geetam Tiwari Shanghai’s ambition is to once again become a world-class center of finance, commerce, trade and shipping. It has developed master plans covering over 800 square kilometres in the city to accommodate this growth. About 20 million square meters of housing, offices and other activities are expected to be built every year. This equates to the addition of a city the size of Shanghai in 1949, every two years. Zheng Shiling

Security

Public space embodies a sense of belonging to the wider political community through an architecture of sympathy, it conveys a sense of safety in the crowd. Sophie Body-Gendrot Policymakers seem to be oblivious of the positive impact of street vendors on the social life of a city. The availability of work options on the street provides a positive outlet for employment to a large section of the population that is poor but has entrepreneurial skills. Their presence makes streets relatively crime-free and safer for women, children and older people. Geetam Tiwari There is a persistent emphasis on the problem of public space and crime and how a certain type of public space generates criminality. It is not only because we create dark environments that people are more easily mugged. If you generate an environment that does not show respect for human dignity, the whole social organization, the state, will not have enough legitimacy. People will not obey the law and people


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will not denounce those who break the law simply because they will not identify with the social organization. Enrique Peñalosa The police are in the middle ground fighting crime, committing crimes and being over-violent. There is not a fall­ back position where the society fights crime. Helena Maria Casparian There is an issue that safety and security are not simply up to the police. There is an element of civility that is required within society and an element of informal control required by society if we are going to create a safe city and a safe world. Obviously this requires some kind of regulatory framework: it can’t be completely informal- to allow everyone to do what they want and expect that it’s going to sort itself out into some kind of organized chaos -but it also needs a common vision of citizens of what they expect the city to look like. Evan Rice

Social Cohesion

Gated communities and boom neighborhoods with high walls dominate the South African landscape, over­responding to crime-prevention challenges and undermining social cohesion at the neighborhood scale. In fact they enforce the converse effect of creating unsafe spaces. Ruby Mathang When we think about densification we need to coordinate questions of density with questions of open space. Density in itself can be quite oppressive without a clear strategy for the development of open space. Darren Walker

recognition of the presence of others. In this context, the meaning of bonding is not limited to participating to achieve an end but it rather represents the real identification with others in the city. Richard Sennett

‘grain-ness’; economic speculation outstrips true demand; bold visions are quickly rendered obsolete by rapid change; and processes to engage and empower people in local decisions are eroded. Bruce Katz

That urban violence is used as an excuse to refuse to live together and enclosures reinforce segregation cannot be ignored. Such attitudes are lethal to cities. Sophie Body-Gendrot

If you want people to move up the social ladder quickly then you need speed. If I do not have a new apartment to move into, the person who wants to buy my apartment has to wait. It is only when I vacate that they can move in. When they vacate, someone else will move in. That is what makes society work well. ZhangXin

Social Justice

We see incentives in zoning policy and the links between additional density and the creation of affordable housing as a bedrock way of fighting the potential increased segregation from rising real­estate values. Shaun Donovan New York City does work, but it could work a lot better. For the money we invest in our health system, we don’t need the infant mortality rates we see in Harlem and other parts of the city; for the amounts that we invest in transport, we don’t need our subway system lingering on the edge of collapse; for the money that we invest in housing, we shouldn’t have housing of 20-year lives and 30-year mortgages. Ronald Shiffman New settlements outside cities are highly energy intensive and socially segregating; they simply cannot go on being funded. Anne Power

Speed

The speed of urbanization is confounding efforts to maintain the special qualities of cities. Architecture becomes same-ness instead of fine

Two years ago we implemented an urban-development policy that confers tighter controls to the urban-planning authority. We call it ‘double decrease, double increase’ because it decreases the means and pace of development and provides the potential to increase the urban character and green areas of the city. This policy slowed the speed of development in Shanghai and provoked a large reaction from developers, leading to noticeable rises in the price of housing, challenging the balance between policies for better urban space and controls to stabilize the market. JiangWu In both China and India, the two fast­ growing mega-economies of the future, the spread of urbanization is taking place along the growth of the informal sector. Since India’s independence, we have been doing a lot of planning and making grand master plans but have ended up building roads where there is nothing designed for pedestrians, really nothing designed for bicycles. We have six-lane motorways with standards copied from American or


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British motor­way capacity manuals, but if you notice how the road is being used, the reality is very different. The pedestrians and bicycles that occupy the road are captive users, people without choices. We, as designers, may keep blaming people who do not know how to be on the road, but their reality remains the same. Geetam Tiwari

Sustainability

To plan a sustainable future we need to think through the linkages between housing, open space and transport infrastructure, otherwise you have people working in silos and isolated projects. The suburban train that is planned to run from the northern area of the federal District into the State of Mexico is an opportunity to connect the city and the larger region; not just a transport policy but also a land-use policy. Andy Altman There is much we can do about the envi­ronment, not just locally, but together with other cities. We can form procurement alliances across nations to reduce the cost of environmentally friendly technologies, we can exchange things and work together more economically. Nicky Gavron We are essentially accepting the neo­liberal global economic agenda when we think of cities as reactive mechanisms. We talk easily about the availability to walk to your job, but on the other hand wider environmental issues are ignored. A small but not trivial example: to send a kiwi fruit from New Zealand to London emits five times the weight of the fruit in greenhouse gases. Michael Sorkin

The urban-policy framework is limited in its capacity to link public transport to other urban interventions. A case in point is Metrobus, a financially and operatively sustainable project that has also been able to diminish the emission of pollutants. Oddly enough, the project has not been synergized as an architectural element regenerating the city nor as a democratizing element for the city. Clara Salazar Cruz The duality between the global city and the insecure local city of the fringes may become the main obstacle for Mexico City to be imagined as an attractive location by those that bind global networks and for the city to reach a more balanced and sustainable development. Nestor Canclini Unless planning and urban-renewal strategies acknowledge the transient nature of life in the city-and provide incentives for mobile populations to· belong to city life and perceive it as belonging to them - their sustainability and effectiveness will be undermined. Caroline Kihato

Transport

If we want to deal with traffic safety we have to treat it like a public-health issue where you don’t depend on people doing the right thing on their own. People will make mistakes, so we have to make a forgiving infrastructure. Geetam Tiwari The dilemma is that if we try to improve the mobility of our city, we induce more people to drive cars; if we do not, mounting congestion makes our city unliveable. From 1986 to 2004, the area serviced by underground lines increased

by 50 percent but the average trip length remained the same at about 13 minutes. This is an advantage of improved mobility that critics of transport planning in Shanghai do not see. Xiaohong Chen Despite huge investment in its transport system -over US$40 billion in the last decade -New York suffers from a flawed system of governance where the budget of the Mass Transit Authority is determined hundreds of miles away in the state capital of New York-resulting in poor strategic coordination. Ricky Burdett One possible contribution to respond to the increasing demands on mass transport is to change the way we conceive stations. To think of the transportation terminal as an object, an ascetic monument not connected to the social and commercial tissues of the city, misses the opportunity to explore contemporary forms of transportation space. Alejandro Zaera-Polo The deep problem of transport in our metropolis is rooted in the predominance of low-capacity vehicles. Interestingly, we find 50,000 utility vehicles, minivans and minibuses that constitute the majority of trips. In addition to the 160,000 taxis in the agglomeration, we must also count the half a million vehicles used for the transport of goods and messenger services. These units make an intensive use of road space and, given the fragmentary corporate organization of the sector, they are also highly inefficient. Bernardo Navarro Benitez


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When we talk about the safety of an area, and seek community support and the involvement of residents, when we want them to be the ‘eyes on the street’ that organically generate a sense of security, they cannot do that if their eyes and ears are clogged, if the public space that surrounds them is obliterated by cars. Hermann Knofiacher

The informal is not identifiable as a pattern or morphology, but nonetheless manufactures the material reality of urban form. It is an alliance of transformative ingenuity and the tactical mobilization of resources, produced from conditions of need and in the almost complete absence of centralization. Rem Koolhaas

Urban Economy

Our primary challenge in contemporary Johannesburg is how to boost delivery and at the same time achieve better quality living environments, sustainable human settlements, quality neighborhoods and quality houses that will be identified, or at least recognized, by the owners as an asset; and not just by the owners but by the industry too, so that a person who owns a house can use that house to participate in the economy of this country. UhuruNene

Urban designers in a time of turbulent social and technological change can and indeed must be prepared to use design to accelerate cultural and organizational change, using persuasion as well as imagination to bridge the social and the physical. Urban design can be strengthened and its relevance ratified only by its being part of a wider process of cultural, operational and economic revitalization, a condition that is even more relevant at the urban scale than in individual buildings. Frank Duffy

Urban Form

Urbanization

Not only are we asked, as designers, to provide forms that have to be amenable to housing, retail, office space, but also to a mixture, and preferably several iterations of this mixture over an extended period of time. So if one formula does not work, another could. All of that has to be done while providing an identity or an immediate character that precedes and survives their use, their occupation. Hashim Sarkis

The word ‘gentrification’ that only a decade ago had a very negative connotation has now become frankly positive, with urban life reduced to four sectors: film screenings, music, shopping and fashion. We have therefore seen a kind of systematic laundering of authentic conditions in urban life in the name of those four categories Rem Koolhaas

We need a vision for the future -explicit social, economic and cultural goals. Transport improvements must be consistent with other urban dynamics and interventions on the city. Clara Salazar Cruz

The complexity of urbanization mocks dominant conventions of urban policy: one-dimensional, compartmentalized, driven by specialized professions, often incoherent and even contradictory. Bruce Katz

A city is an a la carte menu- that is what makes it different from a village which offers so much less in the way of choice. A positive vision of urbanity has to be based on ensuring that more and more customers can afford to make the choice. Deyan Sudjic


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DESIGN STUDIO: CHAIR PHILOSOPHY

Recent history has witnessed unprecedented urbanization, and contemporary urban development has responded with increased expansion of urban territory, built form, and population density. Informal settlements account for the highest urban growth rates, a tendency that challenges the capacities, resources, and resilience of the urban footprint. They are simultaneously the product and eventual casualty of the same global processes. The Urban-Think Tank Chair of Architecture and Urban Design at the ETH Zurich provides a unique platform of research and design experimentation from which to investigate global urban challenges through the dual lens of informality and urbanism – to investigate the contemporary city. Three major concerns of the research and design agenda are (1) to generate design solutions for marginalized populations and areas, (2) to frame a new mind-set concerning program, typology, technology, land tenure, finance, and project implementation, and (3) to provide socially and ecologically sustainable design solutions. These inputs form a model of experimentation that pursues ‘best practice’ typologies that can be replicated in various urban areas and adapted to specific local conditions – immediate responses to the exclusionary practices of local and national governments. The research and design studios critically assess territories of informality, marginalization, and conflict in the contemporary city to construct a unique conceptual framework within which to propose alternative urban prototypes. This methodology fosters a transition toward democratic and socially responsible urban models. We are committed to building consensus and achieving excellence by example through active involvement in both critical research and innovative design for the real world. To face the challenges of radical asymmetries in the contemporary city, which are the rule, not the exception, it is necessary to expand the fundamental role of the designer into an animator of change – an agent provocateur. Designers must operate as an interface between bottom-up initiatives and top-down planning, two forces that seldom meet in practice without new forms of moderation. Designers must increase their Image top left: Design Studio Fall 2014 Final Reviews

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breadth of political and technical influence and deepen their knowledge in diverse areas to be able to integrate the forces at work in the city. Designers must balance local cultural practices with appropriate technologies to create a supportive architecture that empowers those at the margins and improves urban life. Designers must form a new, collaborative sensibility and provide the medium for trans-disciplinary practice. This role actively counters the perpetual multiplication of static and destructive typologies in rapidly growing cities: it injects practice with ‘purpose-oriented’ social design strategies by engaging with the overlapping realities on the ground. The research and design studio focuses on using rigorous analysis to build a robust understanding of the contemporary city and develop intelligent, imaginative, and practical design tools. By taking stock of what exists (both physical and non-physical) and engaging urban actors, this deep understanding can translate into effective, multi-scalar urban models that provide novel solutions to local and global issues. The studio approaches urban design through the lens of architecture, where comprehensive social design strategies expand architectural thinking beyond the facade to address multiple scales. At the same time, the context of design is extended beyond the physical and material to include social, economic, cultural, and historical narratives that surround architectural projects. As such, architecture and urban design are process-based, providing multidisciplinary tools that have a transformative capacity when implemented in the contemporary city. Both research and design have a stated interest in questioning conventional Western urban development models based on modern principles of isolation (distinct zones of program - housing, leisure, working). The combination of research and design challenges the accepted modes of practice in order to reintroduce social infrastructure and ecology into the design process. The methodology builds on existing architectural, social, economic, and technical knowledge, along with the expertise within the ETH, so participants generate a strong agency to act as architects and urban designers in the contemporary city. With a strong foundation of advanced knowledge, participants will understand the demands of the contemporary city, engage in critical discourse, effectively communicate complex ideas, fuel future debates, and implement innovative design solutions that foster urban equality. Studio participants are trained to become the future designers that will face these already unavoidable issues of informality. In an age that finds a staggering one billion people throughout the world housed in sub-standard living conditions and slums, architecture and urban design must address the myriad issues facing the contemporary city. It must reconnect the formal and informal to produce socially, ecologically, and economically viable urban areas, and it must reformulate the role of the designer by greatly expanding his/ her sphere of influence. To operate in the city of the 21st century, we must pose provocative questions that continue a critical discourse in the difficult and often elusive territories of informality and conflict. How can we: · Share our resources? · Build inclusive environments? · Address anticipated growth? · Transform existing cities? · Provide sustainable solutions and social infrastructure? · Redefine urban ecology? · Connect the formal and informal? · Transition from experiment to massive distribution of solutions? The continuous formulation of an Urban Charter on the contemporary city is part of our on-going work at the Urban-Think Tank Chair of Architecture and Urban Design at the ETH Zurich. ●


DESIGN STUDIO: READING

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Re-Living the City: A Manifesto

By Aaron Betsky

Re-Living the City: The Evolution of Radical Urbanism

By Alfredo Brillembourg and Hubert Klumpner

UABB 2015 RE-LIVING THE CITY 城市原点

curated by

edited by

Source: Re-living the City, Shenzhen Biennale of Urbanism, architecture organizing committee

Aaron Betsky Alfredo Brillembourg Hubert Klumpner Doreen Heng Liu

Gideon Fink Shapiro


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A MANIFESTO

RE-LIVING THE CITY 城市原点

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This Biennale makes a simple argument: We have enough stuff. We have enough buildings, enough objects, and enough images. We certainly have enough cities and built-up areas. We do not need to make or build any more. What we need to do is to reuse, rethink, and reimagine what we already have. Specifically, we need architecture that is not the imposition of an abstract idea on a plot that was either inhabited or natural, which is to say an act of appropriation that uses up non-renewable natural resources in the process. Rather we should think of architecture as the thoughtful gathering together of what we already have to create structures that open us up to new relationships with each other and with our environment. We need to discover the new within what we have and know. The methods we need to employ in this endeavor are simple and well-known: the reuse of existing buildings and materials; tactical insertions in the grids and closed structures of our cities that open them up to new forms of occupation, new uses, and new vistas; reinterpretations of existing images and forms so that we can both recognize ourselves and our heritage and understand that we can reinvent our world and our roles within the reality we have inherited; and a forceful cutting, slicing, and making our own of the structures that otherwise keep us imprisoned –those whose physical confinement represents and makes real the social, political, and economic control to which we are subject.

Aaron Betsky

UABB 2015

There is a history to such tactics as well, although it is one that this Biennale does not examine in detail, as its nature is to be a celebration of current experimentation. It is the history of collage, assemblage, and appropriation; of installations and performance art that breaks the boundaries of what usually defines art and architecture; of the reuse of imagery that used to be part and parcel of the artist’s and the architect’s practice, and that was briefly resurrected during the period of Postmodernism; and the notion of art as the magical repurposing of existing forms, images, and patterns to imbue them with new significance beyond the conventions out of which the base material arose. Collage and assemblage, as they emerged as techniques in artmaking starting in the early twentieth century, served as counterpoints to pictorial techniques that assumed reality was an illusion, art that claimed to see beyond physical and time-based materiality to understand deeper principles. This abstract and spiritually oriented approach, steeped in a centuries-long tradition, sought to create a window into a world of pure and ultimately a-human and a-physical truths, moving the viewer into the realm of ideas and ideals. In architecture, this meant the idea of forms that came out of orders and organizational principles that were not bound by time or place, and that reflected the power to impose an institution’s, state’s or individual’s power over people, resources, and spaces. Against such an approach, collage and assemblage proposed to gather what was real, emphasizing the material’s sensual qualities by eschewing anything that was finished, complete, or still functional. The stuff with which they worked was incomplete, damaged, and useless: it was the detritus of human civilization. It also bore the marks of use, containing within itself the humanity that had made and worn it down. Artists put this material together into compositions that were themselves unstable, often without the central focal point and certainly without the crutches of perspectives or other abstract forms of organization

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RE-LIVING THE CITY 城市原点

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that transformed material such as paint into the building blocks of an imaginary world. Instead, they create rhythms and patterns, weaving together the fragments into something that cohered, though often barely. These compositions could be read as abstractions—but more importantly as experimental reconfigurations that gave dead material a second life with many potential vectors. Architects did not pick up on these techniques until the 1980s, and even then in a manner that still showed the central place abstraction and order held and hold in their discipline: they assembled fragments of historical forms and quotations into collages. Though some of them might have looked to “architecture without architects” or Roman “spolia,” what they produced was not the reassembly of found materials, but an assemblage of references. Combined with the rising fashion of historic preservation, itself guided by the necessity of preserving existing resources, this produced something like collage architecture, though it was a fake one. What was constructed was new in terms of either the image it presented or the material it used, or it was a specious recreation of what existed. Only with the advent of computer technologies, paired with the replacement of abstraction with scenarios and conceptual projects during the 1990s, did collage architecture come closer to being realized. While industrial and graphic designers finally embraced radical and tactical reuse, architects created stage sets and piled functions on top of each other, mixed existing and new materials, and opened up their buildings to multiple ways of either moving through or interpreting them. In the last decade architects have embraced the idea of collage, but often only in the limited sense of producing twodimensional representations (by using software such as Photoshop to virtually assemble buildings from existing images) or by rehabilitating existing buildings for more symbolic and ceremonial purposes such as museums. On a larger field, architects and urban-


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UABB 2015

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ists have looked at urban situations, proposing the re-appropriation of disused spaces for urban agriculture, guerilla gardening, or pop-up “parklets,” while using their knowledge and skills to help homeless and powerless people to take over and make use of abandoned structures. In theoretical projects, some architects and designers have pointed to further possibilities. Since the experimental architecture of the 1980s, these collage architects have proposed ways of making structures and cities out of existing forms and materials, and, more recently, have even developed computer programs that would facilitate such tactics. These are the architects we have assembled for this Biennale. We have attempted to show the diversity of their tactics, which range from the literal gathering together of junk or used materials, through the appropriation of existing spaces or structures, to the playing out various scenarios through the use of computers and social modeling techniques so that we can imagine other uses of and vistas through existing urban environments. Such is the scene in which this Biennale operates, and such are its building blocks. The question is what it does with such forms and methods today. This is where we have sought to collect the best work at various scales, in different situations, and in a variety of locations in order to show the viability of architecture that is a gathering and a revealing rather than an invention. The criteria we use are that the work must, first, be sustainable. This does not mean the addition of technologies that ameliorate the waste of resources inherent in construction. Sustainable architecture does not just harness wind, ground, and solar energy in order to make its environments less wasteful. It does not waste any resources in its very construction and use.

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Kurt Schwitters, Merzbau [Detail: Great Group], 1933, Hannover. Room installation, various materials, 393 x 580 x 460 cm, destroyed 1943. Photo by Wilhelm Redemann. Kurt Schwitters Archives at the Sprengel Museum Hannover. Repro: Michael Herling / Aline Gwose, Sprengel Museum Hannover © VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn.

Early twentieth-century techniques of collage and assemblage served as counterpoints to pictorial techniques steeped in abstract idealism.

UABB 2015

Kurt Schwitters, Merzbau [Detail: Stairway Entrance Side], 1933, Hannover. Room installation, various materials, 393 x 580 x 460 cm, destroyed 1943. Photo by Wilhelm Redemann. Kurt Schwitters Archives at the Sprengel Museum Hannover. Repro: Michael Herling / Aline Gwose, Sprengel Museum Hannover © VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn.

Collage makers eschewed anything that was finished or complete, and instead proposed to gather the detritus of human civilization—fragments of the real, the incomplete, the damaged, and the useless—into compositions that were themselves unstable, to serve as the building blocks of an imaginary world.

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RE-LIVING THE CITY 城市原点

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This means, furthermore, that all architects have to ask themselves the question, when they are asked to design a new building, whether that is truly necessary. Those who would develop or redevelop properties, potentially commissioning architects, also need to consider alternatives to new construction. To answer the needs of space, identity, and being at home in your living, your work, or your play, you may not need a new building. It might be that you need to redefine who or what you are as an individual or an organization. If you do need more space, you can usually find it in existing buildings and neighborhoods. That does not mean that we are calling for historic preservation in the sense of embalming the past, nor do we want what is new about the reused structures or urban environments to be indistinguishable from the structures designers need to open up. We are calling for architecture and urbanism that are radically new in their opening up, reimagination, and repurposing of existing structures. The shock of the new must come out of a reuse of what is, which will gain it an echo effect: a sense that it is strangely familiar. Rethinking the underlying values of design will in turn cause designers and architects to rethink aesthetics, and perhaps even to generate a new style. Therefore this Biennale calls for a new style, in the sense of articulating a point of view and making visible the possibilities of collage architecture and urbanism. What is made, even if it is remade, is particular to the maker, the materials, and the situation (in time and space) in which it appears. What we are saying is that this particular architecture, this mode of appearance, this style, is one that consists of editing, curating, composing, and collaging together.


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UABB 2015

In short, we call for:

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The shock of the new must come out of a reuse of what is, which will gain it an echo effect: a sense that it is strangely familiar.

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Architecture that reuses, reimagines, restages, and repurposes Architecture that is an act of opening

Collage architecture and urbanism will take their place as part of a wider movement in our culture towards making as remaking: sampling in music and visual arts, repacking, riffing on existing styles and forms; and the Photoshop Aesthetic, in which the work of art is the deformation and reformation of existing images, understood in their malleability and artificiality. Art in this sense is ultimately the revelation of the artifice we have made for ourselves, and an attempt to position ourselves in that position of instability. It places us, but in a manner that recognizes our placelessness and timelessness. It is the construction of not understanding some meaning and extension, but seeing and knowing what is right now and here.

Architecture that gathers together what is into the new Architecture that breaks open the boxes in which we live, work, and play Architecture that does not use up natural resources, but makes them available to all Architecture that forms a collage or assemblage

UABB 2015

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Architecture that works tactically to liberate the city Architecture that is strangely familiar Architecture that reveals the artifice of our world Architecture that is a manner of seeing and knowing our world.

Aaron Betsky

RE-LIVING THE CITY 城市原点

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THE EVOLUTION OF RADICAL URBANISM

RE-LIVING THE CITY 城市原点

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What does it mean to be a radical architect or designer today? Never before have cities mattered as much to the future of humanity. As David Harvey attests, we have sleepwalked unknowingly into a full-blown “crisis of planetary urbanization,” with acute social, political, and ecological dimensions.1 Cities are fundamentally places of opportunity – after all, urban migrants continue to be drawn in their millions by the promise of security as well as upward mobility. But cities are too often sites of yawning inequality, where land, housing, infrastructure, and services are transformed into symptoms of exclusionary growth. Faced with contemporary urbanization patterns, we are forced to question how cities and city-making have traditionally operated. More to the point, as architects and designers we are forced to rethink how we can operate within the city, learning from its emerging intelligence and shaping its outcomes to radical and tactical ends. The notion of a radical urbanism draws us unavoidably into the realm of the political. Imagining a more equitable and sustainable future involves an implicit critique of the spatial and societal conditions produced by prevailing urban logics. As such, we are not only reminded of Le Corbusier’s famous ultimatum, “architecture or revolution,” but its generational echo in Buckminster Fuller’s

Alfredo Brillembourg & Hubert Klumpner

UABB 2015

more catastrophic pronouncement, “utopia or oblivion.”2 Both were zero-sum scenarios born of overt social disjuncture, whether the deprivations and tensions of the interwar period, or the escalating conflicts and ecological anxiety of the late 1960s. While the wave of experimental ‘postutopian’ practices that emerged in the early 1970s positioned themselves explicitly in opposition to perceived failures of the modern movement, these disparate groups shared a belief – however disenchanted – with their predecessors in the idea that radical difference was possible, as well as a conviction that a break was necessary.3 It is precisely this potent mix of idealism and criticality that we wish to explore under the rubric of ‘radical urbanism’ – utopian dreams tempered by an unflinching engagement with social reality. We are interested in those who advocate for the exceptional while cloaked in the trappings of routine. Those who infiltrate peripheral disciplines, embed themselves as outside observers, and leverage a proximate vantage point to influence decisions and policies. Those who relinquish direct control in favor of distributed autonomy and instrumental feedback. We are interested in projects that seek distance from disciplinary bounds, and from legal, political, and societal norms. That render complicit the immanently possible and the highly improbable, the absolutely necessary and the prohibitively taboo. A radical project does not necessarily view design as a solution, nor as a means to elucidate a question, but as a fundamental restructuring of assumptions in the way we live, and the environments that are necessary to support that life. The history of architecture and urbanism is littered with individuals, groups, movements, structures, unbuilt work, conceptual projects, research programs, theories, exhibitions, publica-

1 — David Harvey, “The Crisis of Planetary Urbanization” in Pedro Gadanho, ed., Uneven Growth: Tactical Urbanisms for Expanding Megacities (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 2014), 29.

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RE-LIVING THE CITY 城市原点

tions, and performances that collectively trace a potent tradition of radical intention. What ties these diverse activities together is not a desire to escape disciplinary boundaries entirely, but instead to redefine the very possibilities of architecture and design as a means to usher in an alternative to the status quo. Though radical urbanism can assume countless forms, one can point to three potential fields of contestation that embody alternative modes of practice, thought, or engagement. The first is by outlining a provocative vision that challenges the normative thinking of the time. The second is by recasting the role of the architect in order to question what is pragmatically possible when intervening in an urban environment. The third is to operate at the vanguard of political change, or, in other words, architecture as revolution. If one accepts the foundational modernist belief that addressing the realities of contemporary life means working in (and through) the city, then architecture and urbanism can represent a radical subversion of established social structures beyond material questions of form and aesthetics.4 From unrealized visions and plans like Antonio Sant’Elia’s La Città Nuova, Yona Friedman’s Ville Spatiale, Constant Nieuwenhuys’ New Babylon, and Cedric Price’s Potteries Thinkbelt, to the avant-garde provocations of Archigram’s Plug-In City, Superstudio’s The Continuous Monument, and Archizoom’s No-Stop-City, the inclusive humanism of the Smithsons, the animist hybridity of Pancho

2 — See Le Corbusier, Toward an Architecture, trans. John Goodman (London: Frances Lincoln / Getty Trust, 2007), first published in French as Vers une architecture (Paris: G. Cres, 1924); R. Buckminster Fuller, “Invisible Future,” San Francisco Oracle 11 (December 1967), 24. 3 — Fredric Jameson, Archaeologies of the Future: The Desire Called Utopia and Other Science Fictions (New York: Verso, 2005), 168.

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4 — John R. Gold, The Experience of Modernism: Modern Architects and the Future City, 1928-53 (London: Thomson Science, 2013) 15-16.


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UABB 2015

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Guedes, the technoutopianism of the Metabolists, and the politically charged agit-prop of groups like Ant Farm, Utopie, and HausRuckerCo, we can see a shift from the limited understanding of architecture as the design of discrete structures, to an expanded notion that architecture and urbanism can embody a form of cultural critique, or venture even more decisively into the realm of social and political action. This dovetails with a parallel line of thought that views the role of the architect as extending beyond ‘pure’ design, to support the agency of the individuals and communities whose everyday life shapes the evolving built environment. We see this in the flexible open building concepts of John Habraken, the simple modular housing system of Walter Segal, the self-build and selfmanagement theories of John Turner, the cooperative strategies and ‘pragmatic anarchism’ of Colin Ward, the tecnica povera of Riccardo Dalisi with children from the Traiano Quartiere in Naples, and the ‘action planning’ of Otto Koenigsberger in India. Besides a common concern with the groups or ‘users’ most often marginalized or excluded by formal processes of authority and control, these projects are linked by a modesty that contrasts starkly with the heroic projections of the modern movement. It is a radical urbanism characterized by sensitivity to scale and time, an appreciation of context, and a shift from author to enabler. The third type of radicality emanates from the inside out, where urbanism is adopted as an institutionalized building block prefiguring a new way of life. Though discredited in its most deterministic guise – the hubristic belief in the ability to “correct society on the drawing board”5 – this direct alignment of architects and designers with revolutionary governance is perhaps urbanism at its most ‘radical’. While the emblematic case remains the ‘social condensers’ of Mozei Ginsburg and the Russian constructivists, which were consciously designed to induce collectivism, it

6 — Reyner Banham, Theory and Design in the First Machine Age, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT: 1980), 12; Tahl Kaminer, Architecture, Crisis and Resuscitation: The Reproduction of Post-Fordism in Late-Twentieth-Century Architecture (New York: Routledge, 2011) 19.

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The city today is perhaps more radical than those operating within it. It computes unknown possibilities, conducts high-risk experimentation, and telegraphs previously unknowable futures more quickly and more completely than the raft of professionals tasked with its stewardship, analysis, or design. A discussion based around concrete and scalable projects is necessary to reframe the term ‘radical’ and its potentials for design in the 21st century. The ‘Radical Urbanism’ exhibition in this Biennale will bring greater visibility to alternative models of housing, mobility, production, and recreation grounded in the pursuit of social and environmental justice, diversity, and equality. It will highlight forms of radical praxis that question the role of the architect and redefine the discipline, claiming new territories, new functions, and new legitimacy for architectural and design thinking. It will give space to projects that are both courageous and provocative – that call attention to game-changing urban agents of tomorrow. It will show how it is possible to develop path-breaking tactics of intervention and engagement while operating legitimately within the blind spots of existing power structures. And it will reaffirm the capacity of architects and designers to articulate empowering, transformative, confronting, and realizable visions of our collective urban future.

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is echoed in Álvaro Siza’s involvement with the ‘brigades’ of the Serviço de Apoio Ambulatório Local (SAAL) housing program following the Portuguese revolution, the Proyecto Experimental de Vivienda (PREVI) launched in Peru in the brief mid-1960s interlude between military dictatorships, and the peripheral new towns designed by BV Doshi’s Vãstu-Shilp Consultants in post-independence India. In tune with emancipatory political agendas, these schemes sought to underpin alternative forms of economic and social development. Reyner Banham has described dreams of a better world as the true “ghosts in the machine” of 20th century architecture, while Tahl Kaminer argues the loss of the “utopian horizon” means the idea of progress has been rejected as a myth.6 Does it make any sense then to speak of a contemporary radical urbanism? In short, we are convinced it does. Cities are complex, hybrid spaces where divergent ways of acting, thinking about, and living urban life collide and transform. And in these spaces, a new generation of architects, designers, advocates, artists, sociologists, anthropologists, economists, and activists are collectively reimagining new tactics to tackle critical urban and social issues. The city today is perhaps more radical than those operating within it. It computes unknown possibilities, conducts highrisk experimentation, and telegraphs previously unknowable futures more quickly and more completely than the raft of professionals tasked with its stewardship, analysis, or design.

5 — Meyer Schapiro, “Architect’s Utopia: Review of Architecture and Modern Life,” Partisan Review 4 (1938) 46, 89-92.

UABB 2015

RE-LIVING THE CITY 城市原点

RE-LIVING THE CITY 城市原点

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PRESENT SCENARIO


BOGOTÁ, COLOMBIA

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PRESENT SCENARIO: COLOMBIA COUNTRY PROFILE Geographic Overview Facts, Figures and Maps

GEOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW

FACTS AND FIGURES

Capital

Bogotá

Major Cities

According to the 2005 census, the four cities with more than 1 million population are: Bogotá (4,300,000; Greater Bogotá, 6,776, 009), Medellín (2,223,078), Cali (2,068,386), and Barranquilla (1,380,437). These cities are also the four major industrial centers.

Size

The fourth-largest country in South America, Colombia measures 1,138,910 square kilometers

Principal Rivers

Colombia has 20,000 kilometers of rivers. Its principal rivers are the Magdalena, 1,540 kilometers; the Putumayo, 1,500 kilometers; and the Cauca, 1,014 kilometers.

Climate

Climate: Mainly as a result of differences in elevation, Colombia has a striking variety in temperatures, with little seasonal variation. The habitable areas of the country are divided into three climatic zones: hot (tierra caliente; below 900 meters in elevation), temperate (tierra temblada; 900– 2,000 meters), and cold (tierra fría; 2,000 meters to about 3,500 meters).

Natural Resources

Colombia is well endowed with agricultural export products, energy resources, and minerals. These resources include coal, coffee, copper, emeralds, flowers, fruits, gas, gold, hydropower, iron ore, natural nickel (also known as Millerite, a compound that is a natural nickel sulphide), petroleum, platinum, and silver. Colombia ranks first in Latin America for its coal reserves, fourth for natural gas and sixth for oil. In addition, the country is second only to Brazil in hydroelectric potential.

Land Use

Colombia’s arable land is located mostly in patches on the Andean mountainsides. In 2005 an estimated 2.01 percent of the total land area was arable (approximately 21,000–23,000 square kilometers). The amount of arable land has declined.

Environmental Issues

The 1991 constitution codifies new environmental protection legislation, including the creation of specially protected zones, of which Colombia had 443 in 2003, mostly in forest areas and national parks. Colombia has an extraordinarily high percentage of its total land area designated as a protected area (72.3 percent in 2003). As a result of soil erosion, 65 percent of the country’s municipalities are facing water shortages. Only about one-third of Colombia’s 1,098 municipalities have adequate Treatment systems for contaminated waters.

Source: Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Colombia, February 2007

Source Fig 1: SISTEMA DE CIUDADES Una aproximación visual al caso colombiano- World Bank, DNP, 2012

Fig 1: Location: Colombia

Fig 2: Colombian Ecological Footprint and Land use

Fig 3: Colombian Ecological Footprint and Land use

Source Fig 2, Fig 3: Sustainable Colombia, A comprehensive Colombian Footprint Global Footprint Network, June 2010 




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MAJOR CITIES OF COLOMBIA

Map Source: Rodriguez Vitta 2011.


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CLIMATIC TYPES

Map Source: Data sources: Kรถppen types calculated from data from WorldClim.org https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Colombia_koppen.svg


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LAND USE

Map Source: https://www.populationdata. net/cartes/colombie-utilisation-desterres/


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PRESENT SCENARIO: COLOMBIA COUNTRY PROFILE Demographic Overview Facts, Figures and Maps

DEMOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW Population

4.3 million. Colombia has a largely urban population. By 2005 the urban population had increased to 75 percent. About 35 percent of the total population is concentrated in four major cities

Population Density

Estimates of population density (inhabitants per square kilometer) have varied, ranging from 37 in 2000 to 44 in 2005.

Migration and Displacement

The net migration rate in 2006 was –0.3 migrant(s) per 1,000 population. Migration from rural to urban areas has been prevalent. The move to urban areas reflects not only a shift away from agriculture but also a flight from guerrilla and paramilitary violence. According to the 2005 census, 1,542,915 Colombians were victims of forced displacement between 1995 and 2005, but the actual number may be between 2 and 3 million, according to NGO’s

Demographics

Colombia has a relatively young population, with about 30.3 percent in the 0–14 age-group and about 80 percent of the population under age 45.

Birth Rate/Life Expectancy

20.48 per 1,000 population. 71.99 years (males, 68.15 years; females, 75.96 years)

Ethnic Groups

The 2005 census defines ethnic groups as being the AfroColombian, indigenous, and gypsy populations. It defines the Afro-Colombian population as including blacks, mulattoes (mixed black and white ancestry), and zambos (mixed Indian and black ancestry) who account for 14% of the population. The “nonethnic population” (whites and mestizos—those of mixed white and Amerindian ancestry) constituted 86 percent of the national population. Class Factor: The upper class, constituting 5 percent of the population, is overwhelmingly white; the middle class, 20 percent, is mostly mestizo; and the lower class, 75 percent, is proportionately mestizo, Afro-Colombian, and indigenous who live in both urban and rural areas Urban-Rural Factor: The populations of major cities are primarily white and mestizo. Most indigenous people and Afro-Colombians live in rural areas

Education and Literacy

The census data also indicated that 37.2 percent of the population had attained basic primary education; 31.7 percent, secondary; 7 percent, professional; and 1.3 percent, specialized studies (master’s or doctorate). The percentage of the population without any education was 10.5 percent.

Source: Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Colombia, February 2007

FACTS AND FIGURES

LOW-INCOME

MIDDLE- INCOME

HIGH INCOME

Fig 1: Colombian Ecological Footprint and Land use by Class

Source Fig 1: Sustainable Colombia, A comprehensive Colombian Footprint Global Footprint Network, June 2010


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URBAN DENSITY BY MUNICIPALITY IN COLUMBIA

Map Source: Rodriguez Vitta 2011.


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PRINCIPAL COMMERCIAL CORRIDORS

Map Source: SISTEMA DE CIUDADES Una aproximaciรณn visual al caso colombiano- World Bank, DNP, 2012


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QUALITY OF LIFE INDEX

Map Source: SISTEMA DE CIUDADES Una aproximaciรณn visual al caso colombiano- World Bank, DNP, 2012


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PRESENT SCENARIO: COLOMBIA COUNTRY PROFILE Social, Political and Economic Overview Facts, Figures and Maps

SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC OVERVIEW Social Issues

Serious social problems include high rates of criminal violence, extensive societal discrimination against women, child abuse, and child prostitution; widespread child labor; extensive societal discrimination against indigenous people and minorities; drug addiction; poverty; and displacement of the rural population.

Poverty

After having reached a low of 50 percent in 1997, the proportion of the population living below the poverty line exceeded 60 percent in 2005. The percentage of the population living in extreme poverty in 2005 was 15 percent, down from 26 percent in 2002, although in rural areas the incidence of extreme poverty could be as high as 40 percent.

Economy

In 2006 Colombia had the fifth-largest economy in Latin America, a status that was expected to continue.

GDP

The GDP totaled an estimated US$133.7 billion in 2006. The estimated origins of GDP by sector in 2006 were agriculture, 12 percent; industry, 35.2 percent (including manufacturing, about 15 percent); and services, 52.7 %

Labor

During 2001–5, the working-age population grew by 1.9 percent and the labor force by 1.4 percent. Colombia has a generally well-educated and trained workforce, which totaled an estimated 20.5 million people in 2005

Unemployment rate

The national unemployment rate has declined since 2000, when it reached a high of 19.7 percent. By 2005 it had dropped to an estimated 11.8 percent, but it rose to 12.7 percent in the third quarter of 2006. Underemployment, which has affected more than 30 percent of the working population since 2001,

Government

The Republic of Colombia is a constitutional, multiparty democracy under the constitution of July 1991. A unitary republic with a strong presidential regime, the national government has executive, legislative, and judicial branches.

Administrative Divisions

The 1991 constitution converted Colombia’s four intendancies (intendencias) and five commisaryships (comisarías) into administrative departments (departamentos administrativos). These departments are divided into municipalities (municipios), each headed by a mayor (alcalde). Colombia had 1,061 municipalities in the 1993 census, but by 2005 that number had grown to 1,098. The charter also allows the creation of indigenous territories as self-governing territorial entities. The country’s capital, Bogotá, is a separate capital district.

Source: Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Colombia, February 2007

FACTS AND FIGURES

Fig 1: Global Urban Slum Population

Fig 2: Levels of Stratification in Bogotá: Percentage of households in each strata.

Source Fig 1: UN-HABITAT 2005 Figures http://cargocollective.com/grayscaled/resource-bogota Fig 2: SISTEMA DE CIUDADES Una aproximación visual al caso colombiano- World Bank, DNP, 2012


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MAP - GROWTH RATE OF GDP 2000-2009

Map Source: SISTEMA DE CIUDADES Una aproximaciรณn visual al caso colombiano- World Bank, DNP, 2012


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IMPACT OF URBAN MULTIDIMENSIONAL POVERTY

Map Source: SISTEMA DE CIUDADES Una aproximaciรณn visual al caso colombiano- World Bank, DNP, 2012


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IMPACT OF TOTAL MULTIDIMENSIONAL POVERTY

Map Source: SISTEMA DE CIUDADES Una aproximaciรณn visual al caso colombiano- World Bank, DNP, 2012


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PRESENT SCENARIO: BOGOTÁ CITY PROFILE Geographic Overview Facts, Figures and Maps

GEOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW

FACTS AND FIGURES

Location

Bogotá is located at an altitude of 2,640 m (8,660 ft) above sea level on the Cordillera Oriental of the Northern Andean Mountains. The city is situated at the base of two mountains, 2.058 Hectares Guadalupe and Montserrat.

Area

Currently the urban area covers 384.3 km² and the more mountainous outlying regions extend 1,222.5 km².

Principal Rivers

Several rivers, one of which, the San Francisco, passes through the city, converge near the southwestern edge of the Cundinamarca-Boyacá plateau and form the Funza River (Río Funza), also known as the Bogotá River (Río Bogotá). This river flows all the way to Tequendama Falls (Salto del Tequendama), a vertical waterfall 145 meters (475 feet) high. Currently, most of the river’s water is used to power a hydroelectric project.

Climate

The city average temperature is 14°C (57 °F), varying from 9ºC (48°F) to 22ºC (71°F). Dry and rainy seasons alternate throughout the year. The driest months are December, January, February and March; the rainiest are April, May, September, October and November. June and July are usually rainy periods and August is sunny with high winds.

Urban Growth

Within the national context, Bogotá and its area has a high urban growth rate. The capital city and the urban nuclei of the 19 towns that make up the region occupied an estimated area of 39,000 hectares in 1998, of which 31,000 corresponded to Bogotá and 8,000 to the other towns. Some growth within the suburban areas can also be identified, but there are no precise estimates. The dynamics of urban growth in the savannah have been characterised by a growth in housing, which has not been properly followed by a proportional increase in infrastructure, generating a situation of pronounced unbalance between the population and educational, health and recreational services. Public services and employment for the new population are mostly provided by Bogotá

Infrastructure

Bogotá’s is connected through the Eldorado airport and the Pan-American Highway to other major centers. Although the city has a vast network of roads one of the major problems is traffic congestion. For several years Bogotá therefore is building a new network of closed lanes exclusively for the bus system Transmilenio.

Street Pattern

The street pattern of the city is like a rectangular network: the streets of north-south direction are called carreras, and the streets in an east-west direction called calles.

Source: http://www.ladatco.com/COL%20 Bogota.htm http://www.colombiainfo.org/en-us/cities/ bogotá.aspx Voto Nacional, A Responsible Urban Renewal Plan, Penn Design, Fall 2016

6.229 Hectares Fig 1: Built-up and Open areas in Bogotá

Fig 2: Loss of wetlands in Bogotá

Fig 3: Water use comparison of Bogotá

Source Fig 1: SISTEMA DE CIUDADES Una aproximación visual al caso colombiano- World Bank, DNP, 2012 Fig 2, Fig 3: : http://cargocollective.com/ grayscaled/re-source-bogota


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TOPOGRAPHY AND RIVERS

0

Map Source: Extracted from GIS Secretaria Distrital de Planeacion Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

5 Kilometers

10


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URBAN GROWTH

0

Map Source: Governing Urban Futures, LSE Cities - 2014

5 Kilometers

10


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ROAD NETWORK

0

Map Source: Extracted from GIS Secretaria Distrital de Planeacion Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

5 Kilometers

10


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PRESENT SCENARIO: BOGOTÁ CITY PROFILE Demographic Overview Facts, Figures and Maps

DEMOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW

FACTS AND FIGURES

Population

7.6 million people with a share of 16% of Columbia’s total population. Bogotá’s population has more than tripled since 1970. The city is expected to grow at a slower rate of 6.5% between 2015 and 2020

Population Density

15, 058 per sq.km

Migration and Displacement

At the end of 2015, 6.9 million- one tenth of the country’s population- were registered as IDP’s in Columbia according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, who also calls it “Columbia’s Invisible Crisis”. Bogotá, to a much greater extent than the other big cities of the country, has been plunged into a constant process of demographic growth for the last few decades, strongly influenced by high rates of immigration. Rising violence and the impoverishment of the country have made Bogotá one of the main recipients of these population. For many years, Bogotá hs made insufficient attempts to address and curb this problem, which has only continued to grow.

Demographics

47.5% of the population are male and 52.5% women. Bogotá has a young population, with 53% of the city’s population under the age of 35, a greater ratio than that of the country as a whole. With it’s high proportion of youth, the city also has a large number of families, with 64% of households described as family households.

Ethnic Groups

The majority of the population of Bogotá is European or of European-mixed descent. The people of mixed descent are those of Mestizo origin. This means they are of European, mostly Spanish, and indigenous descent.

Education Index

0.61

Primary and Secondary education

100 percent of students complete primary education while 71.1 percent of them complete secondary education. The literacy rate is at 98.30%

Life Expectancy

78.01 years

Under age five mortality (per 1,000 live births)

22.6

Source: DANE, Population Statistics https://shared.uoit.ca/shared/facultysites/sustainability-today/publications/ compendium_entries/bogotá.pdf The case of Bogotá D.C., Colombia, Nicolás Rueda-García, UCL -London

Fig 1: Population per age group in Bogotá,

Fig 2: Comparison of urban density of Bogotá

Fig 3: Urban density of Bogotá

Fig 1: The case of Bogotá D.C., Colombia, Nicolás Rueda-García, UCL -London

Fig 2: http://cargocollective.com/ grayscaled/re-source-bogota Fig 3: Governing Urban Futures, LSE

Cities - 2014


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MAP- URBAN AREAS

0

Map Source: Extracted from GIS Secretaria Distrital de Planeacion Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

5 Kilometers

10


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BUILT CONDITION

0

Map Source: Extracted from GIS Secretaria Distrital de Planeacion Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

5 Kilometers

10


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PLOTS AND STREETS

0

Map Source: Extracted from GIS Secretaria Distrital de Planeacion Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

5 Kilometers

10


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PRESENT SCENARIO: BOGOTÁ CITY PROFILE Social, Political and Economic Overview Facts and Figures

SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC OVERVIEW City Mayor

Samuel Moreno Rojas

Governance

The 1991 National Constitution states in article number 322 that Santafé de Bogotá3 in its position of capital city of the Republic and the Department of Cundinamarca (Constitución Política de Colombia 1996: 185), will be organised as a District Capital. To enforce this article, the district’s territory was divided into 20 localidades, taking into account the social and economic characteristics of their inhabitants.

Economy

Bogotá’s economy outperforms that of Columbia. Today Bogotá is considered to be a service- providing city. With a relatively diversified economy, the city’s GDP per capit in 2014 was approximately $12,000 USD exceeding that of the national level.

FACTS AND FIGURES

GDP and Share in US$ 82 billion and 25 % share in country’s GDP Columbia’s GDP Labor:

Bogotá’s booming economy is also reflected in its decreasing unemployment and poverty rates. In 2015 unemployment declined to 9% compared to the country’s average of 9.8%.

Employment

4’085,716 people are employed and there is 65.9% employment rate

Informal Labor

Without access to the skills or education needed to take part in Bogotá’s booming service sector, poor residents often find employment in the informal economy, working as waste pickers, street entertainers or street vendors.

Informal Labor Rate

45%

Poverty rate and extreme poverty

11.6% and 2% respectively

Shelter

Rapid population growth has caused a strain on the housing market in Bogotá. Housing prices have risen sharply. In 2005, the city estimated a shortage of 370,000 units.

Social Issues

Bogotá has gone to great lengths to change its formerly notorious crime rate and its image with increasing success after being considered in the 1990s to be one of the most violent cities in the world. In 2007 Bogotá suffered 1,401 murders at a rate of 19 per 100,000 inhabitants, and had a further reduction to 16.9 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2012 (the lowest since 1983).

Source: DANE, Population Statistics https://shared.uoit.ca/shared/facultysites/sustainability-today/publications/ compendium_entries/bogotá.pdf The case of Bogotá D.C., Colombia, Nicolás Rueda-García, UCL -London

Map 1: Spread of Poverty - 2001

Map 2: Dark red blocks indicate the most visited neighborhoods during the week and the white indicates the most visited during weekends. Source Map 1: The case of Bogotá D.C., Colombia, Nicolás Rueda-García, UCL -London

Map 2: http://www.michelecoscia. com/?p=1130


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MAPS

Map 3:Socio-Economic Stratification

Fig1: Bogotรก Expenditure Map 4: Employment

Source Map 3, Map 4: Transport accessibility and social inequities: a tool for identification of mobility needs and evaluation of transport investments , Juan S. Pablo Bocarejo Daniel H. Ricardo Oviedo, 2012

Fig 1: Governing Urban Futures, LSE Cities - 2014


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Fig 1: Multi-Level Governance Structure

Fig 1: Governing Urban Futures, LSE Cities - 2014


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Fig 2: Multi-Level Political Representation

Fig 2: Governing Urban Futures, LSE Cities - 2014


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INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS IN BOGOTÁ 14

S I STEM A D E C I UDA D E S

CIUDADES

ZONAS DE ORIGEN INFORMAL EN BOGOTÁ

NFORMAL EN BOGOTÁ

Fuente: Secretaría Distrital de Planeación.

strital de Planeación.

Zonas de origen informal

en informal

0

2

4 Km

4 Km

Los mercados de suelo y vivienda en Colombia están MA DE CIUDADES en Colombia están uelo y vivienda caracterizados por complicados esquemas de gestión del

complicados esquemas de gestión del urbano, que incluyen un gran número de trámidesarrollo que incluyen un gran número de trámites, poca claridad en el régimen de cargas urbanísticas y

n el régimen de cargas urbanísticas y discrecionalidad de los funcionarios públicos.

RIGEN INFORMAL EN BOGOTÁ

los funcionarios públicos.

taría Distrital de Planeación.

14

de origen informal

285.000

Map Source: SISTEMA DE CIUDADES 2

SI STEM A D E C I UDA DES

Una aproximación visual al caso colombianoWorld Bank, DNP, 4 Km

NUEVOS HOGARES

285.000

ZONAS DE ORIGEN INFORMAL EN BOGOTÁ

NUEVOS HOGARES

Fuente: Secretaría Distrital de Planeación.

140.000

Zonas de origen informal

BAJA PRODUCCIÓN DE VIVIENDA EN BOGOTÁ

PRODUCCIÓN DE VIVIENDA EN BOGOTÁLa producción de vivienda formal no da abasto: entre el 2005

vienda formal no da abasto: entre el 2005

NUEVAS VIVIENDAS

y el 2009 se conformaron 285.000 nuevos hogares al año,

ormaron 285.000 nuevos hogares al año,mientras que se construyeron 140.000 viviendas anualmente.

struyeron 140.000 viviendas anualmente.

Fuente: DANE.

140.000

NUEVAS VIVIENDAS


69

15

En la capital del país tampoco se ha consolidado una figura metropolitana. En su lugar existen desorganizados procesos de suburbanización de usos industriales y viviendas unifamiliares, sin la infraestructura necesaria y en ausencia de un esquema de desarrollo regional integrado que coordine los usos del suelo entre municipios.

DÉFICIT DE VIVIENDA EN BOGOTÁ Existen altos déficits de vivienda, situación en la que se encuentra el 27% del total de hogares, es decir, 2'216.863 personas: el 12,56% en déficit cuantitativo y el 14,44%, en déficit cualitativo. Fuente: Secretaría Distrital de Planeación.

27%

DE DÉFICIT DE VIVIENDA


70


71

HISTORY OF BOGOTÁ


TIMELINE

72

PG XX - XX

PG XX - XX

COLONIALISM 1538

1800

Plaza Bolivar Historic Center

Historic Center

POST- COLONIAL 1820

1840

Plaza Bolivar Brunner’s Developments Urban Fabric

Plaza Connections

1938 - Pre- Modernsim

1860

1880

Plaza Bolivar Proposed Redevelopment (Le Corbusier + Sert & Wiener) Urban Fabric

Building as an Object

1951 - Modernist Surge

1593 - Colonialists

Karl Brunner

Le Corbusier

Spanish colonialists imposed a European style grid after capturing Bogotá in 1593. Thisarearemainstheoldesturbanstructure of Bogotá.

The pre- modernist period was led by Karl Brunner. By 1938 Brunner had built a significantamountsofBogotátoaccomodate the tripling of the city’s population between 1900- 1932. He was inspired by the idea of streets as designed corridors connecting plazas and squares.

The modernist surge was spreadheaded by Le Corbusier who presented a ‘Pilot Plan’ for Bogotá in 1947. The plan emphasised the urban modernist ideas of the day, demonstrating the idea of a residential buidlings placed within a matrix of surrounding landscape connexted by road and motorway.


73

PG XX - XX PG XX - XX

PG XX - XX MODERNISM

PRE- MODERNISM 1900

1920

PG XX - XX

PERIOD OF INSTABILITY

1940

1960

URBAN RENEWAL

1980

2000

Plaza Bolivar

Plaza Bolivar

El Dorado Airport

Urban Fabric

Urban Fabric Barrios

2020

Public Space Libraries Transmilenio Ciclovia

Public Space Corridors

New Autopista and Urban Sprawl to the West

1957 - Period of Instability

BRT - Transmilenio System

2000 - Urban Renewal

José Sert & Paul Wiener

Gustavo Rojas

Antanas Mockus | Enrique Penalosa

Sert and Wiener’s proposal was also significant through differed greatly from Le Corbusier. They maintained the historic concept of the grid, threading the landscape and nature through public space corridors, which would open up into squares and parks.

This was a period of rapid informal urbanisation due to poor political management and leadership. The city began to sprawl to the West breaking the historic North- South growth pattern in response to dictator Gustavo Rojas construction of the Autopista Norte and planned the location for El Dorado Airport.

Bogotá’s urban renewal was a response of a more effective governemnt and develolved power to localadministrations.MockusandPenalosadubbed ‘The Public Space Mayors’ invested heavily in changing public life in Bogotá through social and public infrastructure means. One of the greatest achievements of this period is theTransmilenio bus network and new city cycle ways.


COLONIAL CONTEXT: 1593-1889

COLONIALISM 1538

1810

Founding Bogota was founded by the Spanish in 1538 and declared the capital of the New Kingdom of Granada by Spanish conquistador Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada.

74

POST- COLONIAL 1860

1870

1880

Independence Colombia was declared free from Spanish rule in 1810.

1890

Introduction of Railways Railways were first introduced in Bogota in 1889.

Grid City The city was planned by the Spanish around a formal grid framework infilled mostly with housing blocks. This was interspersed with voided blocks creating squares, markets and assembly spaces.

Introduction of Tranvia Tranvia’s were introduced in 1884 and were trams pulled along by mules. They were the precursor to Bogota’s electrified trams. This allowed for urban expansion as people began to live further away from the city.

PRE- MODERNISM 1900

1920

1925

1930

1935

1940

Karl Brunner Ricardo Olano Director of the Department for Ricardo Olano was a champion of 1. Bogotá 1538 in 1884 of Bogota (1933 - 1939) and a Urbanism modern urban development in 2. Tranvia Network Introduced References Town Counsellor to the government Colombia in the 1920s first with a 1 Colombia http://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-colombia-bogota-founded-byof (1935 - 1948), Brunner ‘Planos Futuros’ for Medellin and gonzalo-jimenez-de-quesada-1538-engraving-77671049.html Bogotá was founded by Spanish conquestador Gonzalo Jiménez de was responsible for most of the later for Bogota (1923- 1925).These Quesada in 1538 after driving out the native Musica people from ‘Bacata’2 Berney, R. 2017. Learning From in Bogotá: Urbanism and the urban developments hisPedagogical time. His were the first modern urban Reshaping of Public Space. p.51 Bogotá’s orignal name. The Spanish imposed a European style grid onto urbanism adhered to the traditional plans Bogota with the city framed by streets 7mfor wide running eastinfluences to west and 10m wide 3 Berney, R. 2017. Learning From Bogotá: Pedagogical Urbanism and the new from the UK, France and Spain, Reshaping ofgrid Publicintroducing Space. p.15 carreras running north to south. The construction of Bogotá’s main plaza European boulevards, squares, parks and and were later progressed by Karl ‘Plaza de Bolivar’ was built in 1553 and still remains today. The plaza was 4 Berney, R. 2017. Learning From Bogotá: Pedagogical Urbanism and neighbourhoods. theserving 1930s.acathedraladjacenttothe housing the Reshaping of Public Space. p.48 thecentralpublicspaceBrunner ofthecity,inalso square. The tranvia tram system was installed in 1884 running north from Plaza de Bolivar to Chapinero- an area then outside of the city. This new infrastructure allowed citizens to live further from the city center and so contributed to the urban growth of the city.

5

Berney, R. 2017. Learning From Bogotá: Pedagogical Urbanism and the

Urban / Economic Reshaping of Public Space.Growth p.48 The 1930s urban boom led by Karl 6 http://www.environmentandsociety.org/exhibitions/water-bogota/ historical-cartography Brunner, coincided with a period of economic growth and prosperity in Bogota.


75

6. Bogotรก. 1910.

4. Bogotรก in early 19th Century 5. Zoom in on Plaza Mayor (Plaza de Bolivar)

3. Bogotรก Through the Decades

1538

1560

1670

1840

1910

1933

1953

1970

2000


duced in 1884 and were trams pulled along by mules. They were the precursor to Bogota’s electrified trams. This allowed for urban expansion as people began to live further away from the city.

infilled mostly with housing blocks. This was uturo. primer intento de modernizaciÓn urbana interspersed with voided blocks creating squares, markets and assembly spaces.

PRE- MODERNISM | 1900 - 1946

rucción de una Avenida Central. Entre carreras 7.ª y 8.ª ar hasta el Palacio de la Gobernación”. Andreas Hofer, Karl uropeo en América Latina (Bogotá: Áncora Editores, 2003)

76

PRE- MODERNISM 1900

1920

1925

[199]

1930

Ricardo Olano Ricardo Olano was a champion of modern urban development in Colombia in the 1920s first with a ‘Planos Futuros’ for Medellin and later for Bogota (1923- 1925).These were the first modern urban plans for Bogota with influences from the UK, France and Spain, and were later progressed by Karl el plano bogotá futuro. pr imer Brunner in the 1930s. 1923-25 reinterpretadas por proyectos de Brunner 1934-1935

intento

1935

1940

Karl Brunner Director of the Department for Urbanism of Bogota (1933 - 1939) and a Town Counsellor to the government of Colombia (1935 - 1948), Brunner was responsible for most of the urban developments in his time. His urbanism adhered to the traditional European grid introducing new boulevards, squares, parks and de modernizaciÓn urbana housing neighbourhoods.

pal y Departamental de Obras Públicas “Bogotá Futuro, Proyecto, imagen bajo custodia del Museo de Bogotá, del IDPC.

Urban / Economic Growth The 1930s urban boom led by Karl figu r a 5 . Brunner, coincided with a period of “Estudio sobre la construcción de una Avenida Central. Entre carreras 7.ª y 8.ª economic growth and prosperity in Desde la Plaza de Bolívar hasta el Palacio de la Gobernación”. Andreas Hofer, Karl Bogota. Brunner y el urbanismo europeo en América Latina (Bogotá: Áncora Editores, 2003) 118, fig. 26.

[199] PERIOD OF INSTABILITY 1960

1965

1970

1975

1980

1985

Colombian Conflict Power and Politics Population 1. Karl Brunner Diagram for Boom Square Connections 2. Karl Brunner Study of Central Avenue 3. Karl Brunner Portrait a Governación References The Colombian conflict After the downfall of Gustavo Rojas in Between 1958 and 1964 the Calles Bogotápopulation saw a tripling it’s population between 1900 - 1932the from around 1957, emerged after assisnaColombia ofinBogota more Miguel, J. 2013. Thewas Bogotáplunged Futuro Plan: into The First Urban Modern1 f igu ra 6. ization Attempt. p.199 100,000 - 300,000 inhabitants. In responsetion the first modern urbanJorge plans decades of Bogota Mayor of political instability largely than doubled from 715,250 Calles de Bogotá Futuro 1923-25 reinterpretadas por proyectos de Brunner 1934-1935 Miguel, J. 2013. The Bogotá Futuro Plan: The First Urban Modernwere developed Bogotá spearhdeaded by thein businessman Ricardo attributable Gaitan 1948 and continto the lack of political to 1,697,311.for This was largely 2 Attempt. p.199 Proyecto, (a color). Las DD. Municipal y Departamental de Obras Públicasization “Bogotá Futuro, Olanofounding the Bogotá Beautification Society also ues thisand day. Indeveloped 1964del a Museoleadership. terms too were due to migrants arriving Escala 1:10.000”. Plano eto imagen bajo custodia de Bogotá, delMayorship IDPC. http://www.socialhizo.com/images/entretenimiento/turismo/urbanproposals forthe anew modernMedellin.Olano’s workof inspired hissucessor ismo-siglo-xx/brunner.jpg 3 number guerilla groups appointed by the President and for from countryside 2 J u l . - d i cKarl . 2 013 * issn 012 0operated -2 456 (i m p a r ekey s o) role - 2 256in -56 47 (e n l í urban n e a) development Brunner who Bogotá’s http://static.iris.net.co/arcadia/upload/imagwere formed in opposition short terms ranging from one to three fleeing persecution and es/2015/5/21/42694_153040_1.jpg between 1933- 1948. This was a golden age for building in Bogotá, with 4 to the government includ- years. This made it difficult to carry out violence and guerilla several new neighborhoods and city upgrading projects lead by Brunner http://fondationlecorbusier.fr/corbuweb/morpheus.aspx?sysing National Liberation a unified urban vision for development warfare. Resultingly, Bogota id=13&irisobjectid=6823&syslanguage=en-en&itempos=181&itemcompleted in time for the 400 year annaversary of the city in 1938. This era 5 count=300&sysparentid=15 Army (ELN) and The and resulted in a stagnation of urban was forced to grow informaofurbangrowthwasmadepossiblelargelythroughanperiodofeconomic Le Corbusier Pilot Planpolitical for Bogotá: Civic Center. 1950. Revolutionary Armed progress. The elite too were ly and barrios sprang up prospertiy. Miguel, J. 2013. The Bogotá Futuro Plan: The First Urban Modernization Attempt. p.199 Forces of Colombia (FARC) afraid of the poor so would employ all from the strain of rapid who continue to stand as measures possible to maintain social urbanisation. the leading threat against class divisions. the Colombian government.


MODERNIST SURGE | 1947 - 1960

77

PERIOD OF INSTABILITY MODERNIST SURGE 1945

1950

1955

Gustavo Rojas Military Dictator Gustavo Rojas came to power in 1953. He ignored the previous planning efforts and re-focused developments to infrastructure (new motorway, El Dorado airport). This move broke the idea of planning control to the west and allowed the city to grow more rapidly.

Bogotazo / La Violencia Admired socialist and Liberal party Mayor for Bogota- Jorge Gaitan was a assisnated in April 1948 during a presedential campaign. This sparked huge riots dubbed ‘El Bogotazo’ and a decade of political unrest called ‘La Violencia’. Le Corbusier In 1947 Le Corbusier was invited to propose and urban plan for Bogota. His work in Bogota terminated in 1951 after the presentation of his key work- the Bogota Pilot Plan. His ideas triggering a period of modernist thinking and urban strategy for the city, even influencing proposals to this day.

José Luis Sert & Paul Lester Wiener Sert and Wiener joined the effort in Bogota in 1948, proposing their own urban regeneration plans. They also colaborated closely with Corbusier acting as consustants on the Regulatory Plan. Their work in Bogota ceased in 1953.

URBAN RENEWAL 1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

Antanas Mockus Jamie Castro Enrique Penalosa Corbusier, Josef and mayoral Paul Wiener administrations in ranSert, two In 1992 Castro was the Janruary 1998 Enrique Penalosa5. Le Mockus Bogota. The first term ran between 1995third elected mayor of commences as 793rd Mayor of AlthoughsomemodernistproposalshadbeenmadeforBogotápriortothe1997 involement and theofsecond from 2001 - 2003. His Bogota. His election Bogota. Penalosa championed LeCorbusierin1947,hiscontributionkickstartedadistinctiveperiodofmodernist thinking. ambition was to heal the social divisions in was part of a national the upgrading of public space Architects such as Le Corbusier and Jose Sert and Paul Wiener proposed ‘Pilot Plans’ for effort starting in 1991 to and urban transport during his Bogotano society through the introduction the redevelopment of Bogotá’s center, which included the demolition and rebuilding of decentralise powers to term, introducing a number of of a ‘citizen culture’ which encouraged trust the historic town center. Corbusier’s modernist plans took a similar approach in Bogotá and respect amongst citizens. He applied local government in a parks and the popular Transto his Raidant City proposals for Paris. The ideas focused on the densification of housing these principles to policing, hiring mimes to bid tointo legitimise Colommilenio bus network. He was condensed towerblocks thatwere surrounded bylandscape andconnectedbyroad ridicule those who break traffic laws; and bian politics. His re-elected Mayor in 2015 and will andhighwayinfrastrcuture.SertandWienerontheotherhandworkedwithinthehistoric also introduced a ‘thumbs up thumbs administration put the serve a term running until 2018. grid, strinigng together a series of streets, squares, parks and plazas along a linear urban down’ system where people would flash a country on a path corridor (see maps on following page for reference). thumb up card if they see someone doing a towards more transpargood deed, or a thumb down card if they ent and effective were acting disapprovingly. His first term in government, setting the office was the first successful initiative to stage for his successors bring citizens together since La Violencia. Mockus and Penalosa. 4. Model of Le Corbusier’s ‘Pilot Plan’ for Bogotá


olitan: crea-

LE CORBUSIER VS SERT & WIENER | 1947 - 1953

78

Le Corbusier, Master Urban Plan. 1950. Cecelia, M. 2010. Le Corbusier en Bogotá: 1947 - 1951. Precisiones en torno al Plan Director. Tomo II, p.140

> LaLe Carrera de la Modernidad Corbusier, Master

Plan for Bogota (1950): plan BOG 4211 – Urban: overview map of areas for housing, work, and phsyical and spiritual recreation © F. Pizano.

Plan Regulador, Wiener & Sert. 1954. Instituto Distrital de Patrimonio Cultural - Colección Museo de Bogotá Murica, C; Mendoza, S. 2011. La carrera de la modernidad. Construcción de la

>Plan Regulador, Wiener & Sert, 1954. Instituto Distrital de Patrimonio Cultural - Colección Museo de Bogotá


79

Le Corbusier Pilot Plan for Bogotá: Civic Center. 1950. Cecelia, M. 2010. Le Corbusier en Bogotá: 1947 - 1951. Precisiones en torno al Plan Director. Tomo I, p.59

Le Corbusier, Plan Piloto de Bogotá: Centro Cívico (BOG 4220). Recrear el cuerpo y el espíritu (1950). © IDPC - MdB. Sert and Wiener, Regulatory Plan for Bogotá. 1952. Cecelia, M. 2010. Le Corbusier en Bogotá: 1947 - 1951. Precisiones en torno al Plan Director. Tomo II, p.142

Sert and Wiener, Regulatory Plan for Bogota (1952): Civic Center plan © IDPC–MdB

142

Le Corbusier in Bogotá: Precisions around the Master Plan

Le Corbusier, Plan Piloto de Bogotá: Centro Cívico (BOG 4220). Circulación – separación de peatón y automóvil (1950), publicado en Œuvre Complète, Tomo V. © FLC.


boulevards, squares, parks and housing neighbourhoods.

and were later progressed by Karl Brunner in the 1930s.

Urban / Economic Growth The 1930s urban boom led by Karl Brunner, coincided with a period of economic growth and prosperity in Bogota.

PERIOD OF INSTABILITY | 1948 -1992

80

PERIOD OF INSTABILITY 1960

1965

1970

Population Boom Between 1958 and 1964 the population of Bogota more than doubled from 715,250 to 1,697,311. This was largely due to migrants arriving from the countryside fleeing persecution and violence and guerilla warfare. Resultingly, Bogota was forced to grow informaly and barrios sprang up from the strain of rapid urbanisation.

1975

Colombian Conflict The Colombian conflict emerged after the assisnation of Bogota Mayor Jorge Gaitan in 1948 and continues to this day. In 1964 a number of guerilla groups were formed in opposition to the government including National Liberation Army (ELN) and The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) who continue to stand as the leading threat against the Colombian government.

PG XX - XX

1538

1800

1985

Power and Politics After the downfall of Gustavo Rojas in 1957, Colombia was plunged into decades of political instability largely attributable to the lack of political leadership. Mayorship terms too were appointed by the President and for short terms ranging from one to three years. This made it difficult to carry out a unified urban vision for development and resulted in a stagnation of urban progress. The political elite too were afraid of the poor so would employ all measures possible to maintain social class divisions.

PG XX - XX

COLONIALISM

1. After the Bogotazo Riots

1980

POST- COLONIAL 1820

1840

2. The Bogotazo and start of the period of ‘La Violencia’ after the assisination of Bogotá mayor Jorge Eliecer Gaitan

Colombia was burdened by a period of instability between 1948 - 1992 kickstarted by the assination of popular Mayor of Bogotá Jorge Gaitan and the subsequent riots ‘El Bogotazo’ triggering a decade of violence and unrest dubbed ‘La Violencia’. The political instability in Bogotá made it impossible for the plans of Le Corbusier and Sert and Wiener to be implemented.Instead,theriseofauthoritarianleaderGustavoRojasledto an emphasis on infrastructure projects to the west of Bogotá, eventually breakingBogotá’shistoricnorth-southgrowthpattern.Bogotácontinued tosufferfromcorruptgovernment,violenceandneglectinthelatterhalfof the20thCenturyresultinginarun-down,disfunctionalandfrustratedcity.

1860

1880

3. Colombian Conflict- Injured Soldier

References 1.

2.

After the Bogotazo. 1948. Photo by William J. Smith © Associated Press. Courtesy of Associated Press; Berney, R. 2017. Learning From Bogotá: Pedagogical Urbanism and the Reshaping of Public Space. p.13 https://imgur.com/eNtIX6X

3.

http://help-our-planet.blogspot.ch/2012_08_01_archive.htmlhistorical-cartography

4.

http://www.railforthevalley.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/07/ transmilenio.jpg

5. 6.

https://lavidaesloca.wordpress.com/2008/05/18/ciclovia-bicycle-street/ http://www.designboom.com/architecture/oma-wins-bogota-cen-


Le Corbusier In 1947 Le Corbusier was invited to propose and urban plan for Bogota. His work in Bogota terminated in 1951 after the presentation of his key work- the Bogota Pilot Plan. His ideas triggering a period of modernist thinking and urban strategy for the city, even influencing proposals to this day.

URBAN RENEWAL | 1992 -PRESENT

José Luis Sert & Paul Lester Wiener Sert and Wiener joined the effort in Bogota in 1948, proposing their own urban regeneration plans. They also colaborated closely with Corbusier acting as consustants on the Regulatory Plan. Their work in Bogota ceased in 1953.

URBAN RENEWAL 1990

1995

Jamie Castro In 1992 Castro was the third elected mayor of Bogota. His election was part of a national effort starting in 1991 to decentralise powers to local government in a bid to legitimise Colombian politics. His administration put the country on a path towards more transparent and effective government, setting the stage for his successors Mockus and Penalosa.

2000

2005

2010

Enrique Penalosa Janruary 1998 Enrique Penalosa commences as 793rd Mayor of Bogota. Penalosa championed the upgrading of public space and urban transport during his term, introducing a number of parks and the popular Transmilenio bus network. He was re-elected Mayor in 2015 and will serve a term running until 2018.

2015

2020

Antanas Mockus Mockus ran two mayoral administrations in Bogota. The first term ran between 19951997 and the second from 2001 - 2003. His ambition was to heal the social divisions in Bogotano society through the introduction of a ‘citizen culture’ which encouraged trust and respect amongst citizens. He applied these principles to policing, hiring mimes to ridicule those who break traffic laws; and also introduced a ‘thumbs up thumbs down’ system where people would flash a thumb up card if they see someone doing a good deed, or a thumb down card if they were acting disapprovingly. His first term in office was the first successful initiative to bring citizens together since La Violencia.

PG XX - XX PG XX - XX

PG XX - XX MODERNISM

PRE- MODERNISM 1900 4. Transmilenio

1920

PERIOD OF INSTABILITY

1940 5. Ciclovia

1960

1980

PG XX - XX URBAN RENEWAL 2000

2020

6. OMA Bogotá Administrative Center 2013 Winning Entry

Salvationforthecityeventuallyemergedafterthedevolvingofpowerfrom national government to local government allowing a series of progressive mayors to be elected for Bogotá in the 1990s that helped transform the city. Jamie Castro was the first key mayor to help push Bogotá toward a more positive future through introducing a more transparent and legitimate politicalscene.SubesequentmayorsAntanasMockusandEnriquePenalosa dubbed ‘The Public Space Mayors’ invested heavily in changing public life in Bogotá through social and public infrastructure means. Mockus focused on impriving civic spirit through introducing a number of social events and interventions.Penalosaontheotherhandfocusedmoreonphysical,spatial projects such as introducing the Transmilenio bus system and Ciclovia cycleways, and the renewing of parks and other public spaces.

81


82


83

HISTORIC CENTER


84

HISTORIC CENTER BRIEF OVERVIEW Quick Facts And Figures Area Information

OVERVIEW

FACTS AND FIGURES

The Historic Center, over centuries has remained both a protagonist and a spectator of the plans and events that have come to define the city. In the zone that extends between Carrera 7 to Avenue Jimenez, and then from Avenue Circunvalar and Carrera 8, most of the attractions of historical and cultural interest are concentrated here which date back to the colonial period. This valuable heritage includes numerous churches, museums, houses, squares, squares and buildings of great architectural and urban interest. For long, the branches of the government of national and city level have their headquarters here.

population :

The neighborhood is conformed basically by colonial houses that measure quarter of block. Due to densification, they have been divided into many more properties. These buildings were designed under the pressure of the needs and necessities and functions of a past time and in order to respond to more contemporary users, they have suffered several changes inside of them. Today, some of these houses have changed from residential to commercial and mixed uses, shifting the type of population as well. Nevertheless, citizens and the inhabitants understand and attribute in different ways heritage values to the area

60.000

0,08%

inhabitants of the Historic center

of the populaiton of Bogota

800.000

floating population

0,15% Historic center

household

55,48%

43,7%

Lower-middle Strata

half the city of Bogota

Jobs

Low Strata

70.586

jobs generated in the Traditional Center

4,7%

of employment in the city (source: DANE 2005)

area of the Traditional Center designated for

Infrastructure 35,7% Services

road and pedestrian infrastructure

3m

50.000 within the Historic Center

471

represented mainly by the

trees

houses

parque Tercer Milenio

4,3m 2

of effective public spaces per inhabitant

hectares

61%

4,5% parks and squares

2

of park per inhabitant

31%

http://www.redalyc.org/ html/2970/297044021008/

1,49%

expulsion process

socio-economic strata

which is 1.1% of the urban land of Bogota

Source: bogotaturismo.gov.co/centro-historico

Population Growth

people who use educational, commercial, civic, tourist and cultural services

Housing

apartments

5.8%

22.138

tenant rooms

1.2%

rooms in other types of structures

Source:

https://issuu.com/patrimoniobogota/docs/ prct_idpc


85

AREA INFORMATION

ll Ca

Av .C ara

ca

s

6

e2

Ca ll

e1

9

Ca rre ra

10

2

Av . Ji

me

Ca ll

Ca ll

e1

1

e1

0

ne

z

4

4

Ca rre ra

1

Ca rre ra

7

3

Ca ll

e1 Av .H

or

tua

0 100

Primary Axes

Historic Center

1

Administrative boundary of the Traditional Historic Center

Expanded Center

2

Placa Bolivar

Public Spaces

Plaza Los Mártires

4

Plaza España Parque Metropolitano Tercer 3 Milenio

300

500 Meters

Plaza de San Victorino


86

NEIGHBORHOODS

15

14 11 12 13 2 3

10 1 9

4 5

6

8

7

0 100

300

500 Meters

1

Centro Administrativo

4

San Bernando

7

Lourdes

10 La Concordia

13

Las Aguas

Placa Bolivar

2

La Catedral

5

Santa Barbara

8

El Guavio

11 La Capuchina

14

Las Nieves

Historic Center

3

San Victorino

6

Las Cruces

9

Egipto

12

Veracruz

15

Las Alameda

Source: Extracted from GIS Secretaria Distrital de Planeacion Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C


87

BUILT CONDITION

0 100

Source: Extracted from GIS Secretaria Distrital de Planeacion Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

300

500 Meters


88

LOCALITIES

0 100

Source: Secretaria de planecion, POT Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

300

500 Meters


89

PUBLIC SPACES

0 100

Source:

Secretaria de planecion, POT Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

300

500 Meters


90

LAND USE

0 100

Source: Secretaria de planecion, POT Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

300

500 Meters


91

AREAS OF CULTURAL INTEREST

0 100

Source:

Secretaria de planecion, POT Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotรก D.C

300

500 Meters


92

0

100

200 Meters


2014

93


2004

94


1998

95


96

PUBLIC SPACES OVERVIEW Historic Grid Infrastructure Grid Infrastructure Grid

PUBLIC SPACES IN BOGOTÁ 1. PLAZA First established in the colonial era by Spanish town planning rules, the plaza was the center for governmental, social, and religious activities in a city. It was open to everyone. In the past, on Sundays, the main day for social­ izing, men and women often circulated in opposite directions. The plaza remains one of the most central and important gathering spaces in Bogotá.

2. LINEAR Early forms of tree-lined avenues (alamedas) are visible in the 1791 Plan of Bogotá. In the early 1800s, alamedas began to expand the boundar­ies of the city. The alamedas often led to nature spots enjoyed by the leisure class and were prime areas to show off a new dress, horse, or, later, a car. They were open to everyone but were predominantly used by the upper class into the first half of the twentieth century. Contemporary forms of alamedas appeared during the public

3. MEMORIAL Introduced in the late 1800s, memorial parks grew in popularity. They were typically dedicated to a hero of independence (often Simon Bolivar) and were designed around passive uses. Some were retrofitted dur­ing the next century for more active and programmed uses, with equipment including playgrounds and mechanical rides. Memorial parks have been open to all.

4. RECREATION By the 1930s public sports fields were being developed to meet the demand for active recreation space. Open to everyone, they served mainly the middle and lower classes, which did not have access to private sports clubs.

5. NEIGHBORHOOD Small parks in neighborhoods have gone in and out of fashion. In the 1980s, they were “rediscovered” as a place for social integra­tion and substituted for the local village plaza of recently arrived immigrants’ former homes (Vargas 2003, 14). In Bogotá, many were built and/or refurbished during Peñalosa administration (19982000). They are open to everyone but typically are used by the lower to middle classes.

6. METROPOLITAN Created in the 1960s and later, metropolitan-scale parks are designed as large-scale recreation areas and event sites. These parks typically have a very diverse set of programs, from sports to lake activities and, recently, sometimes libraries. The parks are open to all, but the bulk of their users are lower- and middle-class citizens.

7. CITY CENTER Relatively recent parks, these are small to medium sized and have grown in popularity as part of the city’s regeneration schemes. Parks are generally located near public transit and may contain a cultural facility such as a museum. Open to all.

8. ECOLOGICAL These parks have become popular since the 1990s. Citizens’ groups initiate many of these projects. They are open to all but have restrictions on use due to the vigilance of the citizens’ groups. They are predominant in middle-and upper-class neighborhoods.

Source: Learning from bogotá, Pedagogical Urbanism and the Reshaping of Public Space, Rachel Berney

9. SYSTEM As in other cities, Bogotano parks are now managed as a system. The concept of “open space” as a collective term first debuted in the 1970s.


97

BOGOTÁ’S PUBLIC SPACE TYPOLOGY

Source:

Learning from bogotá, Pedagogical Urbanism and the Reshaping of Public Space, Rachel Berney


98

TRANSPORT EARLY MASS TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM THE DEVELOPING PHASE TRANS MILENIO METRO BOGOTÁ

EARLY MASS TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS

1942

In 1942, when Bogotá had 400 thousand inhabitants, the tram provided the public transport service, with a high demand (200 thousand passengers / day). Carlos Sanz de Santamaría proposed the construction of a Metro for Bogotá and the reserve of land in a parallel strip

1949

After the events of April 9, 1948, Mayor Fernando Mazuera hired the international urbanist Le Corbusier to do the reconstruction studies of the city. With the support of ärma Wiesner and Sert, Bogotá adopted a work plan that included the construction of a railway line

1953

Source:

Bogotá, with 700,000 inhabitants, adopted a Regulatory Plan for its urban growth, which contemplated measures to alleviate trafficking, such as implementing a Metro along Caracas Avenue, widen roads, build stops, regulate the entrance of cars to the center

1963

With about 1.6 million inhabitants in Bogotá, Mayor Jorge Gaitán Cortés proposed the construction of the Metro and the Cercanías Train to the needs of a growing city.

1974

1974- 1976. Bogotá, with 2.5 million inhabitants, revived the idea of using the existing railroad, as Metro line.

1981

Ineco - Sofretu, together with Consultoría y Sistemas de Colombia, under the mayoralty of Hernando Durán Dussan, plan to build three underground railway lines and two peripheral lines (92.8 km). He advanced the formulation of specific studies and bidding documents for a Priority Line (23 km)

1987

Bogotá, with 3.9 million inhabitants, welcomed the proposal of Intermetro SPA of Italy based on rehabilitating 75% of the existing railways (46.4 km and 29 stations), through three phases of construction. The Priority Line deänida had 23 kilometers in surplus.

Metro de Bogotá http://www.metrodebogota.gov.co/ historia


99

DEVELOPING PHASE OF TRANSPORT SYSTEMS

Source:

1988

1988- 1991. Mayor Andrés Pastrana prioritized the construction of the Troncal Caracas after ruling out the Intermetro SPA project. Although he enjoyed the support of President Virgilio Barco, he received attacks from different political sectors for not considering it a priority, which was costly and covered only 10% of trips from the city.

1993

1993-1994. Bogotá, with 4.9 million inhabitants, under the administration of Jaime Castro, took to the Council, a Draft Agreement to create a Metro and build the first line, under the concession for 30 years. Lending disbursements led to the archiving of the project.

1995

The initial cicloruta was implemented as a recreational amenity during Mockus’s first administration. Building on the popularity of ciclovia, he began institutionalizing bicycling into the city’s built environment. It was Penalosa’s government that cicloruta system became a key component of the new multimodal transportation system for the

1996

During the Antanas Mockus government, the Master Plan for Urban Transport, a 25-year mobility policy, was formulated with the support of the Japan International Cooperation (JICA). The Master Plan drew up a transport network whose axis would be a Metro line of 40 km from north to south, with four feeding corridors. Also in contemplation was the reorganization of routes and public transport companies. However,the proposal was very expensive for the city

1997

Under the presidency of Ernesto Samper, the conceptual design of the Integrated System of Mass Transportation by Ingetec - Bechtel - Systra was advanced. The study established a system composed of trunk routes (48.4 km) and three Metro lines (78.8 km). The First Line (29.3 km) would link the southwest with the northwest areas. The fiscal crisis and the severe international credit restrictions prevented the project from being promoted.

Metro de Bogotá http://www.metrodebogota.gov.co/ historia

Fig. 1 Ciclo Ruta

Source: Fig 1: Learning from bogotá,

Pedagogical Urbanism and the Reshaping of Public Space, Rachel Berney


100

DEVELOPMENT OF TRANS MILENIO

Source:

2000

2000 - 2003. The government of Peñalosa begins the acquisition of properties for the subway, with the land for the first station, projected in Bosa. In the meantime, the TransMilenio project starts with exclusive corridors and prepaid stations. On December 18, 2000, Peñalosa inaugurated the first TransMilenio route that began operating with 14 buses along the Troncal de la Caracas, between 80th Street and 6th Street.

2003

2003 - 2006. On December 27, 2003, the trunk road 13 and Avenida de Las Américas of Phase II of the TransMilenio system entered into operation. On July 1, 2005, the articulated buses began to roll down NQS Avenue from 92nd Street to the Autopista Sur and months later the stretch between the General Santander School and the Portal del Sur. On April 26, 2006, the backbone Avenida Suba was put into service.

2006

With 6.7 million inhabitants, the city adopted the Master Mobility Plan (Decree 319/06), from which the District’s Mobility Secretariat advanced the design of the Integrated Public Transport System (SITP). An articulated network of modes of transport: subway, articulated buses, commuter trains, taxis, bicycles and walking trips.

2008

2008 - 2010. The conceptual engineering study developed by Sener - TMB de Barcelona - Ingeniería y Sistemas and Advance Logistic Group projected for Bogotá a Metro network of 100 kilometers and 112 stations. The Primera Line deänida (27.5 km) had origin in the Portal of the Americas, with a route to the center of the city, to serve the eastern corridor.

2012

2012 - 2016. The TransMilenio Phase III began in June 2012 with the start-up of some stations on Calle 26. In 2013, four stations were put into service for the benefit of the inhabitants of the municipality of Soacha. Phase III has 21.7 kms (26th Street with 13 stations, Carrera 10 with 9 stations and 6th street with 2 stations) and 16.7 kms of Pre-Troncal (Cra. 7).

Metro de Bogotá http://www.metrodebogota.gov.co/ historia

Fig. 1 Trans Milenio Phases in the Historic Center

Source: Fig 1 : Learning from bogotá, Pedagogical Urbanism and the Reshaping of Public Space, Rachel Berney


Mobility- Public Transport- Trans Milenio

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102

DEVELOPMENT OF METRO BOGOTÁ

2013

2013-2015. The administration of Mayor Gustavo Petro advanced an advanced basic engineering study for a subway underground, with a route from the Portal de las Américas in Bosa to Calle 127 with Carrera 9. The cost of this project was estimated at $ 13, 9 billion, but the devaluation and other considerations caused CONPES to arrange its cut up to Calle 100 with Carrera 11.

2015

The fall in the price of oil, at a global level, causes a devaluation of the Colombian peso above 60%, leaving the Metro underground project unmanageable. At the end of 2015, during the electoral campaign, Enrique Peñalosa proposes to make a Metro in viaduct, to achieve greater benefits with the available budget and to reduce risks associated to the underground constructions, in Bogotá.

2016

The national government and the new district government decided to jointly create the Project Management and to carry out an alternative comparison exercise commissioned by the international consulting firm Systra to identify the best combination of investments in generating savings time for users, taking into account a.) The available budget ($ 13.8 billion). b.) Reality would change. c.) The costs and risks associated with the construction in elevated typology and underground. d.) The need to generate an integrated system, with trunks that feed the meter and maximize the time savings for users. As a result of the study of alternatives, the First Line of the Metro of Bogotá will have a commercial length of 25.29 kilometers, will be 100 percent in viaduct and will be built in three stages. So that more citizens of Bogotá can use the metro, the first line will have three feeder trunks, giving the system the possibility of moving 990 thousand passengers a day. It will start in the west of Bogotá, will cross Kennedy and will continue towards the east until the 1st Street with Av. Caracas, where it will turn in a northerly direction until the 170th or more street. From this, the technical, financial and legal structuring is advanced for the first two stages of the First Line of the Bogotá Metro, up to Calle 72.

Source: Metro de Bogotá http://www.metrodebogota.gov.co/ historia


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Fig. 5 Metro Bogotรก Phases in the Historic Center Phase-1 Phase-2 Metro Stops Placa Bolivar

Fig. 6 Metro Station Proposal

Source: Fig 6

Metro de Bogotรก


Tourist CULTURAL HERITAGE

Map

LA CALENDARIA Places Of Cultural Interest

LA CALENDARIA The district of La Candelaria, located in the eastern sector of the Historic Center, preserves the memory of the small town that was the beginning of the great metropolis. Its narrow and steep streets, its houses with roofs and colonial eaves were the cradle and room of the Creole and Spanish aristocracy. At present, museums with a rich artistic and cultural heritage are concentrated in this sector. Also interesting temples like the Sanctuary of Our Lady of the Carmen and the church of San Ignacio; cultural settings such as the Teatro Colón and the Camarín del Carmen; theater groups such as La Candelaria, Teatro Libre and Teatro Taller de Colombia. Cultural life is intense: its streets, squares and squares are the space in which multiple artistic expressions and popular tradition are developed.

Regional

Impresión: Subdirección Imprenta Distrital - D.D.D.I.

Map

There are universities such as the Externado de Colombia, La Salle, Gran Colombia, Autónoma, Libre y el Rosario; cultural entities such as the foundations Gilberto Alzate Avendaño and Rafael Pombo, the Corporación La Candelaria, the Casa de Poesía Silva, the Colombian Institute of Anthropology and History, among many others; art workshops, antique shops and religious articles stores abound. The institutional sector of the Historical Center, located in the lower part of the zone, is characterized by grouping the buildings that are the headquarters of the different organs of the national government and the Capital District: the Presidency and Congress of the Republic, the Supreme Court of Justice DISTRICT INSTITUTE and the Mayor’s Office of Bogotá. The geographical center of these buildings, except for the Palace of Nariño or house of the presidents of Colombia, is the Plaza de Bolivar. Avenida Carrera 24 No. 40-66 - Contact number: (571) 2170711 Bogotá D.C., Colombia The sector includes religious buildings of great interest such as the Cathedral Primada de Colombia and the Chapel of the Sagrario located in the Plaza de Bolívar, the church of the Conception in the Street 10 with www.bogotaturismo.gov.co Carrera 9 and the church San Juan de Dios in the Street 12 with Carrera 10. There are important @bogotamascerca museums such toll as thefree Casa Museo del 20 de Julio on the northeast side @bogotáturística 018000127400 tourist of the square, also known as the House of the Vase, IDTBogota Bogotá D.C., Colombia andnumber the museums of the 19th century, Popular Arts and Traditions, Casa Museo Francisco José de Caldas and Church Museum of Santa Clara, all located on Carrera 8 between Streets 7 and 9.

OF TOURISM

Source: http://bogotaturismo.gov.co/centro-historico

2

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LONG DISTANCE TAXIS, ALL DESTINATIONS PASSENGER ARRIVAL, PARCEL, TAXI

NORTH TERMINAL (North of the country destinations) 104 Address: Calle 193 N° 19 -43. Contact number: 4233630 It has a small square where there are pay booths and the boarding lounge to get out of the city. There is no arrival area. SOUTH TERMINAL (South of the country destinations) Address: South highway Calle 57Q South No. 75 F-68 Tel: 4233630. It is divided into signalized floors, as follows: BASEMENT: Parking lot, Parking pay booth, Taxis. 1st FLOOR: Passenger Arrival, Tourist information point. MEZZANINE: Cargo hold. 2nd FLOOR: Booths, Passenger departure, departure lounge.

HISTORICAL CENTER OF BOGOTÁ NATIONAL MONUMENT - LA CANDELARIA 1. Bolivar Square 2. National Capitol 3. Primatial Cathedral 4. Sagrario Chapel 5. Archiepiscopal Palace 6. Regional Colombian Costumes Museum 7. Palace Of Justice 8. City Hall (Liévano Palace) 9. Museum Of Bogotá – House Of Viceroy Juan Sámano 10. Los Comuneros – The District Department Of Culture, Recreation And Sports Office 11. Archive Of Bogotá 12. Congress Library 13. Colombian Academy Of History 14. Police Museum 15. La Concepción Church 16. San Juan De Dios Church 17. Santa Clara Church Museum 18. Echeverri Palace 19. Patrimony Administration – Ministery Of Culture 20. San Agustin Cloister – Museum Portal National University 21. Astronomical Observatory 22. Alternate Precidency Offices 23. Nation’s General Archive 24. San Agustín Church 25. Treasury Department 26. Francisco José De Caldas Museum 27. San Bartolomé School 28. Camilo Torres Square 29. Colonial Art Museum 30. San Francisco Church

31. San Carlos Palace 32. Colón Teather 33. Camarín Del Carmen Theater 34. Nuestra Señora Del Carmen Church 35. Numismatic Museum 36. Military Museum 37. Colombian Association Of Engineers 38. Botero Museum Square Juan Valdez Cafe 39. Luis Angel Arango Library 40. Mosntrance Hall 41. La Candelaria Church 42. Old Minor Seminar 43. Chorro De Quevedo Square 44. La Bordadita Church 45. Rosario University 46. Rosario Square 47. Gold Museum 48. Bank Of The Republic 49. La Veracruz Church 50. La Tercera Church / Jimenez 51. San Ignasio Church 52. Independence Church – Flower Vase House 53. House Museum Of The Marquis Of Saint George 54. Ayacucho Square 55. Administrative Office Of Congress 56. Nariño Palace 57. Santander Park 58. Presidential Guard Battalion 59. Economy Friends Of The Country Society 60. Batuta Foundation 61. Gabriel García Márquez Cultural Center 62.Library of Congress Luis Carlos Galán Sarmiento.


SANTA MARÍA DEL LAGO WETLAND F-4 Located in Engativá, in an extension of 10.8 hectares. It has a variety of native fauna and flora, it's also one of the wetlands that has better water quality in the city. In addition, due to the constant maintenance in its terrestrial and aquatic strip it has excellent conditions, and it has a bird watching point and biodiversity Address:Carrera 76 N° 75B- 02 and/or Carrera 73 a N° 77-01 / From Monday to Saturday from 6:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. and Sundays and Holidays from 6:00 a.m. to 2:00 p.m. CÓRDOBA WETLAND E-5 Located in Suba in an area of 40.51 hectares, this wetland is among those with greater biological diversity. It is an excellent place to practice Eco-tourism. Address: Address: Suba Av. No 116-70. Permanent access. LA VACA WETLAND L-1 Located in Kennedy. It has its own vegetation of wetland like reed, buchón cucharita, a kind of sponge-plant, and barbasco (canellaceae), among others. It has its own plant nursery of wetland species in active state, which is under the care of the District Secretariat of Environment and the support of the Seed Bank Foundation. Address: Av. Carrera 72nd and calle 8B-Bis / From 8:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m.

Carrera 30 # 48-51 Tel: 3694000, 3964100. Located at the Agustín Codazzi Geographic Institute, The Colombian Soils Museum is a place where, through a collection of monoliths (soil profiles), all the representative soils of the country are concentrated as well as the most outstanding characteristics of the environment in which they have evolved. (4) REGIONAL COLOMBIAN COSTUMES MUSEUM 9L-7 Calle 10 #6-20 Tel: 3410403. Manuelita Saenz, tireless companion of Simón Bolívar, lived in this house. The museum discloses textiles and typical costumes from different regions of the country. (3) GOLD MUSEUM L-7 Carrera 6 #15-88 Tel: 3432222-3431424. The most important of its kind in the world, created in 1939 to preserve and disclose topics related to anthropology, archaeology, pre-Colombian cultures and Colombian gold. Its collection includes about 34,000 pieces of gold and 20,000 bone, stone, ceramic and textile objects from pre-Colombian cultures that inhabited the country. The Golden Hall displays more than 8,000 pieces of gold. (1) EMERALD INTERNATIONAL MUSEUM 3L-7 Calle 16 #6-66 Floor 23 Tel: 4827890-482964. It exposes the process of the extraction of the emeralds and an extensive collection of exceptional pieces. (3)

9

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105

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Source: http://bogotaturismo.gov.co/mapas-turisticos-

de-bogota

ENEMESIO CA CAM SIMÓN BO HIG


106

PRCT PLAN OVERVIEW Urban Strategies Map

OVERVIEW The Plan of Revitalization of the Traditional Center is, strictly speaking, a strategic urban plan that goes beyond the traditional “document-plan” to work from the approach of planning making and planning. It includes, but transcends, the updating and generation of new instruments for the protection of the valuable cultural heritage of the historic center and some peripheral sectors that constitute its area of ​​ immediate in fl uence, reaching a total surface of 470 hectares. The Urban Laboratory created for this purpose allows experimentation, from the perspective of the urban project, and generates, in this way, The Plan advances actions of various scales in the restoration of monuments, the rehabilitation of architectural and urban structures, the recycling of buildings, the new architecture in consolidated sectors and the morphological recomposition (weaving again the fragmented urban structures). At the base of their approach are two basic premises: the permanence of the traditional population and their cultural practices; and the improvement of the patrimonial housing of the sectors of lower income. Currently, the Plan, with the help of various entities of the Capital District and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), develops three types of heritage projects: main axes and nodes of the public space and heritage system, border projects and transversal projects .

Source: http://idpc.gov.co/publicaciones/producto/prctplan-de-revitalizacion-del-centro-tradicional-debogota/

Source: https://issuu.com/patrimoniobogota/ docs/prct_idpc


107

THE URBAN STRATEGIES

The general strategy for the revitalization of the traditional center has the following territorial integral strategies: E01_Local development Revitalization of Traditional Cafes Strengthening of Cultural and Social Economic Nodes E02_Integral Habitat Recovery Rechabilitation of Buildings New Housing Projects with complementary uses in first floors

E03_Renaturalization and Improvement of Environmental Conditions Renaturalization of the Structuring Axes of Public Space Renaturalization of Urban Nodes of Public Space Renaturalization of Apples Centers E04_Spatial Integration and Sustainable Mobility Structuring Axes of Public Space Improvement and conservation of the Public Space Revitalization of Representative Public Spaces

0 100

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Source: Gestiรณn , Protecciรณn E Intervenciรณn De Patrimonio Cultural En El Distrito Capital

E05_Recovery and Protection of Cultural Heritage Recovery of monuments at the Border Recovery of Monuments in public space Recovery of assets of cultural importance


108

STRATEGIES E01 LOCAL DEVELOPMENT E02 INTEGRAL HABITAT RECOVERY E03 RENATURALIZATION OF ENVIRONMENT E05 SPATIAL INTEGRATION AND MOBILITY

LOCAL AND ENDOGENOUS DEVELOPMENT Line of Actions: 1. Strengthening of human and social resources. 2. Territorial Economic Integration. 3. Sub Solidarity and Governance. 4. Cultural Development

INTEGRAL HABITAT RECOVERY Line of Actions: 1. Policies and offer for housing improvement 2. Improvement of buildings in sectors of cultural interest 3. Rehabilitation 4. New housing

Source: Gestiรณn , Protecciรณn E Intervenciรณn De Patrimonio Cultural En El Distrito Capital


109

RE NATURALIZATION AND IMPROVEMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS Line of Actions: 1. Urban Renaturalization in the Public Space 2. Renaturalizacion to the Interior of Apple 3. Natural Landscape Connection with Built Landscape 4. Management and Use of Clean Technologies 5. Normativity and Regulation

SPATIAL INTEGRATION AND SUSTAINABLE MOBILITY Line of Actions: 1. Public Space Maintenance 2. Regulation, Standards, Appropriation and Use of Public Space 3. New Infrastructure 4. Means of transportions and road directions

Source: Gestiรณn , Protecciรณn E Intervenciรณn De Patrimonio Cultural En El Distrito Capital


110

STRATEGIES E05 CULTURAL HERITAGE

RECOVERY AND CONSERVATION OF CULTURAL HERITAGE Line of Actions: 1. Update of cultural heritage information. 2. Recovery and maintenance of BIC. 3. Safeguarding and integrating intangible heritage. 4. Archaeological heritage. 5. Education, Promotion and Dissemination of Cultural Heritage 6. Handling and protection instruments

Source: Gestiรณn , Protecciรณn E Intervenciรณn De Patrimonio Cultural En El Distrito Capital


111

PROJECTS PROJECTS AT THE BORDER CORRIDORS OF CONNECTIONS

PROJECTS AT THE BORDER 1

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Hospital San Juan de Dios InstitutoMaterno Infantil Iglacio del Voto Nacionale Plaza la Santa Maria Karl Brunner de las Universidades

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Source: Elaborated from PRCT https://issuu.com/patrimoniobogota/docs/ prct_idpc


112

PROJECTS STRUCTURAL PROJECTS STRATEGIC NODES OF PUBLIC SPACES ZONES THAT QUALIFY FOR HOUSING CONNECTINS FROM EASTERN HILLS

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Source: Elaborated from PRCT https://issuu.com/patrimoniobogota/docs/prct_idpc

Parque de las Cruces Plaza de Egipto Plaza de las Martires Plazoleta de las Nieves Nodo Monserrate Plaza de San Victoria Plazoleta del Rosarie Parque Santander Parque de las Periodistos Parque Germaine


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CONNECTION OF THE EASTERN HILLS TO THE URBAN PLOT C 26

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Landscape Articulation Nodes A Hospital San Juan de Dios B Parque Tercer Milenio C Parque la Independencia D Parque Concordia y Pueblo Viejo

Renaturalization of Road Axes Greening of Piazas / Parks Placa Bolivar

Source: Elaborated from PRCT https://issuu.com/patrimoniobogota/docs/prct_idpc


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SELECTED PROPOSALS ONGOING PROJECTS

LOCATION OF PROJECTS

Metro

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500 Meters

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Plan Parcial San Bernardo

2

Distrito C- Voto Nacional

3

Ministerios

4

San Victorino Centro Internacionale

5

Plaza San Victorino

6

Estación Central

7

Primera Línea Metro Bogotá

8

Plan Parcial Triangulo de Fenciia

9

Pedestrian Zone Carrera Septima

10

Parque Bicentenario

11

Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconcialiación

Historic Center

Placa Bolivar

Expanded Center

Selected Projects


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SAN BERNANDO YEAR: 2016 LOCATION: 3 Santa Fe PROJECT TYPE: Urban renewal

URBAN RENEWAL PROJECT

Fig. 1. Existing Urban Fabric

Fig. 2 Proposed Urban Fabric

Fig. 3. Visualization of San Bernando

Source: Fig 1, Fig 2, Fig 3 http://www.sdp.gov.co/portal/page/portal/PortalSDP/OrdenamientoTerritorial/ArchivoPlanesParciales/Plan_ Parcial_Renovacion_Urbana_San_Bernardo http://www.eru.gov.co/proyectos/plan-parcial-renovaci%C3%B3n-urbana-san-bernardo


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VOTO NACIONAL YEAR: 2016 LOCATION: 14 Los Mรกrtires PROJECT TYPE: Urban Treatment

VOTO NACIONAL- BEFORE AND AFTER

Fig. 1 2004 and 2014 before and after of voto nacional

Fig. 2 Voto Nacional Before

Fig. 3- Proposal for the district

Source: mapas.bogotรก.gov.co https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vH7EgK_5jP8


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IDEAS COMPETITION

Winning Team: Architects César Saldarriaga , José Cárdenas and Zully López Rincón The public competition was to generate ideas for the urban transformation of the neighborhood of Voto Nacional and La Estanzuela in Bogotá (Colombia) in the framework of the remodeling of the notorious sector of 'The Bronx'

Fig. 4- Winning Team Proposal

Fig. 5- Second in Special Mention by Andrés Ortiz Samper

Source: http://www.archdaily.co/co/802392/premian-propuestas-para-la-radical-transformacion-urbana-delsector-del-voto-nacional-y-la-estanzuela-en-bogota


118

MINISTERIOS YEAR: 2016 LOCATION: Voto Nacional PROJECT TYPE: Urban Renewal ARCHITECT: Juan Pablo Ortiz Arquitectos

ARCHITECTURAL PROJECT

Fig. 1 View of the proposal in context

Fig. 2. Plan in context

Fig. 3. Architectural visualisation of public court

Source: Fig 1, Fig 2, Fig 3: http://juanpabloortiz.co/portfolio/text-last/


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Fig. 4. Urban Renewal concept in context

Fig. 5. Architectural concept of circulation

Fig. 6 Elevation of proposal

Source: Fig4, Fig 5, Fig. 6 http://juanpabloortiz.co/portfolio/text-last/


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SAN VICTORINO YEAR: 2016 LOCATION: 3 Santa Fe PROJECT TYPE: Urban renewal

SAN VICTORINO CENTRO INTERNACIONALE

Fig. 1 2004 and 2014 before and after of San Victorino

Fig. 2. Existing Condition- Victoria Residential and Commercial Park

Fig. 3. Future Proposal

Source: Fig1, Fig 2, Fig 3 - mapas.bogotรก.gov.co http://www.eru.gov.co/proyectos/san-victorino


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PLAZA SAN VICTORINO

Fig. 4 1998 and 2014 before and after image of Placa San Victorino

Fig. 5. Wholesale vending market as seen in 1991

Fig. 6 Current condition- public plaza

Source Fig4, Fig 5, Fig 6: semana.com

mapas.bogotรก.gov.co


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SELECTED PROPOSALS ESTACIÓN CENTRAL METRO BOGOTÁ YEAR: 2016 PROJECT TYPE: Transportation Projects

ESTACIÓN CENTRAL

Year: 2016 Location: 3 Santa Fe Project Type: Road Boundaries

PRIMERA LÍNEA METRO BOGOTÁ

Year: 2016 Phase 1 Project Type: Metro Bogotá

S ourc e:ht t p://www.er u.gov.c o/proyectos/plan-parc ial-renovac i%C3%B3n-urbanaestaci%C3%B3n-central

Metro de Bogotá, http://www.metrodebogota.gov.co/


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SELECTED PROPOSALS TRIANGULO DE PHENCIIA CARRERA SEPTIMA YEAR: 2016

PLAN PARCIAL TRIANGULO DE PHENCIIA

Year: 2016 Project Type: Urban Renewal

PEDESTRIAN ZONE CARRERA SEPTIMA

Year completed: 2015 Project Type: Road Infastructure

Source: http://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/CMS-16572639 https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d8/Peatonalizaci%C3%B3n _de _ Carrera_S%C3%A9ptima_cerca_Avenida_Jimenez.jpg


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PARQUE BICENTENNARIA YEAR: 2016 LOCATION: Calle 26, Bogotรก ARCHITECT: El Equipo Mazzanti

Fig. 1 Plan of the proposed park

Fig 2. The park in context

Source Fig1, Fig 2,: http://www.elequipomazzanti.com/es/proyecto/bicentenario/ http://www.greenroofs.com/projects/parque_bicentenario/parque_bicentenario1.jpg


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CENTRO DE MEMORIA PAZ Y RECONCIALIACIร N

YEAR: 2013 LOCATION: Calle 26, Bogotรก ARCHITECT: Juan Pablo Ortiz Arquitectos

Fig. 3- The Center next to the historic central cemetry

Fig. 4 Constructed Center

Source: Fig 3, Fig 4: http://www.archdaily.com/590840/memory-peace-and-reconciliationcenter-juan-pablo-ortiz-arquitectos


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127

GLOBAL INITIATIVES


128

GLOBAL INITIATIVES OVERVIEW

Global Initiatives Mapped According to Field of Influence


129

United Nations UN Habitat Rockerfeller Foundation 100 Resilient Cities Rebuild by Design Competition Colombia University Earth Institute | Urban Design Lab London Scool of Economics LSE Cities Urban Age Project Inter- American Development Bank Emerging and Sustainable Cities World Bank


130

UNITED NATIONS DESIGN & PLANNING | FUNDING | NETWORK | POLICY | RESEARCH Sustainable Development Goals New Urban Agenda

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS The United Nations is an international organization founded in 1945. It is currently made up of 193 Member States. The mission and work of the United Nations are guided by the purposes and principles contained in its founding Charter. The United Nations can take action on the issues confronting humanity in the 21st century, such as peace and security, climate change, sustainable development, human rights, disarmament, terrorism, humanitarian and health emergencies, gender equality, governance, food production, and more.

Fig 1: Sustainable Development Goals

UN HABITAT | NEW URBAN AGENDA The United Nations is an international organization founded in 1945. It is currently made up of 193 Member States. The mission and work of the United Nations are guided by the purposes and principles contained in its founding Charter. The United Nations can take action on the issues confronting humanity in the 21st century, such as peace and security, climate change, sustainable development, human rights, disarmament, terrorism, humanitarian and health emergencies, gender equality, governance, food production, and more.

Fig 2: New Urban Agenda Goals

Source:http://www.un.org/en/sections/about-un/ overview/ UN Habitat. 2016. New Urban Agenda. [Online] Avialable at- http://habitat3.org/wp-content/uploads/NUAEn ish-With-Index-1.pdf [Accessed 20/07/2017]. p07.

Source Fig 1:https://www.solactive.com/wpcontent/uploads/2016/10/17-goals.png Fig2: https://www.solactive.com/wp-content/ uploads/2016/10/17-goals.png


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ROCKERFELLER FOUNDATION DESIGN & PLANNING | FUNDING | NETWORK | POLICY 100 Resilient Cities Re-build by Design

100 RESILIENT CITIES We help cities around the world become more resilient to the physical, social, and economic challenges that are a growing part of the 21st century. Cities in the 100RC network are provided with the resources necessary to develop a roadmap to resilience along four main pathways: 1.

Financial and logistical guidance for establishing an innovative new position in city government, a Chief Resilience Officer, who will lead the city’s resilience efforts 2. Expert support for development of a robust Resilience Strategy 3. Access to solutions, service providers, and partners from the private, public and NGO sectors who can help them develop and implement their Resilience Strategies 4. Membership of a global network of member cities who can learn from and help each other. Fig 3: Characteristics of Resilient Systems

REBUILD BY DESIGN Rebuild by Design convenes a mix of sectors - including government, business, non-profit, and community organizations - to gain a better understanding of how overlapping environmental and human-made vulnerabilities leave cities and regions at risk. Rebuild’s core belief is that through collaboration our communities can grow stronger and better prepared to stand up to whatever challenges tomorrow brings. Through a partnership with 100 Resilient Cities (100RC), Rebuild’s collaborative research and design approach is helping cities around the globe achieve resilience.

Fig 4: Project Locations for the Hurrican Sandy Design Competition

Source:http://www.100resilientcities.org/about-us/ http://www.rebuildbydesign.org/about#comp456

Source Fig 3:http://www.100resilientcities.org/ resources/#section-1 Fig 4: http://www.rebuildbydesign.org/our-work/ research/rebuilding-with-resilience-lessons-from-therebuild-by-design-competition


132

COLOMBIA UNIVERSITY DESIGN & PLANNING | POLICY | RESEARCH Earth Institute Urban Design Lab

EARTH INSTITUTE Columbia’s Earth Institute blends research in the physical and social sciences, education and practical solutions to help guide the world onto a path toward sustainability.

Science + Collaboration + Education + Impact = Sustainability

Hazards and Risk Reduction

Water

Global Health

Climate

Agriculture

Energy

Ecosystems

Urbanisation

Fig 1: Earth Institute Initiative Themes. Left Image: Earth Institute Strategies

URBAN DESIGN LAB The Urban Design Lab (UDL) is a research unit of Columbia University’s Earth Institute created in 2005 to address the need for a design-based approach to shaping the long range future of sustainable urbanism. UDL’s work cuts across The Earth Institute’s themes of: Climate and Society; Water; Energy; Poverty; Ecosystems; Global Health; Food; Ecology; Nutrition; Hazards and Risk; and Urbanization. Since its inception, the UDL has assisted New York City communities in tackling environmental remediation, high performance and green building design, micro-infrastructure, public health, climate change, and sustainable economic development. Fig 2: Urban Design Lab Project Locations

Source:http: http://www.earthinstitute.columbia.edu/ articles/view/1791 http://urbandesignlab.columbia.edu/about/

Source Fig 1 : http://www.earthinstitute.columbia. edu/articles/view/1791 Fig2: http://urbandesignlab.columbia.edu/about/


56 TEXTS

LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS DESIGN & PLANNING | POLICY | RESEARCH 56 TEXTS LSE Cities Urban Age Project

57 TEXTS NEW URBAN MOBILITY REPORT

133

POLICY IMPLICATIONS

This page summarises policy priorities and options for targeting each attitudeMOBILITY group. In addition to group-specific 57 TEXTS NEW URBAN REPORT measures, the common trends suggest policy should provide an overall framework for alternative mobility: limiting of parking spaces, affordability and feasibility of multi-modal travel are among the most effective policies to support change towards sustainable travel. This page summarises policy priorities and options for 56 TEXTS targeting eachURBAN attitude MOBILITY group. In addition to group-specific 57 TEXTS NEW REPORT LSE CITIES measures, the common trends suggest policy should provide an overall framework for alternative mobility: Our mission is to study how people and limiting cities interact a affordability and feasibility of of parkingin spaces, multi-modal travelofare among the most effective rapidly urbanising world, focusing on how the design cities PRAGMATIC TECHN TRADITIONAL PRAGMATIC policies to support change towards sustainable travel. impacts on society, culture and the environment. Through TRANSIT-ORIENTED (4) (2) INDIVI CAR-ORIENTED (1) TRANSIT SCEPTICS This page summarises policy priorities and options for research, conferences, teaching and projects, the center aims targeting each attitude group. In addition to group-specific policy goal: affirm and encourage policy go policy goal: mitigate and compensate policy goal: mitigate to shape new thinking andtrends practice onpolicy howshould to make cities measures, the common suggest – maintain and further encourageimpact cycling – reduce d – compensate for environmental impact – reduce environmental fairer and more sustainable for the next generation of urban and public transport use provide an overall framework for alternative mobility: – reduce environmental impact – reduce driving and car ownership – reduce e – Berlin: reduce car use and ownership – reduce driving and car ownership where where possible limiting parking spaces, affordability andcent feasibility of global dwellers, whoofwill make up some 70 per of the further potential possible multi-modal travel are among the most effective – cycling population by 2050. potential alternatives PRAGMATIC TECHNOLOGY-FOCUSED potential alternatives –INNOV electric c policies to support change towards sustainable travel. TRADITIONAL PRAGMATIC GREEN potential alternatives – electric cars

POLICY IMPLICATIONS

POLICY IMPLICATIONS

CAR-ORIENTED (1)

public transport car shari (5) TRANSIT-ORIENTED (4) (2) –INDIVIDUALISTS TRANSIT TRAVEL-ORIENTED (3) –ACCES – electric cars SCEPTICS – car sharing

– cycling, bike-and-ride – cycling (Berlin) – car sharing affirm encourage policy goal: switch go policy goal: mitigate and compensate policy goal: goal:and mitigate policy goal: affirm(London) and encourage policy op policy options – public transport – highligh – maintain and further encourage cycling – reduce–driving andand carexpand ownership encoura – compensate for environmental impact reduce environmental maintain cycling and public – congestion charging impact policy options alternati and public transport use – reduce environmental impact – reduce environmental impact reduce driving transport use – parking fees and car ownership policy options – sustain positive public modes – Berlin: reduce car use and ownership – reduce driving and car ownership where where possible – free London: reduce car usecars andand ownership – low emission zones testing of electric car – further r transport experience – target th further potential alternatives possible further schemes – tax benefits upon purchase of low – target with sharing specific offers smartph cycling potential potential emissionalternatives vehicles promote flexible car sharing schemes to trial –new PRAGMATIC TECHNOLOGY-FOCUSED potential alternatives –INNOVATIVE electric carsservices – services walking TRADITIONAL PRAGMATIC GREEN potential alternatives – electric cars potential alternatives – taxpublic benefits upon purchase of – affordable transport – encoura publicTRAVEL-ORIENTED transport car sharing cycling TRANSIT-ORIENTED (4) (2) –INDIVIDUALISTS (5) (6) CAR-ORIENTED (1) TRANSIT (3) –ACCESS-ORIENTED – electric cars SCEPTICS – car sharing – electric walking cars use encourage technology highligh – cycling, bike-and-ride – public tr The policy priority for this group is first – cycling (Berlin) cycling – congestion charging fitness, – car sharing policy options – electricf policy goal: affirm and encourage policy goal: switch goal: inform and encourage to compensate for the environmental policy goal: mitigate and compensate policy goal: mitigate policy goal: affirm(London) and encourage options – public transport public transport – Berlin: promote cycling – highlight autonomy and aspects of and environmental further encourage cycling – reduce driving car ownership encourage further use offun ofand their travel, second to mitigate – compensate for environmental impact – maintain – reduce impact –impact maintain and expand cycling and public The major policy objective for this group congestion charging – London: promote public transport use, Fig 3: Public Transport Policy Implications policy options alternatives, including public transport policy op and –public transport – reduce environmental alternative their impact andimpact third to reduce driving – reduce environmental impact reduce driving and car ownership transport use should be to modes support maintenance and This group parking fees use policy options policy options e.g. through special fares, free travel – sustain positive public where possible. – promote – Berlin:where reduce car use and ownership – modes further reduce car use car ownership of current travel habits. and – reduce driving and car ownership where possible –and London: reduce car usecars andand ownership – low emission zones free testing of electric car extension – pass regular information on local travel travel for trial period transport experience – target through technology channels, travel ex further potential alternatives As this type will strongly resist mode Although general campaigns increasing framed by possible further – tax benefits upon purchase of low sharing schemes and mobility options – target with specific offers smartphone travel apps and electronic services cycling potential alternatives switching, fiscal policy mechanisms environmental and moral consciousness policy prio potential emissionalternatives vehicles – new promote flexible car sharing schemes services – promote mobility services to improve trial(e.g. – inform in potential alternatives – to electric carsservices – walking charging, parking Although this group show diverse may be useful in experience, targeting this group, driving an potential alternatives – electric cars potential alternatives – tax congestion benefits upon purchase of travel particularly online – affordable public transport – encourage cycling through campaigns and serv – public transport car sharing cycling should to leverage moral appeals attitudes modes other than should the maytowards not be effective in aim – electric cars – car sharing –fees) walking electric carsbe employed services technology use personal benefits (health, – cycling, bike-and-ride – highlighting public transport policy priority for this group is first – encourage for compensatory car, their strong rejection of to technology preventing driving at aspecific later lifeoffers stage. individual –The cycling (Berlin) –funds cycling congestion charging environmental –fun) target with trial new fitness, – car sharing policy options –the electric car hire to compensate for the environmental improvements. In terms of mitigation, inhibits access to alternative mobility The emphasis should therefore be on modes pro Policy obj policy options – public transport (London) – public transport Berlin: promote services – highlight autonomy andcycling fun aspects of impact of their travel, second to mitigate policy that highlight aspects ofin travel it is to com main focus should be on encouraging the options services and multi-modal travel. Other The major policy objective for this group encourag – congestion charging – London: promote public transport use, – promote use of technology policytheir options alternatives, including public transport policy options impact and third to reduce drivingshould policy feasibility and convenience of alternative sharing or use ofthrough low emission vehicles, which may demographic and behavioural be to support maintenance This group favour private modes of modes an – parking fees policy options options e.g. special fares,and free travel – sustain positive public where possible. modes – promote mobility services to improve modes, notably sharing. Their general region. Th car ownership achieved through further fiscal characteristics indicate this group have of current travel habits. travel and use ofcar digital technology and drivin – low emission zones –and free testing of electric cars and car extension –partially regular information on local travel pass forbe trial period transport experience – targetincentives through technology channels, travel experience, particularly online preference for living centrally, low car programm As this type will strongly resist mode This group already show a predisposition (i.e. tax benefits upon purchase firm travel habits linked to long-standing Although general campaigns increasing framed by a desire for autonomy. The are incline – tax benefits upon purchase of low sharing schemes and mobility options – target with specific smartphone travel apps and electronic services ownership rates and existing experience fiscaloffers policy mechanisms towards more sustainable travel. The low emission vehicles). Extra charges car ownership with little openness toalternative andmobility moral consciousness policy priority should be to reduce confidenc emission vehicles –switching, promote flexible car sharing schemesenvironmental –ofpromote services to improve to trial new services services – inform instantly about new options with collective modes provides favourable of using tr (e.g. congestion charging, parking Although this group show diverse major objective should beshould to help may beor useful in targeting this group, driving and carpolicy ownership. Interventions and servic banning high emission vehicles in city change. Therefore interventions – tax benefits upon purchase of travel experience, particularly online – affordable public be transport – encourage cycling through campaigns and services ground for these interventions. services in The Urban Age project, is an international investigation fees) should employed to leverage attitudes towards modes other than the these individuals maintain their level of moral appeals may not be effective in should aim at highlighting the flexibility, option ma centres may be necessary to mitigate the aim at reducing the environmental impact electric cars services – encourage technology use highlighting personal benefits (health, also enjoy The policy priority for this group is first driving atspecific aimpact later life andand enjoyment alternative this group for compensatory environmentalpreventing car, their strong rejection ofto technology cycling public transport use, in to ofstage. this group. Aindividuality of these habits by improving access –funds congestion charging –environmental target with offers trial new of howtothe physical and social are interconnected in cities. fitness, fun) Rapid acc compensate for the environmental The emphasis should be on modes provide, communicating how easyGiven developm In cycling terms of mitigation, the inhibits accesstherefore to alternative particular when life circumstances change; weaker intervention would bemobility to provide electric cars, wherever feasible. Policy objectives should focus on –improvements. Berlin: promote services innovative impact of their travel, second to mitigate policy options that highlight aspects of is to combine public transport with mobility s focus should be onthis encouraging the services and multi-modal travel. Otherit having children or relocation maygroup, induce Through, conferences, research andThe outreach, the Urban on eco-driving. the pragmatic orientation ofcar this major policy objective for group use, encouraging further uptake of alternative –main London: promote public transport –guidance promote use of technology in travel technolog their impact and third to reduce driving shoulduse feasibility and convenience of alternative sharing or cycling across the metropolitan the city. of low emission vehicles, which may demographic and behavioural a reorientation in travel behaviour. In this be to supportspecial maintenance andtravel This group favour private modes of modes and reductionthat of car ownership promotions allow users to temporarily IC e.g. through fares, free Age charts the diverse spatial, social,extension economic and political interventi and car ownership where possible. modes, notably sharing. Their general region. This may be bestaccess-oriented achieved through partially be achieved through further fiscal characteristics indicate this group have case, information about(electric mobility services of for current travel habits. travel and use ofcar digital technology and driving. Innovative test alternative modes cars, car pass trial period this As this will strongly mode group already show aThe predisposition preference living centrally, low car programmes that allow this group to test smartpho incentives tax benefits firm travel habits linked to long-standing that–support flexible travel needs be Although general campaigns increasing framedThis by afor desire for autonomy. are inclined duepublic to their curiosity and sharing, transport) for free to may begroup dynamics oftype global citiesresist in different regions of (i.e. the world. Itupon purchase ownership rates and existing experience alternatives and discover the pleasure applicatio switching, fiscal policy mechanisms towards more sustainable travel. The environmental and moral consciousness should be to little reduce in travel – toin try new modesinaspects of low emission vehicles). Extra chargespolicy priority car ownership with openness to confidence made available, for example, welcome most effective highlighting carries(e.g. outcongestion originalcharging, research and contributes to policy debate with collective modes provides favourable of using travel apps and real timepolicy online parking Although group show diverse in city major policy objective should beshould to help may be inthis targeting this group, driving and car ownership. Interventions and services. The effective oruseful banning high emission vehicles change. Therefore interventions packs formost new residents with specific of feasibility and convenience, and sharing m ground for these interventions. services in atherefore smart and creative bethat employed to leverage towards modes other maintain their level of moralattitudes appeals may notnecessary be effective in than the should these highlighting the flexibility, option may be to keep centres may be to mitigate the aim atindividuals reducing the environmental impact information about safeway and independent encouraging increased use while of low to car own on the fees) key should issues shape urban society today. enjoying health and fitness benefits. change. In funds for compensatory environmental preventing car, their strong of technology cycling and public transport use, in toalso driving at impact arejection later life stage. and enjoyment alternative this group informed about latest environmental of this group. A individuality of these habits by improving access travel. It may also be worth introducing emission travel. These interventions may Rapid access toininformation and the use of this improvements. In terms of mitigation, theThe emphasis inhibits alternative mobility when life circumstances change; shouldto therefore bebe on modesparticular provide,cars, communicating how easy developments transport options weaker access intervention would to provide electric wherever feasible. Given strategies to increase openness towards be even more successful inand combination innovative usefiscal of new information consolida policyservices options and that highlight aspects ofOther it is to combine public orientation transport with car group, mobility with services inpolicy their area and within main focus should be on encouraging the multi-modal travel. having children or relocation may induce guidance on eco-driving. the pragmatic of this technology use and innovation. instruments to reduce It assembles comparative data and visual information on technology a channel for durablefor this group and convenience of alternative sharinga or cycling across the metropolitan the city. ICT iscar an effective channel use of low emission vehicles, which may feasibility demographic and behavioural reorientation inallow travel behaviour. In this promotions that users to temporarily highas ownership rates while leveraging interventions are crucial to reach modes, notably car sharing. Thisalternative may be best achieved through given the high rate of other modes to how global cities perform across range of physical andTheir partially be achieved through furtherafiscal characteristics indicate thisgeneral group haveregion.case, information about(electric mobility services test modes cars, car greater openness towards this group. preference for living centrally, low car programmes that allow this group to test smartphone ownership and use of mobile incentives (i.e. tax benefits upon purchase firm travel habits linked to long-standing that support flexible travelfor needs bebe sharing, public transport) free to may sustainably alter mobility practices. social parameters. rates and with existing experience discover the pleasure applications during travel. Electric car of low emission vehicles). Extra charges ownership car ownership little openness to alternatives made available, example, inaspects welcome mostand effective infor highlighting modes provides favourable apps and real time online sharing may be a reasonable alternative or banning high emission vehicles in city with collective change. Therefore interventions shouldof using packs for new residents with specific oftravel feasibility and convenience, and foratthese interventions. services in a smart and creative wayof while to car ownership, when life circumstances centres may be necessary to mitigate theground aim reducing the environmental impact information about safe and independent encouraging increased use low health and fitness benefits. change. Information tools facilitating the environmental impact of this group. A of these habits by improving access to also enjoying travel. It may also be worth introducing emission travel. These interventions may tomore information and thecombination use of this service may be effective in weaker intervention would be to provide electric cars, wherever feasible. Given Rapid access strategies to increase openness towards be even successful in use of new consolidating the sustainable profile of guidance on eco-driving. the pragmatic orientation of this group,innovative technology useinformation and innovation. with fiscal policy instruments to reduce technology as a channel for durable this group. promotions that allow users to temporarily high car ownership rates while leveraging interventions are crucial to reach test alternative modes (electric cars, car greater openness towards other modes to this group. sharing, public transport) for free may be sustainably alter mobility practices. most effective in highlighting aspects of feasibility and convenience, and encouraging increased use of low emission travel. These interventions may be even more successful in combination Fig 4: Urban Age Project Project Location and Themes with fiscal policy instruments to reduce high car ownership rates while leveraging greater openness towards other modes to sustainably alter mobility practices.

URBAN AGE PROJECT

Source:http://www.lse.ac.uk/LSE-Cities

Source Fig 3:LSE Cities. 2014. Annual Report. [Online] Avialable at- file:///Volumes/brillembourg-klumpner/AB_ HK/04_Studio/20_2017_FS_Bogota%CC%81/04_ReferencesReadings/01_Readings/01_Urban%20Design/History/ Global%20Initiatives%20/Literature/LSECities_AnnualRe https://urbanage.lsecities.net/#cities


134

INTER - AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK DESIGN & PLANNING | POLICY | FUNDING Emerging and Sustainable Cities

EMERGING AND SUSTAINABLE CITIES IDB work to improve lives in Latin America and the Caribbean. Through financial and technical support for countries working to reduce poverty and inequality, we help improve health and education, and advance infrastructure. Our aim is to achieve development in a sustainable, climatefriendly way. The Emerging and Sustainable Cities Program (ESC) is the IDB’s non-reimbursable technical assistance program providing direct support to national and subnational governments in the development and execution of city Action Plans. ESC employs a multidisciplinary approach to identify, organize and prioritize urban interventions to tackle the main roadblocks that prevent the sustainable growth of emerging cities in Latin America and the Caribbean. This transversal approach is based on three pillars: (i) environmental and climate change sustainability, (ii) urban sustainability, and (iii) fiscal sustainability and governance.

Fig 1: Phases of a City in Emerging and Sustainable Cities

Source:http://www.iadb.org/en/topics/emerging-andsustainable-cities/responding-to-urban-developmentchallenges-in-emerging-cities,6690.html

Source Fig 1 : http://www.iadb.org/en/topics/ emerging-and-sustainable-cities/implementingthe-emerging-and-sustainable-cities-programapproach,7641.


135

WORLD BANK FUNDING | POLICY | RESEARCH

WORLD BANK The World Bank Group is one of the world’s largest sources of funding and knowledge for developing countries. Its five institutions share a commitment to reducing poverty, increasing shared prosperity, and promoting sustainable development. The World Bank is a vital source of financial and technical assistance to developing countries around the world. We are not a bank in the ordinary sense but a unique partnership to reduce poverty and support development. The World Bank Group comprises five institutions managed by their member countries.

The World Bank consists of five organisations: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development IBRD lends to governments of middle-income and creditworthy low-income countries.

Fig 3: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development Services

The International Development Association IDA) provides interest-free loans — called credits — and grants to governments of the poorest countries. The International Finance Corporation help developing countries achieve sustainable growth by financing investment, mobilizing capital in international financial markets, and providing advisory services to businesses and governments. The Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency promote foreign direct investment into developing countries to support economic growth, reduce poverty, and improve people’s lives. The International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes CSID) provides international facilities for conciliation and arbitration of investment disputes.

Source: http://ida.worldbank.org/

Fig 4: The International Development Association Goals

Source Fig 3: http://www.worldbank.org/en/who-weare/ibrd http://ida.worldbank.org/


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137

URBAN -THINK TANK TOOLBOX


138

URBAN- THINK TANK TOOLBOX GLOSSARY Informal Toolbox Reactivate Athens

Add Infrastructure

Capture Unused Spaces

*Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisรณpolis, Urban-Think Tank

Valuable public space lurks in passageways, rooftops, corners, alleyways and facades. The architect must look carefully at every connection and passageway to discover new spatial possibilities. The task of imbuing these left-over spaces with activity, life and purpose usually requires a new stimulus - linking spaces, introducing amenities or simply rehabilitating surfaces. Parks can fill in former risk areas, preventing future building. By building parks the community can gain precious open space while simultaneously avoiding future calamity.

Back to the Future

*Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisรณpolis, Urban-Think Tank

The radical impulse to begin anew has inspired countless tabula rasa approaches to urban development. But the future city must be built on and with the old. Responsible design means recognizing and reinforcing the strengths of what already exists, rather than reflexively wiping the slate clean. Enduring features of the urban environment have a unique relationship to local history and context. Yet they embody more than faded legacies. With creative energy and intelligent approaches to refurbishment and adaptive reuse, architects and designers can unlock hidden potential and reinvigorate neglected buildings and structures.

Infrastructure must multi-task. The problems of creating new right-of- ways, construction and maintenance are interwoven. Infrastructure must be consolidated to effectively infiltrate the informal with capable, maintainable services. Road systems can channel and collect water. Easier to maintain than a buried pipe, the channel has a larger capacity and works as an urban feature. Services can share a central access point.

Adding infrastructure should be transformative, physically and socially. Accessibility solves many problems from lack of services to the introduction of mass transit and other agencies that network the slum into the city. Recognizing the links between the informal and the formal should generate a system that is mutually supportive. Upgraded transportation systems can sustain exchanges between different actors

*Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank

Capture Resources Architects must think about energy selfsufficient solutions; they must design to respond positively to the natural environment and to become part of a larger ecosystem. In an area that faces frequent floods, rain water collection and filtering systems can be implemented in large and small scale applications to provide water supply and prevent soil erosion. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisรณpolis, Urban-Think Tank

Consolidate Infrastructure

*Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisรณpolis, Urban-Think Tank

Consolidate the Public

Public space is necessary to gather people, to consolidate individuals into a politic, and to provide relief from the anonymous and fragmented nature of the informal fabric. Participation of dwellers is critical in the creation of public spaces. Discussions between management boards and dwellers tend to achieve greater preservation of community assets. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisรณpolis, Urban-Think Tank


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Demos and Design

Distribute Freely

People are the true building blocks of the city. Faced with crisis conditions, architecture must shift from a preoccupation with form-driven design to purpose-oriented practice. By designing for people, architects can develop pragmatic solutions capable of boosting the well-being and livelihoods of a broader constituency beyond the basic function of an individual building or project. Social infrastructure can plug into physical infrastructure. Spatial and programmatic interventions can link and combine in virtuous cycles. Similarly, in an environment of drastically reduced public resources, architects and designers must develop the tools and processes to empower a street-level movement of DIY urbanists to generate small-scale, entrepreneurial projects. Projects that place their communities squarely at the center of future urban development. This requires a radically different way of thinking about design and responsibility for those whose lives are irrevocably impacted.

Knowledge must be open-source. Architecture, despite its reputation as being a product of the creative whim, is a collective and collaborative act. By sharing even the most innocuous of details, an opening is provided for critical insight and improvement of methodology. Platforms for sharing are numerous in the Web 2.0 world, but cheap printing technologies can spread the fruits of research and invite discussion beyond the space of the screen.

*Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank

Diagnose Morphology Informal morphologies are complex but consistent. Overhangs, multiple levels and bridging are common morphological features, especially as density forces the slum dweller to build upwards as well as outwards. The buildings are normally constructed of reinforced masonry and block, allowing the opportunistic dweller to cantilever out into passageways. Slum morphology is an emergent phenomenon, a result of numerous individual decisions rather than top- down planning. The informal fabric is opportunistic but not efficient. Gaps and cracks develop between structures. Depending on the size and morphology of the gap, communal uses can be programmed. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisรณpolis, Urban-Think Tank

*Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisรณpolis, Urban-Think Tank

Embrace Hybridity Cities never stop evolving. Macro- and micro-level factors interact and feed back to perpetually reshape the physical environment and nature of social interactions. Architects and designers must respond to this fluidity by developing concepts and systems with a long life and loose fit. By permitting structure, programs, and use to adapt and change, accommodating new and unforeseen activities. Hybridity at the building and neighborhood scale can generate multifunctional urban spaces capable of fulfilling the needs of various users. And flexibility should extend temporally, through mixed-use programs that evolve over time. Accepting this ethos opens up possibilities for different modes of intervention in different conditions, from adaptive reuse to open building, transitional plug-in strategies to acts of pop-up urbanism that leave no permanent trace. A willingness to embrace hybridity not only embeds future users in the design process, but also responds to the varied availability of space in an already overbuilt urban fabric. *Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank


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Get Prototypical Crisis conditions demand new models for imagining, testing, financing, and implementing urban projects. A strategy focused on functional prototypes can produce rapid, creative, workable, and cost-effective designs for the real world. Architects and designers must move beyond conventional modes of practice by employing micro-tactics, working with communities, and trialing specific solutions in order to arrive at more generally applicable proposals ready to deploy on a larger scale. Operating in an environment of scarce resources, prototypes can take advantage of simplified or modular forms of construction and assembly, retrofitting the existing city in a generative process of urbanism. Backed by appropriate guidelines and tool kits, these designs can create lasting value by embracing the flexibility that invites individual and collective adaptation. Rather than mimicking the hermetic development systems of industrial design, urban prototyping fosters a more open and collaborative culture of experimentation, which champions user involvement and resists any pretence of finality. *Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank

Going Beyond Green The discourse around sustainable cities is overwhelmingly focused on building smarter and greener. But while important, sustainability does not begin and end with environmental concerns. Social and economic factors are equally critical in determining the long-term viability of prevailing urban models. Architects, designers, and policy-makers must understand and plan for an urban complexity that extends beyond the physical dimension. Cities are also vast and dynamic social networks embedded in space and time. Increasing social and cultural diversity is an unavoidable reality in major metropolises worldwide. An inclusive approach to all social groups, and the ability to coherently address divergent needs at multiple scales, is as much a part of sustainable design strategies as LEED certification or cutting-edge green infrastructure. Similarly, projects and

programs developed around self-sustaining economic models can emerge as pockets of resilience in the face of broader urban upheavals. *Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank

Go Against the Grain To change the fabric you have to break some rules; one such rule is the efficiency of building along the grain. By going perpendicular to the dominant flow of the fabric, new construction is forced to grapple with new difficulties; extreme differences in height, vertical circulation, and strange geometry. The potential is to punctuate the fabric with exceptional conditions, to make new connections and to introduce new possibilities into a monolithic fabric. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank

Go Vertical High density urbanism involves going vertical, building layer on top of layer to create higher concentrations of space and people for each lot. The challenge of building vertical while still producing rich space and accessibility, both physical and economic, is difficult but necessary to see the favela transformed. Cable cars are small on footprint but big on mobility like Urban Think Tank’s cable car system for Caracas, Venezuela *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank

Go With the Grain

It’s common sense to go with the grain. The fabric of the slum itself is a witness to this shared wisdom as thousands of individual builders have followed this logic through time to its logical end - a city that is based almost entirely on slope conditions. Individual buildings orient themselves along invisible contours and cluster into linear bands. Plasticity


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is important when building on the hillside. Like the ad hoc construction of the favela, building practices must adapt to the undulating nature of the ground, cascading, double-backing, densifying and spreading apart. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank

Grow Local Urban agriculture can be dense and social. Unlike the sprawling monocultural farms of agribusiness, urban farming is local, small scale and diverse. It can encourage sociability, provides mediating effects on pollution and runoff and can beautify otherwise neglected surfaces. Urban farming can be integrated into the hillside itself. The stepping of the terrain, modulated by a series of building volumes, lends itself to planting. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank

Low Cost, High Impact Ideas that take their cues from the adaptive capacity and creativity of people living with everyday scarcity. But for architects, scarcity should function as a design tool rather than a survival state. Low cost does not mean low quality. Operating in a resource-constrained environment calls for a complete openness toward materials and processes—an architecture without restraints, as opposed to an architecture of excess. The more pressing challenge in times of crisis is to pursue design solutions whose commitment to an equitable quality of life redefines urban possibilities and challenges broader failures of governance and resource distribution. And delivering a low-cost project is not simply a question of compromising on form or materiality. Savings can be achieved through novel financing mechanisms and implementation strategies. *Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank

Make Centers Centers should be a place for everyone. Young, old, rich and poor, centers should speak to the common needs and collective pride of the community. Sport is a useful program for these functions, but it is not exclusive: performance spaces of all types, open space, parks and plazas can stimulate commerce, political and cultural expression and cultivate identity. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank

Make a kit of Parts The kit-of-parts is best when modular and flexible. It must not be easily removable, materials must be cheap and it must be capable of working on a small footprint. It must negotiate existing buildings and steep slopes - smaller modules will work better than larger ones. The limit condition of this is the default barrio masonry block: small, cheap, and easily assembled. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank

Make Networks Networks are crucial to overcome fragmentation. Networks, both physical and social, can reinforce positive aspects of the community, bring in much needed resources and magnify the voice of the barrio resident. Networks can be joined together into dense hubs. Flows of people, electricity, water and political power are bound together in this proposal for an active social and infrastructural center. By connecting into existing infrastructure, it establishes a new focal point within a previously neglected zone. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab

Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank


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Participate

Pretty Vacant

Flourishingcityliferequiresahealthyinterplay betweentop-downplanningandtheintimate knowledgeofbottom-upurbanism.Thesetwo processes seldom meet without new forms of mediationandcollaboration.Conventionalurban design strategies have inadvertently fuelled structuresofexclusion.Peopleandcommunities mustbebroughtbackintotheconversation.Only empowered citizens can assume a pivotal role indeliberationsshapingthefutureoftheircity. Participatoryplatformsprovidethemechanisms totransformresidentsfrompassiveobserversinto activeplayers.Morecrucially,participatorydesign and governance processes can reinforce vital democraticvaluesinaclimateofdisengagement anddisillusion.Electoralpoliticsdividemoreoften than they unite. Building an inclusive city amid socialpolarizationandchronicdeadlockcanbe achievedthroughalternativemethodsofdecisionand place-making. But rather than fantasizing aboutafrictionlesssmartcity,architects,designers, andpolicy-makersmustalsolearntoembrace productive forms of conflict and dissent.

Vacancy is too often viewed as an ominous symbol of distress and decline. Abandoned buildings and rubble-strewn lots become physical stand-ins for convulsing economies and fragmented communities. But these urban voids also represent an opportunity to redefine conventional development trajectories. A climate of ongoing austerity compels architects, designers, and policy- makers to identify value in undervalued spaces; to unlock the utility in what already exists. Put simply, reactivation does not equal new development. If one rejects superficial narratives of decay, even dilapidated sites offer an opportunity to occupy the city differently. Vacant, underused, and unfinished structures can host new services and decentralized programs. A porous web of gaps in the urban fabric can allow the rethinking of dysfunctional patterns of circulation or deficient public space. In a dense and overbuilt urban environment, endemic vacancy opens up new possibilities for a productive reorganization of space, underpinned by counter-intuitive design processes of subtraction and adaptation.

*Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank

Pre-Fabricate From factory to favela, pre-fab can bring small scale development while dramatically raising building quality. A typical favela home is built of crude masonry and rejects the realities of the site and materials. It does little to modulate privacy, encourage ventilation, or provide for future additions. By building components in the factory, future upgrading can bring with it a measurable increase in the performance of building. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab

Paraisรณpolis, Urban-Think Tank

*Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank

Plug into Infrastructure Bootstrap onto existing infrastructure to reinforce and re-direct. By plugging into existing infrastructure, social functions, public facilities, new circulation and new forms of housing can be added improvements that go beyond simple traffic remediation. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisรณpolis, Urban-Think Tank

Reverse Engineer Aggregation Algorithms can be used to posit future growth as well as to understand current conditions. Complex events, such as the development of


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weather systems or urban fabrics, are impossible to definitively know, but models can allow us to see possible scenarios and to test our underlying assumptions. Agent-based models are most helpful, simulating the diversity of actors implicit in ad hoc build-outs. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank

Shock Therapy

Prolonged economic turmoil has left a trail of social and physical wreckage worldwide. But in crisis there is opportunity to experiment and innovate, as established structures and approaches break down, opening space for new models to emerge. In economics, “shock therapy” is administered as a painful series of rapid reforms, responding decisively in the face of structural upheavals. Cities under stress are likewise forced into difficult trade- offs as a form of collective life support. An urban version of shock therapy can activate temporary constellations of actors to break free from destructive cycles and realize latent potential. Far from pursuing fragile stability at all costs, it is time to expand the concept of “futureproofing” from natural to social and economic disasters. Disruptive change must mean the urgent mobilization of scarce resources to jumpstart the transition toward a more equitable and sustainable city. *Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank

Think Formally

Formal devices can re-imagine the favela fabric. Rather than deriving patterns from the existing slum or otherwise extracting a working logic from pre- existing cities, a formal device can come from anywhere. It is crucial to follow through on the urban and spatial implications of applying an ‘alien’ logic to the favela, but such an exercise can produce new hybrids introducing difference and vigor into the mono-cultural organism of the informal. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank

Urban Acupuncture Cities are organic, living systems. They exist in constant flux, not as a fixed state. Sweeping urban renewal schemes either simplify this complexity and capacity for self-organization, or persist in a futile attempt at top-down control. Large-scale planning in isolation inevitably fails to address localized challenges, or harness the potential sidelined by exclusionary processes. Faced with urgent crisis conditions, architects, designers, and policy-makers cannot succumb to the lure of quixotic master plans. They must devise agile, targeted interventions to transform the wider urban environment. A set of intelligent projects or tools can serve as a powerful catalyst for new models of development. Designed effectively and placed strategically, these projects will not only zero in on immediate needs, but also generate positive ripple effects that radiate outward. As additional funds become available over time, what seem like modest acupunctural actions can multiply and evolve to achieve a more resilient and robust collective impact. *Source: Re-Activate Athens: 101 Ideas Urban-Think Tank

Visualize Social Factors Visualizing data makes it accessible. Anecdotal descriptions of the slum condition will not suffice - clearly the slum is a complex condition of overlapping needs, capacities and risks. The favela fabric is unique in the degree to which this physical infrastructure is a built map of social relations. The typical home in the favela is in a constant state of construction, expanding to accommodate distant relatives and friends that are drawn to the city. Families can span multiple buildings, but one may also find multiple families in a single dwelling. *Source: Informal Toolbox, SlumLab Paraisópolis, Urban-Think Tank


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HISTORICAL SQUARES Piazza San Marco Plaza Mayor Place de Vosges

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PIAZZA SAN MARCO

Venice / Italy Origin 9th Centurty – Paved 13th Century

PIAZZA SAN MARCO: Together, Piazza San Marco and the connecting Piazzetta San Marco make up the principal public square in the city of Venice. While its form has changed significantly over the centuries, San Marco, as the only piazza in the city of Venice, has always been the location of important civic buildings. Because of Its location, size, and civic importance, the piazza quickly became a central gathering spot for Venetians, and vendors immediately began to set up shop on the square. The square was re-paved in a pattern that enabled vendors in setting up their stalls and self-organize into a unified marketplace. The buildings around the square continued to be reprogrammed and renovated. PLAZA MAYOR Plaza Mayor was built in the place where before was a square called Plaza del Arrabal. It was situated in the outskirts of the city and it’s where the most important market of the village (La Villa) was celebrated. In this square there was a house that allowed the regulation of the trade in the area. Afterwards, in this place, will be built the beginning of which we will know as Plaza Mayor of Madrid. PLACE DE VOSGES Originally Place Royale, is the oldest planned square in Paris and one of the finest in the city. It is located in the Marais district, and it straddles the dividing-line between the 3rd and 4th arrondissements of Paris. It was a fashionable and expensive square to live in during the 17th and 18th centuries, and one of the central reasons Le Marais became so fashionable for the Parisian nobility.

www.pps.org www.hostalpersal.com en.wikipedia.org


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PLAZA MAYOR

Madrid / Spain Juan de Herrera-Juan Gomez de Mora 1580

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PLACE DE VOSGES Paris / France Baptiste du Cerceau 1612


ROCKEFELLER CENTER New York / USA Raymond Hood 1939

Rockefeller Center is a complex of skyscrapers and theaters in New York City developed by John D. Rockefeller, Jr. in the 1930s and designed by a talented committee of architects and planners. It superbly demonstrates how tall buildings can be seamlessly integrated into the horizontal tangle of the city below. First conceived in 1927, Rockefeller Center was intended as a mixed use complex that would house the Metropolitan Opera and assorted retail establishments. The opera later withdrew, and was replaced with the Radio Corporation of America (RCA) and its fledgling subsidiary, NBC. Rockefeller wanted a sound return on his investment, but he also wanted to build something that could serve the public good. He was passionate about architecture and he felt responsible for contributing to the urban quality of New York. Raymond Hood’s RCA building (since renamed the GE building and popularly known as 30 Rock) dominates Rockefeller Center. This skyscraper exudes a cool, unfussy elegance. Its limestone façade rises above its neighbors in a series of stepped verticals. Aluminum spandrels create a vertical pattern of lines that emphasize the building’s height. Hood had used a similar approach in his Daily News building, but the striped effect was more subtle here, and the overall proportions more delicate. The building’s profile shifts according to the viewer’s perspective—its north and south façades stretch wide, while its east and west ends present slender fronts to the street. The main approach lies on the east via the long and narrow Channel Gardens (a walk that separates buildings dedicated to France and Britain) that slope gently downward, allowing an unobstructed view as the tower soars upward like the prow of a huge ship.

www.khanacademy.org

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LIJNBAAN

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Rotterdam, Netherlands Jaap Bakema and Jo van den Broek 1953

In 1951, after much hesitation over the site and form of a new shopping precinct in the center of the devastated city, Van den Broek & Bakema were commissioned to design 65 shops. These were built in two levels along two intersecting pedestrian streets. Unlike the traditional Dutch shopping street, dwellings and office space were not placed above the shops but behind them in separate blocks. The street profile, rather than being tall and narrow, is accordingly low and broad. The shops have a concrete frame, allowing for flexible subdivision of their interiors. Partition walls are of brick. As a rule one shop consist of two levels (above a basement), with three levels for staff at the back. All shops are 15 or 20 meters deep, but of varying width. The facades are built up of prefabricated concrete posts and panels using a basic module of 1.1 meters. Awnings composed of steel girders hung from the concrete frame and finished in varnished red deal, extend along the facades. Arcades at various points, kiosks, display cases, plant boxes and paving together model the pedestrian precinct. All shops take in stock from a service road at their rear which also functions as an access road for the precinct’s housing. This is contained in blocks of three, thirteen and nine storeys respectively, each enfolding a communal green space. In 1966 the Lijnbaan was extended to Binnenwegplein, there to join up with another key shopping area dominated by two more retail buildings by Van den Broek & Bakema: H.H. de Klerk, and Ter Meulen/Wassen/Van Vorst. As the prototype of a traffic-free shopping center, the Lijnbaan has been imitated all over the world. Its unique urban layout of pedestrian precinct, service road and high-rise housing off courtyards has produced one of the few successful forms of urban dwelling, a form seemingly able to absorb without effort even the vast office slabs of the 1970s. The flexible subdivision of shops, simple systematic architecture and thoughtfully shaped pedestrian street have managed to survive several generations of interior designers and shop decorators. In 1996 the original awnings were superseded by a new, more transparent variant to a design by the firm of Van den Broek & Bakem

www.architectureguide.nl


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THE BARBICAN CENTER London, England Chamberlain + Powell and Bon 1950’s-1982

In order to maximize rental income and make the scheme financially viable, the architects proposed a high-density development aimed at those earning a mid-to-high income. The complex was designed as an urban microcosm, with residential blocks arranged around communal spaces – an approach inspired by the work of Le Corbusier. Le Corbusier’s Unite d’Habitation housing project in Marseilles had been recently completed; his vision for a ‘vertical garden city’ is evident in both the Golden Lane Estate and the Barbican. In addition to “luxury” housing, Chamberlin, Powell and Bon’s masterplan for the Barbican featured cultural facilities (including a concert hall and theater), a shopping mall, underground parking, private gardens, and lakes with fountains and a waterfall. It was hoped that the vast array of amenities within the estate would attract their target market and justify the higher cost of the housing. The Guildhall School of Music and the City of London School for Girls would also be moved to new premises on the site, forging a sense of community within the complex. St. Giles Church, one of the few buildings to survive the bombings of 1940, would stand in the center of the estate. The residential blocks are linked by two systems of pedestrian circulation: the highwalk and the podium. The highwalk, a network of bridges and narrow walkways, encompasses the estate. The podium is a raised platform which becomes a new ‘ground level’ once inside the boundary of the estate. This design feature allows the Barbican to be entirely pedestrianized, with road and rail traffic passing underneath, out of both sight and sound. The lake and gardens provide the residents with generous communal outdoor space; a rarity in an otherwise heavily built-up area of London. These landscaped areas lie below the level of the podium, with the changing elevations adding visual interest and lending a sense of seclusion.

http://www.archdaily.com

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CITY CORRIDOR - LOWER MANHATTAN EXPRESSWAY New York, USA Paul Rudolph 1967

Back in 1967, Rudolph was commissioned by the Ford Foundation to study the implications of the Lower Manhattan Expressway, Robert Moses’s project for a Y-shaped highway that would have tied the Holland Tunnel to the Williamsburg Bridge and the Manhattan Bridge. The expressway would have destroyed much of what we now know as SoHo and Tribeca, which could not have evolved as they did had the highway been built. Rudolph’s idea, in effect, was to double down on the intervention, to build so much around and atop and beside it that the expressway would seem almost irrelevant. Rudolph envisioned what was, in effect, a megastructure extending all the way across Manhattan—a whole series of buildings that stretched, nearly unbroken, from river to river. Some of them straddled the expressway, others were towers arranged in clusters, and still others were in the form of slabs that Rudolph placed along the approaches to both bridges, turning them into walled corridors. He designed many of the buildings as gigantic frames to hold prefabricated apartment units that were to have been slipped into the structures. There were “people movers,” gliding along tracks connecting the buildings, and several floors of open automobile storage at the base of many of the apartment towers. It ignored the streets, the lifeblood of New York’s urbanism, in favor what seems today like a brave new world of anti-urbanism. Rudolph’s boldness, and his fascination with seeing the city as a system, a huge, interconnected web of physical structures and transportation modes, all of which he wanted to weave together into a beautiful object.

www.newyorker.com

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FUN PALACE Cedric Price and Joan Littlewood 1961

Cedric Price was one of the most visionary architects of the late 20th century. Although he built very little, his lateral approach to architecture and to time-based urban interventions, has ensured that his work has an enduring influence on contemporary architects and artists, from Richard Rogers and Rem Koolhaas, to Rachel Whiteread. The Fun Palace was one of his most influential projects and inspired Richard Rogers and Renzo Piano’s early 1970s project, Center Georges Pompidou in Paris. Initiated with Joan Littlewood, the theatre director and founder of the innovative Theatre Workshop in east London, the idea was to build a ‘laboratory of fun’ with facilities for dancing, music, drama and fireworks. Central to Price’s practice was the belief that through the correct use of new technology the public could have unprecedented control over their environment, resulting in a building which could be responsive to visitors’ needs and the many activities intended to take place there. As the marketing material suggested, there was a wide choice of activities: “Choose what you want to do – or watch someone else doing it. Learn how to handle tools, paint, babies, machinery, or just listen to your favourite tune. Dance, talk or be lifted up to where you can see how other people make things work. Sit out over space with a drink and tune in to what’s happening elsewhere in the city. Try starting a riot or beginning a painting – or just lie back and stare at the sky.” Using an unenclosed steel structure, fully serviced by travelling gantry cranes the building comprised a ‘kit of parts’: pre-fabricated walls, platforms, floors, stairs, and ceiling modules that could be moved and assembled by the cranes. Virtually every part of the structure was variable. “Its form and structure, resembling a large shipyard in which enclosures such as theatres, cinemas, restaurants, workshops, rally areas, can be assembled, moved, re-arranged and scrapped continuously,” promised Price.

www.interactivearchitecture.org

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INSTANT CITY - PLUG IN CITY Archigram 1964-70

PLUG IN CITIY: Between 1960 and 1974 Archigram created over 900 drawings, among them the plan for the “Plug-in City” by Peter Cook. This provocative project suggests a hypothetical fantasy city, containing modular residential units that “plug in” to a central infrastructural mega machine. The Plug-in City is in fact not a city, but a constantly evolving megastructure that incorporates residences, transportation and other essential services--all movable by giant cranes. Persistent precedents and concerns of modernism lay at the heart of Plug-In City’s theoretical impulse, not limited to the concept of collective living, integration of transportation and the accommodation of rapid change in the urban environment. In his book Archigram: Architecture without Architecture, Simon Sadler suggests that “The aesthetic of incompleteness, apparent throughout the Plug-In scheme and more marked than in megastructural precedents, may have derived from the construction sites of the building boom that followed the economic reconstruction of Europe.” THE INSTANT CITY: To coincide with its contemporaries of Archizoom, and following a tendency that goes back to the sociological vision of the city of Georg Simmel, for Archigram the metropolis is first and foremost a contagious mental state. For this reason, its project of the instant city explored the possibilities of contaminating the monotonous urban life of smaller cities with the most exciting contemporary urbanity by means of the perceptive activation of their inhabitants: The idea was to use audiovisual devices, leisure installations, and exhibitions, transported in colossal, ludic, and amusing transmitting agents, airships that on alighting on innocent “sleeping towns” transformed their appearance irreversibly, including them in an active metropolitan system, the instant city.

www.archdaily.com atributosurbanos.es

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INFLATOCOOKBOOK San Francisco / USA Ant Farm 1968 – 1978

Ant Farm was established within the counter-cultural milieu of 1968 San Francisco by two architects, Chip Lord and Doug Michels, later joined by Curtis Schreier. Their work dealt with the intersection of architecture, design and media art, critiquing the North American culture of mass media and consumerism. Ant Farm produced works in a number of formats, including agitprop events, manifestos, videos, performances and installations. Their early work was a reaction to the heaviness and fixity of the Brutalist movement in contrast to which they proposed an inflatable architecture that was cheap, easy to transport and quick to assemble. This type of architecture fitted well with their rhetoric of nomadic, communal lifestyles in opposition to what they saw as the rampant consumerism of 1970s USA. The inflatables questioned the standard tenets of building: these were structures with no fixed form and could not be described in the usual architectural representations of plan and section. They instead promoted a type of architecture that moved away from a reliance on expert knowledge. Ant Farm produced a manual for making your own pneumatic structures, the Inflatocookbook. The inflatables thus constituted a type of participatory architecture that allowed the users to take control of their environment. Events were also organised inside the inflatables, which were set up at festivals, university campuses or conferences to host lectures, workshops, seminars, or simply as a place to hang out.

www.spatialagency.net

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WORK OF ROBERTO BURLE MARX São Paulo / Brazil 1909 – 1994

The Brazilian artist Roberto Burle Marx (1909-1994) is one of the most prominent landscape architects of the twentieth century. His famous projects range from the remarkable mosaic pavements on the seaside avenue of Rio de Janeiro’s Copacabana Beach to the multitude of gardens that embellish Brasilia, one of several-large scale projects he executed in collaboration with famed architect Oscar Niemeyer. Although his landscape design work is renowned worldwide, the artist’s work in other media remains little known. Roberto Burle Marx: Brazilian Modernist therefore explores the richness and breadth of the artist’s oeuvre—from landscape architecture to painting, from sculpture to theater design, from tapestries to jewelry.

http://www.archdaily.com

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COPACABANA PROMENADE Rio De Janerio / Brazil 1970

CIVIC SQUARE Brasilia / Brazil 1970

BISCAYNE BOULEVRAD Miami / USA 2004


CENTRE GEORGES POMPIDOU Paris / France Richard Rogers + Renzo Piano 1977

“On the Piazza side, and outside the usable volume, all public movement facilities have been centrifuged. On the opposite side, all the technical equipment and pipelines have been centrifuged. Each floor is thus completely free and it can be used for all forms of cultural activities- both known and yet to be discovered.” Renzo Piano, architect of the Center Pompidou Designed as an “evolving spatial diagram” by architects Renzo Piano and Richard Rogers, the architecture of the Center Pompidou boasts a series of technical characteristics that make it unique in the world – the inspiration, even the prototype, of a new generation of museums and cultural centres. It is distinctive firstly in the way it frees up the space inside, with each floor extending through the building entirely uninterrupted by load-bearing structures. The whole of each 7 500 m2 floor is thus available for the display of works or other activities, and can be divided up and reorganised at will, ensuring maximum flexibility. With its use of steel (15 000 tons) and glass (11 000 m²) and the externalisation of its load-bearing structure together with circulation and services, it was a truly pioneering building for its time, an heir to the great iron buildings of the Industrial Age. In many ways futuristic, the Center Pompidou is heir to the architectural utopias of the 1960s, exemplified in the work of Archigram and Superstudio. Its innovative, even revolutionary character has made the Center Pompidou one of the most emblematic buildings of the 20th century.

www.centrepompidou.fr

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PARC DE LA VILLETTE ( COMPETITION ) Paris / France OMA 1982

The program by the city of Paris was too large for the site, leaving no space for a park. The proposed project is not for a definitive park, but for a method that - combining programmatic instability with architectural specificity - will eventually generate a park. The idea comprises 5 steps: 1. The major programmatic components are distributed in horizontal bands across the site, creating a continuous atmosphere in its length and perpendicular, rapid change in experience. 2. Some facilities - kiosks, playgrounds, barbecue spots are distributed mathematically according to different point grids. 3. The addition of a “round forest” as architectural elements. 4. Connections 5. Superimpositions In the second phase, the nature element was elaborated in the form of a series of “wings”, that created - as in a theater - the illusion of a park without consuming the territory that was needed for the overabundance of activities.

oma.eu

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NETHERLANDS PAVILLON WORLD EXPO 2000 Hanover / Germany MVRDV 2000

What the Dutch entry shows is a mix of technology and nature, emphasizing nature’s make-ability and artificiality: technology and nature need not be mutually exclusive, they can perfectly well reinforce one another. Nature arranged on many levels provides both an extension to existing nature and an outstanding symbol of its artificiality. It provides multi-level public space as an extension to existing public spaces. And even by arranging existing programs on many levels it provides yet more extra space, at ground level, for visibility and accessibility, for the unexpected, for nature. Dividing up the space in the Dutch entry and arranging it on multiple levels surrounds the building with spatial events and other cultural manifestations. The building becomes a monumental multi-level park. It takes on the character of a happening. The fact that this kind of building does not yet exist means that it also gets to function as a laboratory. It not only saves space, it also saves energy, time, water and infrastructure. A mini-ecosystem is created. It’s a survival kit. Of course, it also tests existing qualities: it attempts to find a solution for a lack of light and land. At the same time the density and the diversity of functions builds new connections and new relationships. It can therefore serve as a symbol for the multi-faceted nature of society: it presents the paradoxical notion that as diversity increases, so too might cohesion.

www.mvrdv.nl

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MFO PARK Zurich / Switzerland Burckhardt + Partner and Raderschall Architekten 2002

The large “park house” is a double-walled construction covered with wire mesh, a “latticework” in the old ornamental gardening style, enveloped by sumptuously sprawling plants and open on three sides. The spacious hall is interrupted by four wire chalices at the rear, a copse in a forest of climbing plants. Four pools of water embedded in the moss carpet reflect the incident light. The double walls’ intermediate spaces are traversed by flights of steps, covered walkways and projecting balconies. At the very top, on the roof, is the sun deck. A precise architectural body emerges, formed by delicate foliage, filled with green light-play and fleeting fragrances, free of purpose and open to all senses. The residential and service buildings in the center of northern Zurich are enhanced by the numerous possible uses of the plaza and “park house”. The facility is suitable for sport and games, for meetings of all kinds, or events such as film screenings, concerts and theatrical performances – all with a baroque backdrop of hedges. The MFO Park, measuring 100 meters long, 34 meters wide and 18 meters high, is the largest pergola in the world.

www.burckhardtpartner.ch

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VERTICAL GYM PROTOTYPE Caracas, Venezuela UTT 2001-2004

Most of the buildable land in slums is claimed by housing, leaving minimal space for community facilities. To address this, U-TT focused on the latent potential of small, rundown sports pitches within the dense urban fabric of Caracas’ barrios. The first Vertical Gym was built in 2004 for the municipality of Chacao, creating a low-cost, multilevel recreation complex. It was designed as a prefabricated kit of parts that can be assembled in three months and customized to fit different topological, climactic, and programmatic needs. The gym’s base is superimposed upon an existing sports field or vacant lot, transforming the site into a safe recreational facility. More than a building, the Vertical Gym is a piece of social infrastructure that has reduced crime rates, promoted healthy lifestyles, and strengthened social capital. The flexible modular design can be adapted to the needs and means of diverse clients, whether by building specific parts, or in phases over time. Four gyms have been completed to date, with others in development around the world.

u-tt.com photos: iwan.com

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OPERA HOUSE Oslo / Norway Snøhetta 2008

Snøhetta’s prize-winning design was characterized by the jury as having strongly identifiable themes that tie the building to its culture and place while also presenting an unusual and unique expression that was in many ways new and innovative. The project developed a highly complex program into a simple general plan that integrated both a practical and intuitive sculptural approach to modeling the exterior form. Its low slung form became a link within the city rather than a divisive sculptural expression. Its accessible roof and broad, open public lobbies make the building a social monument rather than a sculptural one. The building is as much landscape as architecture and thus fosters public awareness and engagement with the arts. Generous windows at street level provide the public a glimpse of the scenery workshop activities. The building still finds an audience with public who are not opera, ballet or orchestra fans. The cafes and gift shop, with their access to the waterfront are destinations which offer opportunities to generate revenue for the institution while providing a general public amenity. Care was taken with the design of these components so that they are seamlessly integrated into the overall character of the building’s bold design.

snohetta.com

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ECO-BOULEVARD Madrid / Spain Ecosistema Urbano 2008-2009

The Eco-boulevard in Vallecas can be defined as an urban recycling operation consisting of the following actions: insertion of an air tree-social dynamizer over an existing urbanization area, densification of existing alignment trees and reduction and asymmetric arrangement of wheeled traffic circulation. Superficial interventions reconfiguring the existing urbanization (perforations, fillings, paint, etc.) that defaces the executed kerb development. There are two main objectives: one of a social nature, aimed to generate activity, and one of an environmental nature, the bioclimatic adaptation of an outdoor space, achieved with a system of passive air conditioning based on chilling by evapotranspiration. This system, commonly used in the green house industry, is capable of lowering temperature by around 10ยบ C, depending on humidity conditions and temperature. The system goes into action when a temperature sensor detects temperatures above 27ยบC in its surroundings. It is particularly efficient with high temperatures and low relative humidity (typical conditions in Madrid during the summer). The Air Trees are objects of an exportable nature, so they may be re-installed in similar locations or in other types of situations requiring an urban activity or reactivation.

ecosistemaurbano.com

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BOSQUE DE LA ESPERANZA Bogotá, Colombia Giancarlo Mazzanti 2011

Hope Forest is a sport center in the outskirts of Bogotá where the community can practice several sports and take part of different recreational and academic activities that lead to a cooperative community. This project was made possible thanks to the foundation “Pies Descalzos” founded by the well known singer Shakira and the Spanish ONG “Ayuda en Acción”. Location: This Project is located in the municipally of Soacha, Altos de Cazucá. This lies in a very depressed area that lacks of public infrastructure. This area is known for its security problems and it has become the shelter of thousands of people that have been displaced of their hometowns because of the conflict. Approach: We believe that architecture’s value lies, not only in it, but in what it produces. We are interested in producing actions, change and relationships; this will allow us to develop shapes, patterns or open organizations that act in the construction of social actions. Hope Forest is what we call an open project, that is a project made out of modules, able to grow, and able to adapt to different situations. It consists on a canopy that is able to grow and change depending on the circumstances. Design: The Sport Center consists of a 1.744 m2 a horizontal surface and a 700 m2 dome of spatial structure, which “evokes a bunch of trees as a symbol of nature, union n hope in the area of Altos de Cazuca”. The dimensions of the canopy are 22.7m x 30.8m approximately, with a perimeter of 138.198m. Each of the modules is a polyhedron of 12 surfaces, a dodecahedron. It is a unique piece and it repeats several times to shape the canopy of the sports center. The structural canopy functions as a beam, supported over the two axes of the columns. The materials used were expanded mesh, round metal pipe and translucent tile.

divisare.com

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SUPERKILEN Copenhagen / Denmark Superflex + Bjarke Ingels Group + Topotek1 2012

Superkilen is a half a mile long urban space wedging through one of the most ethnically diverse and socially challenged neighborhoods in Denmark. It has one overarching idea that it is conceived as a giant exhibition of urban best practice – a sort of collection of global found objects that come from 60 different nationalities of the people inhabiting the area surrounding it. Ranging from exercise gear from muscle beach LA to sewage drains from Israel, palm trees from China and neon signs from Qatar and Russia. Each object is accompanied by a small stainless plate inlaid in the ground describing the object, what it is and where it is from – in Danish and in the language(s) of its origin. A sort of surrealist collection of global urban diversity that in fact reflects the true nature of the local neighborhood – rather than perpetuating a petrified image of homogenous Denmark. Superkilen is the result of the creative collaboration between BIG, Topotek1 and SUPERFLEX, which constitutes a rare fusion of architecture, landscape architecture and art - from early concept to construction stage. The conceptual starting point is a division of Superkilen into three zones and colors – green, black and red. The different surfaces and colors are integrated to form new, dynamic surroundings for the everyday objects. The desire for more nature is met through a significant increase of vegetation and plants throughout the whole neighborhood arranged as small islands of diverse tree sorts, blossom periods, colors - and origin matching the one of surrounding everyday objects. To create better and more transparent infrastructure throughout the neighborhood, the current bike paths will be reorganized, new connections linking to the surrounding neighborhoods are created, with emphasis on the connection to Mimersgade, where citizens have expressed desire for a bus passage. This transition concerns the whole traffic in the area at outer Norrebro and is a part of a greater infrastructure plan. Alternatives to the bus passage include signals, an extended middle lane or speed bumps.

www.archdaily.com

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UVA, EL ORFELINATO Medellin, Colombia Colectivo 720 2015

“Integration of Water, light and landscape as an essential part of the identity of the place and as an urban reference for the city...� Principal Objectives: To reuse the water reservoirs that were in disuse, without affecting the water supply system operation, and to insert an architectural urban public program that promotes inclusion. Also, to develop an architecture program that unifies the existing infrastructure and spaces uses, while it differentiates activities. Moreover, to develop a scheme that articulates the landscape, public space and architecture through a unifying element between solids and voids, operating as a big piece of urban furniture. Complementary Objectives: To use eco-materials with suitable thermal, acoustic, and environmental performance and earthquake resistant structures. Additionally, to give continuity to the park spaces, the city and the equipment designed, and to act as articulating and transition axis between architecture and the city. To implant the project understanding the pre-existing topography and building conditions through a series of terraces, which accommodates the public space program, characterized by an accessible and inclusive urban design with the capacity to generate new dynamics and neighborhood activities. And to incorporate natural elements of the environment as design components, improving the environmental quality of the sector, giving value the landscape through visuals, making architecture part of the site.

arch.iit.edu divisare.com

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THE HIGHLINE NETWORK High Line Underline James Corner Field Operations

There is a movement in cities across the world to reclaim underutilized infrastructure and reimagine it as public space. THE HIGHLINE: The High Line is a 1.5-mile greenway that runs through several New York City neighborhoods. Founded by neighborhood residents, Friends of the High Line partnered with elected leaders, government officials, and supporters to preserve the historic structure and fund the transformation of the High Line into a public space. Today, working in partnership with the New York City Department of Parks & Recreation, Friends of the High Line manages and operates the park, and raises nearly 100% of its annual operating budget. The High Line puts on more than 400 free programs a year and hosts rotating world-class art exhibits through its High Line Art program. In 2016, the High Line saw more than seven million visitors—one third of them New York City residents. As part of its ongoing commitment to the neighborhood surrounding the park, the High Line offers teen employment opportunities that give teens important training in professional skills—from horticulture to environmental justice. THE UNDERLINE: Currently in the design, advocacy, and procurement phase, The Underline will serve as a gateway to adjacent communities by tapping into the unique identities of each adjoining neighborhood and by providing distinctive places for programs relevant to each community. The project will also offer improved access north, south, east, and west, as well as an off-road safe haven to improve walking and biking safety. Inspired by South Florida and the Miami region, The Underline will become a significant social and civic spine for the area that will foster community, enhance value, and encourage recreation and healthy living. It will facilitate connectivity and social exchange, connecting people to their surroundings and each other.

network.thehighline.org

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THE HIGHLINE

NYC / USA ame Corner Field Operations, Diller Scofidio + Renfro, Piet Oudolf Ongoing

THE UNDERLINE

Miami / USA James Corner Field Operations Ongoing

The Highline Network


SEOUL SKYGARDEN Seoul / South Korea MVRDV 2017

Seoullo, the Korean name for Skygarden translates to ‘towards Seoul’ and ‘Seoul Street’, while 7017 marks the overpass’ construction year of 1970, and its new function as a public walkway in 2017. The pedestrianised viaduct next to Seoul’s main station is the next step towards making the city and especially the central station district, greener, friendlier and more attractive, whilst connecting all patches of green in the wider area. In central Seoul, a true plant village has been realised on a former inner city highway in an ever-changing urban area accommodating the biggest variety of Korean plant species and transforming it into a public 983-metre long park gathering 50 families of plants including trees, shrubs and flowers displayed in 645 tree pots, collecting around 228 species and sub-species. In total, the park will include 24,000 plants (trees, shrubs and flowers) that are newly planted many of which will grow to their final heights in the next decade. In the future, the overpass will evolve with new plants and new activators so as to become an ‘urban nursery’, rearing trees for the surrounding districts. Additional structures of stairs, lifts and escalators as well as new ‘satellite’ gardens, can connect to the Skygarden, sprouting like branches from the existing structural piers. These extensions can inspire further additions to the area’s greenery and public spaces, and will connect the Skygarden to its surroundings both physically and visually through plant species related to each of the neighborhoods. These contribute to enhancing the experience of users, boosting the park with activities that engage the city on a cultural and commercial level. Small mobile pots are added for seeds and plants that can be used afterwards in the bigger pots. A living nursery. Multiple stairs, lifts, bridges and escalators connect the city to the new park, rebounding it to the adjacent urban fabric. At night, the Skygarden is illuminated in blue lights in contrast to the bright city lights as the colour is friendly to nature. During festivals and celebrations, different colours can also be changed.

www.mvrdv.nl

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TRANSIT HUBS Paris Metro Entrance Vienna City Railway Stations

VIENNA CITY RAILWAY STATIONS: Otto Wagner Vienna. The most beautiful stations designed by Otto Wagner along the U6 are Karlsplatz, Längenfeldgasse, Gumpendorfer Strasse, Währinger Strasse, and Nussdorfer Strasse. The highlights along the U4 are Stadtpark, Schönbrunn, and Hietzing’s Kaiserpavillon (Court Pavillon) at 150 meters distance from the station. The pavilion was built as a private station for Emperor Francis Joseph and boasts precious Art Nouveau interiors. Francis Joseph only used his pavilion twice. The Court Pavilion is part of the Vienna Art Nouveau History Tour. PARIS METRO ENTRANCE: Scattered throughout the streets of Paris, the elegant Art Nouveau entrances to the Métropolitain (Métro) subway system stand as a collective monument to the city’s Belle Époque of the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. With their sinuous ironwork patterned after stylized plants, the Métro entrances now count among the most celebrated architectural emblems of the city; however, due to the city’s wariness in the face of industrialization and architect Hector Guimard’s decision to utilize a then-novel architectural aesthetic, it would take decades before the entrances would earn the illustrious reputation that they now enjoy.

www.archdaily.com www.vienna-unwrapped.com

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VIENNA CITY RAILWAY STATIONS Vienna / Austria Otto Wagner 1890’s

PARIS METRO ENTRANCE Paris / France Hector Guimard 1900’s


TRANSIT HUBS Stadelhofen Station Crossrail Place, Canary Warf

STADELHOFEN STATION: The Swiss Federal Railways commissioned the expansion and redefinition of an existing railway station in the heart of Zurich on Stadelhofen Square with a program calling for the accommodation of a third track and the creation of a commercial arcade. Calatrava’s design encompasses not only the passenger platform and commercial arcade, but a canopied promenade, three contrasting bridges, stairs, elevators as well as the support of the power cables. In collaboration with Arnold Amsler and Werner Rüegger, the design competition for the expansion and redefinition of the existing Stadelhofen Station in Zurich’s suburban rail network was Calatrava’s first award-winning project. CROSSRAIL PLACE, CANARY WARF: The practice was commissioned to design a mixed-use scheme above and around the new Canary Wharf Crossrail Station. Crossrail is the largest infrastructure project in Europe and will connect London from east to west, with nine new stations and 42 kilometres of new tunnels under the city. Located in the waters of the north dock next to the HSBC tower and close to the residential neighborhood of Poplar, the development’s new public spaces are conceived as an accessible, welcoming bridge between the two areas. The four levels of retail, roof garden, pavilions and station entrances are unified by a complex timber roof, which wraps around the building like a shell.

www.fosterandpartners.com www.calatrava.com

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STADELHOFEN STATION Zurich / Switzerland Santiago Calatrava 1983 - 1990

CROSSRAIL PLACE, CANARY WARF London / United Kingdom Foster + Partner + Adamson Associates 2015


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READINGS


CASE STUDIES: READINGS

Collage City By Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter, 1978

Source: Collage City, The MIT Press, Massachusetts Insttitude of Technology Cambridge, Massachusetts 02142

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CASE STUDIES: READINGS

No-Stop City ( Archizoom Associati ) by Andrea Branzi

Source: No-Stop City (Archizoom Associati), Librairie de l’Architecture et de la Ville

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CASE STUDIES: READINGS

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49 Cities by Work AC WORKac

49 CITIES

49 CITIES WORKac

Source: 49 Cities WorkAC


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WORKac

ISBN 978-0-615-28586-3

49 CITIES

9 780615 285863


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49

KEY tO dIAGRAmS Fear Factor

SlumS + OVERcROwdING

dISORGANIzEd tRAFFIc

FOREIGN INVASION

SpRAwl

uRbAN chAOS

INFlEXIbIlItY

pOllutEd AIR

wAStE OF RESOuRcES

Form

lINEAR

GRId

RAdIAl

uNbuIlt

pARtIAllY buIlt, OR INFluENtIAl ON OthER buIlt pROjEctS

wAllEd cItY

mOdERAtE GROwth

IRREGulAR

Realization

cOmplEtElY buIlt

Expandability

uNlImItEd GROwth

wIldERNESS

lAwN

wAtER

hOuSING

pEdEStRIAN dEcK

pARKlANd

AGRIcultuRE

INduStRY

publIc/ cOmmERcIAl

ROAdS/ INFRAStRuctuRE

OthER INFRAStRuctuRE


217

49 CITIES In ChronologICal orDEr

18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 42 44 46 48 50 52 54 56 58 60 62 64 66

Roman City Latin American City Neuf-Brisach Savannah Royal Salt Works Phalanstère Jeffersonville Paris (1850) Marienburg Garden City Roadtown Cité Industrielle Rush City Reformed Broadacre City Radiant City Chicago Communitas 1 Communitas 2 Levittown Fort Worth Brasilia Hauptstadt Agricultural City Bridge City Dome over Manhattan

ComparaTIvE DaTa

68 70 72 74 76 78 80 82 84 86 88 90 92 94 96 98 100 102 104 106 108 110 112 114

Mesa City New Babylon Ocean City Tokyo Bay Helix City Clusters in the Air Toulouse-Le Mirail Frankfurt Mound Plug-in City Fun Palace Ratingen-West Satellite City Tetrahedral City Linear City Continuous Monument No-Stop City Noahbabel Earthships Convention City Exodus Handloser Zarzis Resort Masdar

116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125

Population Density Total Population % Greenspace % Parkland Density by Land Use Density by Surface Use Floor Area Ratio: 3D Area/2D Area Site Area Density vs. Built Area Density vs. Greenspace

126

Sources

SCalE ComparISonS

49 CITIES In ChronologICal orDEr

6 8 10

1:25,000 1:133,000 1:250,000

12

Fear Timeline

14

Introduction Amale Andraos and Dan Wood

18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 42 44 46 48 50 52 54 56 58 60 62 64 66

Roman City Latin American City Neuf-Brisach Savannah Royal Salt Works Phalanstère Jeffersonville Paris (1850) Marienburg Garden City Roadtown Cité Industrielle Rush City Reformed Broadacre City Radiant City Chicago Communitas 1 Communitas 2 Levittown Fort Worth Brasilia Hauptstadt Agricultural City Bridge City Dome over Manhattan

68 70 72 74 76 78 80 82 84 86 88 90 92 94 96 98 100 102 104 106 108 110 112 114

Mesa City New Babylon Ocean City Tokyo Bay Helix City Clusters in the Air Toulouse-Le Mirail Frankfurt Mound Plug-in City Fun Palace Ratingen-West Satellite City Tetrahedral City Linear City Continuous Monument No-Stop City Noahbabel Earthships Convention City Exodus Handloser Zarzis Resort Masdar


foreign invasion

12

Ludwig Hilberseimer

slums + overcrowding

Le Corbusier

1690 1710

1720

1710 1730

1720 1740

1730 1750

1740 1760

1750 1770

1760 1780

1770 1790

1780

Communitas Brasilia2 Fort Worth Levittown Brasilia Hauptstadt Levittown Ocean City Hauptstadt Mesa City Ocean City City Agricultural Mesa City Tokyo Bay Agricultural City Bridge City Tokyo Bay New Babylon

1680

1670 1690

1660 1680

1650 1670

1640 1660

1630 1650

1620 1640

1610 1630

1620

1610

-10

-20

-30 -10

-40 -20

-50 -30

-60 -40

-50

Communitas Fort Worth1

Chicago Communitas 2

Radiant City1 Communitas

Broadacre City Chicago

Rush City Reformed Radiant City

Cité Industrielle Broadacre City

Roadtown Rush City Reformed

City Cité Garden Industrielle

Marienburg Roadtown

Paris (1850) Garden City

Jeffersonville Marienburg

Phalanstère Paris (1850)

Royal Salt Works Jeffersonville

Savannah Phalanstère

Neuf-Brisach Royal Salt Works

Latin American City Savannah

Roman City Neuf-Brisach

Latin American City

Roman City

-60

1800

1700

1700

1600

1600

0

0

218

FeaR TimeLine

urban chaos polluted air

Ludwig Hilberseimer Victor Gruen

disorgan

Schadrach Woods

Le Corbusier Ludwig Hilb

Le Corbusier

Schadrach Woods

Frank Lloyd Wright

Le Corbusie

Ludwig Hilberseimer

Roman Sculpture of Huns

Ludwig Hilberseimer

Le Corbusie


disorganized traffic

Le Corbusier

1760 1780

1770 1790

1780

1790 1810

1820

Mesa City Tokyo Bay Agricultural City Bridge City Tokyo Bay New Babylon City Dome over Bridge Manhattan NewHelix Babylon City

sprawl inflexibility

Ludwig Hilberseimer

Le Corbusier

Le Corbusier

13

Schadrach Woods

Paul and Percival Goodman Chris Zelov

Paolo Soleri

michael Reynolds

C. mayhew & R. Simmon

waste of resources

Masdar

Zarzis Resort

Handloser Masdar

ZarzisExodus Resort

Convention City Handloser

Satellite City Exodus

Earthships Convention City

ContinuousSatellite Monument City

No-Stop City Earthships

Noahbabel Continuous Monument

Linear City City No-Stop

Fun Palace Noahbabel

Tetrahedral Linear City City

Ratingen-West Fun Palace

Plug-in City City Tetrahedral

Mound Ratingen-West

Frankfurt Plug-in City

Toulouse-LeMound Mirail

Clusters Frankfurt in the Air

HelixMirail City Toulouse-Le

2030

2020

2010 2030

2020

1990 2010

1980

1970 1990

1960 1980

1950 1970

1940 1960

1930 1950

1920 1940

1910 1930

1920

1890 1910

1880

1870 1890

1880 1860

1850 1870

1840 1860

1830 1850

1820 1840

1810 1830

1750 1770

Ocean City City Agricultural

Dome over Manhattan Clusters in the Air

1740 1760

Hauptstadt Mesa City

2000

2000

1900

1900

1800

1800

219

FeaR TimeLine


220

INTRODUCTION

Throughout history, architects and planners have dreamed of “better” and different cities— more flexible, more controllable, more defensible, more efficient, more monumental, more organic, taller, denser, sparser or greener. With every plan, radical visions were proposed, ones that embodied not only the desires but also, and more often, the fears and anxieties of their time. With the failure of the suburban experiment and the looming end of the world predictions— from global warming to post peak-oil energy crises and uncontrolled world urbanization— architects and urbanists find them selves once more at a crossroads, fertile for visionary thinking. Today’s meeting of intensi fied environmental fears with the global breakdown of laissez-faire capitalism has produced a new kind of audience, one that is ready to suspend disbelief and engage in fantastic projections to radically rethink the way we live. recognizing the recurrent nature of our environmental preoccupations and their impact in shaping utopias, 49 Cities inscribes our time within a larger historical context, re-reading seminal projects and visionary cities of the past through an ecological lens of the present that goes beyond their declared ideology to compare and contrast their hypothetical ecological footprint. And while both terms constituting the research—that of “city” and that of “ecology”— are purposefully reduced almost to naïveté, they are still powerful enough in their simplicity to reveal that many of these radical propositions are closer than we are today in boldly articulating the challenges we face and offering inspiring possibilities to meet them. Born out of our “eco-urbanism” research seminar at princeton University’s School of Architecture, 49 Cities emerged as a means to re-engage thinking about the city and reclaim architects’ imagination towards re-inventing both urban and rural life. While initially focused on the present condition, analyzing current trends in green architecture and urbanism, our interest gradually gravitated back in time, towards the long tradition of prolific visionary thinking about the city that was lost sometime in the mid-1970s. encouraged by the “amateur-planner” status of those who dreamed of the most influential plans—

FIN

from Frank lloyd Wright and le corbusier, who were architects, to ebeneezer Howard, who was a stenographer—and unconvinced by more recent professional manifestos such as that of the new Urbanists, we set ourselves to find ways to move beyond mapping our “urbanon-speed” condition and rediscover alternate modes to re-project the city. The 49 cities were selected amongst two hundred cases studied, based on their ability to capture a time and an ambition, by either best representing their contemporaries or by being radically ahead of their time. Some cities were built in one form or another, but most of them remained on paper. And yet today, many have indelibly influenced our global urban landscape. While the repercussions of radiant city, Broadacre city and Garden city have been widely acknowledged, it is interesting to compare recent developments in china and the UAe to some of these visionary plans, ranging from the more utilitarian to the more exuberant. These parallels stop at form: while today’s urban developments are almost always shaped by capital flows, the 49 cities were all shaped by ideology and an ambition to recast society’s modes of being and operation, an ambition that produced widely varying results depending on their time and place. Beyond their particularities and specific preoccupations, there are two characteristics that most of the 49 cities share. The first lies in the embrace of scale and radical abstraction to question their impact on the planet as a whole. A better city for the future always seems to imply a redefined relationship to “nature” and the environ ment, a relationship whose form— whether it requires sprawl to embrace wilderness or compression to minimize impact—depends on the broader ideology it embodies. The second is that each of the 49 cities is born as a reaction to the urban conditions and preoccupations of the time—overpopulation, sprawl, chaos, slums, pollution or war. With today’s heightened fear of upcoming environmental disasters, “ecological urbanism” seems the natural first utopia of the 21st century. projecting today’s questions about what constitutes an ideal “ecological city” on to the idealized cities of the past, 49 Cities examines a number

14

of relationships—from the relationship of form to ideology to that of form to performance— generating a fresh outlook and a new framework from which to re-engage the discourse on the city today.

49 C cate (line facto city i (fore inflex been diag

infor tative popu infra both dime are t from the d

form The appe the d and com bility serv Broa city. newe many the r

fear of co rom expr con testa the n

from struc paris deve form it is i cities perc


k

221

FINDINGS

49 Cities is organized chronologically, categorized in terms of the cities’ overall form (linear, gridded, radial or irregular) and “fear factor”—the predominant conditions that each city is imagined to overcome or alleviate (foreign invasions, sprawl, urban chaos, slums, inflexibility, pollution or waste). each city has been carefully re-drawn. There is a key to the diagrams on the inside front cover of the book. Using these drawings and available information, each city is subjected to a quantitative analysis, calculating the overall area, population, amount of greenspace, water and infrastructure as well as floor area ratio and both two-dimensional (footprint) and threedimensional (surface area) densities. The cities are then ranked in a number of categories— from 1 to 49—in order to compare and contrast the different approaches.

form The ultimate expression of urbanity, the grid, appears again and again, recognizable as the dominant urban form in 22 of the 49 cities, and used as the basis of designs meant to combat everything from pollution to inflexi bility. The grid transcends time and geography, serving projects as diverse as Wright’s Broadacre city and le corbusier’s radiant city. in an unintended symmetry in fact, the newest of the 49 cities, Foster’s masdar, takes many of its urban design cues from the oldest, the roman city. The grid is the only form used when the fear factor is foreign invasion or warfare, its aura of control and organization dating back to the roman empire. The diversity of uses and expres sions of gridded cities however, from the conquistadors in latin America to Archizoom, is testament to the grid’s ultimate flexibility, suiting the needs of both colonialists and radicals. Ten of the 49 cities take on irregular forms, from Kitutake’s ocean city, inspired by organic structures, to Haussman’s interventions in paris, which follow the city’s informal historic development. Given the identification of irregular forms with informality and open-endedness, it is ironic that almost all of the authors of these cities conceived of them as antidotes to perceived urban chaos or sprawl. many of

the more geometric or tightly organized cities have a greater density or potential to expand, however, showing perhaps the danger of becoming seduced by the organic when searching for a more balanced state of urban coexistence with nature. Another ten cities are organized linearly. 1910’s roadtown is the earliest example and in many ways still the most revolutionary, designed as a continuous collection of row-houses, rail lines and a roadway stretching from Baltimore to Washington. later examples, such as the metabolists’ projects use the linear form within an organic argument, organizing the city by “trunk,” “branch,” “stem” and “leaves.” linear cities are inherently inflexible, expandable only in one dimension and singular in expression, yet all of them share a fasci nation with infrastructure, making them potential models for future ecological cities whose infrastructural systems will require reinvention. The radial form is the least used, appearing in seven of the cities studied. However, from ledoux’s Saltworks to the communitas projects of paul and percival Goodman, it provides perhaps the most compelling “visionary” form, one that combines the structure and flexibility of a grid with the curved organic forms of nature. The limit to endless radial expansion can in some sense be a benefit, allowing for new settlements to be separated by open space, agriculture or wilderness such as was originally proposed by Howard for his Garden cities.

DEnSITy no urban quality reflects the ecological promise of visionary cities better than density. As more and more people crowd the planet—and move to cities—it is imperative to find innovative ways to occupy less space with more people. Urban visionaries from Doxiadis to mVrDV, and many of the authors of the 49 cities have trumpeted denser cities as the solution to any number of societal and ecological ills. The densities of the 49 cities have been calculated using either their stated population goals or by estimating the number of residential units. For the four projects that encompass an existing commercial area however (candillis Wood’s Frankfurt, the Smithsons’ Hauptstadt,

15

Buckminster Fuller’s Dome over manhattan and Victor Gruen’s Fort Worth), the number of users/ commuters is estimated instead, which skews these numbers higher than the population density calculated for the others. Topping the list of the densest, and true to form, is Fuller’s Tetrahedral city of 1965. Fuller postulated that a pyramidal structure 200-stories tall with a giant public park inside would not only be able to house one million people in 300,000 apartments, but that the structure would also be light enough to float. (He proposed this both for Tokyo and San Francisco bays.) cedric price’s Fun palace is the next most dense, followed by Archigram’s plug-in city. Both of these projects herald the High Tech movement by incorporating small, efficient modules that are able to accommodate great numbers of people on a reduced footprint. rounding out the top five are Superstudio’s continuous monument and Archizoom’s no-Stop city, both highly theoretical projects meant to transform the lives of vast numbers of people on one level—Superstudio stated that the continuous monument should house the global population—and on another level, meant more as social critique than urban planning. no one in the 1960s and 1970s championed the environmental city and the merits of density more than paolo Soleri. He introduced his book Arcology: City in the Image of Man (1969) with the statement “miniaturize or die.” Analyzing the two Soleri projects included in 49 Cities, noahbabel and mesa city, it is therefore surprising that neither project is particularly dense. mesa city, in fact, is one of the least dense in terms of surface area.

far Floor area ratio, or FAr, represents the number of times the entire urban footprint is duplicated in total built area. cities with a high FAr also have a high 3-D density. For the projects that are megastructures—such as peter cook’s mound or cedric price’s Fun palace—the FAr is simply equal to the number of floors; these projects have the highest FArs. (Tetrahedral city, again, tops the list—it is hard to beat a 200-story pyramid.) existing cities like Fort Worth or Dome over manhattan also score highly


222

roman CITy

roman Empire, 500 b.C.–500 Unknown

Total Site Area (2-D; in m²)

1,493,168

Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

1,029,135 1,007,394 0 21,741 0

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

1,484 166,874

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint)

295,675 262,412 0 285,675

Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit

50,000 14,286 3.50

Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D) FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x) DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

2,401,609 4 0 1 1,204,116 918,441 0 285,675 1,197,493

The roman city, developed over centuries throughout the roman empire as an outpost of colonial rule, was ideally a walled, gridded settlement. established initially with northsouth and east-west axial streets, known as the cardo and decamanus, the city was laid out as a grid, with soldiers’ tents giving way to more permanent structures along the grid of streets over time. each block, or insula, was envisioned as a programmable slot and was mixed-use, containing apartments, houses, shops and workshops, creating a dense city core surrounded by the wall. Between the urbanized zone and city wall was the pomerium, a buffer zone, and beyond the wall lay agricultural lands. Urban amenities such as plumbing, reservoirs, drainage and sewers, pedestrian sidewalks and traffic calming measures were employed throughout the city, along with public amenities like markets, public baths and toilets, theaters, and religious and governmental buildings.

1.61

2D DEnSITy rankIng

far rankIng

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

33,486

10/49

25/49

20/49

25/49

8/49

20,819

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

69% 67% 0% 1% 0% 0% 11% 20% 18% 0% 19% 100%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

43% 42% 0% 1% 0% 0% 7% 50% 38% 0% 12% 100%

infrastructure 7%

infrastructure 11% Built Area 20%

Built Area 50%

Greenspace 43%

Greenspace 69%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

lanD uSE 2D park 2%

public 52%

Housing 48%

Agriculture 98%

buIlT SpaCE

grEEnSpaCE

18


223

1 mm = 5 m

50 m

250 25 km m


224

royal SalT workS

arc-et-Senans, france, 1775 Claude-Nicolas Ledoux

Total Site Area (2-D; in m²)

752,781

Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

526,077 416,529 29,951 79,597 0

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

0 205,958

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint) Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D)

20,746 13,245 6,682 820

The design of ledoux’s Salt Works at chaux was guided by an attempt to rationalize industrial production and to reflect a proto-corporate hierarchy of labor. informed by Jeremy Bentham’s panopticon, the Salt Works made a clear attempt to influence the behavior of its occupants: the quarters of the workers were placed in a semi-circle around the main director’s building, flanked by industrial buildings; ostensibly this created an atmosphere of “being watched,” fostering obedience in occupants.

500 167 3.00 766,025 2 1 1 33,990 26,489 6,682 820 732,035

FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x)

1.02

2D DEnSITy rankIng

far rankIng

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

664

47/49

47/49

17/49

48/49

46/49

653

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

70% 55% 4% 11% 0% 0% 27% 3% 2% 1% 0% 100%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

69% 54% 4% 10% 0% 0% 27% 4% 3% 1% 0% 100%

Built Area 4%

Built Area 3%

infrastructure 27% Greenspace 69%

infrastructure 27% Greenspace 70%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

lanD uSE 2D

public 4%

lawn 6% industrial 32%

Housing 64%

park 15%

Agriculture 79%

buIlT SpaCE

grEEnSpaCE

26


225

1 mm = 3.5 m

35 m

175 25 km m


226

raDIanT CITy

global, 1935 Le Corbusier

Total Site Area (2-D; in m²)

114,290,621

Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

114,290,621 0 0 54,689,799 59,600,822

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

737,602 12,854,154

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint)

8,479,819 2,066,675 5,618,460 794,684

Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit

2,073,600 829,440 2.50

Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D) FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x) DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

255,324,701 13 8 70 127,442,324 26,866,770 44,947,684 55,627,870 127,882,377

le corbusier’s radiant city attempted to open the city to light, air and nature, while simultaneously achieving extremely high residential densities. The park-like ground plane of the city was completely open to the pedestrian, crisscrossed by elevated highways and dotted with towers on pilotis. Horizontally, the city was zoned into specific areas of resi dential, administrative/business and industrial functions. residents inhabited superblocks, self-contained residential neighborhood-buildings of 2,700 residents that had communal amenities and recreational facilities. cruciform office buildings in the business zone of the city were to be forty-stories tall, housing 3,200 workers per building. The plan was highly influential in residential and commercial planning for decades after it was introduced.

2.23

2D DEnSITy rankIng

far rankIng

18,143

16/49

17/49

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

1/49

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

5/49

15/49

8,121

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

100% 0% 0% 48% 52% 1% 11% 7% 2% 5% 1% 119%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

45% 0% 0% 21% 23% 0% 5% 50% 11% 18% 22% 100%

Built Area 7%

infrastructure 11% Water 1% Built Area 50%

Greenspace 45%

infrastructure 5%

Greenspace 100%

Water .05%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

public 9%

lanD uSE 2D

Housing 24% Wilderness 52%

industrial 67%

buIlT SpaCE

park 48%

grEEnSpaCE

46


227

1 mm = 60 m

1 km

3 km


228

lEvITTown

new york, 1947 Levitt & sons

Total Site Area (2-D; in m²)

15,360,918

Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

10,605,870 0 7,263,969 3,341,901 0

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

208,740 2,143,149

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint)

2,403,159 2,172,034 141,399 89,726

Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D) FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x) DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

70,000 31,275 2.24 17,532,952 2 1 1 4,575,193 4,344,068 141,399 89,726 12,957,759

levittown, new York, built from 1947 to 1951 to accommodate returning soldiers starting families, was the first mass-produced suburb. comprised of six models of houses built on concrete slab foundations, levittown provided an affordable entry to suburban living for thousands of people wanting to leave new York city. levittown was divided into master blocks of roughly one square mile, which were in turn subdivided into “sections,” each containing 300 to 500 houses. each neighborhood had a public school, and main thorough -fares featured churches, public facilities and shopping. residential streets were designed as “traffic-calming:” curvilinear and without four-way intersections; a number of greenbelts were inter spersed throughout the neighborhoods. While initially derided as extremely homogenous, the residents of levittown have modified and added on to their homes so extensively that few unaltered houses remain.

1.14

2D DEnSITy rankIng

far rankIng

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

4,557

28/49

37/49

19/49

22/49

22/49

3,992

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

69% 0% 47% 22% 0% 1% 14% 16% 14% 1% 1% 100%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

60% 0% 41% 19% 0% 1% 12% 26% 25% 1% 1% 100%

Built Area 16%

Built Area 26% Greenspace 61%

infrastructure 12% Water 1%

infrastructure 14% Water 1%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

Greenspace 69%

lanD uSE 2D

public 20%

park 32% Housing 80%

lawn 68%

buIlT SpaCE

grEEnSpaCE

54


229

1 mm = 40 m

1 km

2 km

1 mm = 10 m

100 m

500 25 km m


230

braSIlIa

brazil, 1957 Lucio Costa

Total Site Area (2-D; in m²)

69,037,902

Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

57,064,934

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

9,918,503

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint)

2,054,465 1,134,097 181,238 739,131

Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D) FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x) DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

14,149,328 42,915,606

140,000

lucio costa and oscar niemeyer’s Brasilia was constructed from 1956 to 1960 as Brazil’s new capital city, in an attempt to rectify regional inequalities. closely following the principles of the Athens charter (ciAmAm), the radiant city-inspired plan was superimposed on the jungle landscape in the shape of a open-winged bird. The north-South monumental administrative axis at the center of the city was flanked on either side by residential blocks. These subdivisions, known as Superquadras, uniformly contained several modernist mid-rise apartment building slabs, local commercial enterprises like cinemas and shops and public amenities like schools.

82,331,731 8 2 8 15,348,294 9,072,773 362,476 5,913,046 66,983,437

1.19

2D DEnSITy rankIng

far rankIng

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

2,028

43/49

33/49

12/49

17/49

37/49

1,700

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

83% 0% 0% 20% 62% 0% 14% 3% 2% 0% 1% 100%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

69% 0% 0% 17% 52% 0% 12% 19% 11% 0% 7% 100%

infrastructure 14%

Built Area 3%

Built Area 19%

infrastructure 12%

Greenspace 69% Greenspace 83%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

lanD uSE 2D

park 25%

public 36% Housing 55%

Wilderness 75%

industrial 9%

buIlT SpaCE

grEEnSpaCE

58


231

1 mm = 85 m

850 m

4.25 25 km


232

DomE ovEr manhaTTan Total Site Area (2-D; in m²) Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

new york, 1960 Buckminster Fuller

3,557,353 333,360 0 58,178 275,182 0

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

5,074 1,279,641

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint)

1,939,277 1,163,566 193,928 1,357,494

Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit

1,000,000 400,000 2.50

Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D) FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x) DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

one of Buckminster Fuller’s numerous domed projects, the Dome over manhattan was an attempt to rectify the wasteful nature of the urban environment. The dome would keep warmth inside, and prevent rain and snow from entering the business core of the city. Fuller was obsessed with the efficiency of a climate-free city, citing the enormous savings in elements such as snow removal to promote its superiority over traditional urban development.

17,714,074 10 2 3 16,095,997 11,635,661 387,855 4,072,481 1,618,076

4.98 281,108

2D DEnSITy rankIng

far rankIng

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

4/49

14/49

42/49

8/49

2/49

56,452

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

9% 0% 2% 8% 0% 0% 36% 55% 33% 5% 38% 100%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

2% 0% 0% 2% 0% 0% 7% 91% 66% 2% 23% 100%

Greenspace 2% infrastructure

Greenspace 9%

7%

Built Area 55%

Built Area 91%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

infrastructure 36%

lanD uSE 2D

lawn 17% public 50%

Housing 43% park 83%

industrial 7%

buIlT SpaCE

grEEnSpaCE

66


233

1 mm = 35 m

875 m

1750 m


234

Tokyo bay

Total Site Area (2-D; in m²) Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

Tokyo, 1960 Kenzo Tange

1,047,313,950 31,341,294 0 0 31,341,294 0

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

764,456,587 47,123,465

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint)

204,392,604 52,738,456 149,018,069 2,636,079

Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D) FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x) DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

5,000,000

1,467,932,538 6 2 4 625,011,192 316,430,739 298,036,138 10,544,315 842,921,346

Kenzo Tange’s massively-scaled plan for expanding Tokyo along metabolist principles centered on creating an enormous central, infrastructural spine jutting into Tokyo Bay. This spine would contain a civic axis of governmental and business districts and would grow the city in a line out from the existing urban agglomeration. The spine would be flanked by high-speed roads without intersections, and the islands themselves would feature buildings on pilotis, to allow the ground plane to be used communally. Housing branches would extend at 90-degree angles from the central spine, and be connected to the core by a monorail system. industrial areas would be created on landfill near the existing shoreline. like most other metabolist projects, the Tokyo Bay expansion could accommodate the addition of both individual units and large sectors in a “tree”-like manner.

1.40

2D DEnSITy rankIng

far rankIng

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

4,774

27/49

30/49

43/49

3/49

28/49

3,406

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

3% 0% 0% 3% 0% 73% 4% 20% 5% 14% 0% 100%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

2% 0% 0% 2% 0% 52% 3% 43% 22% 20% 1% 100%

Greenspace 2%

Greenspace 3% Built Area 20%

Water 52%

Built Area 43%

infrastructure 4%

Water 73%

infrastructure 3%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

lanD uSE 2D

public 1%

Housing 26% park 100%

industrial 73%

buIlT SpaCE

grEEnSpaCE

74


235

1 mm = 100 m

1 km

25 5 km


236

hElIx CITy

Total Site Area (2-D; in m²) Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

urban, 1961 Kisho Kurokawa

49,068,419 7,914,552 0 0 0 7,914,552

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

20,759,381 3,017,093

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint)

17,377,393 15,895,036 0 1,482,358

Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D)

Kisho Kurokawa’s Helix city was one of a number of metabolist urban visions that was to grow from an existing city outward on the surface of a body of water. The helical megastructures comprising the city allow for a plug-in style occupation of their levels; the city expands both by adding units within each helix and by adding new towers. The levels of the helixes were proposed to be completely covered in gardens, allowing for a maximal green surface.

480,000 120,000 4.00 673,421,878 40 0 4 641,730,852 635,801,421 0 5,929,431 31,691,026

FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x)

13.72

2D DEnSITy rankIng

far rankIng

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

9,782

20/49

2/49

38/49

13/49

45/49

713

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

16% 0% 0% 0% 16% 42% 6% 35% 32% 0% 3% 100%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

1% 0% 0% 0% 1% 3% 0% 95% 94% 0% 1% 100%

infrastructure 1% Built Area 2%

infrastructure 1% Water 2% Built Area 12%

Water 2%

Greenspace 85%

Greenspace 95%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

lanD uSE 2D

Agriculture 10% lawn 1% park 15%

Housing 41% Wilderness 74%

public 59%

buIlT SpaCE

grEEnSpaCE

76


237

1 mm = 100 m

1 km

25 5 km


238

TETrahEDral CITy

Tokyo, 1965 Buckminster Fuller

Total Site Area (2-D; in m²)

4,486,024

Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

2,768,724 0

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

2768724.04 0 0 366366

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint)

4,600,556 1,831,832 0 2,768,724

Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit

1,000,000 15,000 66.7

Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D) FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x) DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

252,246,346 200 0 4 249,111,255 241,801,824 0 7,309,431 3,135,090

56.23 222,915

proposed by Buckminster Fuller for multiple locations, including San Francisco and Tokyo, Tetra city was to be a floating or land-based residential pyramid that could grow to accommodate one million inhabitants. The building was to have “three triangular walls of 5,000 living units apiece,” 200-stories tall with two-mile long walls at its base. large openings in the structure would occur every fifty stories, allowing sunlight to enter the public garden at the bottom of the interior. Three city centers would rim the structure at different levels. each of these featured “a community park, complete with lagoon, palms and shopping center in geodesic domes.” Fuller employed the tetrahedron shape due to its having the most surface per volume area of all polyhedra, and therefore its ability to provide the most living space with full access to the outdoors.

2D DEnSITy rankIng

1/49

far rankIng

1/49

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

23/49

9/49

23/49

3,964

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

62% 0% 0% 62% 0% 0% 8% 103% 41% 0% 62% 172%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

1% 0% 0% 1% 0% 0% 0% 99% 96% 0% 3% 100%

Greenspace 1%

Built Area 103%

Built Area 99%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

Greenspace 62%

lanD uSE 2D

Housing 40% park 100%

public 60%

buIlT SpaCE

grEEnSpaCE

94

infrastructure 8%


239

1 mm = 35 m

875 m

1750 m


240

ConTInuouS monumEnT Total Site Area (2-D; in m²)

global/nyC, 1969 Superstudio

11,856,518

Total Greenspace (m²) Area: Greenspace: agriculture Area: Greenspace: lawn Area: Greenspace: park Area: Greenspace: wilderness

2,964,130 741,032 741,032 741,032 741,032

Area of Water (m²) Area of Infrastructure (m²)

2,964,130 2,964,130

Total Built Area [footprint; m²)] Area: Housing (footprint) Area: industrial (footprint) Area: public (footprint)

2,964,130 988,043 988,043 988,043

Total Population Total number housing units number of people per housing unit

1,000,000 122,400 8.17

Total Area (3-D; in m²) number of Floors: Housing number of Floors: industrial number of Floors: public Area: Total Built Area: Housing (3-D) Area: industrial (3-D) Area: public (3-D) Area: open Space (Greenspace + Water + infrastructure) (3-D) FAR: 3-D Area / 2-D Area (x) DENSITY: total population / site area (2-D) (people per km²) DENSITY: total population / total area (3-D) (people per km²)

32,605,425 8 8 8 23,713,036 7,904,345 7,904,345 7,904,345 8,892,389

2.75 84,342

The continuous monument was a reaction to the pop-culture and hyper-saturated projects of the 1960s by the italian “radical architecture” group Superstudio. The earth-spanning gridded network made of indeterminate material was to contain the entire human population and to connect the key expressions of humanity around the world—large monuments like the colosseum, the Kaaba and the Taj mahal. in a flippant retort to both modernism and megastructural architecture, the infinite grid extends and undermines the supposedly rational systems of le corbusier and the international Style. Here, as the grid runs through manhattan, bits of the existing city are surrounded and treated as historical artifacts in a museum-like setting.

2D DEnSITy rankIng

far rankIng

grEEnSpaCE rankIng

populaTIon rankIng

3D DEnSITy rankIng

6/49

13/49

34/49

10/49

5/49

Built Area 25%

Greenspace 25%

infrastructure 25%

Water 25%

30,670

2-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

25% 6% 6% 6% 6% 25% 25% 25% 8% 8% 8% 100%

3-D Percentages Greenspace Agriculture lawn park Wilderness Water infrastructure Built Area Housing industrial public Total % of land use (can exceed 100%)

9% 2% 2% 2% 2% 9% 9% 73% 24% 24% 24% 100%

Greenspace 9% Water 9% infrastructure 9%

Built Area 73%

SurfaCE uSE 3D

public 33%

lanD uSE 2D

Wilderness Agriculture 25% 25%

Housing 34%

park 25%

industrial 33%

buIlT SpaCE

lawn 25%

grEEnSpaCE

98


241

1 mm = 35 m

875 m

1750 m


242

DenSiTY: BY lAnD USe 10

100

1.000

10.000

100.000

1.000.000

Chicago Broadacre City Royal Salt Works Earthships Roadtown Handloser Brasilia Ratingen-West Communitas 2 Jeffersonville Neuf-Brisach Ocean City Mesa City Cité Industrielle Zarzis Resort Phalanstère Marienburg Clusters in the Air Convention City Agricultural City Masdar Levittown Tokyo Bay Garden City Rush City Reformed Mound Satellite City Savannah Bridge City Helix City Paris (1850) Hauptstadt Toulouse-Le Mirail Radiant City Communitas 1 Exodus Linear City Noahbabel Latin American City Roman City New Babylon No-Stop City Fort Worth Continuous Monument Dome over Manhattan Plug-in City Fun Palace Frankfurt Tetrahedral City

DEnSITy (2-D)

120

DEnSITy (3-D)


243

DenSiTY: BY SUrFAce USe 10

100

1.000

10.000

100.000

1.000.000

Chicago Mesa City Broadacre City Royal Salt Works Helix City Earthships Ratingen-West Mound Roadtown Zarzis Resort Handloser Cité Industrielle Brasilia Neuf-Brisach Communitas 2 Marienburg Phalanstère Jeffersonville Ocean City Clusters in the Air Satellite City Tokyo Bay Rush City Reformed Masdar Bridge City Agricultural City Tetrahedral City Levittown Convention City Paris (1850) Garden City Noahbabel Savannah Linear City Radiant City Toulouse-Le Mirail Hauptstadt Fort Worth Exodus Latin American City Communitas 1 Roman City Fun Palace No-Stop City Continuous Monument New Babylon Plug-in City Dome over Manhattan Frankfurt

DEnSITy (2-D)

121

DEnSITy (3-D)


244

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CASE STUDIES: READINGS

Invisible Cities By Italo Calvino, 1972

Source: Invisible Cities, Italo Calvino A Harvest Book

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Reading material will be provided throughout the semester, as well as references to similar case studies. The class material can be downloaded from the student-server. For more information on this studio, please refer to our Chair’s website: http://www.u-tt.arch.ethz.ch/teaching/

READINGS: Architecture & Urban Design: Ulrich Conrads: Programs and Manifestoes on 20th-Century Architecture Alexander, Christopher. A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction. (Berkeley: Oxford University Press, 1977). Corner, James (ed.), Recovering Landscape: Essays in Contemporary Landscape Architecture (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999). Koolhaas, Rem. Delirious New York: A Retroactive Manifesto for Manhattan. (New York: Monacelli Press, 1997). McHarg, Ian. Design with Nature. (Garden City: The American Museum of Natural History, 1969). Mostafavi, Mohsen (ed.), Doherty, Gareth (ed.). Ecological Urbanism. (Baden: Lars Muller, 2010). Venturi, Robert; Scott Brown, Denise; Izenour, Steven. Learning from Las Vegas. (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1977). Waldheim, Charles. Landscape as Urbanism: A General Theory. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016). Eberle, Dietmar; Tröger, Eberhard. Dichte Atmosphäre: Über die bauliche Dichte und ihre Bedingungen in der mitteleuropäischen Stadt. (Birkhäuser, 2015). 9x9, Dietmar Eberle Grand Urban Rules, Alex Lehnerer. 010 Publishers, 2009. Bernard Rudofsky. Architecture without Architects (Museum of Modern Art, 1964). Ecological Urbanism, Harvard University, Graduate School of Design, Lars Müller Publishers, Edited by Mohsen Mostafavi, Gareth Doherty Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. (New York: Vintage Books, 1961). Rowe, Colin and Koetter, Fred. Collage City. (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983).

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Smart about Cities: visualizing the challenge for 21st century urbanism; Author: Ton Dassen, Maarten Hajer; Publisher: nai010, PBL; ISBN: 978-94-6208-148-2. Lynch, Kevin. The Image of the City. (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1960). Bacon, Edmund. Design of Cities. (New York: Viking Press, 1967). Urban Future Manifestos edited by Peter Noever and Kimberli Meyer, Hatje Cantz, 2011 Mike Davis. Magical Urbanism: Latinos Reinvent the US City Camillo Sitte, Der Städtebau nach seinen künstlerischen Grundsätzen. Wien 1889 Richard T.T. Forman, Urban Ecology, Science of Cities Urban Structuring, Studies of Alison & Peter Smithson 49 Cities, WorkAC Burdet, Richard (2007). The Endless City. London: Phaidon Press Stewart Brand, Whole Earth Catalogue Andrea Branzi, Non-Stop City, Archizoom Associate Reyner Banham, Megastructures

GRAPHIC REPRESENTATION: Edward Tufte; The Visual Display of Quantitative Information Edward Tufte; Visual Explanations: Images and Quantities, Evidence and Narrative Edward Tufte; Envisioning Information Stan Allen: Points and Lines Bernard Tschumi: The Manhattan Transcripts

LITERATURE: Mike Davis, Magical Urbanism Thomas More, Utopia Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities Buckminster Fuller, Manual of Spaceship Earth


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IMPRESSUM ETH Zurich | DARCH | NSL Chair of Architecture and Urban Design Urban-Think Tank

Organization

Prof. Alfredo Brillembourg & Prof. Hubert Klumpner Melanie Fessel Diego Ceresuela Wiesmann

Reader/Research

Melanie Fessel Diego Ceresuela Wiesmann Roohia Salma Sophia Salma Leopold Taylor Elizabeth Müller Achury

Bogotá GIS Data

Secretaría Distrital de Planeación, Bogotá

Acknowledgements

Martín Anzellini Natalia Silva Luisa Cristina Burbano Antonio José Avendaño Mónica Ramírez Margarita Díaz Daniel Bermúdez Ramón Bermúdez Daniela Sanjines

Print

ETH Zurich September 2017


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