Jessica Dunn Dissertation by PDF Uploads

Memorials in Britain: How do statues and monuments in the public realm exemplify Britain’s acknowledgement of its deep involvement in the Atlantic slave trade? by

Jessica Dunn 180202816

Dissertation tutor: Stephen Parnell Dissertation word count including footnotes: 9927 Footnotes alone: 1303 Covid Research Adaptation Account: P.3

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my dissertation tutor Stephen Parnell, for not only his guidance, but for believing in me throughout this dissertation’s journey. I would also like to thank my family for their constant support, with a special shout out to my Nana. I promise, from now on, the word ‘statue’ will take a well-earned break from my vocabulary.

COVID RESEARCH ADAPTATION ACCOUNT Due to the unavoidable limitations Covid brought, I had to adapt my research methods to focusing on online sources. This meant using sources such as articles, online journals, websites and recorded speeches to find the relevant information. My dissertation was always going to be focused on memorials; however, I adapted my topic during the pandemic as this particular issue arose during the 2020 summer protests. This change significantly helped my research as with the new topic being such a current issue, there were masses of articles and resources being made available online every day.

CONTENT COVID RESEARCH ADAPTATION

INTRODUCTION

THE FORGOTTON CHAPTER

THE IMPACT ON BRITAIN

COLLECTIVE MEMORY

ROLE OF MEMORIALS

CHRISTOPHER CODRINGTON

CECIL RHODES

CONCLUSION

LIST OF FIGURES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Figure 1. Protestors toppling the statue of Edward Colston, during Black Lives Matter protests in Bristol, June 2020

MEMORIALS IN BRITAIN: HOW DO STATUES AND MONUMENTS IN THE PUBLIC REALM EXEMPLIFY BRITAIN’S ACKNOWLEGEMENT OF ITS DEEP INVOLVEMENT IN THE ATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE?

INTRODUCTION On Tuesday 7th June 2020 the statue of Edward Colston was toppled, defaced and hauled into Bristol’s harbour, relighting the public’s interest on the debate surrounding memorials which has been building up over the past 20 years. The toppling was part of a much larger movement, Black Lives Matter, who have been protesting against racial discrimination for over 7 years. 1 The recent protests were sparked by the brutal killing of George Floyd, carried out by a Minneapolis police officer on the 25th May 2020. Yet the agenda quickly spread, covering all aspects of racial discrimination not only in the US, but all over the world. Statues and monuments were recognised within this movement as a symptom of racial discrimination, due to their role in weaponizing the public space and this will be at the heart of the dissertation. However, as the protests demonstrate, monuments are also part of a much more complex conversation, deriving from the fundamental flaws in our modern-day society. The monuments in question memorialise British individuals who, as Christopher Phelps expresses, ‘were decisive, unapologetic architects of systems premised on racial exploitation. They played substantial parts in creating the world of inequality that we have inherited.’ 2 As such this ignorant, continuous reverence of individuals, such as Colston, in the public arena speaks volumes as to how we as a nation are yet to fully address our colonial past, whether this be through museums, changes in curriculums, public speeches or redesigning our public space. Education is at the heart of it. However, it could be argued Britain has made efforts in resurfacing its forgotten past through the 2007 bicentennial celebrations, which saw the erection of monuments and museums dedicated to the abolition of slavery in 1807.3 This brings in a much more intricate debate as although there is clearly an acknowledgment of slavery within the abolition movement, the act itself can be seen to have overshadowed Britain’s lengthy previous record as a dominant slaving nation,4 with the focus being on the Nation’s ‘heroic’ legislation rather than the 200 years of legal brutality. With this, it brings into debate the key question of how memorials in the public realm exemplify Britain’s acknowledgement of its deep involvement in the Atlantic slave trade and whether they stand only to hinder the process of our nation’s reconciliation with its past. Statues and monuments have lined the streets of Britain for as long as we can remember. Society floods past them on a daily basis, yet there’s rarely even a glance up in their direction. They radiate visible invisibility, we can recognise them as figures of importance, however,

Black Lives Matter, 2020 <https://blacklivesmatter.com/> , 2020 <https://www.chronicle.com/article/removing-racist-symbols -isnt-a-denial-of-history/> 3 "Search · Antislavery Usable Past", Antislavery.Ac.Uk, 2020 <http://www.antislavery.ac.uk/solrsearch?facet=collection:%22Legacies+on+Display:+Slavery+in+Museums%22> 4 Ana Lucia Araujo, Politics Of Memory, Making Slavery Visible In The Public Space (Routledge, 2012), p.162. 2

there is no desire to stand and learn their significance. When statues and monuments are erected it is undoubtably to attract attention yet, as Robert Musil once stated, ‘they are impregnated with something that repels attention.’ 5 Whether this be a result of our society rushing past or the simple fact that a monument’s stone aesthetic has become numb to the public eye. Either way, it could be argued to have perhaps become one of the most invisible forms of architecture6. However, what happens when these figures are exposed to the spotlight and questioned on the pedestal they’ve become so comfortably fixed on? There are over 150 statues within Britain which commemorate individuals recognised to be actively involved in the Atlantic slave trade,7 not to mention the abundance of commemorative buildings and streets dedicated to prolonging these individuals and their ‘whitewashed’ legacy. If we are to continue to subconsciously honour these individuals, then why should they avoid being scrutinised against modern-day values? If they continue to occupy the public realm, are they ‘seen as symbols of norms and values we agree to commemorate’ 8, and if so, why is it only now these individuals and their controversial links are being unearthed? Can this be downplayed to their ‘invisible monument’ status or as Madge Dresser expressed in her ‘Set in Stone’ article, are they contributing to a culture of silence surrounding our countries collusion with slavery by conveying a sanitised self-image, which in turn has influenced the nation’s notion of itself.9 With that in mind, ‘the fact they have not been since critically scrutinised in this regard only perpetuates this silence.’ 10 This dissertation will look into Britain’s monuments and memorials and their significance in politicising the public space, whilst also acknowledging the wider context in how and why we as a collective nation agree to commemorate our past and the impacts this has on our presentday society. To do this, first must be addressed the most forgotten chapter in all of British History, The Atlantic slave trade.

THE FORGOTTON CHAPTER To be classed as a slave means to be owned by another person; you are stripped of your human rights and essentially classed as property. The Atlantic slave trade did not invent this term, as slavery had previously existed throughout history with the ancient Greeks, the Romans, Incas

Robert Musil, 2020 <https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2020/06/27/are-monument-protests-missingthese-memorials-contribution-our-collective-memory/ https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2020/06/27/are-monument-protests-missing-these-memorialscontribution-our-collective-memory/>. 6 Werner Fenz and Maria-Regina Kecht, "The Monument Is Invisible, The Sign Visible", October, 48 (1989), 1 <https://doi.org/10.2307/778951>. 7 "Topple The Racists", Toppletheracists.Org, 2020 <https://www.toppletheracists.org/> 8 Professor Christopher Phelps, "Monuments To Historical Figures Should Remain", Debating Matters, 2018 <https://debatingmatters.com/topic/monuments-to-historical- figures-should-remain/)> 9 M. Dresser, "Set In Stone? Statues And Slavery In London", History Workshop Journal, 64.1 (2007), 162-199 <https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbm032>. P.169 10 Ibid.

and Aztecs all owning slaves.11 However, the global scale of the Atlantic slave trade was a period of history unlike any other before, responsible for the transportation of over 12 million enslaved Africans across the Atlantic Ocean. 12 Portugal established the connection with Africa in 1444, beginning the European Slave Trade, when 235 people were captured from the newly discovered coast of West Africa and were put up for sale in Lagos. 13 This then escalated throughout the 15th century, as with the colonisation of America in 1492, the need for African labour gradually grew and so the triangular passage of trade was born. The British Empire began involving themselves in the early 16th century, as they saw the potential financial gain it would bring to the empire with complete disregard to the devastatingly inhumane nature of the ordeal. The Triangular Trade involved 3 stages, trade goods made in Britain such as guns, cloth, iron and beer were sailed down to the West African coast where they were exchanged for slaves, forcefully captured by the West African leaders. These slaves were then transported across the Atlantic Ocean, known as the middle passage, to the West Indies and subsequently North America to be enslaved on plantations. The final leg of the journey was the plantation goods, such as tobacco, sugar, rum, rice and silk which all got transported over to Britain to be sold, further enriching the British economy. Every stage of this trade had truly devastating effects on Africa. The guns Britain brought over only fuelled the ever-growing violence between African tribes and the economic incentives for warlords and tribes to engage in the trade promoted an atmosphere of lawlessness and violence.14 The mass forceful removal of African civilians had a major effect on the growth of Africa with the population remaining stagnant or declining from 1500 to 1900 15; a colossal contrast to Europe whose population tripled during that same period. 16 In addition to this, it has been estimated that Britain were directly responsible for the transportation of 3.1 million Africans across the middle passage of whom 2.7 million arrived, meaning 13% of those slaves died on route.17 These are all effects which Britain could be held partially, if not wholly, responsible for; without that responsibility ever being explicitly addressed. Whether this be due to the geographical distance of the offences or simply a blatant disregard for such consequences at the time, it is clear the theme of overlooking

"What Is Slavery?: The Abolition Of Slavery Project", Abolition.E2bn.Org, 2020 <http://abolition.e2bn.org/slavery_40.html> 12 Thomas Lewis, "Transatlantic Slave Trade | History & Facts", Encyclopedia Britannica <https://www.britannica.com/topic/transatlantic-slave-trade> 13 Paul Ames, "Portugal Confronts Its Slave Trade Past", POLITICO, 2020 <https://www.politico.eu/article/portugal-slave-trade-confronts-its-past/>. 14 Thomas Lewis, "Transatlantic Slave Trade | History & Facts” 15 Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, The Atlantic Slave Trade Effects On Economies, Societies, And Peoples In Africa, The Americas, And Europe (Duke University Press, 1992), p. 121. 16 "The Population Of Europe: Early Modern Demographic Patterns |Encyclopedia.Com", Encyclopedia.Com, 2020 <https://www.encyclopedia.com/international/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/populationeurope-early-modern-demographicpatterns#:~:text=Between%201500%20and%201750%20the,almost%20300%20million%20in%201900.> 17 "Slavery And The British Transatlantic Slave Trade - The National Archives", The National Archives, 2020 <https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/help-with-your-research/research-guides/british-transatlantic-slave-traderecords/#2-a-brief-introduction-to-the-slave-trade-and-its-abolition>

collective responsibility as a nation began the moment the first British trade ship departed from British soil in 156218 and is still, almost 500 years later, yet to be addressed. On the plantations in the British colonies, laws such as the Slave Codes, confirmed that slaves were property, while in Britain, the common law guaranteed basic freedoms. 19 This could be interpreted as a personal moral justification for the British at the time, as how could they be aware of atrocities beyond their coastline? There were no plantations in Britain and their legal system did not endorse Slave Codes. However, it is a common misconception that slavery was restricted to the colonies of the Caribbean and North America. 20 The sale of black human beings was a part of British society between the 1650s and the end of the eighteenth century. Transaction details were openly published in British magazines and places of trade, which ranged from inns to high fashioned coffee houses. As such, in 1744 a notice was published in the Daily Advertiser reading: ‘To be sold. A pretty little negro boy, about 9 years old, and well limb’d. If not dispos’d of, is to be sent to the West Indies in six days’ time. He is to be seen at the Dolphin Tavern in Tower Street.’ 21 This was by no means a unique advertisement; historians have discovered over 40 listings similar to this in English newspapers and 8 in Scottish periodicals between the period of 1709 and 1792.22 This is clear evidence that the sale of human beings, much like properties, were advertised in the public eye of the British. There were no secret meetings or behind closed door deals, and the fact it was announced in such a public medium shows not only an acknowledgment of the atrocities but also, more concerning, a clear acceptance as a society that this was a form of normality, which need not be challenged. This brings in historian Ana Lucia Araujo’s argument of how ‘Geographical distance and topographical absence have played a part in keeping slavery marginal in British historical awareness’23, as over the centuries the nation’s collective memory has clearly used this geographical distance of the colonies to aid their amnesia to slavery. However, advertisements such as this, very clearly exemplify Britain’s stand at the time, as a society that accepted slavery as the undisputed normality, making the present-day ignorance of our role in the trade, which is reflected through our built environment, all the more shocking.

"Timeline Of The Slave Trade And Abolition | Historic England", Historicengland.Org.Uk, 2020 <https://historicengland.org.uk/research/inclusive-heritage/the-slave-trade-and-abolition/time-line/>. 19 David Olusoga, Black And British: A Forgotten History, Freedom (BBC Production, 2016). 20 David Olusoga, Black And British A Forgotten History (Pan Macmillan, 2016), p. 83. 21 ‘Daily Advertiser, 13 December 1744, reprinted in Nigel File and Chris Power, Black Settlers in Britain 1555-1958 (1981), p. 8.’ As cited Ibid. 22 Ibid. p. 82. 23 Ana Lucia Araujo, Politics Of Memory, Making Slavery Visible In The Public Space (Routledge, 2012), p. 162.

THE IMPACT ON BRITAIN With the context of the Slave Trade established, the extent to Britain’s benefit must be addressed in order the further understand how Britain’s responsibility for the trade is reflected throughout the public space. The nation made inconceivable gains not only from an economic point of view but also in social, political and architectural aspects of society; gains which have significantly influenced the Britain we live in today. Shockingly, Britain made more money out of slavery and the slave trade after 1807 than before24, and it can be said, her links to the slave-based economies of the Caribbean remained crucial to her wealth and development long after the slave trade was formally ended.’ 25 This was mainly due to the slave compensation act of 1837, which saw one of the largest loans in history taken out, in order to finance the slave compensation package. The government borrowed £20 million, the equivalent of £1.2 billion in the present-day economy, for reparations to slave owners who were being compensated for the loss of what had, until then, been considered their property.26 This is key in acknowledging the influence the trade had on the Britain we see today, as even when the trade was deemed immoral and abolition was celebrated, our nation still failed to take an ounce of responsibility. The victims received no form of compensation, let alone a national apology, leaving them in the same economic and social position as prior to the legislation. Instead by lining slave owners’ pockets, it allowed them, to whitewash their legacies using the compensation they were given; ploughing it into our nation’s built environment, with the effect of ensuring their legacies prevailed purely as benefactors. The slave trade was key in the development of the wider economy, institutions such as financial, commercial, legal and insurance all developed by financially supporting the activities of the slave trade. 27 Several banks can trace their origins to the trade, the Royal Bank of Scotland, Barclays, HSBC and Lloyds all invested and benefitted from slavery. 28 These are some of Britain’s most recognisable business names which, in present day, define all aspects of our built environment, as they have the financial power to loan out funds to commercial, residential and entertainment sectors throughout the country. These ties are widely undiscussed or even acknowledged in the public realm. As such, statues to the individuals involved in these businesses being scattered around the architecture they’re responsible for, is not only morally deceiving, but it explicitly encourages blind reverence to their involvement in the slave trade. Sir Robert Clayton is a key example of this, he was a merchant banker who made his fortune from the notorious Royal African Company 29, yet due to his financial contribution to the 24

Marika Sherwood, After Abolition: Britain And The Slave Trade Since 1807 (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2007), p. 175, as cited in Ibid. p. 163. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 "The Slave Trade And The British Economy - Slave Trade And The British Economy - Higher History Revision - BBC Bitesize", BBC Bitesize, 2020 <https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zc92xnb/revision/1>. 28 Jasper Jolly, "Barclays, HSBC And Lloyds Among UK Banks That Had Links To Slavery", The Guardian, 2020 <https://www.theguardian.com/business/2020/jun/18/barclays-hsbc-and-lloyds-among-uk-banks-that-hadlinks-to-slavery>. 29 "Collections Online | British Museum", Britishmuseum.Org <https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/term/BIOG132896>.

rebuild of St Thomas’ Hospital, he was, up until recently 30, placed on a plinth outside the entrance to the North Wing. This structure praised Clayton for his financial generosity, yet, failed to acknowledge his wealth was obtained solely due his elevated position on the managing board of a company, whose national reputation was one of being ‘the masters of the slave trade’31. Founded in 1672, The Royal African Company was granted a royal charter and held the monopoly of the British slave trade up until 1698, when Parliament decided all Englishmen should receive the right to trade in slaves.32 The financial gainers of this company were vast, as many individuals and businesses were stockholders of the company, including the royal family.33

Figure 2. Statue of Sir Robert Clayton (1629-1707). Marble statue sculpted 1701-1702 by Grinling Gibbons. Stood in a small garden south of the north wing of St Thomas’ Hospital

"Joint Statement About Thomas Guy And Robert Clayton Statues", Guy's And St Thomas' NHS Foundation Trust, 2020 <https://www.guysandstthomas.nhs.uk/news-and-events/2020-news/june/200611-joint-statementon-statues.aspx>. 31 David Olusoga, Black And British: A Forgotten History, Freedom (BBC Production, 2016). 32 "Royal African Company | British Slave-Trading Company", Encyclopedia Britannica, 2020 <https://www.britannica.com/topic/Royal-African-Company>. 33 “Britain’s Involvement With New World Slavery And The Transatlantic Slave Trade", The British Library, 2020 <https://www.bl.uk/restoration-18th-century-literature/articles/britains-involvement-with-new-worldslavery-and-the-transatlantic-slave-trade>.

Trading companies, such as The Royal African Company, utilised cities such as Liverpool, Bristol, Glasgow and London, due to their coastal locations for trading ports. These cities benefitted immensely as professions such as merchants, shipbuilders, metal manufacturers and sailors all became a major source of income and wealth. 34 This prosperity was not just constrained to the professions involved, as thousands of support trades made gains which consequently meant the economic activities of these cities, on the whole, significantly thrived. It has been stated that ‘much of Liverpool's 18th Century wealth came from the slave trade and, by the 1740s, the city was Europe's most-used slave port’35. This has undoubtably influenced the affluence of the city today, as most of the successful slaveholders became grand benefactors of their cities, donating their wealth to schools, hospitals, halls, local charities and to the overall development of the cities; having a significant impact on the architecture which defines those cities today. It cannot be underplayed, the fact that, Britain’s major ports, cities and canals were all built on invested slave money 36. The legacy is one of such large-scale, prolonged slavery touches everything that is familiar in Britain today, including buildings named after slave owners such as Colston Hall in Bristol; streets named after slave owners such as Buchanan and Dunlop Streets in Glasgow; and whole parts of cities built for the facilitation of slave traders, such as the West India Docks in London;37 and most explicitly the statues commemorating the individuals themselves. The success of the trade further benefitted Britain, as more imports meant more slave labour was required on the plantations, which brought the need for further British exports to trade with West Africa. This brings in a key impact the slave trade had on Britain, in the form of aiding the Industrial Revolution. A period which brought key advancements in Britain’s technological and architectural industries; mills, housing estates and new infrastructure were all built in order to maintain the economic growth the revolution had brought. The cotton industry, in particularly, developed in Britain as an import substitution industry, replacing those once imported from India.38 The industry expanded rapidly but reached the limits of the pre-existing domestic market in Britain and stagnation began setting in. However, this was quickly resolved through the exploitation of export opportunities in the triangular trade, as cloths were transported to West Africa and the plantations in the West Indies to clothe the captive slaves. 39 This is crucial to the resulting transformation of the cotton industry, as the new overseas market helped enlarge the total number of firms, which brought in a level of competitiveness within the industry. The extent as to how key the slave trade was in supplying a demand for cloth, can be shown through the export figures. In 1739 the total export of English cotton amounted to 34

Ibid. "Black Lives Matter: Liverpool 'Not Doing Enough' Over Slavery Links", BBC News, 2020 <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-merseyside-52965099>. 36 Priyamvada Gopal, "Much Of Britain's Wealth Is Built On Slavery. So Why Shouldn't It Pay Reparations?", Newstatesman.Com, 2020 <https://www.newstatesman.com/economics/2014/04/much-britainswealth-built-slavery-so-why-shouldnt-it-pay-reparations>. 37 Kris Manjapra, "When Will Britain Face Up To Its Crimes Against Humanity?", The Guardian, 2018 <https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/mar/29/slavery-abolition-compensation-when-will-britain-face-upto-its-crimes-against-humanity>. 38 Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, The Atlantic Slave Trade Effects On Economies, Societies, And Peoples In Africa, The Americas, And Europe (Duke University Press, 1992), p. 145. 39 Ibid. 35

£5,279, which would be valued at approximately £624,000 in 2017,40 of this, export to West Africa was 82.2% and the rest went to the New World slave plantations.41 Clearly showing how the English cotton textile industry owed its growth and development, both architecturally and economically in the eighteenth century to the slave trade from Africa and New World slavery.42 All these factors have had an inconceivable impact on Britain’s topography. Schools, hospitals, banks and institutions all developed from money which can be traced back to the slave trade, 43 whether this was from explicit transactions such as the imports and exports of the trade or the intangible financial gains hidden behind productions such as the cotton industry. Economist, Stanley Engerman, concluded that ‘the trade in Africans was not only disreputable, but peripheral to the critical streams of British commerce.’44 If this is the case, Britain’s wealth and development as a nation being so deeply entangled with the Atlantic slave trade, then why is the acknowledgement of this fact not replicated in the present-day society or significantly the public space? Why has this been erased from our Nation’s collective memory, when the public realm we consistently experience continues to silently position itself on immoral foundations?

COLLECTIVE MEMORY Collective memory refers to the recollection of events shared by a group or society, furthermore, collective remembering describes a dynamic and continuous process driven by disputes about how the past should be represented and remembered. 45 These notions are key in understanding how the designing of public space is fundamental when it comes to analysing how a nation deals with its past, as the constant exposure to an environment consisting of selective remembrance is, without doubt, going to effect the collective memory of a nation. Statues and memorials are the most explicit architectural forms of collective memory due to the past wholly defining their existence and purpose. Yet, collective memory is embodied in physical space and so it can also be seen in the street names, infrastructure, hospitality or any structural building within a city. As Henry L. Roediger explains, ‘Collective memory seems to be shaped by schematic narrative templates, or knowledge structures that serve to narrate the story of a people, often emphasizing heroic and even mythic elements while minimizing negative or inconsistent ones.’46 This can be clearly seen in the statues currently acknowledging the Atlantic slave trade, as the focus has 40

"Currency Converter: 1270–2017", The National Archives <https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/currencyconverter/#currency-result>. 41 Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, The Atlantic Slave Trade Effects On Economies, Societies, And Peoples In Africa, The Americas, And Europe (Duke University Press, 1992), p. 157. 42 Ibid. 43 "Wealth Of Ports And Merchants - Slave Trade And The British Economy - Higher History Revision - BBC Bitesize", BBC Bitesize, 2020 <https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zc92xnb/revision/7>. 44 Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, The Atlantic Slave Trade Effects On Economies, Societies, And Peoples In Africa, The Americas, And Europe (Duke University Press, 1992), p. 274. 45 Henry L. Roediger and Magdalena Abel, "Collective Memory: A New Arena Of Cognitive Study", Trends In Cognitive Sciences, 19.7 (2015), 359-361 <https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tics.2015.04.003>. 46 Ibid.

been swayed in favour of ‘heroic’ abolitionists rather than the devastating events which led up to such movement. Structures, such as the Buxton Memorial Fountain in London which commemorates the emancipation of slaves in the British Empire, is a prime example of this; as although the memorial does not explicitly memorialise abolitionists through its architecture, its inscription reads: "intended as a memorial of those members of Parliament who, with Mr. Wilberforce, advocated the abolition of the British slave-trade, achieved in 1807; and of those members of Parliament who, with Sir T. Fowell Buxton, advocated the emancipation of the slaves throughout the British dominions, achieved in 1834.”47

Figure 3. Buxton Memorial Fountain, Victoria Tower Gardens, opened in 1865

Figure 4. Detailed view inside the memorial, Designed and built by Mr. Charles Buxton

This memorial, much like many others across Britain, has subordinated the story of slavery, through its commemorative culture, to the story of its ending. Ana Lucia Araujo, in her book ‘The Politics of Memory’ expresses how slavery has since been ‘conceived of as a heroic moral 47

"BUXTON MEMORIAL FOUNTAIN, VICTORIA TOWER GARDENS, City Of Westminster - 1066151 | Historic England", Historicengland.Org.Uk, 2020 <https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/the-list/listentry/1066151>.

drama, featuring a cast of virtuous white (and mainly middle class) abolitionists, in which Britons have been encouraged to take patriotic pride’48 and the bicentennial celebrations in 2007 evidently support this claim. These commemorative events took place on the 200-year anniversary of the abolition of the British slave trade and although they did have exhibitions in place to educate the public on the Atlantic slave trade, the event revolved heavily around the 1807 legislation. The influence of such commemorations on the nation’s collective memory is significant as ‘social and historical actors have frequently expressed the need to remember the traumatic past in the public sphere through public commemorations, museums, monuments, festivals, and holidays.’49 So, with public commemorations and subsequently permanent features of the public space fixed on Britain’s status as the foremost abolitionist power, it can be seen as no surprise that this has consistently overshadowed her lengthy previous record as a dominant slaving nation.50 The focus on abolition is not only easier on the Nation’s conscience but, is also physically easier to remember due to the movement itself being located within Britain. Collective memory is embodied in the physical space and so this is widely utilised through the acts of memorialising events with physical structures. For example, in Germany, the efforts to nationally acknowledge the traumatic events of the Nazi reign, in particular The Holocaust, are a key example of how a nation should deal with its past, through the public space, in order to preserve collective memory. Their efforts of Vergangenheitsbewältigung (struggling to overcome the [negatives of the] past) were represented throughout the public spaces of Germany, this includes museums, monuments, memorials and the preservation of sites such as, The House of The Wannsee Conference, The Ministry of Aviation, and Concentration Camps. Preservation of the sites of trauma are key in ensuring collective memory is not altered or diluted by time, the historical structures becoming a tangible form of evidence of the past. 51 This was a crucial factor which Britain lacked, as their own ‘sites of trauma’ were not explicitly part of the nation’s public space. As such, the neglect of acknowledgment was, as Ana Lucia Araujo argues, ‘no doubt encouraged by the relative absence, on British soil, of obvious - lieux de memoire – Slave forts, auction sites, plantation buildings – such as might literally give slavery a place in British public awareness.’52 This brings the question to light, of whether Germany would have followed in Britain’s footsteps in allowing the disassociation of national responsibility if the shocking discovery of such events were located on foreign soil? After the liberation of the concentration camps in 1945, General Eisenhower requested the public and the media to witness the atrocities first-hand,53 ensuring collective memory was embedded in the nation and guaranteeing disassociation and ignorance on a mass scale, would not creep in. Britain could not do this due to the topographical absence and, as such, it has become far too easy for British citizens to view the slave trade as a history that unfolded elsewhere- in Africa, in the mid-Atlantic, in the Caribbean, and in the Americas. 54 48

Ana Lucia Araujo, Politics Of Memory, Making Slavery Visible In The Public Space (Routledge, 2012), p. 162. 49 Ibid, p. 2. 50 Ibid, p. 162. 51 Diane L Barthel, Historic Preservation: Collective Memory And Historical Identity (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1996). p. 2 52 Ana Lucia Araujo, Politics Of Memory, Making Slavery Visible In The Public Space (Routledge, 2012), p. 161. 53 "Eisenhower Asks Congress And Press To Witness Nazi Horrors", History Unfolded: US Newspapers And The Holocaust, 2020 <https://newspapers.ushmm.org/events/eisenhower-asks-congress-and-press-to-witnessnazi-horrors>. 54 Ana Lucia Araujo, Politics Of Memory, Making Slavery Visible In The Public Space (Routledge, 2012), p. 161.

Economic benefit was the incentive for Britain’s role in the slave trade and so the mistreatment of human beings was seen as necessary collateral damage within the business of the trade. With this in mind, the physical ‘sites of trauma’ situated abroad, were manifested into the wealth Britain gained from their presence. The booming economy which followed the trade’s success should be seen as the façade Britain used to conceal the reality of their involvement. Furthermore, the wealth was planted into the foundations of benefitting cities, such as Liverpool, Bristol and London, where developments in education, the built environment, infrastructure and banking, as discussed in further detail earlier in the dissertation, can all be somewhat interpreted as the re-embodied ‘sites of trauma’. As Ana Lucia Araujo has supported, ‘to distinguish [the presence of the trade] in the splendour of English landed estates, in the warehouses of London’s West India Dock, or in the buildings housing charitable institutions founded by slave trading philanthropists, has required a degree of specialist knowledge.’55 This is knowledge for which the nation has yet to be educated. As such, with abolition casting the prior centuries of slavery into its shadows, alongside the geographical distance of the events, reducing the evidence of responsibility to currency, it is understandable why the collective memory of the nation has been able to be altered, to suit a narrative which fails to acknowledge Britain’s role and benefits in the Atlantic Slave Trade. Britain’s involvement in the slave trade is reflected throughout the built environment,56 to such an extent that the links have become intangible, due to the vast amount of wealth created by the trade, which was subsequently distributed across the landscape. Yet, memorials, statues and monuments remain the most explicit forms of architectural reflection. This is due to them being, as Madge Dresser describes ‘lightning rods, symbols of the prevailing values of the society,’57 which I believe have proven, throughout history, to physically represent the dynamic response of collective remembrance through their very existence alone. This covers the incentive, the creation, the role, the politics and the inevitable downfall of memorials, statues and monuments; all factors which contribute to their reflection of the past.

ROLE OF MEMORIALS The definition of a memorial is a structure which serves to preserve remembrance in the form of symbolic commemoration. 58 Statues and monuments are forms of memorials, usually celebratory in nature, whereas the term memorial itself is used as a response to loss and death. However, the terms should be seen as interchangeable when analysing their relevance in acknowledging the Atlantic slave trade, due to their shared utilisation of symbolism and their ability to incite collective memory.

Ibid. Margaret Hodge, "Listing For 18 Historic Buildings To Highlight Links To Slavery | Culture24", Culture24.Org.Uk, 2007 <https://www.culture24.org.uk/history-and-heritage/art52791>. 57 Madge Dresser, "When Is It Right To Remove A Statue?", BBC News, 2015 <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-35161671>. 58 "Definition Of MEMORIAL", Merriam-Webster.Com <https://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/memorial>. 56

In the Edo language, the verb sa-e-y-ama means ‘to remember’, but its literal translation is ‘to cast a motif in bronze’, the act of casting constituting a form of recollection. 59 This fact is key in identifying the connection between these architectural structures and their power to provoke collective memory. To appreciate their significance within the wider debate of how our nation recognises its past, there has to be an understanding of how monuments and memorials are initially created. Corresponding to any form of architecture in the public space they must gain planning permission and satisfy specific building requirements, 60 yet to add to the complexities, memorials must also have an aspect of societal approval in order for them to be commemorated in the public space. Instances, such as political extremes, have become exceptions to this. For example, during periods of dictatorships, statues would be erected with no consultation with the general public, such as during the Nazi and Soviet periods. 61 However, it is key to acknowledge that the statues of city benefactors, with economic ties to slavery, were erected with societal approval. This is evidenced on a plaque below the former Colston statue, which reads: ‘Erected by citizens of Bristol as a memorial of one of the most virtuous and wise sons of their city.’62 Although it has been disputed whether the statue was in fact ‘erected by the citizens of Bristol’ due to the majority of the funds being raised by a handful of Bristol’s elites, it cannot be ignored that hundreds, if not thousands, of Bristolians gathered in the Centre to witness the ceremony in 1895,63 as seen clearly in figure 5. This well documented event of the commemoration of Colston failed to acknowledge the unpalatable aspects influencing his career - a theme which has continued to dominate over a century on. As such, the erection of any statue nearly 200 years after their death, is inevitably going to influence future opinions of such individuals. It manipulates the collective memory to a selective narrative, which is set in stone through the structures and has the intention of prevailing indefinitely. As Marge Dresser supports, the historical remembrance of such individuals ‘were shaped by the statues which survive them and by the charitable foundations which they endowed’64, Colston was commemorated as the wise ‘father of the city’, ‘merchant prince’ and ‘moral saint’ with no clear acknowledgment of his leading role as an organiser and profiteer in the slave trade. 65 This clearly evidences how the statues’ ‘legacies are presented in ways which render the connection between their philanthropy and their slavery interests invisible,’66 and as a result ‘have helped to perpetrate the disassociation between these successful men and slavery.’67 Evidenced by the centuries of

Kathryn Gunsch, "The Benin Bronzes Are Not Just Virtuoso Works Of Art – They Record The Kingdom’S History | Apollo Magazine", Apollo Magazine, 2018 <https://www.apollo-magazine.com/the-benin-bronzes-arenot-just-virtuoso-works-of-art-they-record-the-kingdoms-history/>. 60 "Camden Planning Guidance: Artworks, Statues And Memorials", Camden.Gov.Uk, 2018 <https://www.camden.gov.uk/documents/20142/4823269/Artworks+statues+and+memorials+CPG.pdf/ae76c58 6-9d6e-5a10-f2e8-ccbdfcec8c92>. 61 Rick Lyman, "Political Rage Over Statues? Old News In The Old World", Nytimes.Com, 2017 <https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/17/world/europe/european-monuments-statues-communism.html>. 62 Roger Ball, "Myths Within Myths... - Bristol Radical History Group", Bristol Radical History Group, 2018 <https://www.brh.org.uk/site/articles/myths-within-myths/>. 63 Ibid. 64 M. Dresser, "Set In Stone? Statues And Slavery In London", History Workshop Journal, 64.1 (2007), 162-199 <https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbm032>. P. 174 65 Roger Ball, "Myths Within Myths... - Bristol Radical History Group" 66 M. Dresser, "Set In Stone? Statues And Slavery In London", p. 174 67 Ibid. 59

reverence to Colston’s name, which, up until recently, has been branded across Bristol’s built environment.

Figure 5. Crowds gathered to watch the Ceremony, with the unveiling of Colston's bronze statue erected on a plinth of Portland stone in 1895

Monuments are built forms erected to confer dominant meanings on the public space, hence they present a political function alongside an aesthetic value. 68 A key example of this can be seen in the United States of America, where confederate statues remain scattered across the country, in remembrance of the American Civil War, which was sparked by the controversies around slavery. New Orleans Mayor, Mitch Landrieu, described these statues as being ‘erected purposefully with the key motive of sending a strong message to all who walked in the shadows, about who was still in charge of the city.’69 It is key to understand these statues were not erected immediately post war for the purpose of commemorating; the vast majority of them were built during the era of Jim Crow segregation.70 This evidently shows how and why their existence was purely to politically intimidate and insight fear among the protesting African Americans at the time. The same motive, although much less explicit, of diverting attention and attempting to supress a narrative can be seen through the statues and monuments of the Abolitionists. As described previously, the focus on abolition has subordinated the story of slavery to commemorating one final act of legislation over the responsibility of the previous two hundred years of legal atrocities. Individual’s such as William Wilberforce, Sir Thomas Clarkson and Granville 68

Federico Bellentani and Mario Panico, "The Meanings Of Monuments And Memorials: Toward A Semiotic Approach", Punctum. International Journal Of Semiotics, 2 (2016), 28 <https://doi.org/10.18680/hss.2016.0004>. 69 Washington Post, Full Speech: Mitch Landrieu Addresses Removal Of Confederate Statues, 2017 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=csMbjG0-6Ak>. 70 Becky Little, "How The US Got So Many Confederate Monuments", HISTORY, 2017 <https://www.history.com/news/how-the-u-s-got-so-many-confederate-monuments>.

Sharpe all have their legacies set in stone, through memorials, statues and monuments across Britain. The Wilberforce monument, designed by architect John Clark71, stands magnificently in central Hull, as seen in figure 6. It stands on a massive fluted Doric column with square capital, carrying a corniced drum topped by the statue of Wilberforce, resulting in him being raised approximately 90 feet from ground level.72 This monument was one of the earliest uses of the commemorative column, which is a principal reason for its Grade II status at the present day.73 However, the overpowering stature of this monument clearly evidences how the nation in the 19th Century was choosing to focus their memorialisation on virtuous men such as Wilberforce, with huge monuments erected immediately post legislation, which as a result cast a shadow on the long and shameful atrocities Britain were, in fact, responsible for.

Figure 6. Wilberforce Monument in the town of Kingston upon Hull, designed by H. Clark of Leeds. Originally erected in Queen Victoria Square in 1838 71

"WILBERFORCE MONUMENT, City Of Kingston Upon Hull - 1283041 | Historic England", Historicengland.Org.Uk <https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/the-list/list-entry/1283041>. 72 Ibid. 73 Ibid.

The reverence of these individuals is not under scrutiny - these men aided in putting an end to slavery and they should be commemorated. Rather, it is the absence of memorials to the victims of the slave trade which lessens the abolitionist commemorations to an attempted redemptive whitewash of history. As Mitch Landrieu expressed, on the removal of Confederate statues ‘we justify our silence and inaction by manufacturing noble causes that marinate in historic denial.’74 There is no memorial in Britain explicitly dedicated to the victims of the slave trade. 75 Although, in 1682, as historian Madge Dresser notes ‘William Godwyn proposed a public statue in London which would prominently and permanently acknowledge the injustice suffered by enslaved Africans under British rule.’76 Yet today, more than three centuries later, his call is yet to be answered. A more recent campaign began in 2002 in order to create a memorial ready for the 2007 bicentennial celebrations, shown in figure 7. The memorial’s aim, from the sculpture’s perspective, was: ‘To depict the history of slavery, its abolition and its legacy in the form of a relief set beneath six larger than life free-standing figures, each of whom represents a part of the slave story. It will honour those who were captured and forced to work, creating enormous wealth for Britain and Europe. It will acknowledge the slaves' own widespread resistance in the fight for freedom, and it will record the ongoing legacy.’77

Figure 7. Maquette of the proposed concept for the 2007 memorial project sculpture, designed by Les Johnson

Washington Post, Full Speech: Mitch Landrieu Addresses Removal Of Confederate Statues, 2017 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=csMbjG0-6Ak>. 75 Memorial 2007: Campaign For Statue Dedicated To Victims Of Slave Trade | ITV News", ITV News, 2021 <https://www.itv.com/news/london/2020-07-22/memorial-2007-campaign-for-hyde-park-statue-dedicated-tothe-victims-of-the-slave-trade>. 76 M. Dresser, "Set In Stone? Statues And Slavery In London", History Workshop Journal, 64.1 (2007), 162-199 <https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbm032>. P.191 77 Memorial 2007: Campaign For Statue Dedicated To Victims Of Slave Trade

Although the project was backed with planning permission by former London mayor, Boris Johnson, in 2008 - by 2019 it was yet to receive any government funding, despite countless campaigns, and ultimately the licence expired. 78 However, significantly that same year, the government committed a further £25 million to a new National Holocaust Memorial and Learning Centre, proposed in Victoria Tower Gardens next to the Houses of Parliament. 79 This deliberate choice of assigning funding elsewhere continues to contribute to the prevailing theme of our nation placing a selective lens on the past, manifested through memorials in the built environment. Both projects, proposed in the Capital, were focused on memorialising an atrocity, through structural figures, which were designed to educate and engage with society. Yet, the one which holds the most relevance; having a deep-rooted connection to our country, and which addresses how and why we are the society we are today, appears to have been intentionally overlooked. It is a moral decision to acknowledge the role and the immense benefit Britain gained from the slave trade; an honest conversation the nation has chosen to shy away from. As such, it is clear constructing a piece of symbolic architecture, such as a monument or a memorial, will never not be relevant in the nation’s reconciliation with its past, as they will continue to politicise the public space. The audience, the construction, the design and the funding, all contribute to the perpetuating silence to slavery which these structures have radiated over time. The case studies below give clear examples of how Britain’s present-day memorials exemplify this lack of acknowledgement and engagement in responsibility, as the existing structures continue to revere figures who have undisputable ties to the slave trade.

CHRISTOPHER CODRINGTON Christopher Codrington was a Barbados-born Colonial Governor who attended Christ Church College in 1685 and was subsequently made a fellow of All Souls College in 1690. 80 When Codrington died in 1710, he bestowed £10,000 (the equivalent to approximately £1 million in 201781) to the All Souls College Library in Oxford, purposefully to construct a new building and facilitate it with his collection of £6,000 worth of books.82 A part of the donation was used to construct a grand marble statue of Codrington, which has stood on a pedestal in the centre of the library since construction in 1734, as seen in figure 8.

"Memorial 2007: Campaign For Statue Dedicated To Victims Of Slave Trade | ITV News", ITV News, 2021 <https://www.itv.com/news/london/2020-07-22/memorial-2007-campaign-for-hyde-park-statue-dedicated-tothe-victims-of-the-slave-trade>. 79 Parliament, Prime Minister Leads Unprecedented Support For Holocaust Memorial As Further £25M Committed, 2017 <https://www.gov.uk/government/news/prime-minister-leads-unprecedented-support-forholocaust-memorial-as-further-25m-committed>. 80 Alex Fish, "All Soul's Not To Remove Slave Owner's Statue – The Oxford Student", The Oxford Student, 2021 <https://www.oxfordstudent.com/2021/01/12/all-souls-not-to-remove-slave-owners-statue/>. 81 "Currency Converter: 1270–2017", The National Archives <https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/currencyconverter/#currency-result>. 82 Approx. £629,569.80 in present day economy, Ibid.

Figure 8. Marble statue of Christopher Codrington dressed in ‘heroic’ roman attire. Designed by Henry Cheere, located in the library at All Souls in Oxford

Codrington’s bequest constructed the grand architecture present today, which has been described as a masterpiece of Georgian Gothic, 83 yet it exists solely due to funds created by slavery. Codrington gained his wealthy status through plantations in Barbados, Antigua and Barbuda, but he wasn’t just a slave owner. There's evidence the family used Barbuda to maintain an constant supply of labour for the plantations on neighbouring Antigua, effectively conducting a breeding station for slaves.84 This has led to campaigners branding Codrington as a man who ‘accumulated [his wealth] from systematic sexual exploitation, trafficking and mass murder.’85 In an attempt to address these undeniable ties the library has to Codrington and slavery, All Souls erected a memorial plaque at the entrance to the library ‘In memory of all those enslaved on the Codrington plantations.’86 Additionally, in December 2020, All Souls announced the library would no longer be formally regarded as ‘Codrington’s Library’ in order to distance the institution from Christopher Codrington’s legacy. 87 However, despite the efforts by the university to reconcile with the legacy, the marble statue of Codrington remains on a pedestal, taking centre stage within the building. As ‘Common Ground Oxford’ campaigners have expressed ‘physically, this statue cannot be made neutral: it is positioned such that onlookers stand at his stone feet, its pose is one of heroism and prestige.’88 As such, all who enter into the space are subconsciously honouring Codrington, simply through his presence. The intention behind statues being placed on a plinth, is so that viewers have to crane their necks to marvel at the structure, which is undeniably an act of reverence. As far as the university’s efforts go, it is clear they are making tentative steps. Yet as long as the statue stands in its place, any process of contextualisation (such as erecting memorial plaques) only serves to ‘memorialise’ and pay tribute to Codrington himself, rather than those who he dehumanized and exploited for financial profit. 89 Plantocracy men, such as Codrington, invested in universities purposefully to reinvest capital gained from slavery into social capital. This motive spread across Britain and is responsible for funding much of the grand architecture we see today, in universities such as Hull, Glasgow, Liverpool, Bristol, Edinburgh, Nottingham, and many more.90 As such, the relevance of continuing to pay reverence to Codrington is clear, in not challenging him through wilful

"The Codrington Library, All Souls College, Oxford By Donald Insall Associates Ltd", Architecture.Com <https://www.architecture.com/find-an-architect/donald-insall-associates-ltd/bath/thecodrington-library-all-souls-college-oxford>. 84 Josie d'Arby, "BBC - Bristol - Abolition - From Codrington To Codrington", Bbc.Co.Uk, 2007 <http://www.bbc.co.uk/bristol/content/articles/2007/03/16/io_codrington_feature.shtml>. 85 Anny Shaw, "Oxford University’S All Souls College Drops Christopher Codrington’S Name From Its Library—But Refuses To Remove Slave Owner’S Statue", Theartnewspaper.Com, 2021 <https://www.theartnewspaper.com/news/oxford-university-s-all-souls-college-drops-christopher-codrington-sname-from-its-library-but-refuses-to-remove-slave-owner-s-statue>. 86 Ibid. 87 Ibid. 88 Amelia Wood, "All Souls College Change Codrington Library Name, But Keep Statue Of Slaveholder Cherwell", Cherwell, 2020 <https://cherwell.org/2020/11/20/all-souls-college-change-codrington-library-namebut-keep-statue-of-slaveholder/>. 89 Ibid. 90 "British Universities Are Examining How They Benefited From Slavery", The Economist, 2020 <https://www.economist.com/britain/2020/02/08/british-universities-are-examining-how-they-benefited-fromslavery>.

ignorance it continues to perpetrate the deception of his legacy; a deception which effectively began the moment All Souls accepted the life-changing, yet tainted donation.

CECIL RHODES You don’t have to walk far from All Souls College to find another statue of similar controversy. Cecil Rhodes was not a slave owner in the traditional sense as he lived in a time (1853-1902) when slave holding had already been officially banned in the British Empire. He was, however, a white supremacist who believed it was the destiny of the British nation to rule over the lands and nations of non-white people. 91 British writer, Afua Hirst described Rhodes as laying ‘the foundations for apartheid in Southern Africa’, and explained how ‘the legacy of his actions coopted Southern Africa’s indigenous people, into a globalised wage economy on unfair terms in which they could never compete.’92 Rhodes is a key example for discussing the counterargument within the debate on British statues, of how we should judge the statues ‘by the standards of their time’, rather than enforcing modern day thinking. As Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford, Professor Richardson, argued regarding statues such as Rhodes, that ‘they have to be judged by the context of their time.’93 Yet Rhodes, even by the standards of his time was somebody considered a rogue. 94 In 1902 in his obituary in the Guardian, it labelled him as an ‘unscrupulous’ man, who put profit and personal gain above humanity, going on to describe his actions as an ‘unbroken sequence of evil’95. Hence, it begs the question, how did Cecil Rhodes gain such a glorifying and respected place within the architecture of one of Oxford’s most prominent colleges? The answer is, much like Colston, Rhodes bought his place. He transformed the money he earned from exploitation and aggressive self-enrichment, into creating foundations and philanthropic efforts that were named after himself, purely designed to alter his legacy.96 Rhodes left £40,000, the modern-day equivalent of approximately £3 million, solely for the construction of ‘The Rhodes Building’ seen today in Oriel College. The building itself is a magnificent piece of architecture which stands in the most conspicuous position in Oxford. As seen in figure 9, the façade beams onto the main High Street, with Rhodes prominently standing high above the grand central archway. Yet, the elevation of the statue praises Rhodes’s generosity, with no mention of how the money to fund the structure was actually accumulated. Journalist, Yussef Robinson, argues that the statue is ‘an anti-intellectual, ahistorical and inappropriate way to memorialise Rhodes’s brutality.’97 There is no contextualisation around "Cecil Rhodes: Where We’re Going, We Don’t Need Rhodes.", Uncomfortable Oxford, 2020 <https://www.uncomfortableoxford.co.uk/post/where-we-re-going-we-don-t-need-rhodes>. 92 Afua Hirsch, IT's NOT ABOUT STATUES, IT's ABOUT LIBERATION, 2020 <https://www.showstudio.com/projects/its-not-about-statues-its-about-liberation/video>. 93 Sean Coughlan, "Don't Hide History, Says Oxford Head In Statue Row", BBC News, 2020 <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/education-52999319>. 94 Afua Hirsch, IT's NOT ABOUT STATUES 95 "Death Of Mr. Cecil Rhodes | 1899-1909 | Guardian Century", Theguardian.Com, 1902 <https://www.theguardian.com/century/1899-1909/Story/0,,126334,00.html?redirection=century>. 96 Afua Hirsch, IT's NOT ABOUT STATUES 97 Yussef Robinson, "Oxford’s Cecil Rhodes Statue Must Fall – It Stands In The Way Of Inclusivity", The Guardian, 2016 <https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/jan/19/rhodes-fall-oxford-universityinclusivity-black-students>. 91

the statue or the building, a clear indication the university is yet to engage with Rhodes’s problematic legacy, and although there have been endless talks and campaigns for removal since 2015, the statue remains, to this day, elevated above Oxford’s High Street.

Figure 9. The Rhodes Building, Oxford High Street. Completed 1911, designed by Basil Champneys (1842-1835)

Both these case studies, Codrington and Rhodes, are key examples in acknowledging the wider context of how we as a nation agree to commemorate our past, and the significant impact this has on our present-day society. These statues stand, as symbols of a society and a university that refuses to acknowledge that it has benefitted – and still benefits – from the exploitation of black Africans.98 The individuals being glorified, were part of a pattern that helps explain why Britain is the country it is today. As such, by continuing to disengage and disregard the significance of these individual’s legacies, it not only goes against the university’s stated aim of creating an ‘inclusive’ environment for its ethnic minority students, 99 but it begs the question, do we really want to be a society that uncritically memorialises a 19th century racist?100 A 2014 survey conducted by Oxford’s Student Union’s race equality campaign found that 81% of black and minority students said they felt race and ethnicity were not adequately discussed at the university and 51% had experienced a racial incident they felt was "Cecil Rhodes: Where We’re Going, We Don’t Need Rhodes." Yussef Robinson, "Oxford’s Cecil Rhodes Statue Must Fall – It Stands In The Way Of Inclusivity", The Guardian, 2016 <https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/jan/19/rhodes-fall-oxford-universityinclusivity-black-students>. 100 David Olusoga, "Topple The Cecil Rhodes Statue? Better To Rebrand Him A War Criminal | David Olusoga", The Guardian, 2016 <https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/jan/07/cecil-rhodes-statuewar-criminal-rhodes-must-fall>. 98 99

unacceptable and alienating. 101 In no way is this speculating that the statues are the root of these issues, but the debate operates on the premise that these present discrepancies are rooted in history, and that the present and the past must, together, be critically engaged with.102 Given statues mediate a conversation between the past and the present,103 it is only fitting that these are suitably addressed, whether it be through removal, relocation or just contextualisation, the simple act of our nation engaging in its past atrocities, is a key step in addressing the long, forgotten history which has constructed not just the physical, but the societal and economical stance we have today.

CONCLUSION In conclusion, it is clear that within Britain there is a sheer lack of acknowledgement regarding its deep-rooted involvement in the Atlantic slave trade, and this is embodied through the nation’s choice of which statues, monuments and memorials are defining the public realm. These structures are symbolic forms of architecture, and so, to continue to allow reverence to be paid to the ones which glorify slave traders, only emphasises how we as a nation are yet to fully address our colonial past. As discussed, the role Britain played in the trade has been dissolved like a bitter pill in a much more palatable tonic of the story of abolition. 104 The legislations included in abolition have been used not only to suppress the truth of Britain’s past atrocities, but, it has also allowed men such as Colston, Clayton, Codrington and hundreds more around Britain to be redefined in stone as generous benefactors. It is these statues and monuments, beside the ones of white abolitionists, which have aided in subordinating the nation’s collective memory, with celebratory events surrounding their erections masking the society’s need to take responsibility. As such, for while there are statues and monuments to slave owners and white abolitionists alike, the fact that there is still no representation for the victims of the trade, the enslaved Africans, only further perpetrates the silence in which our nation has chosen to surround its collusion with slavery within. It must be acknowledged that since the toppling of Edward Colston’s statue, our public realm has begun to be scrutinised; conversations have been sparked and because of this, many sectors of society have publicly addressed their ties to slavery. This is a huge step towards the process of our nation’s reconciliation with its past, for as we begin to engage with the structures defining our public space, it opens up the channel for not only an education on Britain’s past atrocities, but an understanding that our nation’s role in the Atlantic slave trade has constructed unfathomable amounts of the Britain we experience today. From the tangible evidence, which stands in our breath-taking architecture, to the intangible factors that have influenced the algorithm behind our modern-day societal classes, the long-term effects of slavery are

Yussef Robinson, “Oxford’s Cecil Rhodes Statue Must Fall” Ibid. 103 Pippa Catterall, "On Statues And History: The Dialogue Between Past And Present In Public Space", LSE, 2020 <https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/statues-past-and-present/>. 104 Kris Manjapra, "When Will Britain Face Up To Its Crimes Against Humanity?", The Guardian, 2018 <https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/mar/29/slavery-abolition-compensation-when-will-britain-face-upto-its-crimes-against-humanity>. 101 102

undeniably present. As such, it is not necessarily the act of removing statues which aids our nation’s reconciliation but, it is the engagement this conversation brings into the public domain. Through the relocation, removal, redesign or the simple contextualisation of our current memorials, it is setting a precedent in breaking the many centuries of silence our nation has become far too familiar with.

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Harry Pugsley, The Moment Edward Colston Was Toppled, 2020 <https://www.dailystar.co.uk/news/breaking-four-charged-criminal-damage-23141342> Figure 2. Defacto, Sir Robert Clayton Statue <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Sir_Robert_Clayton_statue.jpg> Figure 3-4. Unknown, The Buxton Memorial <https://www.royalparks.org.uk/parks/victoriatower-gardens/things-to-see-and-do/the-buxton-memorial> Figure 5. Unknown, Crowds Gathered To Watch The Ceremony, Unveiling Of Colston's Statue <https://www.brh.org.uk/site/articles/myths-within-myths/\> Figure 6. Alamy Stock Photo, William Wilberforce Monument, Slave Trade Abolitionist, Hull, UK <https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-william-wilberforce-monument-slave-tradeabolitionist-hull-uk-138443738.html> Figure 7. Memorial 2007, Maquette Of The Proposed Concept For The 2007 Memorial Project Sculpture, 2020 <https://www.timeout.com/london/news/campaign-reignited-forlondon-slavery-memorial-in-hyde-park-061120> Figure 8. Bridgwater, David, 2018, Marble statue of Christopher Codrington <http://bathartandarchitecture.blogspot.com/2018/05/statue-of-christopher-codringtonby_15.html> Figure 9. Beale, Marcus, Rhodes Building Renewal, 2015 <http://www.marcusbeale.com/projects/oriel-college-master-plan/rhodes-building/>

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