human rights abuses in Pakistan under Muhammad Zia-ul-haq

Under the government of General Zia-ul-Haq from 1977 to 1988, there was significant political and military repression in Pakistan.

Among the complaints against the Muhammad Zia ul-Haq administration were its repression of press and journalists, repression of rape victims imprisoned for zina (extramarital sex) under its Hudood Ordinances, and its repression of protestors. Protestors were repressed particularly violently after the execution of Pakistan’s first democratically elected Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and during the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy campaign.

Zia-ul-Haq came to power as a result of a coup, overthrowing Pakistan’s first popularly elected Prime Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Though the coup itself was bloodless, civilian opposition in parts of the country was substantial. Martial law was declared, senior civilian politicians opposing Zia were imprisoned, and less well known figures in opposition student groups, trade and journalist unions and political parties were “made an example of” with public floggings. International geopolitics played a significant role in the state of human rights in Pakistan during this time.

About two years after the coup, the Soviet Union invaded Pakistan’s neighbor Afghanistan, transforming Pakistan and Zia’s government into a key cold war ally of the United States, and giving Zia latitude to ignore internationally accepted human rights norms.

Political freedom (1977 to 1979)

On July 5, 1977, the forces of Pakistan army swiftly moved to arrest the Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, placing all the members of cabinet and leaders of Pakistan Peoples Party under house arrest. With entire party cadres under arrest, the regime faced little opposition until the death penalty for Bhutto was announced on 18 March 1978. His conviction was met with non-violent mass protests throughout Sindh and parts of Punjab. The protest in Nawabshah was crushed in first instance of mass murder by the regime where hundreds of protesting peasants were killed by use of combat helicopters on the orders of the provisional governor of Sindh Lieutenant-General S.M. Abbasi. This was followed by imposition of curfew in Nawabshah, Larkana, Sukkur, Hyderabad and parts of Karachi. The regime made thousands of arrests throughout Sindh and Punjab effectively banning display of the flag of Pakistan Peoples Party or its symbol. Cities throughout Sindh remained in continual state of curfew until April 4, 1979, when Bhutto was executed in secret, without a pre-announced date. The execution was followed by preemptive curfew throughout Sindh and reactionary curfews in Multan, Bhawalpur and other parts of Punjab. More than 50 people protested in Lahore, Rawalpindi, Pesha- war, by self-immolation while thousands of participants and onlookers were arrested and jailed on grounds ranging from disruption of public order to sedition and high treason. Public flogging of political prisoners was carried out by “bare-chested wrestlers” during the martial law era. Martial Law Regulation no.48 of October 1979 invoked a maximum penalty of 25 lashes for taking part in political activities. All political activities being banned at that time.When Islamic punishment were introduced, women were also flogged, a fact that the Pakistan Human Rights Society protested in August 1983. In Liaqatpur, Bahawalpur, a woman was lashed for Zina in front of a crowd of 5000.

Freedom of the press

The repression of journalists started with the imposition of ban on the publication of the Daily Musawaat (“Equity”). In response to the ban the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists came out openly against the regime. After the failure of efforts to convince the Martial Law authorities to lift the ban, the PFUJ launched a campaign of hunger strike in Karachi from December 1, 1977. The strike was a surprising success, as journalists and press workers from all over the country participated, and within eight days the government lifted the ban. After negotiations failed, journalists and press workers launched another hunger strike in Lahore from April 30 to May 30, 1978. To break the strike, hunger strikers were arrested and sentenced under Martial Law Regulations for six months to one year rigorous imprisonment. In January 1982, direct government censorship was ended and editors no longer had to submit stories to Government censors before publication. However, the Government continued to ban press/media coverage of political activity, “which, according to some reporters here, merely shifted the burden of responsibility to editors, making them more vulnerable and therefore more timid.”

Ten senior journalists and office-bearers of the PFUJ belonging to the National Press Trust newspapers—Pakistan Times, Imroze, and Mashriq—were summarily removed from service because they signed an appeal for “Peace in Sindh“ calling for an end to government repression during the 1983 MRD campaign... Source:en.wikipedia.org

Nawaz Sharif Govt And Pakistan Supreme Court: A Never-ending Legal Battle

disqualification appeared imminent.

Differences started between the government and the Supreme Court over a number of issues, including reduction of the number of judges in the latter.

1997 was a memorable year for more than one reason in Pakistan. In February, Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League with a `N’ in brackets that stands for his name won an unprecedented two-thirds majority in the National Assembly...

Differences started between the government and the Supreme Court over a number of issues, including reduction of the number of judges in the latter. A few Supreme Court judges sided with the government while some supported the chief justice Sajjad Ali Shah, a Sindhi, who issued a contempt of court notice to Sharif for failing to comply with the court orders. The prime minister appeared and two days later was issued a charge sheet on grounds of contempt. His

A week later, prime minister’s supporters attacked the Supreme Court and judges virtually ran from their seats to save their lives. A serious crisis had developed which led to the army chief sitting with all concerned and leading to the resignation of President Leghari, who despite being from the People’s Party had dismissed its government in 1996 on grounds of corruption and the chief justice replaced by another judge. Sharif had managed to prevail in this round, but could not two years later when General Pervez Musharraf toppled him.

Two decades down the road, prime minister Sharif is trying to repeat history now when faced with perhaps the most dreadful judicial scrutiny of his life. His supporters were distributing mithai (sweets) just a month ago when three members of a five-member bench of the Supreme Court had disagreed with the minority decision to immediately disqualify him. The three judges instead resorted to appointment of a joint investigation team (JIT) to further probe the allegations of corruption against the prime minister in relation to purchase of expensive flats in London. The judgment was a close call because even if just one more judge had sided with the minority of two, Sharif would have ceased to be in power. He survived, but it now appears that not for long.

The JIT started its investigation and Sharif started to feel the heat in a few days time.

It started by what it has successfully tried in such matters for the past three decades: delaying tactics. It filed an application in the Supreme Court objecting to two of the JIT members. The court within days disposed of the objection by rejecting it. The eldest son of the prime minister, Hussain, had no option but to appear.

In the process, the PM family had antagonised these two JIT members and had shown its helplessness and powerlessness in front of the court. The JIT got the message and became aggressive by repeatedly calling Hussain Nawaz to explain the money trail which enabled him to acquire the London flats. All that Hussain could do was to complain that the JIT was pressuring him and illegally and unlawfully asking for documentation that it was not entitled to.

A well-known journalist belonging to the Jang Group, Ansar Abbasi, was activated who came up with the revelation that the Registrar Supreme Court had called the Securities Exchange Commission and the State Bank to specifically nominate in the JIT the two gentlemen whom Hussain Nawaz had objected to. The Supreme Court bench handling the matter clarified that it had asked the registrar to make the phone call to ask for these two gentlemen in view of their expertise.

The chief justice who was the PM’s law secretary at the time of the earlier judicial crisis in 1997 took suo motu notice of the senator’s speech and referred it to the same bench handling the London flat case. The bench reacted heatedly and issued a charge sheet to the senator for contempt and one of the judges likened the present government to Sicilian mafia which threatens judges and their children. Making yet another mistake, the government issued a detailed statement condemning the remarks of the Supreme Court judge and called it deplorable. It called the remarks baseless and against the code of conduct and the oath taken by the judges. The contempt notice issued to the ruling party’s senator has silenced the government ministers who were constantly coming on the television with some lamenting that the judiciary treats Imran Khan lightly as opposed to Sharif...

The government is trying to make a big deal of the case without realising that Khan has never held a public office in his life and is claiming that the money was lent to him by his former wife Jemima whom he repaid after selling his London flat.

The military is, interestingly, a silent observer to all these developments and not playing an active role at the moment even behind the scenes. Currently, the Supreme Court is exerting enough pressure on the prime minister which has tremendously weakened him.

By: Anees Jillani, 04 JUN 2017

(The author is an advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan). Source: .outlookindia.com

Says ‘acknowledges importance’ of statement issued after commanders meeting • Imran says Pakistan going through ‘Mongolian phase’, will announce ‘next plan of action’ tomorrow

ISLAMABAD / LAHORE: Embattled

PTI on Tuesday alleged that last week’s arson attacks and shootings after former premier Imran Khan’s arrest were carried out by the “agencies men” so that a crackdown on the party could be justified.

Separately, in video messages, Mr Khan said he would announce his “next plan of action” during a party protest at Muridke on Thursday (May 18) and urged the nation to attend the rally in large numbers. He said a culture of fear was being spread through electronic and social media and compared the current scenario with tactics used by Mongol Empire founder Genghis Khan to instil fear in the public.

The reaction came a day after a special corps commanders’ conference vowed to bring violent protesters, who attacked civil and military installations last week, to justice through trial under relevant laws of the country, including the Pakistan Army Act and Official Secrets Act.

The PTI said it acknowledged the importance of the statement issued after that meeting of the military’s top brass and “considers the impression of a well-thought-out plan of promoting violence and mayhem engulfing several government buildings, military structures and hundreds of unarmed and peaceful citizens”.

Describing itself as a responsible and the largest political institution in the country, the PTI said it had “an unwavering commitment to the Constitution and democracy”.

The statement, issued by the PTI’s central media department, said peaceful protests after Mr Khan’s arrest on May 9 was “a natural and foreseeable reaction”.

It may be mentioned that May 9 was declared a “dark chapter” by the military after the demonstrations turned violent However, PTI claimed that there was “irrefutable evidence” to establish that armed miscreants entered those peaceful gatherings, indulged in arson and fired live bullets on peaceful protesters, killing dozens and injuring hundreds. This, the party said, was done “to incite confrontation between the largest political force in the country and the armed forces of Pakistan”. These elements must be iden-