1.3. Challenges and Gaps 2. EAST AFRICA ............................................................................................................................................................................................ 133

1.2.2. Policy and Institutional Reforms

During the Decade, all countries undertook policy and institutional reforms dedicated to increasing women’s representation. For example, all countries have national gender policies that include women’s participation in decision-making as a strategic objective. Cameroon and Congo Republic have created dedicated national action plans. In 2016, with the support of UNDP, Congo Republic established a dedicated national action plan (2017–2021) to promote female political leadership, with a budget of CFAF 660 million (US$1,151,020).765 In addition, Cameroon’s revised 2018 National Action Plan, in partnership with UN Women, includes specific objectives to increase the number of women in elective positions.766 Cameroon has also created a specific training manual for women, which was updated in 2018.767

Countries have undertaken innovative institutional reforms. With a view to quickly identifying talented female candidates, Central African Republic has created a national database of “potential” women leaders.768 Meanwhile, to monitor its own progress, Cameroon uses an annual gender-ranking tool.769 To increase women’s access to decision-making positions, many countries have implemented capacity-building and training sessions. Cameroon has reported that it has several political coaching centres dedicated to developing skills and delivering political training for women.770 In 2019, Central African Republic reported that a budget line had been dedicated to the National Assembly for the use of the Forum of Women Parliamentarians of Central African Republic.771 Meanwhile, in 2018, DR Congo established a standing committee on gender, women and family affairs in the National Assembly.772 Under the 2015 Constitution, Congo Republic established the Women’s Advisory Council, which is responsible for monitoring and issuing advice to the government concerning women’s promotion and participation in the country’s development.773

Figure 10 Central Africa: Percentage of Women MPs (% of members of parliament, 2020)

Burundi 38.21% Cameroon 33.89% Equatorial Guinea 21.00%

Chad 15.43% Gabon 14.79%

DR Congo 12.80% Congo Republic 11.26%

Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union.

São Tomé and Príncipe 14.55%

Central African Republic 8.57%

1.3. Challenges and Gaps

From the review, it can be seen that Central African countries made progress over the AWD period. However, the review also revealed common challenges as well as remaining gaps. First, while some countries have made progress in terms of increasing the percentage of women in decision-making functions, overall the number of women has remained low. One potential gap maybe the existence (or lack) of a quota system. Primarily, not all countries have legislated quotas. Second, quotas do not exist across all levels of governance. For instance, DR Congo and Equatorial Guinea do not have any formal established quotas.774 While other countries do have quotas in place, they differ in strength and application. Congo Republic, which uses candidate quotas, has identified potential barriers to increasing the number of women, one reason being that the quota system used relates to applications and not to the results of elections.775 This is insufficient to overcome the barriers to women’s participation. While women maybe present within the political party, the lack of sanctions or supportive measures with regard to reaching 30% overall means that women do not rise up in the party to leadership level.776 While women may not be completely absent in political parties, few are given positions of responsibility.777 This remains a challenge to women’s effective participation; it also demonstrates that the quality of positions matters more than the simple number of positions occupied by women.

Additionally the presence of conflicting laws means that quotas may not be followed by political parties. While the 2015 Parity Law in DR Congo requires parity – that is, 50:50 representation – the 2017 Electoral Law requires political parties only “to take into account gender.”778 Additionally the non-representation of women does not disqualify electoral lists.779 As such, women’s representation, especially in public and political life, remains low despite the adoption of the Parity Act.780 The lack of sanctions in place for political parties concerning non-compliance also represents a gap.

Some countries have been slow to enact quotas. The Working Group in Chad noted that the president’s commitment to a 30% quota represented welcome progress, although it hoped election laws would be reflected and adopted without haste.781 Similar to other regions, the existence of a quota has been met with resistance in some countries. In 2019, the CEDAW Committee reported that in DR Congo the provision of quotas had been declared unconstitutional.782

Some quotas do not extend to all levels of governance. For instance, the 2015 Parity Law in DR Congo does not apply to the presidential, legislative, provincial, urban, municipal and local elections.783 Some countries have made more progress with increasing the number of women at legislative level than they have at government or local level. While Burundi is notably successful at the legislative level, at the governmental level the 30% quota has been less consistent. Challenges have been attributed to the lack of clear policies advancing women; fewer women holding positions of responsibility in governing political parties; and informal barriers including family responsibilities and lack of financial autonomy to make political contributions.784 Additionally, women continue to be underrepresented in local governance structures. In the 2015 election at the local community level, women represented 17.10% of the members of colline councils785 and only 6.4% in the role of leaders.786 Rather than legal provisions, community level is regulated by custom, where Burundian men continue to occupy traditional roles related to governance.787

Like in other regions, traditional stereotypes continue to prevent women from meaningfully participating in political life. In Chad, women assume responsibility for household chores and unpaid work. Because of traditional views of women at home, they have limited access to education, which could also explain women’s unequal access to decision-making positions.788 In São Tomé and Príncipe, older women and women living in rural areas experience more discrimination, restricting opportunities in education, politics and business.789 The lack of time owing to family responsibilities, lack of financial autonomy and limited ability to contribute financially to political parties all contribute to women being prevented from taking part in political life. As such, it is to be welcomed that some countries have repealed discriminatory civil codes that restrict women’s autonomy to partake in public and political life. It should be noted that cultural practices, patriarchal attitudes and deep-rooted stereotypes perpetuate a climate of VAW.790 VAW severely undermines women’s ability to partake adequately in public and political life.