Ella Ashworth Dissertation by PDF Uploads

Ella Madeleine Ashworth 180155512 ARC3060 Dissertation in Architectural Studies 2020/2021

Colonial Exchanges between Britain and India: The Royal Pavilion at Brighton To what extent did the Royal Pavilion at Brighton reflect British national character and identity during the 19th century? Martin Beattie Dissertation Word Count: 8796 Covid Research Adaption Account included in Foreword

Colonial Exchanges between Britain and India: The Royal Pavilion at Brighton (18151823) Ella Ashworth

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my tutor, Dr. Martin Beattie, for his time and guidance with my dissertation.

Contents Foreword

Introduction

1. Architectural and cultural context of Britain in the late 1700s and early 1800s

1.1. Prevalent Styles in the Arts

1.2. Appreciation of Indian Artistry

1.3. Sezincote, Gloucestershire (1805)

2. Imperialistic Endeavours of Britain

2.1. East India Company

2.2. Colonial Pursuits in India

2.3. Orientalism

3. Inclinations of the Prince of Wales

3.1. Independent Taste

3.2. The Royal Stables

3.3. Change in Status

3.5. Rivalry with France

3.5. Contemporary opinions of the Prince

4. The Design and Atmosphere of the Royal Pavilion

4.1. Emergence of the Royal Pavilion

4.2. Plan and interior of the Royal Pavilion

5. The Impact of the Royal Pavilion

5.1. Inspiration to others

5.2. The Stance of Nabobs

5.3. Evolving Opinions

Conclusion

Bibliography

List of Figures

Foreword In regards to Covid-19, I have been able to access most of the resources I wanted for research purposes. This has been possible due to most of the relevant books, articles, guidebooks and archives having an online version, accessible through Newcastle University Library, Brighton Museums, the British Library, the Open Library and Internet Archive. I used the Internet Archive to access some primary sources. In addition, the click and collect service at Newcastle University Library enabled me to access books that were not available online.

I was also able to visit the Royal Pavilion which was incredibly beneficial and allowed me to grasp a sense of its presence and atmosphere for myself. Although I had a fairly limited amount of time to explore the Pavilion when I was there and some areas were closed due to Covid-19 restrictions, I felt that this did not hinder the experience too much. Whilst visiting the Royal Pavilion I was able to buy a guidebook of the Royal Pavilion which has provided very useful and unbiased information for my dissertation question.

Introduction Context of the Royal Pavilion The Royal Pavilion in Brighton we see today encompasses the design by architect John Nash from 1815. The Pavilion was commissioned in 1815 by the Prince of Wales, who had become Prince Regent in 1811, and went on to become King George IV in 1820. The Pavilion is significant within the theme of Colonial Exchanges as its exterior was built in a mixture of Indian styles and the interior was predominantly inspired by Chinese styles.

At the time of construction, Nash’s design of the Pavilion was described as Hindu but

is actually

inspired.1 Nash drew elements

Mughal, from

Islamic and northern

each

these

Indian

styles, Gothic,

Regency and Rococo features, and inspiration from contemporary artists, the

most

prominent being William

William Daniell.2 As

example

Hodges

and

of colonial

Thomas

and

architecture

in Britain, this dissertation will consider to what extent the Royal Pavilion at Brighton reflected British national character and identity during the 19 th Figure 2: King George IV

century.

Having visited Brighton several times, the Royal Pavilion struck me as a building completely alien to its context. A fairly controversial building, with ties to colonialism and use as a political tool during World War One - Indian soldiers were treated in the Pavilion and photographs of this were distributed in India to create a positive association with the British Empire3 - it is an interesting building to study.

What is national character and identity? In order to answer the central question of this dissertation, it is necessary to define national character and identity. These terms refer to “deep-seated structures in the minds of the people; only after

David Beevers, The Royal Pavilion: The Official Guide to the Palace of King George IV (Brighton: Royal Pavilion Libraries & Museums, 2020), p.13. 2 Beevers, p.13. 3 Susan Ashley, 'Re-Colonizing Spaces of Memorializing', Organization, 23.1, (2016), 29-46 (p.35), in <https://libsearch.ncl.ac.uk/permalink/f/15e3e4n/TN_cdi_crossref_primary_10_1177_1350508415605101> [accessed 24 November 2020].

generally acknowledged periods of crisis or great social changes is a substantial reassessment normally permissible”.4 National character and identity reflect united “beliefs, anxieties, self-understandings and prejudices”.5 This can be interpreted flexibly as those of differing ideologies consider character and identity in differing ways. 6

National character and identity in 19th century Britain During the 1780s, Britain lost control of its American colonies and with this came the expansion of its imperial hold in South-East Asia.7 Simultaneously, the country was involved in international conflicts, including the French Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802) and the Napoleonic Wars (1803-1815).

George III ruled Britain from 1760 until 1820, with his son, the Prince of Wales, instated as Prince Regent from 1811. During George III’s period of rule, Britain became a leading global force with expanding prosperity as a result of trade, industrialization, agricultural improvements and military success.8 However, 19th century Britain was witness to post-Napoleonic character with an initial celebratory atmosphere soon overtaken by a long-term economic depression.9 Despite this, there was a solidified expansion of the British empire in the Caribbean, Africa and Asia with Britain growing its global interests.10

The significant changes and upheaval occurring in Britain and its imperial colonies at the beginning of the 19th century had profound impacts on the lives of the British people.11 Historian Tillman Nechtman argues this dramatic period

of change, and shift

focus

of British

imperialism towards Asia, saw the “integration of the imperial world into the fabric of British national culture”.12

Peter Mandler, The English National Character: the History of an Idea from Edmund Burke to Tony Blair (London: Yale University Press, 2006), p.2. 5 Mandler, p.2. 6 Mandler, p.1. 7 Tillman W. Nechtman, 'A Jewel in the Crown?', Eighteenth-Century Studies, 41.1, (2007), 71-86 (p.71-72), in <https://www.jstor.org/stable/30053749> [accessed 12 November 2020]. 8 John Dinkel, The Royal Pavilion Brighton (London: Scala, 1983), p.11 in Internet Archive, <https://archive.org/details/royalpavilionbri0000dink/mode/2up> [accessed 12 November 2020]. 9 N. Gash, 'After Waterloo: British Society and the Legacy of the Napoleonic Wars', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 28, (1978), 145-157 (p.152), in <www.jstor.org/stable/3679205> [accessed 28 December 2020]. 10 Mandler, p.28. 11 Nechtman, Eighteenth-Century Studies, p.72. 12 Nechtman, Eighteenth-Century Studies, p.72.

Organisation of the dissertation Extensive research suggests it will be important to consider the opinions of Nash’s contemporaries whilst interrogating the themes of this dissertation. These themes include the architectural and cultural context in the late 1700s and early 1800s, the imperialistic endeavours of Britain, the inclinations of the Prince of Wales (later George IV), the design and atmosphere of the Royal Pavilion and the impact of the Pavilion in Britain.

The first chapter focuses on the architectural and cultural context of the Pavilion, including prevalent styles and the appreciation of Indian and Chinese artistry in Britain. In addition, I will consider Sezincote (1805), a building in the Mughal style, which often draws comparisons with the Pavilion due to similarities in style and the period of construction.

The second chapter examines the imperialistic endeavours of Britain. I will explore the East India Company (EIC), a British trading company operating in Asia, ask whether it introduced Indian culture into Britain with enthusiasm and, if so, how it was received. Furthermore, I will study colonial pursuits in India and whether experiences there mirrored the architecture of the Pavilion and Orientalism, a colonial attitude towards the representation of Asia, as a guiding force in the Pavilion’s development. The third chapter will consider the inclinations of the Prince of Wales and whether his change in status, independent tastes and rivalry with France were reflected in the Pavilion’s architecture.

The fourth chapter will unpack the design and atmosphere of the Pavilion with a room-byroom analysis. This will form an understanding of whether the Pavilion accurately represented Indian and Chinese styles.

The final chapter considers the impact of the Royal Pavilion, whether the Pavilion inspired others, how nabobs - wealthy men who made their fortunes in the East - responded to the Pavilion, whether it encouraged them to build similarly, and the evolving opinions of contemporaries. These chapters will enable me to judge how far the Pavilion reflected national character and identity.

Architectural and Cultural Context of Britain in the Late 1700s and Early 1800s Prevalent Styles in the Arts

Late 18th century arts and culture sought inspiration from previous styles, including Gothic, Etruscan (an ancient classical style) and Chinese.13 Gothic and Chinese styles formed part of the picturesque movement which emerged at the end of the 18th century.14 The Gothic style had been particularly prominent in British architecture from 1715. 15

Since the mid 17th century there had been a fascination with Chinese culture. In the 1740s and 1750s Chinese structures were being designed in Britain.16 Chinoiserie grew to be very popular during the 18th century, with Dickie Bateman, an architectural patron, erecting a Chinese bridge at his Grove House in Berkshire during the 1740s. However, by the 19th century, chinoiserie was overtaken by the more fashionable Egyptian, Greek and picturesque Gothic styles.17 It was the Prince Regent who led a 19th century revival of Chinoiserie as it suited his imperial ambitions in China.18 The British Empire’s presence in India gave rise to growing intellectual interest in the country’s affiliations with the picturesque and romantic movements.19 Although Indian styles could be compared to existing styles in Britain, for example Indian style pillars were similar to Grecian columns, they had the potential to adapt to different “forms and proportions”. 20

Dinkel, p.33. Harry Francis Mallgrave, Modern Architectural Theory, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p.54 in Cambridge Core, <https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511497728> [accessed 19 November 2020]. 15 Mallgrave, p.54. 16 Mallgrave, p.54. 17 Dinkel, p.29. 18 Dinkel, p.29. 19 Dinkel, p.40. 20 Humphrey Repton, Designs for the Pavilion at Brighton (London: J.C. Stadler, 1808), p.29-30 in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/tales-pavilion-archive/pavilion-might-havebeen/> [accessed 16 May 2020]. 14

In 1808, British landscape designer Humphrey Repton identified a “thirst for novelty” 21 in his Designs for the Pavilion at Brighton. Repton’s concept of novelty was picked up by other contemporaries including Edmund Aikin, an English architect of the 18th century.22 The concept seems to have been part of Britain’s broader culture and the effort to find new inspirations for the arts. Considering the broader styles prevalent in Britain, the Pavilion appears to have emerged at a time of inventiveness and variety, undermining Classicism and taking influence from the growing popularity of the picturesque and romantic movements.23

Appreciation of Indian Artistry During the 19th century, an appreciation of Indian artistry was popular among the elite of British society. The work of William Hodges, an English artist who toured northern India from 1780 to 1783 and published 48 aquatints of Indian architecture in Select Views in India, was some of the most prominent artistry in Britain. Giles Tillotson, a writer on Indian history, suggests that Hodges’ work was “instrumental in inspiring an Indian fashion” 24 in Britain. However, this fashion was most likely only present in the elite class of society, not across the whole population.

Despite this limited influence, Hodges’ work somewhat made an impact. An early instance of this is George Dance, an architect who in 1788 designed Guildhall in London (figure 3) in an Indian-Gothic style with minarets taking inspiration from Hodges’s aquatint of the mosque at Ghazipur (figure 4).25 There are very few examples similar to this and not all Indian inspired artistry made as much of an impression on the British elite as Hodges’ did. We can see this in the example of Francis Swain Ward who showed his paintings of Indian architecture (figure 5) to the EIC in 1773 with no significant reaction.26

Mixed responses to Indian artistry suggest that, although an appreciation of Indian styles was present in the cultural context of Britain, it was not popular. In addition, positive responses represented a small section of society, the elite, and it is unconvincing to suggest that the style was appreciated nationally.

Repton, p.v-vi. Raymond Head, The Indian Style (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p.50. 23 Dinkel, p.33. 24 G.H.R. Tillotson, 'The Indian Travels of William Hodges', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 2.3 (1992), 377398 (p.393), in <www.jstor.org/stable/25182573> [accessed 19 May 2020]. 25 Head, p.23. 26 Head, p.22. 22

There were difficulties inspiring Indian styles across Britain as, in general, the work of artists was not far reaching. Nonetheless, Thomas and William Daniell’s aquatints of Hindu and Islamic architecture were some of the most widely known and took inspiration from their travels in India from 1786.27 They published 144 aquatints, in Oriental Scenery (1795-1808) priced at £210.28 The EIC bought 30 sets of the book and promoted the work in Britain and India, but sales were low.29 Despite efforts, these illustrations did not receive widespread interest, would have only reached those who could afford to buy the book and are not likely to have reached the masses.

A small number of architects were, in fact, inspired by these aquatints. Edmund Aikin, an English architect, admitted his design ideas originated from “the works of Mr Daniell”30 - and in 1808, Aikin produced a design for “a Villa or Mansion” (figure 6) in the “Mohammedan style”.31 William Porden’s 1802 design of the Royal Stables at Brighton (figure 7) with Mughal features was clearly derived from Oriental Scenery as Porden had never been to India.32 The strongest connection is to the Jama Masjid in Delhi (figure 8), “whose scallop-arched windows are repeated on the stables”. 33 Architect of the Royal Pavilion, John Nash, partly derived his designs from the Daniells’ Oriental Scenery which he accessed from the library at the Prince of Wales’ Carlton House in November 1815. 34

Although Oriental Scenery illustrations of India did enter the consciousness of some designers and architects, their influence was minor and limited to those who could afford to access the works.

Repton, p.29. Mildred Archer, Early views of India: the picturesque journeys of Thomas and William Daniell (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1980), p.223. 29 Archer, p.223. 30 Head, p.51. 31 Head, p.50-51. 32 Geoffrey Tyack, 'A Pantheon for Horses: The Prince Regent's Dome and Stables at Brighton', Architectural History, 58, (2015), 141-158 (p.152), in <https://www.jstor.org/stable/26406256> [accessed 19 May 2020]. 33 Beevers, p.107. 34 Beevers, p.13. 28

Figure 3: Guildhall in London

Figure 4: The Mosque at Ghazipur (1787) from Select Views in India

Figure 5: Painting of Mausoleum of Sher Shah, Sasaram, Bihar by Francis Swain Ward - presented to the East India Company by Ward in 1773

Figure 6: A design for “a Villa or Mansion” in the “Mohameedan style” by Edmund Aikin, 1808

Figure 7: The Royal Stables, Brighton

Figure 8: Jama Masjid, Delhi (1797) from Oriental Scenery

Sezincote, Gloucestershire (1805) Sezincote, in Gloucestershire, is a notable building inspired by the

artistry of

the Daniells and Hodges. It was built in 1805 for Sir Charles Cockerell, a nabob from the EIC. Designed primarily by Samuel Pepys Cockerell, Sezincote was one of the first buildings of size to be built in a mixture of

Hindu

and

Mughal

styles

Britain. Cockerell was most likely inspired Figure 9: Colour Lithograph of Sezincote, Gloucestershire

by Porden’s design in 1802 for the Royal

Stables at Brighton.35 As one of the only examples which provides an architectural context for the Royal Pavilion in Britain, Sezincote is an important building to consider. The exterior of Sezincote (figure 9) features an onion-shaped dome, overhanging eaves, turrets, chatris and arches.36 Humphrey Repton, a sceptic of introducing Indian styles, noted after seeing Sezincote that the “architecture is as beautiful in reality as it appears in the drawings”.37 Repton’s stance could have been influenced by his efforts to earn a commission from the Prince of Wales who was set on introducing an Indian style at the Pavilion in Brighton. In 1808 and 1812 the Prince of Wales visited Sezincote and it appears ideas for the Royal Pavilion’s design came after these visits.38 British historian John MacKenzie agrees, commenting that Figure 10: Henry Holland’s 1801 Chinese inspired designs for the Pavilion at Brighton which were never built

Head, p.38. Tyack, p.152. 37 George Carter and others, Humphry Repton Landscape Gardener 1752-1818 (Norwich: Sainsbury Centre, 1982), p.86. 38 Tillman W. Nechtman, Nabobs: Empire and Identity in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p.232 in Google Books, <https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=AmY92eTAaloC&pg=PA234&lpg=PA234&dq> [accessed 16 May 2020]. 36

“Sezincote almost certainly had a considerable influence on the development of ideas”.39 This is further supported by the fact that, following the Prince’s visits to Sezincote, designs for a Chinese Pavilion were replaced by Nash’s Indian inspired drawings.

John Summerson, a British architectural historian, posits that “apart from Sezincote and the Pavilion, with its stables, the Indian style cannot be said to have flourished". 40 This sceptical analysis of the wider popularity of the Indian style in 19 th century Britain is convincing. Sezincote is a singular important building in the architectural context of the Pavilion and was a catalyst for the adoption of Indian styles there, yet there are few other examples of the style taking hold. Sezincote seems to be a statement about wealth and power rather than an appreciation for Indian artistry. Returning back to Humphrey Repton’s suggested desire for novelty, Indian artistry seems to have only been reserved for the elite class of Britain and, as such, did not create a wider change in British character and identity.

John M. MacKenzie, Orientalism: history, theory, and the arts (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), p.80. 40 John Summerson, Architecture in Britain, 1530 to 1830, 3 edn. (London: Yale University Press, 1993), p.455 in Google Books, <https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=o7FoFUkbJ_gC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad =0#v=onepage&q&f=false> [accessed 1 October 2020].

Imperialistic Endeavours of Britain East India Company (EIC)

A major factor influencing Britain’s context in the early 1800s was its imperialistic endeavours. Britain’s imperial efforts in Asia may have influenced the Prince’s willingness to assert control on imperial subjects by appropriating Indian and Chinese styles. Britain’s access point to India was the EIC, a company with an army founded in 1600 to trade with the Far East.41 It enabled Britain to have some control over India, particularly during the 19th century.42

Architectural historian Ian Sutton suggests trade facilitated by the EIC, during the 19th century, led to “[architects] and their patrons…assailed by new temptations which they found difficult to resist”.43 Sutton

makes

the

argument

that

elements

of Indian

and

Asian

culture

introduced to Britain via colonisation were appropriated into British culture, with the Pavilion’s architecture an example of this. However, Repton’s prediction that Indian styles would become a national style due to being “better acquainted with…Buildings in the interior provinces of India” 44 was misguided.

Despite the seeming suitability of Indian styles, due to India’s position in imperial affairs and Britain's economy, there is limited evidence to suggest that Indian styles were nationalised in Britain as the only significant buildings inspired by Indian styles were the Royal Pavilion and Sezincote. Yet, the adoption of Indian styles at the Pavilion remains significant and implies that India was part of the ruling Prince Regent’s consciousness.

Anthony Webster, The Twilight of the East India Company: The Evolution of Anglo-Asian Commerce and Politics, 1790–1860 (Suffolk: Boydell&Brewer, 2009), p. 1-12 in Cambridge Core, <https://libsearch.ncl.ac.uk/primoexplore/openurl?sid=jstor:jstor&genre=book&title=The%20Twilight%20of%20the%20East%20India%20Compa ny&isbn=9781843834755&eisbn=9781846157745&via_ncl=true&vid=NEWUI&institution=NCL&url_ctx_val=& url_ctx_fmt=null&isSerivcesPage=true> [accessed 8 January 2021]. 42 Edward Malins, 'Indian Influences on English Houses and Gardens at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century', Garden History, 8.1, (1980), 46-66 (p.46), in <https://www.jstor.org/stable/1586679> [accessed 19 May 2020]. 43 Ian Sutton, Western Architecture, (London: Thames and Hudson Limited, 2000). 44 Repton, p.i.

There are other examples of buildings which would have been fitting with Indian styles but refrained from endorsing cross-cultural

architecture.

This

includes

the

Imperial Institute (figure 11), opened in 1887 in London to exhibit the British Empire. Nechtman suggests the British government may have kept Indian architecture at arm's length as this could have been viewed as reverse Figure 11: The Imperial Institute, London, 1887

colonisation and been an association with the malfeasance of the EIC.45

A writer in the Monthly Magazine for October 1819 compared the Pavilion to “fairy palaces of the sovereigns of Hindustan…the Regent, who must be led to consider himself as virtual sovereign of the East, deemed it respectful to his Eastern dependencies to exhibit a palace in conformity with their notions of architectural perfection”. 46

With the empire beginning to determine and influence key cultural features, including architecture, the Pavilion represented a climax in Britain’s imperial power. The EIC played a significant role in this process of cultural exchange and informed the styles of the Royal Pavilion by means of its trade with India and related colonial pursuits.

Colonial Pursuits in India Considering the colonial pursuits in India alongside the Royal Pavilion, there is evidence to suggest that certain stages of the design and construction of the Pavilion mirrored significant events. In 1803, the year the design for the Royal Stables at Brighton was decided, the British were victorious in the Battle of Delhi. This event would have inspired a “fresh patriotic significance”47 for the project and the Mughal style of the Stables inspired the future style of the Pavilion.

Other events would have had a more direct effect on the Royal Pavilion, including the Anglo-Nepalese War from 1814-1816 which ended with British victory and Nepal conceding territory to the EIC. At the time, in 1815, the Prince commissioned Nash to design the Pavilion and drew inspiration from Indian

Nechtman, Eighteenth-Century Studies, p.77. Head, p.55. 47 Tyack, p.150. 46

styles. The last significant event before the Pavilion was finished was the Third Anglo-Maratha War in 1817-1818 which established Company control in most of India.

These events would have encouraged the Prince to build in Indian styles with India at the forefront of British colonial expansion. In his guidebook, David Beevers agrees with this sentiment, stating “[the Prince Regent’s] desire for a building in this most up-to-date taste is probably connected with Britain’s imperial project in India”.48 Colonial activities in India clearly influenced the design of the Pavilion and the timeline of events mirrors significant progress in the architectural journey.

John Evans in An Excursion to Brighton, 1822, suggests Britain was “now taking the lead in proud array among the nations of the earth”.49 Britain was a strong imperial power and the Pavilion illustrated this. However, the perceived appropriateness of Indian styles, as a result of the significance of India in British affairs, did not increase the use of the style.

In the late 19th century, there was British-Indian cross-cultural debate regarding which was a suitable style to build in India. Thomas Roger Smith, a British architect, argued in 1873 that the British should create buildings in India that reflect “European art”.50 In contrast, William Emerson, another British architect, believed the British should build using indigenous Indian styles as Western architecture did not suit the Indian climate.51 All involved in the debate were concerned with asserting the political power of the British Empire and close attention was paid to “national identity and purpose”.52

This debate, which lasted for around 50 years, inspired a range of styles adopted in India by the British, including the European Classical style, Hindu and the dominant mixed Indo-Saracenic (HinduSaracenic) style.53 Indigenous architecture was referred to as “Hindu” as most of these buildings were in areas with Hindu leaders whilst areas with Muslim rulers had architecture that was referred to as “Saracenic”.54 Consequently, the Hindu-Saracenic style encapsulated many British aims as an imperial

Beevers, p.108. John Evans, Recreation for the young and the old, (Chiswick: Whittingham, 1821), p.50 in Google Books, <https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Recreation_for_the_young_and_the_old_An.html?id=KAgHAAAAQ AAJ&redir_esc=y> [accessed 15 May 2020]. 50 Thomas R. Metcalf, 'Architecture and the Representation of Empire: India, 1860-1910', Representations, 6.1, (1984), 37-65 (p.37), in <www.jstor.org/stable/2928537> [accessed 17 December 2020]. 51 Metcalf, p.37. 52 Metcalf, p.37. 53 Metcalf, p.45-46. 54 Metcalf, p.41. 49

power.55 The popularity of the style reflected an assertion of control and also Britain’s practical motivation of uniting the Indian population. 56 Attention to debate around colonial architecture was not mirrored in Britain. The Pavilion is one of the only examples

Indian

inspired

architecture

entering Britain, yet it reflects what one might expect to find during the 19th century in terms of national interest, consciousness and the chronology of events in India. Figure 12: The Mayo College, Ajmere - an example of Indo-Saracenic architecture in India built by the British. It opened in 1875.

Orientalism Edward Said, an academic from the 20th century, described “Orientalism” as “a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient”. 57 The Orient, which usually refers to countries in the “East” (for example, China), is appropriated by the Occident (Britain, France or America) and represented according to Western character.58

Between 1750 and 1850 Britain-China relations declined.59 When the Pavilion was completed, Britain only had one Chinese trading port - the city of Guangzhou. This was due to the newly adopted trading policy between China and foreign traders - the Canton System. This system created British unease and an “imperial impulse…towards [China] a contemporarily vulnerable place that crown and capitalism wished to colonise”.60

Metcalf, p.49-50. Metcalf, p.37-50. 57 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1979), in EBSCOhost, <http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=842875&site=ehostlive&ebv=EK&ppid=Page-__-18> [accessed 2 January 2021]. 58 Said 59 Kara Blakley, 'Domesticating Orientalism: Chinoiserie and the Pagodas of the Royal Pavilion, Brighton', Australian and New Zealand Journal of Art, 18.2, (2018), 206-223 (p.206), in <https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14434318.2018.1519873?scroll=top&needAccess=true> [accessed 19 November 2020]. 60 Blakley, p.206. 56

The luxurious chinoiserie in the Pavilion exemplifies this stance. Chinese styles were not popular in Britain when

introduced

in the Pavilion, particularly

1815.61 At the time, Chinese styles were identified with

public

pleasure

gardens,

including

Vauxhall Gardens (figure 13) in London which opened in 1751.62 The then Prince Regent led a Figure 13: A View of the Chinese Pavilions and Boxes in Vauxhall Gardens

revival of chinoiserie, possibly to suit his imperial goals.63 A significant example of Chinese appropriation at the Pavilion are the pagodas in the Music Room (figure 14). These were appropriated to suit the Prince’s political aims; by means of diminishing their size and placing them in an interior.64 The adaptation of the pagodas to suit European taste appears to demonstrate Said’s theory

Orientalism.

undermining Chinese symbols and reducing them to decorations, it is clear the interiors of the Royal Pavilion, and more specifically the pagodas, represent British imperial aims.65

As Britain failed to occupy China, the Prince Regent Figure 14: A Pagoda in the Music Room

sought to assert his power by appropriating Chinese designs in the interiors of the Pavilion.66 Using the

framework of Orientalism and the appropriation of Chinese symbols in its interiors, the Pavilion provides unique insight into the imperial goals and aspirations of the Prince Regent in both China and India during this period.

Dinkel, p.29. Dinkel, p.29. 63 Dinkel, p.29. 64 Blakley, p.216. 65 Blakley, p.206. 66 Blakley, p.216 62

Inclinations of the Prince of Wales Independent Taste of the Prince of Wales

Alongside imperial endeavours, the independent taste of the Prince formed a key driving force behind the design of the Royal Pavilion. The Prince was very decisive when choosing styles for the Pavilion. His temperament would have contributed to this characteristic, a sense of this given by him writing; “I am a different Animal from any other in the whole Creation”. 67

Aware of the Daniell’s and Hodges’ Indian inspired artistry and the Hindu and Mughal styles of Sezincote, the “Prince became a convert to the fascinations of India”. 68 Former Keeper of the Pavilion, John Dinkel, suggests the “noble and sublime qualities”69 emphasised in Mughal architecture would have caught the interest of the Prince who was concerned with authority as a monarch. 70 In addition, Nash remarks the Prince was “bored with classicism”71 and embarked on an effort to introduce a new style at Brighton, beginning with Porden’s designs for the Royal Stables.

The Royal Stables The Royal Stables (figures 15 and 16) were constructed in 1808 on the same site as the Pavilion and are significant as there were no precedents in Britain. Despite being deemed a Mughal style building, without Indian adornments - including the roofline - the Stables appear to have the structure of a classical building.72

The Prince may have thought this building not exotic enough, hence why he subsequently commissioned Nash to design the Pavilion in more overtly Indian styles. Nash made it clear that the

Dinkel, p.10. D.S, 'ROYAL PAVILION: A STUDY IN THE ROMANTIC', The Architectural Review (Archive: 1896-2005), 110.658, (1951), p.270. 69 Dinkel, p.43. 70 Blakley, p.218. 71 Head, p.44. 72 Tyack, p.152. 68

Prince

decided

a northern

Indian style

would

produce

“glittering

and

picturesque”73 effects that would captivate the viewer.

Contemporary accounts indicate the Prince clearly developed the style for the Pavilion in line with his expensive and independent tastes. This style was the taste of one individual in Britain, albeit a very significant individual, and so it is unlikely that many others could achieve the same Indian inspired aesthetics due to the inaccessibility and expense involved.

Figure 16: The Interior of the Stables, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion

Figure 15: North elevation of the Stables from Church Street, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion

Change in Status The Prince of Wales’ independent taste became more obvious with his change in status from Prince of Wales to Prince Regent in 1811 and then George IV in 1820. This development impacted British character and identity and enabled the Prince to build the Pavilion with a new influx of income. The change in status is reflected in the remodelling of Henry Holland’s original Marine Pavilion from 1787 (figures 17 and 18), into Nash’s Royal Pavilion (1815-23). This was a transition from neoclassicism to “oriental splendour”74 and a huge difference in character on a small scale.

Clifford Musgrave, Royal Pavilion: an episode in the romantic (London: L. Hill, 1959), p.63 in Google Books, <https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Royal_Pavilion.html?id=0QK6nQEACAAJ&redir_esc=y> [accessed 16 May 2020]. 74 Jessica Rutherford, 'V. The Royal Pavilion: George IV's Residence at Brighton.', The Court Historian, 3.1, (1998), 9-15 (p.9), in <https://doi-org.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/10.1179/cou.1998.3.1.002> [accessed 8 January 2021].

In 1805 Repton was originally commissioned to design the Pavilion, but his Indian inspired plans of 1806 were dismissed as the Prince was in debt. By 1815 the Napoleonic Wars had ended and George now had access to more funds as Prince Regent. This is when Nash’s designs came to fruition. Dinkel states that “George IV was incapable of building in a diffident manner”. 75 This is demonstrated by the Prince’s no expense spared approach to the transformation of the Pavilion. The money allowed the utilization of new techniques and materials, including cast iron used by Nash, an innovator of this structural material. There is, therefore, a clear relationship between the new wealth accumulated by the Prince Regent and the designs of the Royal Pavilion.

Figure 17: Henry Holland’s Plan of the Marine Pavilion (1801)

Figure 18: Henry Holland’s elevation of the Marine Pavilion (1801)

Rivalry with France The Prince of Wales’ change in status also highlighted his rivalries with French counterparts.76 After the French Revolution, the Prince was associated with the Ancien Regime (the political and social system of France) partly due to his adoption of French styles.77 At the same time European styles had become unpopular.78 Changing tastes could have prompted the Prince’s decision to integrate Oriental styles at the Royal Pavilion - avoiding Francophile styles and specifically his French furniture Figure 19: French NeoClassical Chair in the Pavilion

(figure 19) being accused of Jacobinism (a revolutionary movement in the France).79

Dinkel, p.5. Beevers, p.6. 77 Beevers, p.6. 78 Blakley, p.218. 79 John Morley, The Making of the Royal Pavilion, Brighton, (London: Sotheby's Publications, 1984), p.23 in Google Books, <https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/The_Making_of_the_Royal_Pavilion_Brighto.html?id=3a5mPQAAC AAJ&redir_esc=y> [accessed 1 May 2020]. 76

With Britain and France at war from 1798 to 1815, the Prince was to some extent motivated in design by his rivalry with Napoleon. A minor example of this was his use of rich gilded furnishings (figure 20), which Napoleon dined off, in the interior of the Banqueting Room. There are also motifs in the interiors of the Pavilion which reflect victories over the French. Included in these are dolphin motifs inspired by Lord Nelson’s victory over Napoleon at Trafalgar in 1805. Dolphin imagery (figure 21) in the Pavilion demonstrates how “the sea had entered the national consciousness following…maritime victories over the French”.80

Figure 20: Silver-gilt from the Banqueting Room

Figure 21: Table with dolphin motifs in the Pavilion

The overall design of the Pavilion seems to mirror the “light-hearted atmosphere”81 after the victory over Napoleon at Waterloo in 1814. The Prince wanted to create an enjoyable space following around 17 years of war and Nash’s designs were motivated by effect. Accordingly, the construction and design of the Pavilion at a micro level seems to reflect, to some extent, the historic and ongoing rivalries with France and the British apathy towards their neighbours across the channel.

80 81

Beevers. p.52. Head, p.51.

Contemporary Opinions of the Prince There were mixed opinions surrounding the Prince’s decisions at the Royal Pavilion. Many 19th century commentators disapproved of the architecture as they viewed Regency England (1811-1830) as “debauched and dissolute”. 82 Monthly Magazine in 1819 called the Pavilion “a mouldering monument of tasteless extravagance and wasteful folly”. 83 These sentiments were accompanied by criticism of the Prince’s spending habits and the debts accumulated in his youth. This is highlighted by the harsh, satirical cartoonist George Cruikshank. Cruikshank’s 1816 etching; The court at Brighton à la Chinese (figure 22) is critical of the amount of money the Prince Regent was spending on the construction of the Pavilion and its aesthetic.84

Figure 22: George Cruikshank’s etching from 1816: The court at Brighton à la Chinese

There is a suggestion, therefore, that at the time there was more unease about money spent on the building than the Indian and Chinese influences on its character. Tillman Nechtman, a 21st century historian, supports this idea stating that “for those who attacked Brighton (and many did), it was not Brighton’s foreignness that was the issue”.85 In the context of the early 19 th century, Cruikshank’s criticism is not surprising, agricultural depression was materializing and society was still recovering from the Napoleonic Wars as the King looked to be spending huge amounts of money on frivolous pursuits, the Royal Pavilion.86

Fred Gray, Designing the seaside: architecture, society and nature (London: Reaktion, 2006), p.105. Rutherford, The Court Historian, p.12. 84 Nechtman, Nabobs: Empire and Identity, p.234. 85 Nechtman, Nabobs: Empire and Identity, p.234. 86 Dinkel, p.66. 83

In Brighton, however, there were many who supported the King as he was bringing a new atmosphere and increased prosperity to the area. In 1823 The Brighton Gazette outlined “the happiness of the inhabitants of Brighton at being again honoured with the presence of their King”. 87 In 1820 The Sussex Weekly Advertiser, meanwhile, commented how “The King is to this town what the sun is to our hemisphere”.88 Although there was animosity towards the King and his expenditure at a national level and some disliked the aesthetics of the Pavilion, others local to Brighton enjoyed the exciting atmosphere the King was creating.

The complexities of defining a “national character” give rise to regional variations and distinctions and it

is,

therefore,

not

possible

opinions demonstrate whether

the

to pass a

simplistic judgement

Pavilion matched

British national

whether character

identity. However, it appears as though the Pavilion reflected the local character of Brighton.

87 88

Rutherford, The Court Historian, p.11. Rutherford, The Court Historian, p.11.

these and

Design and Atmosphere of the Royal Pavilion

Figure 23: John Nash’s Cross-section aquatint of the Royal Pavilion from Views of the Royal Pavilion (1826)

Emergence of the Royal Pavilion Henry Holland’s initial designs for the neo-classical Marine Pavilion (1787) featured chinoiserie in the interior. From 1803-1808, William Porden added the Royal Stables in the Hindu style and overwhelmed the in situ Marine Pavilion with its size. Irish diarist Mrs Calvert, in March 1807, hinted at the disproportion saying the stables were “a most superb edifice, indeed quite unnecessarily so”.89 John Nash’s subsequent design of the Royal Pavilion both responded to the size and style of the Stables and the Prince’s appreciation of Indian styles.90

The then Prince Regent was intent on enlarging the Marine Pavilion to make it the focal point on the site. The plan of Nash’s Pavilion can still be compared to Holland’s plan with a central saloon and reception rooms either side. However, Nash expanded this adding “minarets, turrets, onion domes, fretted screens and cusped arches” 91 (figure 24) and “Gothic friezes of lozenges with

Musgrave, Royal Pavilion, p.46. Martin Clayton and Bennett Zon, Music and Orientalism in the British Empire, 1780s-1940s, (London: Routledge, 2007), p.30 in Taylor & Francis Group, <https://libsearch.ncl.ac.uk/permalink/f/15e3e4n/TN_cdi_proquest_ebookcentral_EBC4906971> [accessed 16 May 2020] 91 Simon Jenkins and Quintin Wright, England's Thousand Best Houses (London: Penguin Group, 2003), p.758. 90

cusps, Mughal scalloped arches and chajjas (a protecting cornice intended in hot climates to cast a horizontal shadow)...fretwork jali screens…and two upswept Chinese-influenced roofs”.92

Figure 24: Photograph of the Royal Pavilion, showing onion domes and minarets

Figure 25: Photograph of the Royal Pavilion, showing the entrance Figure 26: Aquatint of the Royal Pavilion from Views of the Royal Pavilion (1826). This shows the two Chinese inspired upswept roofs on either side of the central dome. It also illustrates the cusped and scalloped arches.

The interior of the Pavilion was decorated by Frederick Crace and Robert Jones between 1815 and 1823. It is a mixture of Indian, Rococo, Regency, and predominantly Chinese styles. It is likely that the Chinese decorations were inspired by William Alexander, who visited China in 1792-93 as part of the Macartney diplomatic mission and produced over 2000 drawings of the country. 93 These were published in The Costume of China in 1805 (figure 27).

Figure 28: Photograph of the interior of the Royal Pavilion, from the top of the staircase showing how illustrations from The Costume of China were directly copied and displayed in the Pavilion

Figure 27: Pages from The Costume of China (1805)

92 93

Beevers, p.13. Beevers, p.62-65.

The Prince Regent’s wife, Mrs Fitzherbert visited the Pavilion following the remodelling, writing, “I cannot tell you of my astonishment at the magnificence…in the house”.94 This is an example of an elite’s reception of the Pavilion, likely influenced by previous exposure to Indian styles and cannot be said to reflect broader opinions. There are others who seem to give a more convincing viewpoint.

William Hazlitt, an English essayist, remarked on the Pavilion as “a collection of stone pumpkins and pepper boxes”95 and The Morning Post called it “a childish bauble...in the form of the Kremlin” in 1818.96 These opinions are slightly more objective and representative of the national viewpoint, with most of the nation finding the architecture very unfamiliar. The comments of Hazlitt and The Morning Post suggest that the Pavilion was not a reflection of national character and identity, with the newspaper comparing it to Russian architecture.

British authors Martin Clayton and Bennett Zon argue Porden’s stables (figure 29) “assimilate the Indian design elements to a Western architectural plan, reducing them to applied decoration”. 97 This statement is compelling as it appears Indian embellishments were applied to the facade with no great connection to the building. I can also see a sense of this in Nash’s Royal Pavilion. An example of this are the perforated screens on the exterior formed in the Islamic arches which would have been imitative of jalis (figure 30). Jalis provide shade and ventilation in hot climates. This design feature is not suited to Britain’s climate and the screens were purely decorative elements. Dinkel agrees, stating Figure 29: Plan of the Royal Stables from Views of the Royal Pavilion (1826)

Beevers, p.14. John Piper, 'The Regency Scapegoat: HISTORY OF THE ROYAL PAVILION, BRIGHTON', The Architectural Review (Archive: 1896-2005), 85.509, (1939), 201-203 (p.201), in <https://libsearch.ncl.ac.uk/permalink/f/15e3e4n/TN_cdi_proquest_reports_1459592400> [accessed 8 January 2021]. 96 Rutherford, The Court Historian, p.12. 97 Clayton and Zon, p.30. 95

the Royal Pavilion “is thoroughly European in function and in general shape”.98 Although the Indian inspired design features did not reflect British character, the Pavilion’s spatial arrangement did (figure 32).

Figure 30: Photograph of jalis and chattris (intended to provide ventilation and shade in hot climates)

Figure 31: Photograph of perforated screens (imitative of jalis)

Plan and interior of the Royal Pavilion The Pavilion’s Western plan indicates the Prince’s aim to be an impressive European host with the room arrangement creating suitable space for entertaining. Guests of the Pavilion were greeted by the Entrance Hall (figure 34) which is a modest room with cool tones. This underwhelming entrance achieves accumulating magnificence as the visitors move through the building.99 The next room along is the Long Gallery (figure 35) which completely juxtaposes the Hall, filled with Chinoiserie. The wallpaper is made up of bamboo plants and there are several Chinese figures dotted around the room (figure 36). In addition, there are pagoda towers which Charles Wright, a British author, said, “excite the attention of the observer”. 100 At the end of the Gallery is a staircase with handrails painted to resemble bamboo (figure 37), another example of Chinese inspiration.

Dinkel, p.9. Beevers, p.14. 100 Charles Wright, The Brighton Ambulator, (London: Sherwood, 1818), p.44 in Internet Archive, <https://archive.org/details/brightonambulato00wrig/page/n6/mode/2up> [accessed 17 May 2020]. 99

Figure 32: Plan of the Royal Pavilion and Royal Stables from Views of the Royal Pavilion (1826)

Figure 33a: 1:500 Ground Floor Plan of the Royal Pavilion as it is today designed by John Nash showing the room adjacencies

Figure 33b: 1:500 First Floor Plan of the Royal Pavilion as it is today designed by John Nash

Adjacent to the Long Gallery is the Banqueting Room (figure 38), one of the most extravagant rooms in the Pavilion. There is a huge chandelier (figure 39), held by a dragon, and surrounded by plantain leaves. In fact, this room is full of dragons, Oriental figures and motifs. The predominant colours are red, gold and silver. Victorian author, Edward Brayley, writing in 1838 said that the Banqueting Room was “of such matchless beauty as renders words inadequate to do it justice”.101 This position is significant as during the Victorian era many did not appreciate the Pavilion, even Queen Victoria herself.

The Great Kitchen (figure 40) is just one room away from the Banqueting Room. This proximity was unusual. The Prince wanted this arrangement as he was proud of his kitchens, which were very advanced for their time, and wanted his guests to experience them.102 There was attention dedicated to its decoration with palm tree, cast iron columns.

The Saloon (figure 41) was one of the existing rooms from Holland’s Marine Pavilion. It is a circular room, traditional in the sense that it is two storeys, at the centre of the building and has windows facing a garden. A dome was added to the Saloon by Nash. It was originally decorated with Chinese wallpaper but later in 1823 the decor was altered to include Regency colours: crimson, silver and gold. The walls and draperies are made up of crimson silk with lead and flower patterns (figure 42).

The Music Room (figure 45) is another grand space with Chinese inspired gold and red colours. Dragons and Chinese scenes are present on the walls and columns (figure 47), three-dimensional pagodas sit in the room (figure 14) and lotus chandeliers hang on the ceiling (figure 46). Brayley, when talking of the Music Room in 1838 said: “No verbal description, however elaborate, can convey to the mind or imagination an appropriate idea of the magnificence”.103

Upstairs the Yellow Bow Rooms, the bedrooms for the King’s brothers, feature yellow Oriental wallpaper (figure 48). Chrome Yellow was not a readily available colour therefore its use here was novel and expensive. The Pavilion appears to reflect the personality of the Prince, whose yearning to impress was very prevalent.

The Pavilion clearly encapsulates the sense of sight. William Hone, an English writer, described the building as “the queerest of all queer sights…the inside - all tea-things, and dragons and bells, the 101

Beevers, p.31. Beevers, p.42. 103 Beevers, p.62. 102

show rooms - all show”.104 Various forms of imagery are used throughout the interior, such as, dragons, lotuses, birds, palm trees and elephants.105 On the whole, there is a predominantly positive view of the interior with The Mirror of Literature, Amusement, and Instruction in 1833 stating that “The interior of the Pavilion is a succession of almost indescribable magnificence”. 106

Conveying a similar attitude was Princess Lieven, wife of the Russian ambassador, who reported in 1822; “such magnificence and such luxury”.107 The fact that this is an account from someone not residing in Britain means that it is not plausible to decipher whether this opinion reflects national character and identity. However, previous examples convey a mixture of attitudes and suggest that the interiors were admired by many. This may have been because Chinese styles were going through a revival as part of the picturesque movement led by the Prince’s colonial interests.108

The Royal Pavilion’s interior can be seen to reflect national character and identity, however, this only represented part of the Pavilion, not the Pavilion in its entirety. In addition, it is difficult to link a building with something as complex and ever changing as national character, particularly on this level of analysis of the interior.

104

William Hone, The Queen's Matrimonial Ladder, 38 edn. (London: William Hone, 1820), in Google Books, <https://books.google.co.uk/books?redir_esc=y&id=inVCx7zYha8C&q=queerest#v=snippet&q=queerest&f=fal se> [accessed 8 January 2021]. 105 Head, p.53-55. 106 John Limbird, ‘The Royal Pavilion, Brighton’, The Mirror of Literature, Amusement, and Instruction, 19 October 1833, <https://books.google.co.uk/books?redir_esc=y&id=7boRAAAAYAAJ&q=imitation#v=snippet&q=royal%20pavil ion&f=false> [accessed 10 December 2020]. 107 Beevers, p.14. 108 Dinkel, p.29.

Figure 34: Coloured aquatint of the Entrance Hall from Nash’s Views of the Royal Pavilion

Figure 36: Chinese figure in the Long Gallery

Figure 37: Bamboo imitation staircase

Figure 35: Coloured aquatint of the Long Gallery from Nash’s Views of the Royal Pavilion

Figure 38: Banqueting Room

Figure 40: Coloured aquatint of the Great Kitchen from Nash’s Views of the Royal Pavilion

Figure 39: Banqueting Room Chandelier

Figure 41: Coloured aquatint of the Saloon from Nash’s Views of the Royal Pavilion

Figure 42: Photograph of the Saloon showing the Regency colours

Figure 43: Details of the Saloon

Figure 45: The Music Room

Figure 46: The Music Room Chandelier

Figure 48: Wallpaper in the Yellow Bow Room

Figure 49: Dragon decorative feature in the Royal Pavilion

Figure 44: Photograph of the Music Room Gallery

Figure 47: Motifs and details in the Music Room

Figure 50: Chinese wallpaper in the Royal Pavilion

The Impact of the Royal Pavilion Inspiration to Others

It is important to consider whether the design of the Royal Pavilion, completed in 1823, inspired others to adopt Indian styles elsewhere. If it inspired others on a large scale, this would indicate a reflection of British character and identity in the 19th century.

John Dinkel argues “in the end there was virtually nothing in England with which the Pavilion could be compared, outside or in”. 109 I somewhat disagree with this statement as Sezincote, built prior to the Pavilion, shares structural and design similarities. In addition, there are a few examples of architecture inspired by the Pavilion. Brighton architect, Amon Henry Wilds, designed in an “Indian style” for a while. His home, the Western Pavilion (figure 51), completed in 1827, is an example of the Royal Pavilion “having pups”.110 It was built in a similar style, but it is much smaller.

Another example of Indian inspired architecture, associated with the romantic movement, after 1823 was an “Indian” gateway (figure 52) built in 1826 by the Villiers-Stuart family of Dromana on the return of Henry Villiers-Stuart from his honeymoon. Indian inspired conservatories also became popular. John Claudius Loudon, a Scottish garden designer, designed an Indian inspired house with a conservatory (figure 53) in 1822. Loudon also designed an “Indian Gothic” cottage (figure 54) in as he believed Indian styles would thrive. 111

At the end of the 19th century there were more examples of Indian styles taking hold. The Duke of Connaught’s Bagshot Park had an Indian inspired billiard room (figure 55), built during the second half of the 1880s. However, it seems the singular, significant building with an Indian style exterior was the National Training School for Music in London from 1874 (figure 56).

109

Dinkel, p.7. [n.a.], 'ESSENCE OF BRIGHTON: WHAT PROSPECTS FOR BEAUTIFUL BRIGHTON?', The Architects' Journal (Arc hive: 1929-2005), 146.2, (1967), 72-111 (p.93), in <https://libsearch.ncl.ac.uk/permalink/f/15e3e4n/TN_cdi_pr oquest_reports_1431325427> [accessed 8 January 2021]. 111 Head, p.55. 110

These specific examples show “Oriental” buildings were rare, but many rooms and Indian embellishments were successfully implemented and achieved a cross-cultural harmony between “form and function”. 112 The rooms also allowed the “gendering of space”113 - which was part of the character of 19th century buildings.

John Nash’s Pavilion inspired architectural design on a small scale throughout the 19 th century. However, examples of Indian inspiration led by the Royal Pavilion in Britain did not influence a great deal of people to design in Indian styles. Britain’s only significant buildings with Indian styles throughout are the Royal Pavilion and Sezincote. The fact that these buildings were not more influential demonstrates that the style of the Pavilion did not fully integrate into or represent Britain’s character and identity, despite Indian affiliations with the romantic movement.

The Stance of Nabobs Historian Edward Malins suggests that the EIC “virtually governed India during the eighteenth century”.114 It is, therefore, surprising that very few nabobs from the EIC, who returned to Britain, built houses in an Indian style for themselves. Nabobs were patrons from the East India Company who returned to Britain.115 The nabobs would have been inclined to embrace Indian styles in Britain to remind themselves of their acquisition of fortunes in India.116 With wealth acquired in India, nabobs were a threat to domestic political classes.117

Tillman Nechtman outlines how some nabobs invested their wealth in landed estates as “a traditional measure of wealth, power, and prestige”. 118 Attempts to further their positions politically by means of acquiring land were met with hostility as MPs felt they were bribing their way and unbalancing the state of affairs.119 This hostility is embodied by a parliamentary Regulating Act in 1773 aiming to limit the infiltration of nabobs into Parliament.

112

MacKenzie, p.83. MacKenzie, p.83. 114 Malins, p.46. 115 Penelope Carson, The East India Company and Religion, 1698-1858 (Suffolk: Boydell & Brewer, 2013), p.18 in Cambridge Core, <https://libsearch.ncl.ac.uk/permalink/f/15e3e4n/TN_cdi_askewsholts_vlebooks_9781782040279> [accessed 19 November 2020]. 116 MacKenzie, p.80. 117 Nechtman, Eighteenth-Century Studies, p.79-80. 118 Nechtman, Eighteenth-Century Studies, p.74. 119 Carson, p.18. 113

Figure 51: Western Pavilion designed by Amon Henry Wilds (1827)

Figure 52: Gateway built for Henry Villiers-Stuart (1826)

Figure 53: Indian inspired house designed by John Claudius Loudon (1822)

Figure 54: “Indian Gothic” cottage designed by John Claudius Loudon (1822)

Figure 56: National Training School for Music in London (1874)

Figure 55: Billiard Room at Bagshot Park

Nabobs were characterised negatively as it was believed that their fortunes created instability in Britain politically and their spending “raised the price of everything in their neighbourhoods”. 120 They also brought back indications of Indian culture, including clothing, highlighting an “otherness” and arousing “public scrutiny”.121 Penelope Carson’s writings highlight that anything Indian may have been seen as a new culture of corruption and despotism led by nabobs returning to Britain.122 Whilst Nechtman points out that introducing and normalising Indian cultural features in Britain was a reversal of the colonial process.123 James Gillray’s anti-nabob

illustrations

the

1780s indicate discontent with India’s influence on Britain with a suggestion of corruption entering from Asia. This is demonstrated in Blood on Thunder Fording the Red Sea (figure 57) in which Warren Hastings, the first Governor General of India, is seen bribing “his way across blood-filled rivers on the back of the Lord Chancellor”.124 Figure 57: James Gillray’s Blood on Thunder Fording the Red Sea illustration

Houses were the least controversial embodiment of wealth from India as most nabobs lived on “Georgian estates with neo‐classical or Palladian facades”.125 The Royal Pavilion may have come slightly too late to inspire nabobs who were most active during the late 18th century. Before the Pavilion was built, Cockerell designed a Mughal dome on Daylesford House (figure 58) in Gloucestershire for Warren Hastings in the 1780s.

There are, however, a few examples of nabobs bringing ideas back from India after the Pavilion was built. In the 1850s Colonel Robert Smith, an engineer in Bengal, built himself a house with Islamic cusps in Paignton (figure 59). In addition, the EIC General, Sir Hector Munro, built the gates of Negapatam at Easter Ross (figure 60).

120

Thomas Babington Macaulay, 'Lord Clive', in Historical Essays of Macaulay, ed. by Samuel Thurber (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1892), p.230 in Google Books, https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=Mxw1AAAAMAAJ&q [accessed 8 January 2020]. 121 Nechtman, Eighteenth-Century Studies, p.82. 122 Carson, p.18. 123 Nechtman, Eighteenth-Century Studies, p.82. 124 Nechtman, Nabobs: Empire and Identity, p.234. 125 Nechtman, Nabobs: Empire and Identity, p.166.

The handful of nabobs who adopted Indian styles of architecture in Britain received backlash from their British counterparts as their houses represented a physical example of India entering Britain.126 This backlash may have deterred other nabobs from building in an Indian style.

Figure 58: Daylesford House designed by Samuel Pepys Cockerell in the 1780s

Figure 59: Colonel Robert Smith’s house in Paignton

Figure 60: The Gates of Negapatam at Easter Ross

Evolving Opinions Opinions surrounding the Royal Pavilion have evolved positively since it was erected. During the Victorian period the Pavilion was relatively unappreciated with Queen Victoria herself stating on her first visit in 1837 that: "The Pavilion is a strange, odd, Chinese looking place, both outside and inside.".127

Similarly, a guide to Brighton in 1853 described the Pavilion as “an unintelligible pile of buildings”.128 This apathetic view seems to have prevailed until the 1920s and 1930s at

126

Nechtman, Nabobs: Empire and Identity, p.166. Kate Williams, Becoming Queen (London: Arrow Books, 2009), p.272 in Google Books, <https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=sJgl7PlGReoC&pg=PA272&lpg=PA272&dq> [accessed 17 May 2020]. 128 Rutherford, The Court Historian, p.15. 127

which point the styIe of the Pavilion began to suit the “decorative exoticism of Art Deco”. 129 In 1935 Osbert Sitwell and Margaret Barton led positive public opinion. Sitwell and Barton enjoyed the picturesque and romanticism of Nash’s architecture and the independent taste of George IV.130 They posited there was no other building in England or Europe “to compare with it in individuality and exotic beauty”.131

The Monthly Magazine’s prediction in 1819 that “it would be an offensive ruin” 132 was eventually proven wrong. The Pavilion is now under restoration and has been an asset to Brighton. Local opinions of the Pavilion were on the whole consistently positive and in 1850 the town bought the building. The New Monthly Magazine declared: “we must make the Pavilion our shopfront”. 133 Many started to welcome the Pavilion as an example of interesting architecture, particularly following the Victorian era.134

In many ways the Royal Pavilion is an extreme form of architecture and bound to be a building which divides opinion. The Pavilion drew a range of responses from 1823, with many unable to share the

Figure 61: Postcard with images depicting views of Brighton, including the Royal Pavilion. This shows that the Pavilion was viewed as a landmark of Brighton. 129

Rutherford, The Court Historian, p.15. Margaret Barton and Osbert Sitwell, Brighton (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1935), in Questia, <https://www.questia.com/library/72405865/brighton> [accessed 17 May 2020]. 131 Barton and Sitwell, p.183. 132 Rutherford, The Court Historian, p.12. 133 Dinkel, p.132. 134 Rutherford, The Court Historian, p.15. 130

Prince’s vision to bring Indian styles to Britain. Yet, with the end of the Victorian era, many began to appreciate the architectural beauty of the Pavilion. It cannot be said that the Pavilion reflects a broader national identity of the era, however, over time the building has demonstrated clear ties to a local Brighton identity.

Conclusion To conclude, John Nash’s design of the Royal Pavilion did not entirely reflect British character and identity when it was built in the 19th century. However, the building shared strong links with Britain’s imperial activities around the beginning of the 19th century as David Beevers suggests.135 The Pavilion reflects national strategic interests with the expansion of the British Empire in India, and the Prince’s determination to introduce the Indian style into Britain.

Specific events in India mirrored the evolution of the Pavilion’s design and may have motivated the Prince to commission Nash to design in an Indian style in 1815. The Prince was able to implement these designs with the new influx of money that accompanied his change in status in 1811. The Pavilion is thus a physical manifestation of British consciousness in terms of imperial endeavours during the 19th century.

The question that has arisen from the research for this dissertation is whether it is in fact possible to link a building with something as ever-changing as national character and identity. I believe the Pavilion has shown there is an ability to link a building to a snapshot of a nation’s ideas and history. The Pavilion constituted a key piece of architecture during a period of increasing popularity in the picturesque and romantic movements, and drew inspiration from them. However, given the social context of Britain in the 19th century, only the elite could integrate these styles into their lives. Consequently, the impressive and expensive structures of the Pavilion and Sezincote are the only significant examples of British architecture that encapsulate Indian inspired elements on their exteriors.

As neither Nash nor George IV had any personal commitment to India it seems convincing to suggest that the Pavilion reflects a snapshot of imperial and monarchic goals during the Industrial Revolution, which was encouraging radical ideas in Britain.136 British imperial dominance was asserted through the adaption of Chinese and Indian styles at the Pavilion.137 Within these styles was a regal respect

135

Beevers, p.108. Dinkel, p.66. 137 Blakley, p.216. 136

not found in Western styles after the French Revolution.138 Thus, the Pavilion embodied the George IV’s aims to assert his position whilst revolution posed a threat.

The design of the Pavilion itself does not embody pure Mughal and Islamic styles and is made up of Indian inspired elements revolving around a Western floorplan. This plan was befitting of George IV’s role as King and his passion for entertaining. The Chinese inspired interiors revived by his independent tastes would have been more fitting in Britain in the 1740s and 1750s. The Chinoiserie reflects Edward Said’s framework of Orientalism as an assertion of power via appropriation from George IV. It is clear, that George IV’s independent character and identity and imperial goals influenced his decision of styles at the Pavilion, and so do not reflect a national appreciation or consensus of the styles.

The Pavilion’s novel style in Britain received a difficult reception, especially given its association with George IV’s lavish spending and outlandish taste. Given the economic context of Britain following the Napoleonic Wars (1803-1815), the expenditure on the Pavilion caused a degree of discontent. It is clear the Royal Pavilion divided opinion at the time of its construction and general consensus has moved on since then. The public began to appreciate the Pavilion more outwardly for its historical significance from 1935, indicating a building can reflect a snapshot of a nation’s character and identity at a particular point in time.

The Royal Pavilion inspired others to design in Indian styles to a limited degree. This was not on a large scale and often the style was not present throughout the building, as it is at Sezincote and the Pavilion. It is surprising that nabobs from the EIC did not adopt Indian styles considering India is where they accumulated their wealth. However, contemporary attitudes towards nabobs and their associations with corruption are likely to have explained this.139 This suggests Indian styles, and therefore the Royal Pavilion, were not fully. assimilated into a British national character and identity.

Furthermore, can you really reflect a whole country’s national identity? The Royal Pavilion can instead be seen to reflect Brighton’s identity. A major tourist attraction today with strong associations with the city, it seems to be more a part of Brighton’s local identity than it was when it was completed in 1823.

138 139

Blakely, p.218. Carson, p.18.

The Pavilion highlights the importance of cross-cultural issues in architecture. Seemingly unique to its time and context and yet completely “foreign”. It reminds us that despite being an “island nation” our history is closely linked to others elsewhere, in this case, India and China.

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List of Figures Figure 1: Royal Pavilion and Museums Brighton and Hove, King George IV's Indian-style Royal Pavilion caused a sensation when it opened, photograph [n.d.], in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/> [accessed 28 October 2020]

Figure 2: Thomas Lawrence, King George IV, Standing in Garter Robes, c. 1830, oil on canvas (c.1830), in Bridgeman Art Library, <https://www-bridgemaneducationcom.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/447677/summary> [accessed 15 December 2020] Figure 3: Gilbert Scott, Guildhall, London, photograph (2018), in GilbertScott.org, <https://gilbertscott.org/guildhall-london/> [accessed 4 Jan 2021] Figure 4: William Hodges, Mosque at Ghazipur, Uttar Pradesh, etching, from Select Views in India (London: J Edwards, 1786-88), in Wellcome Collection, <https://wellcomecollection.org/works/favfbh4k> [accessed 13 December 2020] Figure 5: Francis Swain Ward, Mausoleum of Sher Shah, Sasaram, Bihar, oil on canvas (1773), in Art UK, <https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/mausoleum-of-sher-shah-sasaram-bihar-191202#> [accessed 4 Jan 2021] Figure 6: Edmund Aikin, A design for ‘a Villa or Mansion’ in the Mohammedan style’ of India, drawing (1808), from The Indian Style (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p. 50. Figure 7: English School, General view of the Brighton Dome, colour litho [n.d.], in Bridgeman Art Library, <https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/729631/summary> [accessed 1 January 2021] Figure 8: Thomas Daniell, The Jummah Musjed, Delhi, plate XXIII, coloured aquatint (1797), from Oriental Scenery (London: Thomas Daniell and William Daniell, 1795-1808), in Bridgeman Art Library, <https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/195038/summary> [2 November 2020] Figure 9: Alexander Francis Lydon, Sezincot, colour litho [n.d.], from Picturesque Views of Seats (London: William Mackenzie, c.1880), in Bridgeman Art Library, <https://www-bridgemaneducationcom.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/457597/summary> [accessed 1 January 2021]

Figure 10: Henry Holland, A Design for the Elevation to the Steyne, pen and ink with watercolour over pencil (1801), in Royal Collection Trust, <https://www.rct.uk/collection/918957-d> [accessed 5 January 2021] Figure 11: [n.a.], The Imperial Institute, photograph (1894), in Exploring London, <https://exploringlondon.com/2018/02/24/lost-london-the-imperial-institute/> [accessed 1 October 2020] Figure 12: Thomas R. Metcalf, The Mayo College, photograph (1984), from ‘Architecture and the Representation of Empire: India, 1860-1910', Representations, 6.1, (1984), 37-65 (p.46), in <www.jstor.org/stable/2928537> [accessed 17 December 2020] Figure 13: Samuel Wale, A View of the Chinese Pavillions and Boxes in Vaux Hall Gardens, print (London: John Bowles, 1751), in The British Museum, <https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/P_1875-0508-1456> [accessed 1 November 2020] Figure 14: Author’s own photograph Figure 15: John Nash, North elevation from Church Street, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/discover/2012/06/19/the-royal-stables-and-riding-house/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 16: John Nash, The Interior of the Stables, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/tales-pavilion-archive/a-wordless-book/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 17: Henry Holland, Marine Pavilion, Brighton, pen and ink with watercolour over pencil (1801), in Royal Collection Trust, <https://www.rct.uk/collection/themes/trails/brighton-pavilionthe-making-of-a-pleasure-palace/marine-pavilion-brighton> [accessed 5 January 2021] Figure 18: Henry Holland, Elevation to the Steyne, pen and ink with watercolour over pencil (1801), in Royal Collection Trust, <https://www.rct.uk/collection/918957/marine-pavilion-brighton-july1801> [accessed 5 January 2021] Figure 19: Nigel Gibson and Linda Croose-Smith, Pair of side chairs, photograph (2020), from The Royal Pavilion: The Official Guide to the Palace of King George IV (Brighton: Royal Pavilion Libraries & Museums, 2020), p. 116. Figure 20: Nigel Gibson and Linda Croose-Smith, Wine coolers, silver-gilt, by Paul Storr, 1813, photograph (2020), from The Royal Pavilion: The Official Guide to the Palace of King George IV (Brighton: Royal Pavilion Libraries & Museums, 2020), p. 39.

Figure 21: Regency Society of Brighton & Hove, Circular table in burr elm, supported by three gilt dolphins, photograph [n.d.], in Bridgeman Art Library, <https://www-bridgemaneducationcom.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/6723/summary> [accessed 20 December 2020] Figure 22: George Cruikshank, The court at Brighton à la Chinese, hand-coloured etching on paper (London: J Sidebotham, 1816), in British Museum, <https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/P_1868-0808-12823> [accessed 15 December 2020] Figure 23: John Nash, Cross-section, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/architecture-of-the-royal-pavilion/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 24: Katie Harker, The Royal Pavilion, Brighton, UK, photograph [n.d.], in Bridgeman Art Library, <https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/861490/summary> [accessed 17 November 2020] Figure 25: TopFoto, View of the exterior, 1815-23, photograph [n.d.], in Bridgeman Art Library, <https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/6019/summary> [accessed 20 December 2020] Figure 26: John Nash, The Royal Pavilion at Brighton, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/tales-pavilion-archive/a-wordless-book/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 27: William Alexander, A Chinese Comedian, drawing, from The Costume of China (London: William Miller, 1805), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/tales-pavilion-archive/chinese-inspiration/> [accessed 28 October 2020] Figure 28: Author’s own photograph Figure 29: John Nash, The Royal Pavilion at Brighton, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/tales-pavilion-archive/a-wordless-book/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 30: Rachel Knowles, The pierced stone "jali", Brighton Pavilion, photograph (2011), in Regency History, <https://www.regencyhistory.net/2011/12/george-iv-and-brighton-pavilion.html> [accessed 3 January 2021]

Figure 31: Bridgeman Images, View of the east front, 1815-23, photograph [n.d.], in Bridgeman Art Library, <https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/4767/summary> [accessed 5 January 2021] Figure 32: John Nash, The Royal Pavilion at Brighton, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/tales-pavilion-archive/a-wordless-book/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 33a and 33b: Author’s own digital drawings Figure 34: John Nash, Pavilion, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/talespavilion-archive/a-wordless-book/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 35: John Nash, Pavilion, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/talespavilion-archive/a-wordless-book/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 36: Author’s own photograph Figure 37: Author’s own photograph Figure 38: Author’s own photograph Figure 39: Author’s own photograph Figure 40: John Nash, Pavilion, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/talespavilion-archive/a-wordless-book/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 41: John Nash, Pavilion, coloured aquatint, from Views of the Royal Pavilion (London: John Nash, 1826), in Brighton Museums, <https://brightonmuseums.org.uk/royalpavilion/history/talespavilion-archive/a-wordless-book/> [accessed 10 May 2020] Figure 42: Author’s own photograph Figure 43: Author’s own photograph Figure 44: Author’s own photograph Figure 45: Author’s own photograph Figure 46: Author’s own photograph

Figure 47: Author’s own photograph Figure 48: Author’s own photograph Figure 49: Author’s own photograph Figure 50: Author’s own photograph Figure 51: [n.a.], Western Pavilion, Western Terrace, Brighton, photograph (2009), in Wikipedia, <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WesternPavilion#/media/File:Western_Pavilion,_Western_Terrace,_ Brighton_(IoE_Code_481454).jpg> [accessed 5 January 2021] Figure 52: Raymond Head, Indian gateway at Dromana, Co. Waterford, photograph [n.d.], from The Indian Style (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p. 54. Figure 53: J.C. Loudon, Indian house and conservatory, illustration (1822), from The Indian Style (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p. 56. Figure 54: J.C. Loudon, Indian Gothic cottage, illustration (1822), from The Indian Style (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p. 56. Figure 55: Bruce White, Billiard room, Bagshot Park, Surrey, photograph [n.d.], in V&A, <https://www.vam.ac.uk/articles/the-bagshot-park-chair> [accessed 5 January 2021] Figure 56: Raymond Head, National Training School for Music 1874, photograph [n.d.], from The Indian Style (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p. 84. Figure 57: James Gillray, Blood on thunder fording the red sea, print (London: S W Fores, 1788), in The British Museum, <https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/P_1868-0808-5689> [accessed 5 January 2021] Figure 58: Raymond Head, Daylesford House, photograph [n.d.], from The Indian Style (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p. 13 Figure 59: Raymond Head, Redcliffe, Paignton, Devon c.1900, photograph [n.d.], from The Indian Style (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p. 19 Figure 60: Raymond Head, Gate of Negapatam, photograph [n.d.], from The Indian Style (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), p. 11 Figure 61: English Photographer (19th century), Postcard with images depicting views of Brighton, black and white photograph [n.d.], in Bridgeman Art Library, <https://www-bridgemaneducationcom.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/729652/summary> [accessed 5 January 2021]