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Indian In uence and Chinese Creation: Buddhist Sculpture from the Northern Dynasties, Fifth–Sixth Century Dr. Chang Qing
from Northern Dynasties
Indian In!uence and Chinese Creation: Buddhist Sculptures from the Northern Dynasties, Fifth–Sixth Century
Dr. Chang Qing
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The development of Buddhist art in China was dependent not only on an original transmission from India, but also on the
creative adaptations and inventions by Chinese artists and patrons. Buddhism entered China along the Silk Road some
time during the "rst and second centuries CE, grew by leaps and bounds during the third through "fth centuries, fostered
a sini"ed style by the late "fth and early sixth centuries and reinterpreted new in!uences from Guptan India during the
mid-sixth century. As Buddhist practice grew newly converted Chinese monks travelled West in search of dharma teach
ings, canonical writings, and images. From the second to the "fth century the creation of Buddhist imagery adapted
and gradually reinterpreted Gandharan (Kushan dynasty "rst–375 CE) prototypes. In a second phase, Buddhist styles un
derwent Sinicization, and in a third phase (sixth century) was in!uenced by Guptan (320-550 CE) prototypes in creating
another revolution in the history of Buddhist art in modern China. The Sini"cation of Buddhist art by the late "fth and
early sixth centuries is based on native Chinese taste that gradually transformed Buddhist art into something speci"cally
Chinese, while also giving rise to greater and greater numbers of clergy and devotees. Adhering to Buddhist canonical
sūtras, monks and artists created not only new indigenous forms, but also new styles and interpretations.
Two major periods of in!uence from India and one middle period of sini"cation de"ne the evolution of Buddhist
art in China during the Northern Dynasties period (386-589 CE). The initial one, beginning in the third century and lasting
through the "fth century involved adaptation of Buddhist iconography based primarily on Gandharan and Mathuran pro
totypes and a second wave of in!uences during the early through mid-sixth century, primarily Guptan that entered south
China throught Southeast Asia. Identi"cation of these in!uences and the evolution of Buddhist art during the Northern
Dynasties period is intimately associated with the stellar research of the late, pace-setting scholar, Alexander C. Soper,
who wrote in 1960, “South Chinese in!uence on the Buddhist Art of the Six Dynasties.“ Soper identi"ed the experimental
process and reinterpretation that Buddhist imagery underwent during both earlier and later phases of foreign in!uence
and how and why sini"cation of Buddhist art occurred. In contradistinction to Indian prototypes and in!uences of early
and later phases, he put into perspective how indigenous south Chinese cultural practice and aesthetics served as the
primary stimulus of Buddhist representation. Sini"cation is represented, for example, by the more familiar Chinese style
of robe and facial type, thus signifying “sini"cation” of the foreign Northern Tuoba Wei stylistic interpretations by the late
"fth CE. He also clari"ed why there was a second wave of in!uence on Chinese Buddhist styles that also came from the
south, the bedrock of Chinese taste and cultural sophistication. A second phase of cultural in!uence from India occurred
during the mid-sixth century and a second period of Sini"cation occurred which by the Sui and Tang periods was complete.
Buddhism had been extinguished in India by the invasion of the White Huns (Hephalites) and China was reuni"ed under
native Chinese rulership and patronage. The assimilation of Indian prototypes peaked by the end of the sixth century with
the result that Buddhist art was then the domain of Chinese aesthetics and a faith closely tied to native Chinese beliefs.
The Initiation of Chinese Buddhism and Gandharan Art In!uence during the Northern Dynasties Period
The beginning of Chinese Buddhist art appears in sporadic capsules of small-scale images during the Eastern Han Dy
nasty (25-220 CE). Although the "rst century CE was not the time when most Chinese people understood and accepted
Buddhism, by the second half of the second century CE Buddhist sūtras were undergoing translations by various monks,
including ones !uent in Chinese from the Kushan dynasty of ancient Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan. The early forms of
Buddha images show a Gandharan style image with a western face, and a symmetrical robe, usually in combination with
indigenous immortals worshipped during funeral ceremonies or related contexts (see Figs.1-2).
Fig. 1
Native Chinese belief still dominated the small but growing Buddhist society in the next period when China was
divided into three kingdoms, called the Three Kingdoms period (220-280 CE). In 280 CE, the Western Jin Dynasty (265-
316 CE) reuni"ed China. In the early fourth century, nomadic peoples invaded China from the northern regions, causing
war and chaos in the central areas of the North. Many elites of the Western Jin escaped by moving south to the area of
Jiankang (present-day Nanjing, in Jiangsu Province). The latter became the new capital of the dynasty identi"ed as Eastern
Jin (317- 420 CE) and the center for a !ourishing native Chinese culture. Chinese Buddhist images of this era are found
primarily in southern regions and continue to represent Buddhas alongside native deities. For example, on the back of
bronze mirrors, small Buddha "gures appear together with immortals of indigenous origin. Similarly, a mix of Buddhas and
Chinese immortals decorate glazed ceramic funeral jars designed for burial (Fig. 2) or the branches of bronze cosmologi
cal trees in combination with the chthonic immortal Goddess of the West (Fig. 3). These "gures of small-scale Buddhas of
foreign origin may be described as immortal Buddhas, since their function is the same as the images of native Chinese
immortals. The absorption of Buddhism thus initially appears as an addition to the traditional pantheon of immortals.
Fig. 2
Fig. 3 During the fourth century, Buddhism established its independence as a religious faith, known as the Mahayana
school, in China. Although the Gandhara style still in!uenced the production of Buddhist images. Chinese artists began
to model the Buddha’s features on Chinese faces, instead of western ones. This trend would become a mainstream objec
tive in later periods. The Eastern Jin period inaugurated a new era for Buddhist belief and evolution. Buddhists and others
used natural catastrophes as signs of political chaos and the demise of a governing body based on Han Confucianism. In
the North nomadic peoples and Han Chinese attacked each other with the consequence that the short-termed Sixteen
Kingdoms (304 - 439 CE) was formed. Buddhism at this time gave hope to the resolution of political chaos and desolation:
with the understanding that su$ering is caused by the law of karma or cause and e$ect. Peoples were receptive to this new
concept promoting the end of su$ering. The fourth century was a petrie dish for the development of the Buddhist faith.
The nomadic peoples in the North and the Chinese in the South together wholeheartedly welcomed and accepted Bud
dhist beliefs, raising the status of Buddhism to an independent authority in the scheme of Chinese society and administra
tion. An example of a Buddhist image from this period re!ects the combination of Gandharan prototypes with Chinese
characteristics. A gilt-bronze seated Buddha made in the Late Zhao Kingdom (319-351 CE) in 338 CE is the earliest extant
Chinese Buddha image known (Fig. 4)
Fig. 4 Fig. 5
Inherited Gandharan features include the large usnīsa, a body covering robe, and a meditative disposition. Chi
nese authorship is nonetheless obvious; unlike Gandhara Buddhas (Fig. 5), the drapery folds are not naturalistic but styl
ized and symmetrical. The hair is also stylized as a pattern of geometric lines of symmetrical design instead of thick plaits
of wavy hair brushed backwards in line with Indian types. These characteristics would become popular in later periods, as
a marker of how Indian Buddhist styles of representation were adapted in China.
The Yungang Cave Temples at Mt. Wuzhou, Datong, Shanxi
Gandharan styles continued to in!uence the production of Buddhist art in the "fth century. During the Sixteen Kingdoms
period in the North, Chang’an (present-day Xi’an in Shaanxi Province) served as the capital of the Late Qin Kingdom (384 -
417 CE), and Liangzhou (present-day Wuwei in Gansu Province) was the capital of the Northern Liang Kingdom (401- 439
CE). The two were centers for sūtra translations and image production. Following the tradition of Indian cave temples,
a group of early caves was excavated in the northwest China, as represented by those at Maijishan in Tianshui, Gansu
province (see Michael Sullivan, The Cave-Temples of Maichishan, London: Faber and Faber, 1969) and others at Binglingsi
southeast of Lanzhou in Gansu province (see Gansusheng Wenwu Gongzuodui, Yongjing Binglingsi, Beijing: Wenwu
Pub., 1989).
When the Xianbei people uni"ed the North as the Northern Wei dynasty (386-534), they set up their capital at
Pingcheng (present-day Datong in Shanxi Province) and promulgated Buddhism and Buddhist art inherited from their
predecessors, the Northern Liang and Late Qin. Pingcheng (Datong) became the new Buddhist center in northern Chi
na (Map1). Northern Wei emperors understood that Buddhism could aid in legitimatizing their rule and in encouraging
the educated and the elite to obey and respect their rule and power. As a consequence, "ve colossal Buddha images
were carved by imperial order within "ve di$erent sandstone caves at Yungang, about 10 miles west of Datong. As sym
bols of the power of the "rst "ve emperors of the Northern Wei, the political and economic role that the court imposed
upon Buddhism was solidi"ed (James Caswell, Written and Unwritten: A New History of the Buddhist Caves at Yungang,
University of British Columbia Press, 1988). Northern Wei, high-ranking abbots essentially collaborated with the court of
the Xianbei invaders. The well-known monk, Daoan had earlier realized (312-385 CE) that to preach and develop Bud
dhist dharma in China required the support of authorities. Inheriting this theory, monk Faguo (active early "fth century),
the former chief of Buddhists of the Northern Wei, advocated that “emperors are contemporary Buddhas, and monks
should pay respect and obey them” (Kim Hunter Gordon, ed., Datong A Historical Guide: Beijing: Zhongguo yuanzi neng
chu Pub., 2014 : 39). Faguo informed the people that only the authority of the empire could glorify the Buddhist dharma.
Buddhism was "rmly under state control, although state control followed civil bureaucratic norms of Chinese tradition.
Map. 1
When Faguo reported to the palace to meet the emperor, since he had taken the step of hailing the emperor as a ‘living
Buddha,’ he kowtowed to the emperor as an act of worshipping the Buddha. In this manner imperial power was equated
with Buddha power during the Northern Wei Empire.
In 460 CE, under the commission of the Northern Wei court, monks and artists excavated the " ve neighboring
caves and created " ve colossal seated or standing Buddha statues numbered 16-20 at Yungang Cave Temple (Figs. 6-8).
As embodiments of the " ve emperors, from the " rst emperor of the regime to the present emperor (Emperor Wencheng,
r. 452-465 CE) Buddhism reigned as the state religion of China. The contents of the " ve caves include Mahayana Bud
dhist themes of Sakyamuni Buddha, Three Buddhas from the past, present and future, and various Bodhisattvas. It is prob
able that the Buddhist caves functioned for the practice of monastic meditation, based on the Buddhist canon. In fact,
conducting meditation in order to achieve nirvana was the most popular practice in Northern Wei Buddhist society.
Fig. 6
Fig. 7
Fig. 8
The large-scale statues in the " ve caves display a strong in! uence from the Indian schools of Gandhara and
Mathura under Kushan rule (Figs. 9-11). These schools of in! uence are present in the interpretation of the Buddha robe,
the monastic robe worn in two di$ erent modes with one covering both shoulders and the other partially exposing right
shoulder and right arm (Fig. 6-7). An alteration of the latter mode appears in the partial covering of the right shoulder
and arm of the seated Buddha in Cave Twenty, as if in fear of exposing too much ! esh which would be in contradistinc
tion to the ethic of modesty associated with the entrenched Confucian tradition. In addition, the Yungang Buddhas have
polished usnīsas, full Mathuran-style faces, with strong, masculine bodies and broad shoulders. As with these early Indian
Buddha " gures, the drapery folds on the Yungang Chinese versions are stylized carved lines, mechanical and archaicizing
with little emphasis on the underlying body, which is unlike their prototypes.
Fig. 9 Fig. 10
Fig. 11
Another feature of the Yungang cave temple complexes belongs to those opened in pairs or groups of three
during the "rst quarter of the sixth century. Most of them have a rectangular plan with an antechamber and an inner
chamber. In one type the inner chamber has a square pillar in the center and in the other type the center is occupied
by a large-scale Buddha statue. An aisle opening at the back of the Buddha is reserved for circumambulation (Fig.12), as
followed in Buddha halls known as chaityas in India. The central pillar or Buddha image in the caves shared the religious
function of stupas of Indian chaitya halls. Devotees engaged in circumambulation around the sacred stupa or Buddha
icon. Numerous images were carved inside the caves, depicting Buddhist motifs such as the preaching of the Buddha,
the life of Sakyamuni, jataka tales, and a number of secondary Buddhist deities, as well as splendid decorations of winged
and related deities (Fig. 13). The Yungang site provided a space, dominated by splendid Buddhist images, for thousands
of monks to practice Buddhism and the rites of meditation.
Fig. 12 Fig. 13
Mogao Cave Temples in Dunhuang, Gansu
As the center of Buddhism and Buddhist art in the Northern Wei Empire, the capital Pingcheng was a base to transmit
Yungang style to surrounding regions, particularly during the the late "fth and early sixth centuries. The Mogao grot
toes, along with the Yungang caves, are one of the other three, biggest cave temple sites in China, excavated along the
1,620m cli$ at the eastern foot of Mt. Mingsha in Dunhuang (Gansu Province), a key station of the Silk Road in the Gobi
desert connecting China and Chinese Central Asia regions in Xinjiang. Mogao grottoes contain 493 caves in three sto
ries of the cli$. Since the cli$ is composed of conglomerate rock that is not suitable for carving images, Dunhuang art
ists instead produced a total of approximately 3,000 polychrome painted clay statues, in addition to murals within about
45,000 square meters. Of the 493 caves, numbers 268, 272, and 275 are the earliest extant group at the Mogao grottoes.
The structures of the three caves have rectangular or square plans similar to some caves of the Yungang grottoes. As was
the case at Yungang, the Dunhuang caves functioned similarly, as halls for meditation by hermit monks, or later as cen
ters for dharma lectures and the worship of the Buddhist deities. Eight other caves were excavated in the second phrase
of Mogao construction, dating from the second half of the "fth century to "rst half of the sixth century. The latter were
in!uenced by the new and second phase of styles characterizing the second era of caves opened at Yungang, a style as
sociated with sini"cation. The main structure of these caves is also a rectangular plan with a square pillar in the center of
the rear section (Fig. 14), indicating by their structure that they were used for the sacred rite of circumambulation, as at
Yungang. Since the space in front of the central pillar is larger than the other three sides, it could be used as a Buddha hall
for devotee worship, o$erings, and lectures. New caves also continued to be opened at Maijishan and Binglingsi in Gansu
(Fig. 15) as well as in the northeast at Wanfotang Cave Temples in Yi County of Liaoning Province.
Fig. 14
Fig. 15
In contrast to the initial prominence of Indian in!uences, various indigenous Chinese elements began to appear and stand
out in the second age of Yungang and Mogao cave construction, and also within the new caves opened at Longmen near
Luoyang in Henan province. Some of the most obvious Chinese features include facsimiles of Han-Chinese style temple
façades and pagoda towers; a change of costume on both Buddhas and bodhisattvas images that conformed to Chi
nese style; the adoption of a Chinese facial type; the Chinese penchant for recording in cartouches the names of donor
and image; and a proliferation of Chinese decorative motifs such as dragons and feng phoenixes moving energetically
as rhythms mimicking Chinese calligraphy.
All of these new speci"cally Chinese attributes are well represented within the caves opened and decorated dur
ing the second phase of production at Yungang and Dunhuang. For example, in Cave VI at Yungang (Fig. 14), there are
more than several noticeable changes representing the new style of Chinese origin. The subject is the debate of Vimala
kirti and Manjusri who !ank the historical Buddha Sakyamuni, seated in the center. The narrative is set in the context of
Chinese style architecture, signi"ed by a simulated tile roof and the wooden beam ends of a temple façade. The robe tied
with sash of the sage householder, Vimalakirti is entirely Chinese in style and form. The Samghāti robe of the seated Bud
dha is interpreted anew, and although unlike the Hanzhuang (Han Chinese clothing) of Vimalakirti, the robe di$ers from
earlier western prototypes in covering both shoulders and by the addition of exposing an inner shirt at chest level bound
with a sash. Also new is the interpretation of the wardrobe of the bodhisattva. No longer is the chest bare, but rather is
cloaked in a symmetrically composed cape that crosses at the abdomen and is de"ned by an inner shirt. All three "gures
favor a larger and rounder facial form with the epicanthic fold that characterizes the Asian eye type in contradistinction to
that of the West and India.
The southern origin of this new style is well documented by southern in
terpretations of Buddhist imagery, for example, as represented by the stone stele
dated to 483 CE, Southern Qi dynasty, from Maowen County, Sichuan (Fig.16). The
epicanthic fold of the eye is readily apparent. The robe simulating a lavish yet thin,
probably silk, robe which lies over the left arm is otherwise rendered by the Chi
nese love for symmetry and the chest is modestly covered by the addition of an
added Chinese sash, holding the inner shirt in place.
Fig. 16
The reason for these dramatic changes, spearheading native Chinese taste, is due not only to years of assimilat
ing the new religion but to speci"c political changes and reforms of the ruling Tuoba of the Northern Wei dynasty (Map
1). In 493 CE, Emperor Xiaowen (r. 471-499 CE) implemented a drastic policy of sinicization, intending to centralize the
government and make the multi-ethnic state easier to govern and assimilate. These policies included changing artistic
styles to re!ect Chinese preferences and forcing the population to speak the language and to wear Chinese clothes. He
compelled his own Xianbei people and others to adopt Chinese surnames, and changed his own family surname from
Tuoba to Yuan. He also encouraged intermarriage between Xianbei and Han.
The crowning achievement occurred in 494 CE when Emperor Xiaowen moved the Northern Wei capital from
the northwest at Pingcheng (modern Datong, Shanxi) to Luoyang, a city long acknowledged as a major center in Chi
nese history and as a center associated with the southern Han Chinese elite. While the capital was moved to Luoyang,
the military elite remained centered at the old capital, widening the di$erences between the administration and the
military. The population at the old capital remained "ercely conservative, while the population at Luoyang was eager to
adopt Xiaowen’s policies of sinicization. Under this cultural and historical context, southern culture largely in!uenced
the Xianbei peoples settled in both the North and the South, and as a consequence the sini"cation of Buddhist imagery.
With the move to the south in 494 CE, the golden age of Buddhist art peaked and thrived. New caves were
initially opened by imperial command at the site of Longmen (“Dragon Gate”), located on the Yi river about 7.5 miles
south of Luoyang. Other imperial family, o#cials, and Buddhist monks also commissioned images to be carved out of
these limestone cli$s of eastern and western parts, continuing almost 1 mile in length. Some 2,345 independent niches
and caves, with about 100,000 images, 2,800 inscriptions, and 40 relief pagodas characterize the site today. Most of the
caves and images are located in the western section of this limestone cli$, including all of the late Northern Wei works,
which is about a third of the entire works at Longmen. Among those late Northern Wei caves, the three Binyang Caves
are the most prestigious works. In emulating the imperial tradition tied to the opening of the Yungang grottoes in the
northwest, Emperor Xuanwu (r. 500-515 CE) upon ascending the throne, commissioned three large caves, the so-called
Binyang caves, at Longmen. He dedicated the caves to his parents—the deceased Emperor Xiaowen and the Dowager
Empress, as well as to himself. Only the central cave was completed on time and continued to serve as a lecture hall for
Buddhists.
Within the Binyang grottoes and back wall is the main Buddha, seated in a lotus posture, and !anked by two lions,
two standing disciples, and two standing Bodhisattvas (Fig. 17). The two disciples are distinguished by a young Chinese face
and an old western face respectively, in identifying the most important two disciples of the Buddha, the young Ānanda and
old Kāśyapa. On the right and left walls, additional Buddhas stand !anked by two standing Bodhisattvas. The iconographic
scheme represents the Three Buddhas of the past, present (center seated Sakyamuni), and future, as found earlier within the
Yungang caves. The Buddha and Bodhisattva "gures show the strong in!uence of southern Han-Chinese style. Heads are
large and emphatic, and are characterized by the Chinese eye fold. They wear the new Han-Chinese style Buddha robe with
inner shirt and sash. Each of the standing, attendant Bodhisattvas wear tall crowns, yet are dressed with the new Chinese
interpretation of symmetrically arranged cape-covering shoulders with trailing ends, also symmetrically crossed at knee level
and overlapping the arms. This cape style piece of clothing di$ers from the long heavy and thick stole wrapped over the shoul
ders of prototypical Gandharan and Mathuran bodhisattvas. The two standing Bodhisattvas !anking the main seated Buddha
also wear a long string of jewelry hanging from their shoulders, depicting again a new interpretation sponsored by south
Chinese taste, not found at Yungang, but a novel invention and variation on the short necklace of earlier Indian prototypes.
Fig. 17
In the "rst half of the sixth century, the Northern Wei court continued to commission a number of monasteries in
Luoyang and other cave temple images at Longmen. As Soper has pointed out in historical detail, the southern dynasties
ruling from Nanjing (380’s-550 CE), although tumultuous in terms of political ambitions, never severed ties with native Chi
nese tradition. The two Dai (Dai Kui and Dai Yong) brothers were master sculptors serving the southern Church, reknown
for raising the craft to new heights of emotional expression and spirituality followed by the monk expert, Sengyou in the
sixth century (pp. 48-50, 57-64). Furthermore, the acquisition by the Wei empire in the 460s of the whole northeast por
tion of the southern Song domain of modern Shandong, northern Jiangsu, and Anhui further stimulated sini"cation and
reliance on southern standards for Buddhist imagery. There is the famous miracle working-statue of southern origin, an 18
foot gilded bronze statue made for the “Song Royal Temple” at Pengcheng in Shandong, an area seized by Northern Wei,
and other equally fantastic images and lofty pagodas created by Shandong refugee artists.
As an example of the new sini"ed style and representative of the "rst golden age of Buddhist art in China, Bin
yang served as the model not only for Buddhist lecture halls in the south but also for northern China. Longmen images
and others decorating the imperial monastery and cave temples around
Luoyang, identify the new metropolitan style of the late Northern Wei.
With the strong encouragement of the imperial family, Northern Wei Bud
dhist devotees and artists created the "rst golden age of Chinese Bud
dhist art during the "rst thirty years of the sixth century. Under the en
couragement of the imperial court and the in!uence of the capital area,
local Buddhists and artists developed Buddhist practices, commissioned
monasteries, and pagodas, and increased their merit and karma. Accord
ing to the History of the Wei, in the 510s, there were about 13,727 BudFig. 18
dhist monasteries for monks and nuns in local states and cities. In the 520s, the Northern Wei Empire had nearly two mil
lion monks and nuns living in more than 30,000 monasteries. Representative is the opening of completely new grottoes
at Qinyang in Gansu, called the Northern Caves dating to 509 CE (Fig.18).
In addition to the numerous excavated cave temples is the preservation of a large number of steles with images,
as well as countless individual stone and bronze "gures from the "rst half of the sixth century (see e.g., Fig. 19). A compari
son among the latter gilt bronze stele representing Maitreya Buddha dating to 524 CE and images from Qinyang, Gansu
of 509 CE, and those from Longmen, shows a common metropolitan Northern Wei sini"ed style. Although varying in a
few details and minor points of emphasis, the comparisons show the complete sini"cation of attributes including robe
type, facial form and interest in symmetry. The style is also signi"cant in clarifying this height of Buddhist art in China. The
commonly used art historical term “Elongated Style” to describe this period is discarded in favor of what we identify as the
“Sini"ed Style.” This “Sini"ed Style” of metropolitan Northern Wei origin has features other than attributes and these include
what may be called calligraphic expression. The rhythms of drapery folds of
all Buddhas and bodhisattvas at this stage are moving and excited, acting as
independent passages of suspended waves down the front of the image. Al
though highly stylized on the Metropolitan Museum gilt bronze Maitreya, the
e$ect is one of excitement through movement. The openwork e$ect of the
windblown draperies of the apsaras (angels), !uttering !ames of the mandorla,
suspended tendrils !anking the incense burner, and pawing gestures of the
lions create hype and excitment. The linear !ow and incessant movement in
the expression of the art of this period are telltale symbols of a Sinicized style
Fig. 19
The “Indianizing Style” and the Final Sini"cation of Buddhist Art in China
A new style and interpretation of Buddhist art appeared in the "rst half of the sixth century, due primarily to the
Buddhist in!uences from Guptan period (320-550 CE) in India, but noticeably via the Indonesian kingdoms of Fu
nan in modern Cambodia and Vietnam that were under the in!uence of south Indian Buddhist art as represented
at sites such as Amaravati (Satavahana Kingdom), Mahabalipuram (Pallava Kingdom), and Anuradhapura in Sri Lan
ka (Ceylon). Western and Eastern Wei styles continued the “Sini"ed Style” of Northern Wei yet with ever more relax
ation. The sti$ staccato creation of cut-out drapery edges and hyper excitement of the Sini"ed Style are replaced by
a more gentle treatment of form and simpli"cation of drapery folds as rippling
wave-like edges that are rhythmical and soft (see Figs. 15-16). Nonetheless, this
short-lived decade of 528-534 CE witnessed political turbulence and civil war.
Competition broke out amidst warlords and prominent lineage heads in and
around the Luoyang area and so did comparable strife arise amidst lineages
in the southern dynasties centered at the Jiangkang (Nanjing) capital area.
The North divided into the Eastern Wei (534-550 CE) and Western Wei (535-557
CE), both led by Xianbei rulers. In 550 CE, Gao Yang (r. 550-559 CE) (Chinese
origin) claimed himself emperor and established the Northern Qi Kingdom
Fig. 20
(550-577 CE) in the east to replace Eastern Wei. Later in 557, the Yuwen family (Xianbei origin) overthrew the Western
Wei and established the Northern Zhou Kingdom (557-581 CE) in the west (Map 2). The Buddhist style that emerged
during this decade with the rise of the Northern Qi and Northern Zhou is often labeled “Columnar Style” due to the
elongated tubular torsos of most Buddhas and bodhisattva bodies (Fig. 20).
Map. 2
Since Indian in!uences were the more dominant trait characterizing Chinese Buddhist styles during the
Northern Qi period, “Indianizing Style” is adopted to explain the new style emphasizing body solidity and what is of
ten described as a “wet drapery” e$ect of robes of the Buddha and bodhisattva. The Southern Dynasties (502-589 CE),
were the forerunners in developing this “Indianizing Style” as they were in creating the “Sini"ed Style” during the earlier
Northern Wei period. Southern in!uences from Gupta and other "fth-sixth century period kingdoms in southern India
patronizing Buddhism by the sixth century in China came primarily via Southeast Asia. A rich repository of "nds from
Chengdu, Sichuan produced during the Liang and later Chen dynasties in the south document this phenomenon
(see Fig. 21) (Soper: 85-96; Katherine R. Tsiang, Echoes of the Past: The Buddhist Cave Temples of Xiangtangshan; Jai
Man Wu, “Mortuary Art in the Northern Zhou China (557-581 CE): Visualization of Class, Role, and Cultural Identity, “
Ph.D dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 2010).
As has been expertly demonstrated, these in!uences were
abundant and important in contributing to the lavish displays of Bud
dhist faith and commissions for Buddhist art works at the Northern
Qi and Northern Zhou capitals of Ye in northern Henan and Changan
(modern Xian) in northwestern Shaanxi. The new “Indianizing Style” of
the sixth century that is characterized by a new simplicity and interest
in three-dimensionality is amply illustrated in the metropolitan styles
of these two Buddhist centers in East and West of northern China. Ar
Fig. 21
chaeological "nds from modern Xian, cave temples at Tianlongshan east of Xian, cave temples at Xiangtangshan in
Handan near Ye in southern Henan (see Fig. 22) and northern Hebei, as well as the new trove of Northern Qi "nds
at a variety of sites in Shandong and Hebei, and in particular those from cache "nds of Longxingsi at Qingzhou in
Shandong testify to the lavish patronage of Buddhism and the new sophistication of Buddhist styles. The new style
is about novelty and innovation, new e$ects of body building and drapery renderings, new emotions of solemnity,
a new luxury of decorative accouterments, new icons (Fig. 23), and new complexes of group images and narrative
compositions in relief.
Fig. 22
Fig. 23
As has been demonstrated, most of the evidence documenting the new “Indianizing Style” are Buddhist im
ages from the southwest modern Sichuan province, and the new “Indianizing Style” in!uences on painting and sculp
ture based on historical documents of the S. Qi, (Southern) Liang, and (Southern) Chen periods. The Gao line of em
perors (Han Chinese) ruling at Ye during the Northern Qi period were in close contact with the south and typically
imported the lastest, most stylistically fashionable achievements emanating from the southern courts (Soper: 88-96).
Not only did the Gao emperors employ and import experts in southern literature and painting to their court to per
form, but collected and hired art specialists in the exotic new Indian style. One, Zhang Sengyu led (Southern) Liang
art circles as the greatest of all exponents of novelty and exotic themes, particularly in his creation of three-dimen
sional Buddhist images in the style of India aesthetics. Cao Zhongda worked at the Northern Qi court and was re
vered as the “unrivalled expert in rendering “foreign” or “Indian” Buddhist icons” (Soper: 88). Experiments in achiev
ing chiaroscuro e$ects of Indian painting and three-dimensional bodies under transparent drapery of Indian bodies
are key attributes of Indian prototypes that were revered and accommodated "rst at southern metropolitan work
shops and then exported north. Examples of Indian or Indian in!uenced Southeast Asian prototypes and similar
images simulated or copied in Sichuan are illustrated in Figs. 24, 25, and 26.
Fig. 24
Fig. 25 Fig. 26
A comparison between the Guptan period Mathuran Buddha from Uttar Pradesh, dated to the late "fth cen
tury (Fig. 24), and the Standing Buddha from the southwest temple site of Wanfosi in Chengdu, Sichuan, dated to the
early sixth century to 529 CE (Fig. 25), amply illustrate the reliance of the Chinese on the Indian prototype. A similar
comparison may be drawn with the Northern Zhou stone painted Skayamuni, also from Sichuan and dated ca, 561-
570 CE (Fig. 26). The emphasis upon a broad shouldered body with narrow waist and slim hips, covered by an outer
robe that is assymetrical to symmetrical in style with folds rendered as raised lines is similar. Although the linear folds
are less compact on the Chinese version, the design is comparable. Ripples of the robe on the Indian version in the
overlap of robe falling over the arm and continuing along hemlines are a detail closely simulated on the Chinese
version. The body forms under transparent drapery are almost identical. The three Buddhas have iconic standard
attributes of ushnisha, long earlobes, and hands that originally created gestures identifying the historic Buddha. The
cowl neck with edge band is generalized on the Chinese version, signifying a more schematized interpretation based
on the Indian original. This schematized version of the Indian outer robe is repeated on many Northern Qi and North
ern Zhou images, indicating that the prototype for interpretations of new styles emanated from Sichuan where pa
trons were often hired from Nanjing, the southern capital, to create images of the new and exotic prototypes from
Indian originals. Images from Sarnath and Mathura re!ecting Guptan "fth century styles digested a century later by
southern courts and ultimately Northern Qi and Northern Zhou (Fig. 26) courts also reveal direct copies and those
adapted and assimilated into Chinese interpretations of these styles. Faces nonetheless typically di$er between
Indian and Chinese versions, yet the interest in a !eshy strong head is similar.
Fig. 27 Fig. 28 Fig. 29 Fig. 30
In addition to Guptan period in!uences of previous Gandaran and Mathuran style Buddhas of "fth centu
ry date is the art further south in India that is associated with Satavahana period Amaravati cave temple Buddhist
sculptures (Fig. 27) as well as others. These in!uences are remarkably well documented in the limestone and marble
sculptures recently discovered in the ruins of the Longxing monastery in Qingzhou, Shandong (Figs. 29-30) and by
several other extant Chinese images (Fig. 28). A variety of Buddhist styles re!ect not only the renewed Guptan period
in!uence of Gandharan and Mathuran style Buddha types and robes, but also exhibit interpretations of the new south
Indian Buddhist styles of Amaravati and related Funanese style Buddhist images known from modern Cambodia and
Vietnam, and the Borobudur stupa in Java, and elsewhere in the South Asian Indonesia. Diplomatic missions between
Funanese and southern Chinese capitals are known throughout the sixth century, as documented in histories from
these periods (Soper: 90-91).
Fig. 31
Fig. 32
This style favors the now old but traditional robe of Mathuran Buddhas leaving one shoulder uncovered by the
sanghati robe. The correspondence between the Amaravati style Indian image of Sakyamuni (Figure 27), the Southern
Qi Standing Buddha (Fig. 28), and two Longxingsi Standing Buddhas (Figs. 29-30) document this close simulation, yet at
the same time the freely interpreted variations sponsored by the artists and monks sculpting in Shandon at Longxingsi.
The same correspondence exists amidst seated stone images of Buddha from Amaravati (Fig. 31) and Lonqingsi (Fig. 32).
The multitude of Buddhist robe styles and bodhisattva dress are testimony to the profound patronage of
Buddhism during the " rst decades and middle and late sixth century. Gupta styles of the " fth century and copies
in Indonesia of the sixth c. emphasize power, mass, and simplicity. Faces are full, rounded and broad, and most " g
ures wear drapery that appears wet and translucent revealing a body set o$ by broad shoulders, slender waist, and
Fig. 33 Fig. 34 Front & Back narrow hips. The robe may act similarly to earlier
Gandharan types in covering the entire body or
copy south Indian Amaravati, Cambodian Funa
nese, and Javanese Borobudur types in covering
the body yet leaving bare the right shoulder. All
of these types are imitated in China, yet some
are more faithful and some are less so in repre
senting what may be identi" ed as a compromise
of styles, more closely allied to Chinese artistic
sensibility. Some of the garments have multiple
prominent folds, some have incised lines for
folds, some robes are painted with squares in depicting a robe made of patches (Fig. 33-34), others are smooth with
no carved lines, and still others are completely inventive with one of a kind stylized features. Completely Chinese
in taste, nonetheless, is the rendering of the Buddha head as full and robust with the ethnic Chinese eyefold, deep
ly undercut lips below a long narrow nose, and a subdued ushnisha, rendered as a slight bulge, not a cylindrical
protuberance.
The Northern Qi Bodhisattva "gures discovered at the same site show similar and novel characteristics,
combining the exotic Indian interpretation of a more three-dimensional body and exposed chest, but with a
completely Chinese version of head wearing a tiara style headdress and jewelry showing a rich combination of neck
and body jewels of both native Chinese and Indian origin. The Chinese version of body is always more modest, less
revealing in deference to the Confucian ethic of modesty. The jewelry often represents a combination of Chinese gems
and motifs with exotica from Indian art. The small bi disk of simulated jade holding the crossing strands of the body
pendants at the back of the "gure is completely Chinese in style and type. Yet, the decorative small animal mask of
the makara spitting out strands of suspended pearls on the necklace and on the central suspended belt panel that
extends symmetrically down the skirt of the bodhisattva is completely Indian in origin.
The sophisticated artistic peak reached through experimentation and adaption in representing Buddhas and
bodhisattvas during the southern and northern dynasties of sixth century date presages the "nal evolution of Bud
dhist imagery in the next historical phases that would continue to represent speci"c Chinese taste. Foreigners from
India of Turkish origin as well as Persians and others of Middle Eastern origin alongside those from Southeast Asia
continued to !ock to China for trade or diplomatic intercourse. Buddhism died out in India with the fall of the Guptan
empire and invasion "rst of the Hepthalite Huns and later Turks in the early sixth century. The political and diplomatic
exchange between Buddhism and Buddhist art of India and China thus came to a slow and gradual end, although
Buddhism would thrive and reach new peaks of perfection that were Chinese in style and expression, ones that were
international and cosmopolitan characterizing the Tang period and others that were fully humanizing and secular
izing characterizing the Song and later phases of Chinese history. Thus, although the faith and its imagery survived
a long period of exchange lasting from the "rst CE centuries through sixth century, India may be credited with the
formulation of belief and practice that was sini"ed and reinterpreted into a religious movement completely Chinese
by the beginning of the seventh century, the denouement of the Northern Dynasties.
Fig. 1 Detail of Cli$ Images with a Standing Buddha and Chinese Native Deities Limestone, 2nd half of the 2nd century, Eastern Han Dynasty (25-220 CE) Kongwangshan, Lianyungang, Jiangsu Province
Fig. 2 Spirit Jar H: 18 in., Glazed ceramic, Wu kingdom (222-280 CE) Excavated in 1980 from a tomb at Gongjiafu in Quzhou, Zhejiang Province, Quzhou Municipal Museum, Zhejiang
Fig. 3 Buddha Images Attached to the Trunk of a Bronze Money Tree, Eastern Han Period, 2nd century CE, Sichuan After Julia Sal, March 2012, C7 Burial Art of Sichuan, Art Asian East History, Rutgers University.
Fig. 4 Seated Buddha H: 15 1/2 in., Gilt bronze, Dated to 338 CE, Later Zhao kingdom (319-351 CE) Sixteen Kingdoms Period (304-439 CE), Asian Art Museum of San Francisco
Fig. 5 Seated Buddha Grey schist, Kushan Period (105-250 CE), 1st–mid-2nd century, Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara, British Museum
Fig. 6 Colossal Buddha, Cave 20 H: 45 ft., Sandstone, Dated 460-465 CE Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE), Cave 20, Yungang Grottoes, Datong, Shanxi Province
Fig. 7 Detail of a Standing Buddha, Cave 18 H: 50 ft., Sandstone, Dated 460-465 CE Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE), Yungang Grottoes, Datong, Shanxi Province, From Yungang shiku wenwu baoguansuo, ed., Zhongguo shiku-Yungang shiku, vol. 2, plate 162.
Fig. 8 Detail of Seated Buddha, Cave 20 H: 42 1/2 ft., Sandstone, Dated 460-465 CE Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE), Yungang Grottoes, Datong, Shanxi Province, From Yungang shiku wenwu baoguansuo, ed., Zhongguo shiku-Yungang, shiku, vol. 2
Fig. 9 Standing Buddha Śākyamuni Black schist, Greco-Buddhist, Gandhar, 1st-2nd century CE, Kushan Dynasty (30-375 CE), Tokyo National Museum
Fig. 10 Seated Buddha Śākyamuni with Attendants and Bodhisattvas H: 308 ft. x 204 ft., Grey schist with polychrome, 2nd-4th century CE, Kushan Dynasty (30-375 CE) or later, Collection of Claude de Marteau, Brussels
Fig. 11 Seated Buddha with Attendants H: 36 5/8 in., Red sandstone, Mathura region, Uttar Pradesh, India, 2nd century, Kushan Dynasty (30-275 CE), Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth
Fig. 12 Central Pillar and the Eastern Wall, Caves 6 Drawn plans of caves 5 and 6 (lower), Dated 466 - 494 CE Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE), Sandstone with pigments, Yungang Grottoes, Datong, Shanxi Province, From Yungang shiku wenwu baoguansuo, ed., Zhongguo shiku-Yungang shiku
Fig. 13 Prince Siddhārtha Gautama Leaving the Palace Sandstone with pigment relief, Dated 466-494 CE Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE), Cave 6 at Yungang grottoes, Datong, Shanxi Province, From Yungang shiku wenwu baoguansuo, ed., Zhongguo shiku-Yungang shiku, vol. 1, plate 140
Fig. 14 Interior of Cave 254 Dated 494-525 CE Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE), Mogao grottoes, Dunhuang, Gansu Province, From Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo, ed., Zhongguo shiku-Dunhuang Mogao ku, vol. 1, plate 26
Fig. 15 Śākyamuni and Prabhūtaratna Buddha, Cave 169 H: 10 1/2 ft., Clay with colors, Dated 420 CE Western Qin Kingdom (Northern) (385-431 CE), Binglingsi Grottoes, Yongjing, Gansu Province, From Gansusheng wenwu gongzuodui, ed., Zhongguo shiku-Yongjing Bingling si, plate 34. Langzhou, Gansu Province
Fig. 16 Maitreya-Amitayus Stele H: 3 3/4 ft., Stone, Dated 483 CE, Southern Qi Dynasty (479-502 CE), Discovered in Maowen County, Sichuan, Sichuan Provincial Museum, Chengdu
Fig. 17 Interior of the Central Cave of Binyang with Seated Buddha and Attendants H: 31 1/4 ft. Limestone, Dated 505-523 CE Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE), Longmen Grottoes, Luoyang, Henan, From Liu Jinglong, Binyang dong, plate 18
Fig. 18 Two Standing Buddhas H: 26 ft., Sandstone, Dated 509 CE Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE), Left wall of cave 165, Northern Cave Temples in Qingyang, Gansu Province From Zhongguo shiku diaosu quanji bianji weiyuanhui, ed., Zhongguo shiku diaosu quanji-2-Gansu, plate 172
Fig. 19 Altarpiece Dedicated to Buddha Maitreya H: 2 1/2 ft., Gilt bronze, Dated 524 CE Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 CE), Rogers Fund, 1938, 38.158.1a-n, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City Photograph courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
Fig. 20 The Standing Buddha and His Attendants H: 2 3/4 ft., Limestone, Dated 543 CE Eastern Wei (Northern) (534-549 CE), Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston, Photograph by Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum
Fig. 21 Three Buddhas H: 19 1/2 ft., Sandstone Northern Zhou (557-581 CE), On the back wall of cave 51, Mt. Sumeru Grottoes, Guyuan, Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, Photograph by Chen Zhian
Fig. 22 Buddhist Niche with Buddha and His Attendants H: 14 3/4 ft., Limestone Northern Qi (550-577 CE), On the right wall of the Southern Cave, Northern Xiangtangshan Grottoes, Handan, Hebei Province From Zhongguo shiku diaosu quanji bianji weiyuanhui, ed., Zhongguo shiku diaosu quanji-6-Beifang Liusheng, plate 135
Fig. 23 Stele Featuring Śākyamuni and Prabhūtaratna Marble Northern Qi (550-577 CE), Excavated in Zhengding, Hebei Province, Cultural Relics Protection Institute of Zhengding County, Hebei From Hebei Zhengdingxian wenwu baoguansuo, ed., Zhengding Longxing si, plate 239
Fig. 24 Standing Buddha H: 7 ft., Red sandstone, Ca. 5th century Gupta period (320-550 CE) From Mathura region, Uttar Pradesh, India, National Museum, New Delhi, India
Fig. 25 Standing Sakyamuni Buddha Sandstone, Dated 529 CE (Southern) Liang period (502-557 CE), From Wanfo Temple, Chengdu, Sichuan, After Soper: Fig. 9
Fig. 26 “Ashokan Buddha” Stone, painted Northern Zhou period (557-581 CE), Ca. 561-570 CE From Chengdu, Sichuan, After Soper: Fig. 11
Fig. 27 Standing Buddha, Amaravati style Bronze, From Dong-duon, Vietnam, Saigon National Museum
Fig. 28 Rubbing of Standing Buddha, Dated 558 CE Northern Qi period (550-577 CE) , Collection of Laurence Sickman, After Soper: "g. 20
Fig. 29 Standing Buddha Limestone Northern Qi (550-577 CE), Longxing monastery, Qingzhou, Shandong Province, Qingzhou City Museum From Hong Kong Museum of Art, ed., Buddhist Sculptures: New Discoveries from Qingzhou, p. 175.
Fig. 30 Standing Buddha Limestone Northern Qi (550-577 CE), Longxing monastery, Qingzhou, Shandong Province, Qingzhou City Museum After Zhao Puchu Qingzhou Longxingsi Fuojia Zaoxiang Yixu, Shandong Yixu Chubanshe, 1999, colorpl. 73
Fig. 31 Seated Buddha Stone, Amaravati Cave Temple, Amaravati capital, Andra Pradesh, India
Fig. 32 Seated Buddha H: 2 ft., Limestone with gold leaf and polychrome Northern Qi (550-577 CE), Ruins of Longxing monastery, Qingzhou, Shandong Province, Qingzhou City Museum After Zhao Puchu, Qingzhou Longxingsi Fuojiao Zaoxiang Yixu, Shandong Yixu Chubanshe,1999, colorpl. 92
Fig. 33 Standing Bodhisattva Limestone Northern Qi (550-577 CE), Ruins of Longxing monastery, 1996, Qingzhou, Shandong Province, Qingzhou City Museum After Hong Kong Museum of Art, ed., Buddhist Sculptures: New Discoveries from Qingzhou, p. 275
Fig. 34 Standing Bodhisattva with Applied Gold and Colored Painting H: 3 1/2 ft., Limestone Northern Qi (550-577 CE), Excavated at the ruin of Longxing monastery, 1996, Qingzhou, Shandong Province, Qingzhou City Museum After Hong Kong Museum of Art, ed., Buddhist Sculptures: New Discoveries from Qingzhou, cat. 74
Map 1 Northern and Southern Dynasties China, Drawing and design by Louie Y. Liu
