Hispanic and Latine Representation in the Media

By Mary Zheng

Representation matters, and most people agree. But the American media industry has been boldly resistant to this commitment in its treatment of the Hispanic and Latine communities over the past decade. A report released in 2021 found that only 12% of workers in the media are Hispanic, while they make up 19% of the American population. Hollywood, in particular, has grossly underrepresented and misrepresented the Hispanic community. As the image-defining, narrative-creating institution, it wields the power to shape people’s perception of the world. By seldomly starring Hispanic and Latine actors and only starring them in roles that fit certain cultural stereotypes, it perpetuates a narrow and dehumanizing characterization of the community and thus exacerbates existing ethnic inequalities.

In addition to creating biases, underrepresentation of the Hispanic and Latine communities in the media silences voices essential to building diversity. There are 62 million Hispanic and Latine people in America, and they all tell different stories about their lives. These experiences influence the American public and educate them on the vibrant cultures that are often overlooked and generalized. The media’s decision to exclude these experiences from the mainstream narrative creates a homogeneous representation of society that trivializes those who have been historically marginalized. Not only does this exclusive representation reject the Hispanic and Latine community from access to resources in the media industry and beyond, but it also instills in the community internalized discrimination “because who we see thriving in the world teaches us how to see ourselves,” concludes America Ferrare in a TED Talk on her Latina experience in the film industry.

To solve the problem of underrepresentation in the media, we need to first acknowledge the importance of on-screen representation. Representation matters because it creates presence, and presence means possibility: the possibility to be seen, to be recognized, to realize a dream. It is the simplest way to tell someone they are not alone; just through the power of presence, children are privy to professions they never thought to be feasible. Now, we might ask: how can we increase Hispanic and Latine representation in the media? The immediate response might be simple: film industries should star more Hispanic and Latine actors. But this will not happen overnight, and it should not fall victim to tokenism. True representation comes with concrete improvements in the power of a marginalized group, and that power often lies in those who build the narrative: directors, producers, scriptwriters... As Rep. Joaquin Castro of Texas articulates in an interview with NPR, “One of the ways that you begin to fix that problem of inaccurate representation is by including more Latinos and Latinas as C-suite executives, as showrunners and writers.”

Strengthening Hispanic and Latine representation is a marathon, not a sprint. While it can be tempting for powerful institutions to brush off the problem with ostensibly efficient solutions, many of these so-called “solutions’’ are no more than bandaids on bullet wounds. A more feasible option might be rooted in the systems on which the country stands, and an important part of that system is education. School plays a crucial role in shaping our worldviews; a school that supports marginalized identities makes students feel seen and recognized, and thus fosters a space inclusive of more voices. Representation can be national, but it can also start local. Seeing a more diverse high school musical cast is one way to encourage Hispanic and Latine students and other students of color to participate in the media industry. While there might be less excitement in a high school theater workshop than in a Hollywood blockbuster production, representation matters equally across the board—there is no need to cast a POC side character just for the sake of meeting diversity requirements.

Dolores Huerta: An Icon In American Civil Rights

By Georgia Achilles

¡Si se puede! Yes, it can be done! These immortal words were coined by one of America’s most influential activists, Dolores Huerta. The phrase is so simple, yet perfectly encapsulates her tireless work and determination. Over the course of her life, Huerta has been a leader in the Chicano movement, feminist movement, civil rights movement, environmental movement, and would engineer a labor union which forever changed American democracy.

Dolores Huerta was born in New Mexico in 1930 and raised primarily by her mother in California. Growing up as a Mexican-American woman, she faced immense prejudice and was, on multiple occasions, a witness to racebased violence against her family. At the age of 25 she took a leadership role in a civic organization called the Stockton Community Service Organization. Here, she would work in community outreach, and help to raise voter turnout in the Hispanic community. It was at this organization she would meet Cesar Chavez, and together they founded the National Farmworkers Association (NFWA). At the time, California farm workers were primarily Hispanic and Filipino. Monoculture farms would make millions off the backs of disenfranchised farmworkers, who had no power nor autonomy. These farmworkers would make as little as $1,800 a year (roughly $12,500 today), and worked ten hour days with no restrooms, water, or other necessities. Furthermore, workers were subject to dangerous pesticides, resulting in many developing cancer, stillbirths, miscarriages, and pulmonary illnesses. Huerta and Chavez used the NFWA to mobilize workers, and organized the Delano grape strike on a total of twenty farms. The NFWA prompted a boycott of California grapes across the United States. Huerta and Chavez led a 340 mile pilgrimage from Delanco, CA to Sacramento. This caught the attention of the media and captivated the country, boosting their message and boycott. After 25 days, the NFWA gathered 10,000 people at the California capitol, demanding worker’s rights. When it finally came time for negotiations, Huerta took the lead, rather than Chavez. She masterfully negotiated using the impact of personal stories, and humanized farmworkers and Hispanic people

In 2012, President Barack Obama recognized Huerta with the Presidential Medal

Images in the process. She never settled, compromised, or ceased, and was able to secure higher wages, safety protocols, and recognition for NFWA as a union. The NFWA struck again in 1975, resulting in the California Labor Relations Act being enacted. This act protects labor rights for agricultural workers in the state. These protections set a precedent that gave more autonomy to farmworkers across the US.

Dolores Huerta mended a hole in American democracy, yet her work is not nearly as appreciated as deserved. She was forced to hide her success behind Cesar Chavez, as a woman, especially a woman of color, could not be the face of a successful organization at the time. Her power was terrifying to the white, male, conservative California Assembly. Of course, she was even more threatening to the Delano grape farms. She was often smeared in the media for being divorced, for being a mother, and for being a powerful woman. A public representative of the Delano grape farms referred to her as “demonic”, “crazy” and “violent”, despite being a non-violent activist. As a Hispanic woman, she worked especially hard, only to face erasure as time passed. In 2012, President Obama awarded Huerta the presidential medal of freedom for her work bettering the country. Now 93, Dolores Huerta has schools, foundations, and monuments in her name, and is still doing interviews and speaking out for her beliefs.