Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 6 Russia and Eurasia China Part 2

Part Two Cultures of China Edited by Norma Diamond

sists of households representing several patrilines. Some Achang villages also include a number of households of other peoples, such as the Han, the Dai, and the Hui.

Achang ETHNONYMS: Daisa, Hansa, Mengsa, Mengsa-shan

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Achang are agriculturalists, with wet-rice cultivation the principal agricultural activity. The traditional cropping system of wet rice has been formed in the course of adjusting to the local climatic conditions. When atmospheric temperature is proper for sprouting seeds and the monsoon brings enough rain to the fields, the season for sowing begins. When the rainy season is over, the rice ear will be mature enough to harvest. After harvest, the rice is sorted into two portions: one set aside for use by the household in the following year, and one for payment of hired labor or land rent in the past or, since 1956, mandatorily sold to the government at a price set by the state. Besides rice, the Achang also cultivate some cash crops, such as sugarcane and oil crops in Lianghe and Luxi and tobacco in the Fusa plain area.

Industrial Arts. The Achang blacksmiths in the regions of Fusa and Lasa are very famous, particularly for making various types of knives and swords. Some say that the forging technique used by the Achang came from the weapon smiths of Chinese troops stationed in the Fusa region in the fourteenth century. Since then, the manufacturing of ironware has been a prosperous activity. A workshop is usually owned by several households. Often a village's workshops specialize in producing one type of productdagger, sickle, plowshare, chopper, horseshoe, or hoe. The manufacturing of ironware is seasonal, with the number of ironworkers often swelling to over half of the entire population of male laborers during the leisure season. During recent decades, some workshops based on cooperation and using modern equipment have grown into factories for the manufacture of ironware. Textile production, silversmithing, and carving and decoration for temples and other buildings are also well developed.

Trade. Purchasing pig iron and selling the end products constitutes the most important trade ventures in Fusa and Lasa. The pig iron comes from the Han traders, and the Achang sell the products to neighboring peoples and the Burmese. A few Achang people have become professional traders.

Land Tenure. A few centuries ago, all of the land in the Achang region belonged to Dai feudal lords and hereditary

Orientation Identification. With a population of only 27,708 (1990 census), the Achang are a small ethnic group. They reside mainly in a multinational region of western Yunnan Province in China; a few live in the region's frontier with northeast Myanmar (Burma). Since the area contains other ethnic groups, primarily the neighboring Dai, Han (Chinese), and Jingpo, many aspects of their culture, such as language, dress, architecture, and religion, among others, are to a large extent not distinct.

Location. About 90 percent of Achang are concentrated in three communes (now townships) in Yunnan in the counties of Longchuan, Lianghe, and Luxi. The other 10 percent are spread across neighboring counties. The region is affected by the monsoon from the Indian Ocean. The subtropical areas where the Achang live are warm, rainy, and humid.

Linguistic Affiliation. The language of the Achang is a branch of Tibeto-Burman in the Sino-Tibetan Family. The Achang language has two dialects: Fusa, which is influenced by Dai, Burmese, and Jingpo; and Lianghe, which mixes Chinese, Jingpo, and Lisu. Many Achang also speak the languages of the neighboring peoples (e.g., Dai, Chinese, Jingpo, and Burmese).

History and Cultural Relations According to Chinese records, the ancestors of Achang were called "Xunchuan" in the Tang dynasty, 1,000 years ago. At that time, they had moved from the north and east into the western areas of Yunnan. The movement continued southward and westward in the following centuries.

By the thirteenth century, they had migrated into and settled in the areas where the present-day Achang live, now the Dehong Dai-Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture.

Settlements The Achang live on small plains surrounded by mountains.

The typical Achang village is located at the periphery of a plain or at the foot of a mountain. Generally a village con-

417

418 Achan2 Achang chiefs. However, the ownership of most lands had already been transferred from the feudal owners to individual peasant families before the Agrarian Reform of 1956, although until 1956 everyone who owned land still had to pay tax to them, as a token recognition of the feudal lords' continuing ownership of all lands. As a result of the private ownership of land, tenancy and buying and selling of land between peasants became frequent. The government established the collective ownership of land in 1956 but transferred landownership to the People's Commune in 1969. In 1982, the authorities redivided the lands among the resident households.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kin Groups and Descent. Descent is patrilineal. The members of a patrilineal descent group can be distributed over either a village or several villages, but all of the members trace their relationship through males to a common ancestor. In Lianghe County, there is a patriarchal organization that prevails in local Achang communities. The organization has its own rules and a patriarch who is elected from among the senior males. General disputes between the members can be settled by the organization. As for marrying with Han people, some patriarchal organizations also include some Han under a common surname.

Kinship Terminology. Achang kin terms basically follow the Eskimo system. One exception is that there is only one kin term for each of the following pairs: brother and male cousin; sister and female cousin; son and nephew; and daughter and niece.

Marriage. There are no restrictions on marriage except that an individual must marry outside his or her patrilineage. Although the Achang allow boys and girls to be "in love," marriages are mostly arranged by parents for somewhat of a mercenary purpose. In the past, a young man could contract a marriage by snatching his chosen bride away. Decades ago, the Achang often practiced levirate.

Domestic Unit and Inheritance. The patriarchal family that includes two or three generations is the basic family unit. A young man, if not the youngest son of his parents, usually establishes a place of residence apart from his parents when he marries. The youngest son lives with the parents and inherits either the parents' house and property or the responsibility of taking care of the parents. Women receive a dowry but do not inherit unless they have no brothers.

Sociopolitical Organization The Achang are politically subordinate to the Han and Dai. Before 1949, Achang society was still at the chiefdom

level of political development. The Achang, along with other ethnic peoples (the Dai, Han, Jingpo, and Lisu), formed separate multiethnic political units, each governed by a Dai feudal lord or a localized Han feudal lord. The hereditary feudal lord possessed paramount power of administration, adjudication, and supervision of military affairs in the area under his jurisdiction. The village was the basic unit of administration, governed by a village head who was usually elected by villagers and approved by the feudal lord. Several villages were governed by an officer who was appointed by the feudal lord. After the establish. ment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the Communist central government has carried out the system of the regional autonomy of minority nationalities in the Achang areas.

Religion and Expressive Culture In the regions of Fusa and Lasa almost all Achang are adherents of Theravada Buddhism, which the Achang people adopted from the Dai. Both the Achang and the Dai are similar in many aspects of their practice of Buddhism. In the regions of Lianghe, Luxi, and elsewhere, the Achang people are not Buddhists but worship ancestor spirits and various objects. The Achang generally label the spirits or gods as good or evil. There is an altar for making sacrifices to the spirits of ancestors in most households. In addition, many villages have a public temple, in which the people enshrine certain gods and hold sacrificial rites.

Arts. Of Achang folk arts, their carving may leave the deepest impression on outsiders. The lifelike animals and plants carved on woodwork or metalwork manifest the consummate skill of Achang carvers.

See also Dai; Jingpo Bibliography National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1986). Achangzu jianshi (A concise history of the Achang). Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

Yunnan Institute of History, ed. (1983). "The Achang." In Yunnan shaoshu minzu (Yunnan minority peoples). Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

TAN LESHAN

Bai 419

Bai ETHNONYMS: Baihuo, Bai Man, Baini, Baizi, Baizu, Bo,

Bozi, Cuan, Minjia, Sou

Orientation Idendfication. The name "Bai," meaning "white" in Chinese, seems to have been first used to refer to inhabitants of the southwest border region of China, the Baiman, as distinguished from the Wuman (wu meaning "black") by the white sheepskins they wore. The Bai refer to themselves as "Bozi," "Baini," "Baihuo," or "Baizi." The Chinese used the term "Minjia" from the fourteenth to twentieth centuries. The Chinese government now refers to the Bai as the "Baizu."

Location. Traditionally the Bai inhabited the region of present-day China's Sichuan and Yunnan provinces. The majority of Bai now live in the Dali Baizu Autonomous Region of Yunnan. Smaller Bai groups are found in the Bijie District of Guizhou Province, Liangshan in Sichuan, and Sangzhi County in Hunan Province.

Demography. In 1982 the total Bai population numbered 1,131,124, of whom 857,410 lived in the Dali region. The 1990 census gives a total count of 1,594,827.

Linguistic Affiliation. The Bai language belongs to the Tibeto-Burmese Branch of Sino-Tibetan. The Bai have no written language, so Chinese characters have been used with Bai pronunciation. Today many Bai speak Chinese.

History and Cultural Relations According to Chinese historical material, when the Qin armies unified China in 221 B.C. they captured the southwestern kingdom of the Bo, taking the Bo as slaves. Starting in 182 B.C. Chinese migration into the Bo lands of the present-day Sichuan-Yunnan border area caused most of the Bo to move south into Yunnan. In Chinese records, during the third century A.D. the name 'Sou" replaced the name "Bo." The Sou are said to have rebelled against the Chinese state of Shu, and the famous Chinese strategist Zhuge Liang was called in to mediate. At this time, the Sou-occupied area was the political, economic, and cultural center of the southwest. In later historical records, the name "Sou" also disappeared, to be replaced by "Cuan."

After A.D. 339 this group became the most powerful one in the region and developed what is now known as the Dian culture. In the eighth century the southern (nan) zhao (zhaoji in Chinese means 'to convene," "to summon a council") gathered the region's six other zhao to unify the Erhai District of Yunnan and establish the Nanzhao Kingdom. There is some historical debate over whether the leaders of the Nanzhao State were Bai or Yi people. In A.D. 902, weakened by continuing battles and slave rebellions,

the kingdom collapsed. Following a brief period of chaos, in A.D. 937 a Bai of Dali named Duan Siping united the Eastern Dian region's thirty-seven tribes and established the Dali Kingdom. For nearly 300 years the kingdom maintained close political and economic relations with the Chinese Song dynasty. In A.D. 1253 the Mongols invaded,

bringing Muslim soldiers who settled in the region. The armies of the Chinese Ming dynasty (1368-1644) eliminated Mongol power in 1381, bringing many Chinese military settlers who eventually intermarried with the Bai. In 1874, a Hui Muslim named Du Wenxiu united the Bai, Naxi, Yi, Dai, Jingpo, and Chinese in a rebellion against the Qing dynasty. The rebellion was brutally suppressed eighteen years later. The construction of the Burma Road (19371938) brought missionaries and increased foreign trade to the region. In 1949 the Chinese Communist party defeated the Nationalists who had occupied the area, and in November 1956 it established the Dali Baizu Autonomous Region, which is part of the People's Republic of China.

Settlements The Bai have traditionally lived clustered in villages on the Dali plain and along the shores of Erhai Lake. Some Bai also live in mountain areas. On the plains, homes tend to be two-story, U-shaped structures surrounding a courtyard, built of mud bricks with tile roofs. A family might live on the second floor and use the ground floor as a stable, or they might live on the first floor and use the upper floor for storage. Mountain homes are usually constructed of wood or bamboo with thatched roofs.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Traditionally, the Bai economy depended on plow agriculture, with rice and wheat as the main crops on the plains and with maize and buckwheat as the mountain cultigens. Until it was outlawed, opium was an important cash crop from the first half of the nineteenth century to the late 1930s. Present cash crops include tea, sugarcane, rape, tobacco, cotton, peanuts, flax, walnuts, Chinese chestnuts, pears, oranges, and tangerines. Pigs are raised for consumption, and domesticated animals include oxen, water buffalo, horses, mules, sheep, and donkeys. Since 1949, the Dali area has been developed for light industry and now boasts 565 local industries, including electrical, mechanical, chemical, paper, textile, leather, salt, vegetable-oil processing, and mining concerns. Tourism is a growing industry in the area.

Industrial Arts. Lacquerware from Dali was famous up through the time of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). The Bai were renowned for carved wooden furniture, and in the eleventh and twelfth centuries all Chinese palace carpenters were Bai. Today fine marble work and blue and white tie-dyed cloth persist as crafts for sale to tourists.

Trade. The Dali area is the meeting point for the roads leading south to Myanmar (Burma) and northwest to Tibet. Previously muleteers and porters conducted trade by carting goods over the mountains. The completion of the Burma Road in 1938 facilitated transport, but as vehicles were scarce, human and animal labor were still widely used.

Prior to 1949, the Bai imported foreign products and exported marble, pig bristles, leather goods, minerals, and herbal medicines. Trade declined in the first three decades and immediately following 1949, but it has increased again since the implementation of Chinese economic reforms in 1979. Recent years have seen the revival of trade fairs, the

420 Bai

largest of these being the Third Month Market (linked with the Guanyin Festival) and the Fish Pool Fair. The former is held in Dali during the week of the fifteenth day of the third lunar month and attracts merchants and traders from all over the southwest, most notably Tibetan medicine merchants and horse traders. The Fish Pool Fair usually occurs in the first week of the eighth lunar month on the northern shore of Erhai Lake. Unlike the Third Month Market, this fair is geared to local Bai trade in carved wooden furniture, silver jewelry, marble, and embroidery.

Division of Labor. Traditionally, men and women did the same work in the fields, except that men did the heavy plowing. Both married and single women were responsible for marketing. Bai women were noted for their strength and ability to carry heavy loads long distances. Women and girls mostly worshiped publicly at temple festivals and fairs, while men engaged in private ancestor worship at home.

Land Tenure. Prior to 1949, 10 percent of the population, namely landlords and wealthy peasants, held 60-80 percent of the land. The remaining 90 percent of the population held only 20-40 percent of the land, and 70 percent of these people were either poor peasants or hired laborers. After 1949, all land became state property, and the area followed the shifting guidelines of Chinese agricultural policy, which emphasized collectivization. Since 1979 policy has moved away from collective labor to individual and family labor.

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Traditionally, the nuclear, small extended family and the village, not the lineage, were the most important kin groups for the Bai. People living ii, the same village, no matter what their family name, all worshiped a common ancestor said to be the founder of the village.

Kinship Terminology. Surnames and the term for lineage, as well as the system of patrilineal descent, seem to have been imposed on the Bai through Chinese influence.

Marriage and Family Marriage. In the seventeenth to nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, probably through Chinese influence, the practice of arranged marriage by parents became common. Children were betrothed at infancy and wed in their late teens. The exchange of bride-price and dowry depended on the class and locality of the bride and groom's families. The Bai did not practice surname exogamy, and both paternal and maternal cousins were allowed to marry.

Marriage was monogamous except for a few wealthy landowners. Postmarital residence might be neolocal or patrilocal depending on how many sons a family had. Sons could choose to establish a new household upon marriage, or they could live together in a small extended family until the parents died. If a couple had no sons, they could adopt a baby boy from a relative or stranger, or they could have an adult son-in-law move in to look after them. The ease of obtaining a divorce seemed to depend on the locality. In towns greatly influenced by Chinese codes and values, divorce was difficult to obtain, and a widow who remarried

considered disgraceful. In more remote areas, divorce

was was more

freely.

easily obtained, and

a

widow could remarry

Domestic Unit. Nuclear or small extended families were the norm. Elderly parents generally lived with the youngest son.

Inheritance. There was no primogeniture or ultimogeniture. Inheritance was divided among the sons, adopted sons, or sons-in-law, although the latter two would have to change their family names in order to be eligible.

Socialization. Bai parents were traditionally very affectionate toward their children, and they made them many toys. Girls and boys played together and worked in the fields together. Prior to 1949 parents tried to send all their children to school to study Chinese reading and writing; however, educated boys were more numerous than girls.

Since 1949 elementary education has been compulsory for all children.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. During the time of the Nanzhao Kingdom, the society was composed of a king, nobles, free people, commoners, tribespeople, and slaves. Before 1949, the society was stratified into landless peasants, peasants, artisans, wealthy peasants who lived in the city, merchants, and landlords. Village elders were highly respected. Women had a relatively equal status with men. After the revolution, the poorer classes were glorified, and the wealthy were attacked. With the 1979 economic reforms, there has been a reemergence of more stratified socioeconomic classes.

Political Organization. After the fall of the Dali Kingdom in the mid-thirteenth century, the Bai came under the traditional Chinese civil-service system of counties headed by a magistrate who was responsible for the collection of taxes and the administration of justice. Two decades before the Communist Revolution, the Nationalist government introduced a modified bao jia, or 'family guarantee," system, under which sections called ju were composed of three to four villages, which in turn were composed of five family units. Each section headman would be an elder of one of the villages and bad extensive authority based on the cooperation of the villagers. After 1949 the Bai came under the new forms of Chinese government administration.

Social Control. Despite the existence of a Chinese judicial system, the Bai traditionally preferred to solve problems among themselves or by going to a village elder. Both civil and criminal cases were most often settled out of court. Punishment varied depending on the relationship of the persons involved. For example, the murderer of a relative would face execution, whereas the murderer of a stranger would face imprisonment. Rape and adultery were

severely punished.

Conflict. In the past, generational conflict was common if grown children refused to marry their prearranged partner. The parties involved solved such a problem through a face-saving system whereby the young couple would elope and be chased by the girl's father and other male relatives, who never intended to catch them. After the couple's escape, there would be a prolonged period of negotiations

Blang 421 between the young people's parents. Usually the matter would be settled peaceably. Disputes over water rights were also common and were generally settled by a village elder.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Traditionally, the Bai believed in abstract heavenly spirits and natural spirits. Later, these beliefs came to be mixed with beliefs in tutelary spirits, Buddhism, and Daoism. Buddhism appeared in the Dali area during the ninth century and remained a strong force up until 1949. The three famous white pagodas that still stand in Dali were once part of a large Buddhist temple.

Christian missionaries made some inroads in the twentieth century, but converts were generally regarded with suspicion and sometimes ostracized by their families. During the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) most temples were destroyed and religious practices forbidden. Since the early 1 980s, the Chinese government has taken a more lenient view of religion, and the people have rebuilt many of the temples and revived many Daoist associations. However, religious practice is now confined mainly to the older generations.

Religious Practitioners. The mix of religious beliefs spawned a mdlange of part-time specialists trained in dancing and singing for religious ceremonies, semiprofessional Buddhist masters, and formal Buddhist monks and nuns.

Associations for worshipers of Daoist deities also existed.

The influence of all of these practitioners has declined under Communist rule.

Ceremonies. The largest religious event was the Guanyin Festival (linked with the Third Month Market).

The festival commemorated the legendary seventh-century visitation of the Bodhisattva Guanyin to Mount Cangshan and drew many worshipers as well as traders and merchants from afar. In addition, every village, at least once a year, held a ceremony and sacrifices for the feast day of the local gods. Other festivals included the Butterfly Festival, Rao San Ling, and the Torch Festival.

Arts. Singing and dancing have been an important part of Bai religious ceremonies and festivals. The people often produced dramas influenced by Buddhist themes on temple stages. Some temples still hold performances today, although religious themes are no longer prevalent.

Medicine. The Bai generally thought that sickness was tied to having offended a tutelary spirit or to having been possessed by a malevolent spirit. Religious sernispecialists or shamans, using medicinal herbs, songs, and chants, worked as doctors and exorcists and received food and money as payment.

Death and Afterlife. The Bai believed that worship of ancestors protected the living by linking them to dead spirits. Buddhism engendered a belief in the afterlife and reincarnation.' The Bai also believed strongly in poltergeists.

Originally the Bai cremated their dead, but under Chinese influence they came to bury the dead in quite elaborate marble tombs. At present the government encourages cremation in order to conserve land.

Bibliographiy Fitzgerald, Charles P. (1941). The Tower of Five Glories-A Study of the Minchia of Tali. London: Cresset Press.

Jiang Chunfang, Shi Lei, Li Shijie, et al., eds. (1986).

Zhongguo da baike quanshu (Encyclopedia Sinica). Vol. 20, Minzu (Nationalities). Beijing: Encyclopedia Sinica Press.

Mackerras, Colin (1988). "Aspects of Bai CultureChange and Continuity in a Yunnan Nationality." Modern China 14 (1).

BETH E. NOTAR

Blang ETHNONYMS: none

The Blang live primarily in Menghai County in the southProvince, though some also live in Blang communities in nearby Lincang and Simao prefectures. They numbered 82,280 in 1990 and speak a language that belongs to the Mon-Khmer Branch of the South Asian Language Family. The Blang language is not written. Many also speak Dai and Va (the languages of neighboring groups) and Han. One distinguishing feature of the Blang is the men's practice of tattooing their limbs and torsos.

The Blang live in the mountains, typically between 1,500 and 2,000 meters in elevation. They raise dry rice, maize, and beans for their own consumption and cotton, sugarcane, and tea as cash crops. The tea is Pu'er tea, which was grown and processed and then traded to northern Yunnan and Tibet. Some Blang were involved in the marketing effort and it remains a valuable trade product today. They also raise livestock, which they keep on the ground floor of their two-story bamboo houses. The second story is the living quarters and features a fireplace in the middle of the main room. The Blang are able to erect new houses in three days or fewer because the whole community joins in. One of the effects of the Communist Revolution was the introduction of wet-rice farming.

The Blang are organized into exogamous clans. Some villages were traditionally composed of approximately 100 households representing up to a dozen clans. The land used by villagers belonged to the villagers in common, but each clan had permanent possession of a portion of that land. Each household held its own land by virtue of membership in a clan. Clan leaders orchestrated clan members in clearing forests, and they were responsible for allocating lands to individual households. If a clan left the village, its land would revert to village ownership. In some areas, there were other forms of village organization that commonly included private ownership of land and landlordism. In other western part of Yunnan

422

Blaniz

areas, the Dai or other overlords controlled the land as fiefs well into the twentieth century. Village size ranged from as few as 20 households to the 100 more typical of the clan structure described earlier.

Blang religious belief is primarily Theravada Buddhism, which the Dai probably introduced to the Blang. A few Blang are Christian.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 302307. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

prickly ash, apple, and walnut) on mountainsides; and the prohibition of the practice of polygyny.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 124128. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey, 137-143. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Bouyei Bonan ETHNONYMS: none ETHNONYMS:

none

The Bonan numbered 12,212 in 1990, and they live primarily in four villages in Gansu Province. Their population has been growing rapidly; there were only about 5,600 in 1959. The Bonan language belongs to the Mongolian Branch of the Altaic Family and is most closely related to Tu and Dongxiang; it has two dialects. Although the Bonan language is not written, the Bonan people know Han and use it in their written communications.

It appears that the Bonan are descendants of Mongol soldiers who occupied the Tongren area during Genghis Khan's rule. When the Mongol Empire fell, they chose to remain rather than retreat to Mongolia. The Bonan are distinguished from many of their neighbors in that they are Muslim; they converted in the early nineteenth century.

Facing persecution from their Buddhist neighbors, they moved down the Yellow River to their present location.

The Bonan live in a fairly arid region, though one that is covered with forest and grassland. They breed livestock and raise wheat and rye. In addition, they engage in lumbering, silversmithing, and charcoal making. It is their ability as knife makers, however, for which they are best known; the Bonan knife is prized in most of Gansu and Qinghai provinces. Otherwise, manufacturing is poorly developed.

The Bonan are divided into two different Muslim sects: Sunni, sometimes called the "Old Teaching"; and Shiite, sometimes called the "New Teaching."

The main effects of the Communist Revolution on Bonan culture have been the following: an increase in the numbers of schools and health-care facilities; the introduction of irrigation; a cooperative project with the Sala to plant economically valuable trees (elm, willow, Chinese

The 2,545,059 Bouyei (1990 estimate) live in Guizhou Province, and they speak a language that belongs to the Zhuang-Dong Branch of the Sino-Tibetan Family. Although there is now a writing system for the Bouyei language, Han is often used in written communications.

The closeness of the Bouyei language to that of the Zhuang indicates a common ancestry. During the Qing dynasty, the Chinese government replaced indigenous headmen with appointed officials. Before 1949 the Bouyei were called the "Chungchia" ("Zhongjia" in the new romanization).

The Bouyei live on the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau, which rises from 400 meters in elevation in the south to 1,000 meters in the north. Their climate is almost tropical, with an average annual temperature of 16° C and an annual rainfall of between 100 and 140 centimeters. The Bouyei also benefit from the fertile soil. For their own consumption they raise wet and dry rice, wheat, maize, millet, sorghum, buckwheat, potatoes, and beans. They also grow cotton, ramie, tobacco, sugarcane, tung trees, tea, coffee, bananas, silk, hemp, and cocoa as cash crops. They produce batik, embroidery, sleeping mats, and bamboo hats for sale. The Bouyei forests supply pine and fir lumber.

Prior to 1949 the Bouyei were also known as peddlers and traders throughout the area and played a middleman role between the Han and the minority peoples.

The Bouyei live in villages, each of which contains several clans. These villages may be located on the plains or in river valleys. Houses are either two-story buildings (with livestock living on the ground floor) or bungalows.

Traditionally, a woman signaled her desire for a particular man by throwing him a silk ball that she had embroidered. If he returned her interest, then the couple dated and later become engaged to marry. Today, the Bouyei are

Dai

heavily intermarried with the Han in some areas. They adopted the parentally arranged "feudal" marriage form at the other features of their culture underwent

same time

Sinicization.

Several religions are represented among the Bouyei.

Some are Christian and some are Daoist, but the majority are polytheistic animists who practice ancestor worship.

Dai ETHNONYMS: Baiyi, Beiyi, Boyi; Bitso, La Sam, Mitro, Siam, Tai; Daija, Dailii (Taily), Daina; Han Baiyi, Han

Dai, Shui Baiyi, Shui Dai

Orientation

minorities)

valley-dwelling

are

southwest frontier. The

cially

since

three major

fifty-five ethnic

The Dai (one of China's

Identification.

1953

to

subgroups:

name

replace

cultivators of China's

rice

"Dai" has been used "Tai"

(who used

Dailii

offi

"Thai." There

or

are

'Shui

be called

to

Baiyi" and "Shui Dai" by the Han, meaning "the Baiyi or Dai living near the water"); Daina (Han Baiyi or Han Dai, Chinese Baiyi or Dai); and Daija (Huayao Dai, "the Dai wearing bright-colored blouses"). Within each subgroup there are regional units such as Daide, Daipeng, Daila, Dailian, and Pudai. Neighboring groups-Lahu, Hani, Jingpo, Benglong, Wa, Bulang, and Achang-call the Dai "Bitso," "Siam," or "La Sam." The Dai live exclusively in Yunnan Province, mostly along the Yunnan-Myanmar (Burma) border. Over 55 percent of the population lives in the Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture (21"10' to 23'40' N and 990551 to 101'50' E) and the Xishuangbanna Dai AutonoLocation.

mous

(23'50'

Prefecture

25'20'

to

percent live in the border

Prefecture.

The

rest

are

97031'

N and

E); about 7

areas

spread throughout

southwestern Yunnan, with

a

to

south

small number

very

98043'

of the Lincang and

living

the north of the province. Most of the Dai regions

in are

valleys and pocket flatlands between the mountains tropical or semitropical monsoon forests.

With very few exceptions the people live at elevations of 500 to 1,200 meters above sea level. With the tropical and semitropical climate, the average rainfall is between 101 river

covered with

170 centimeters, the average annual temperature is

and

19'

C, and the annual frost-free period

Each year in these regions is sons, son

a

dry

from November

season

from May

to

is

about 300

usually divided to

into

May and

October; the latter

receives

a

two

wet

most

days. seasea-

of

a

year's precipitation.

Demnography.

In

1990

the

Dai

1,025,128. The Dailii and Daina

making total

up

Dai

mainly live

are

56 percent and 40 percent

population. in

population the

was

major groups,

respectively

of the

Daide, and Daipeng Dehong and Lincang; the Dailii live mostly The

Daina,

423

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 348-353.

Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985). Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

in Xishuangbanna, while the Daija are distributed in Yuanjiang and Xinping counties and the Red River valley.

The Dai also have kin known as 'Shan," "Tai," or "Thai" in Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam. linguistic Affiliation. Chinese scholars commonly hold that the Dai language with its dialects is a Subbranch of the Zhuang-Dong (Kam-Tai) Branch of the Sino-Tibetan Family. Some Western linguists classify it in the ThaiAustronesian Language Family. Five Dai written languages were in use before 1949: Dailii, Daina Daipeng, Jinping Dai, and Xinping Dai scripts. Those based on ancient Pali, Dailii, and Daina scripts were more popular and later formed the basis of present-day Xishuangbanna Dai and Dehong Dai writing.

History and Cultural Relations Because the Dai are an important group in the ethnohistory of southwest China, their origin has long been a subject of debate. Chinese ethnohistorians link the ancestors of the Dai to the "Dianyue," the name both of a kingdom and of diversified local groups. It was part of Yue or Bai Yue (meaning "hundreds of Yue"), an ancient macrogroup of south China. Over the past 2,000 years, the name

"Dianyue" has changed often: "Dianyue" and 'Shan" (Siam) in the Han dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 220); "Pu," `Yue," or 'Liao" in the Wei and Jin dynasties (A.D. 220-419); and 'Heichi Man," "Jinchi Man," "Yingchi," "Man Qichi Man," "Xiujiao Man," "Mang Man," and "Baiyi" in the Tang dynasty (A.D. 618-905). In Heichi, Jinchi, Yingchi, and Qichi, the word chi means "teeth," while the words jin, ying, hei, and qi refer to the colors gold, silver, and black. These names seem to reflect a particular custom of the Dai, who inlay their teeth with gold or silver or blacken them by chewing betel nuts. "Baiyi" means "white clothing"; the name is likely inspired by the Dai's favorite clothing color.

The names 'Baiyi" or "Jinchi Beiyi" were used to refer to the people before 1949.

The Dai and related groups were distributed throughout

southern and southwestern China and Southeast Asia.

They established powerful local kingdoms such as the Mong Mao and Kocambi (tenth to eleventh centuries) in Dehong, the Yonaga or Xienrun (twelfth century) in Xishuangbanna, and the Lanna. or Babai Xifu (thirteenth to eighteenth centuries) in northern Thailand. They conquered local groups such as the Benglong (De'ang), Blang, Hani, and Lahu and later the Achang and Jingpo, and the Dai thus became the most powerful group in the area. In the fourteenth century, under Han control, China's impe-

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rial court set up the tusi system (see 'Political Organization") with Dai kings and nobles as court-appointed tusi lords. Thereafter, the dynasties officially recognized Dai lordship over the other groups. The earliest contact of central China with Yunnan was recorded in the first century B.C., but mass movement of Han into the Yunnan frontiers took place several times after that: in the eighth century, during the war between the Tang dynasty and the Nanzhao Kingdom; in the thirteenth century, when the Mongols conquered the Dali State; and later, in the Yuan dynasty's wars with Burma and Babai Xifu. The largest flow of Han migrants into Yunnan occurred in the early fourteenth century, when an army of over 300,000 soldiers were sent by the Ming emperor to fight the Yuan. After the war the troops stayed on the frontiers as military colonists. As the Han marched in, the traditional Dai feudal system first became part of the tusi system and later faced constant challenge; eventually the political system of interior China replaced it. Coalition and compromise as well as contention and conflict-between the Chinese governments and the Dai tusi and between the different groups of the areas-formed the main themes of the local history as well as a legacy of the area's ethnic relations.

Settlements A typical Dai village has 40 households, but those with 80 to 100 households are not uncommon. The settlements are permanent. They are mostly located by rivers or streams.

Huge banyan trees and a delicate Buddhist temple or pagoda are the signs of a Dai village all across the Yunnan frontier. Dai houses vary regionally in type of construction and settlement pattern. In Xishuangbanna, each household builds its own bamboo house in the center of a fenced garden. The house (average floor area about 10 by 10 meters) is built 2 to 3 meters above the ground, on twenty-one wooden posts in three rows. People live upstairs, leaving the downstairs without walls for domestic animals and farm tools. The purlins (rafters) are made of bamboo poles, the walls and floors of bamboo mats. The steep pitched roof is thatched. Inside, seven posts with mat walls in the center row divide the house in half lengthwise: the inner part serves as a bedroom while the outer part is a living room. A fireplace in the living room near the entrance serves as the kitchen. As a rule, the room next to the stairs is for an adolescent daughter, so that she can meet her lover conveniently, while the room on the other side is for the parents and serves as grain barn as well.

Clear-cut class differences in terms of size, structure, materials, and decoration were strictly observed before 1949.

Now rich families build their houses with planked floors and walls and tile roofs. In Dehong the Dai in Ruili build their houses in basically the same style as the Dailil in Xishuangbanna, while the Daina's houses are of a quite different style. Under Han influence, most Daina build their houses in quadrangles: three one-story houses (one central and two side) are on 1-meter-high raised ground around a small courtyard. The houses have wooden frames, mud-brick walls, and thatch or tile roofs; the animal pens are usually by the gate, opposite the central house. The

Dai in Yuanjiang, Xinping, and other areas live in two-story mud-brick houses, in the same style as their Yi and Han neighbors.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Dai were among the earliest rice cultivators in Yunnan. As early as the seventh century, the Dai used elephants in paddy-ield plowing, according to Chinese historical records. More advanced farm tools and techniques brought later by Han immigrants greatly promoted the wet-rice cultivation in Dai regions. Today the wet-rice fields account for 70 percent of the total farmland of all Dai regions. The tropical and semitropical climate, rivers, and fertile alluvial valleys form an ideal environment for wet-rice growing. Vast land resources with a small population make Dai cultivation quite extensive. Most fields produce only one crop (rice) a year, and the farmers plow their paddy fields once and harrow twice, whereas their Han neighbors grow at least two crops (rice and wheat or rapeseed) a year and have three plowings and three harrowings. Dai farmers seldom weed and never apply night soil (dung) in the fields (except some green manure in seedbeds). The output is therefore low (3,386 pounds per acre in 1984). Farmers plant wet rice first in a specially prepared seedbed where it grows for about 30 days. Meanwhile, they prepare regular fields through plowing, soaking, and harrowing. In May or June, they transplant rice seedlings to the prepared fields. After transplanting, the farmers maintain the dikes and regulate the flow of water. Harvest is in November or December; the fields remain fallow until the next spring. Water buffalo, wood plows with iron shares, wood harrows, steel knives, hoe, sickles, and wood flails have been the main tools used in farming for centuries. In recent years improved seeds, chemical fertilizer, and pesticides have been introduced. Farmers also grow dry rice in the hills with slash-and-burn methods. In addition, they often grow tea, cotton, tobacco, camphor, sisal, and coffee, as well as bananas, pineapples, shaddock, mangoes, and other tropical fruits. Sugarcane has a long history in Dai areas, and in the past decade its cultivation has rapidly increased because of government incentives. Rubber trees were introduced in the 1950s. Today tea, sugarcane, rubber, and tropical fruits are major cash crops. Fishing with poison, traps, and explosives is common, but the catch is mainly for domestic consumption.

Industrial Arts. Cotton and kapok spinning and weaving are every household's handicraft. Beautiful silk or cotton brocades made by women on the wood loom are well known all over the province. Dai silver work is equally famous. In the past, Dai kings and nobles commonly used the locally made silverware. Today, silver ornaments remain very popular among the women but all come from staterun shops. The Dai reportedly developed blacksmithing in earlier times, but now the Han and Achang make most metal tools. Rattan and bamboo works and pottery are also well-known Dai handicrafts. Rattan and bamboo furniture of Burmese style and classically elegant water jars are popular articles in the local markets.

Trade. Although Dai women are regarded as able local marketers, the Dai, as a whole, are self-sufficient farmers.

Dai 425 There are few Dai businesspeople except those part-time peddlers and a few recently emerged small grocery owners.

Most trading is between the lowlanders and highlanders through the local market, which is held every three or four days and deals in farm produce and household handicrafts.

The mountain people trade firewood, timber, mushrooms, wild fruits, and so on while the Dai trade rice, rice liquor, vegetables, and bamboo and rattan utensils. The biggest trading party from the 1950s to the early 1980s was the state, through state-run shops and the cooperatives. The Dai sell their rice, rapeseed, and other farm products to these stores and buy most of the manufactured goods they need there. This is changing with the rise of the free market. The role of long-distance traders/merchants was filled

by Han, Hui, and to a lesser extent Bai and Naxi. These culture groups were key in the tea trade out of Xishuangbanna.

Division of Labor. Traditionally, women do all the farming work, except plowing and harrowing, as well as household chores. Women are in full charge of marketing any household surplus.

Land Tenure. Traditionally, all land belonged to the tusi. An adult farmer could receive a piece of paddy field for cultivation from his tusi lord. In practice, all farmland fell into five categories: (1) salary fields, which the tusi assigned to his relatives as fiefs and which were tax-free but few in number; (2) official fields, which farmers received from their lords in exchange for taxes and corvie and which constituted the largest proportion of land; (3) private land, which farmers opened from wasteland with the consent of the tusi and which they usually could privately gown" for one or two years without paying tax, before the fields reverted to the tusi and were taxed; (4) public land, a very small, tax-free percentage of the land, which the lords appropriated to their villages for religious or other public use; and (5) manor land, which fell within the tusi manors and which the tusi families directly controlled and the villagers cultivated in corvie and later rented to the peasants. In the last century some changes occurred in land tenure. Official records indicate that several tusi sold paddy fields to Han landlords; mortgaging and renting of land became more common in the areas connected with the Han or near commercial centers. Nevertheless, the Dai land system remained feudal in nature until 1957, when a political campaign of 'peaceful land reform" turned the tusi's land into socialist collective property, owned first by the agricultural mutual-aid groups, later by the agricultural co-op, and then by the people's commune. Since 1981, the government has adopted a new type of land tenure, the household contract-responsibility system; paddy fields are allocated by contract to each household, while dry land remains communal. Each contracted household is obliged to pay an agricultural tax (in grain) and to sell its quota of grain to the state at the state-set lower price; each household makes its own decision about resource allocation while considering the suggested plan of the local government about the types and the amount of crops to grow.

Kinship Kin Group and Descent. The Dai identify more with community than with kin group. The Dai always identify

themselves with their homeland, the place where they were born, even when they live elsewhere. Except for the tusi and nobles, people historically had no lineage patronymics.

In fact, the imperial court bestowed tusi surnames. As a given surname might have been granted to several tusi who had no kinship relations, it cannot be used to identify their lineages. Some common people (mostly in Dehong and other interior areas) got their surnames from schools or government workers after the 1949 Revolution. Nevertheless, the Dai distinguish mother's, father's, and wife's groups, with mother's group listed before the father's. In spite of this, however, the Dai trace descent patrilineally.

Individuals now inherit their surnames from the father.

Kinship Terminology. Dai kin terms are of the Eskimo type with some regional variation. In Xishuangbanna, grandfather, maternal grandfather, and their brothers share the same term (ipu); grandmother, maternal grandmother, and their sisters share the same term (ija). Parents' brothers share the same term with parents' brothers-in-law (polong), whereas mother's brother's wife shares the same term with father's brother's wife (mielong). Brother's and sister's children share the same term (Ian) with the children of brother-in-law and sister-in-law regardless of generation.

Marriage and Family Marriage. Before the 1949 Revolution, class endogamy and ethnic endogamy (with the exception of some marriages with Han) were the rules. Polygyny among tusi and nobles was common. A man was supposed to take his wife from his own village community, while a girl was usually reluctant to marry out of her community. There is no restriction on marriage between cousins, nor on the marriage of persons with the same surname. Therefore, a local community is often an endogamous group. Freedom of Dai adolescents in flirtation, dating, and courtship-whose rituals include antiphonal singing of love songs and love-bag throwing-are well known and recorded in anthropological writings. Premarital sex is common; parents rarely interfere, and they encourage their daughters to have boyfriends. Marriage, however, must be arranged through a matchmaker, usually the boy's mother's brother and sister.

Bride-price, the length of the bridegroom's service for the bride's family, and the grand wedding dinner are always the major issues negotiated by the matchmaker. Bride-price is high and has inflated in recent years; bride-service is at least three years, and in some cases it is as long as ten years or more.

"Wife snatching" or "wife seizing" by elopement occasionally occurs because of a high bride-price or the failure of the matchmaker's negotiation. The parents and village community will recognize such a marriage after the matchmaking and bride-price are made up. Matrilocal residence of at least three years is the norm. In Xishuangbanna, three-year matrilocal residence and at least three-year patrilocal residence are taken alternately until the couple inherits property from either side. Only then can they establish their neolocal household. Divorce is easy, and either side can initiate it. Remarriage is quite common and socially acceptable. When a wife demands a divorce, she simply goes back to her parents if the couple already have

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their own household, or she gives the husband a candle and sends him to the gate of the house if the couple live with the wife's parents. When the husband demands the divorce in the matrilocal residence, he may have to pay some compensation for the unfulfilled bride-service. In any case, the divorced husband has the right to ask for partial restoration of bride-price from the divorced wife's next husband.

Domestic Unit. The nuclear family made up of parents and unmarried children (and sometimes a daughter with her husband in bride-service) is the basic family form. In the areas connected to Han regions, some extended families exist. Average family size is four to five people.

Inheritance. Tusi and noble families strictly followed patrilineal primogeniture. The eldest son inherited the titles, offices, and the majority of property (mainly the land) of the tusi, while the other sons shared the remaining properties. For the common people, the family's legacy is usually divided by all sons with the eldest son inheriting the house; the unmarried daughters and matrilocal sons-in-law also have the right to inherit part of the property.

Socialization. Both the Buddhist temple and family play roles in children's socialization and enculturation. The Dai are gentle and mild in disposition; parents seldom beat their children, and the young respect their elders. A boy at the age of 8 or 9 used to spend at least two to three years, usually ten or more years, in a Buddhist temple as a monk.

After receiving a Buddhist name and after having learned Dai scripts and Buddhist scriptures, the boy became an adult, resumed a secular life, and married. This custom was abolished in the Cultural Revolution but has recently reappeared. Secular public schools are set up in all Dai regions.

Some tension exists between the public school system and the temple, as children prefer to go to temples to learn Dai writing.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Traditional Dai society was split into two classes, the aristocracy and the commoners, based on their blood origins. In each class were several strata. In Xishuangbanna, the aristocracy had three levels: the mong or sadu (the chaopianling-"the lord of the land"-and his relatives of lineal consanguinity); the wvung (the chaopianling's collateral relatives); and the lulangdaopa and the chaochuang (the distant relatives of the mong and wung).

Commoners were of three kinds: daimong (natives or the earliest settlers of a place); gunghengchao (people born in aristocrats' servants' families); and kachao (aristocrats' domestic slaves). Only the aristocrats were entitled to hold fiefs and/or offices, whereas the commoners were all serfs, engaging in different occupations in accordance with their status. After the 1949 Revolution, these class differences were abolished.

Political Organization. The tusi was the basic political system in the Dai regions before 1956. The term refers to the central authority's system of appointing native chieftains as local hereditary officials. The tusi polity was autonomous. The tusi had complete power over legislation, administration, and the military within his domain under the condition of obeying the orders and commands of the

imperial court and providing tributes, taxes, and corvie to the court. Combined with the original feudal structure of the Dai, the tusi became not only the official government administrator in the area but also an officially recognized

lord over the other local minorities. The tusi regions varied in rank and size. Before 1956, while all the tusi in Xishuangbanna were ruled by one big tusi, Dehong was divided into seven tusi regions independent from each other.

Rigid hierarchy existed within the tusi organization. In Xishuangbanna, the cheli xuanweishisi, the highest tusi office in Yunnan, was the "central" government there.

Headed by the chaopianling (lord of the land), the government had four major departments: the chaojinha (senate); the huailangmanwa (administration); the huailangchangwan (department of finance and taxation); and the huailangmianhong (department of census registration and justice).

The region was divided into thirty-odd fiefs (mong).

Headed by an enfeoffed aristocrat, chaornong, each mong had its own administration and senate. Under the mong office were-hierarchically-long, huoxi, and huoheng, the grass-roots units of the structure. In Dehong, every tusi office was headed by the zhengying tusi (the tusi with the emperor-granted seal). Below him there were tusi officials of different levels: the daiban (deputy); the huying (keeper of the tusi seal); and the zuguan (adult male relatives of the tusi, which were further divided into three levels: mong, zhuen, and yin). Most mong and zhuen had the posts of chaomong, the ruler of 10,000 commoners. The tusi had his administration to conduct daily affairs. For the control of the mountain peoples in his domain, the tusi had special headmen, guan or liantou, in charge of collecting taxes. In this way, the tusi built a pyramid-type structure, a true monarchical system; every tusi region was virtually an independent kingdom. The Dai tusi system lasted for over 500 years; it was the oldest tusi in China.

In 1956, the local polity was reorganized into a unified structure with the following levels: state; province or autonomous region; prefecture or autonomous zhou; xian (county); and xiang (district). The xiang (the people's commune from 1958 to 1985) is the lowest level of state authority and the basic administrative unit. A xiang includes several administrative villages, which consist of a number of natural villages. The xiang government is appointed by the xiang people's congress, which is elected from candidates recommended by the Communist party and functions under the leadership of the xiang party committee. The head of the administrative village is appointed by the xiang government, while the head of the natural village is elected by the villagers.

Social Control and Conflict. As Buddhism once dominated both the religious and the political life of the Dai, the Middle Way philosophy, the Four Noble Truths (see 'Religious Beliefs'), and other Buddhist commandments have played an important role in both formal and informal social control. Teachings of the Buddfw and words of the monks and elders as well as the party's instructions and government regulations are commonly cited in judgments of right and wrong and in arbitration of disputes. Village heads adjudicate most disputes with the help of the elders, and keep most cases at the local level. Only serious cases

Dai

brought to the xiang's people's of the governmental justice system.

are

court,

the lowest level

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Buddhism-the Theravada (Way of the Elders) or Hinayana (Lesser Vehicle) school-was the official religion of the Dai. Although Buddhism was said to have been introduced to the Dai of Yunnan as early as the seventh century, it only gained great popularity after 1569, when Dao Yin Mong, the nineteenth chaopianling of Xishuangbanna, married a daughter of the king of Burma.

Since then, Buddhism was accepted by the tusi as the official religion and spread widely to all classes. With four sects (Ruen, Baizhuang, Dolie, and Zodi), Buddhism in both Xishuangbanna and Dehong argues for reaching enlightenment by following the Middle Way (avoiding the extremes of life) and the Four Noble Truths (all existence is suffering; suffering arises from desire; cessation of desire means the end of suffering; cessation of desire is achieved by controlling one's conduct, thought, and belief, and it emphasizes gaining wisdom and working out one's own salvation by renouncing the world and living the life of a monk, devoting oneself to meditation and study in a temple. Therefore, it is customary for men to spend at least some part of their lives in a temple. For the lay believers, making offerings to the Buddha, supporting the monks, and sending their sons into a temple are the ways to become enlightened and achieve salvation. In addition to Buddhism, traditional spirit belief also has its place in Dai society. The Dai believe that human beings become spirits (diula or pi) after death and that the spirits exist everywhere; some are benevolent and helpful, while others are wicked and harmful. Rituals of worship and sacrifice provide protection and assurance to people and community.

Religious Practitioners. Formal ecclesiastical systems exist in Xishuangbanna and Dehong. In Xishuangbanna, monks are grouped into ten classes in the hierarchy: (1) the pano (small monk, the elementary class of the system); (2) the pa (common monk); (3) the dugang (deputy abbot of a temple); (4) the dulong (abbot of a temple); (5) the kuba (elder of the first grade); (6) the shami (elder of the second grade); (7) the samghaloshe (elder of the third grade); (8) the pachaoku (elder of the fourth grade); (9) the songdi (elder of the fifth grade); and (10) the songdi aghamoni (the highest elder). Dehong has a similar system with variation in grading and terminology. Those with the title of kuba or above are master monks and, as a rule, cannot resume secular life. Before 1956, the highest title holders of a tusi region were approved and granted authority over all the temples in the region by the tusi. Today the temples and monks that survived the Cultural Revolution are under the supervision of official Buddhist Associations of the county and prefecture.

Ceremonies. The main Buddhist ceremonies are Haowasa and Aowasa, Shaobaichai, Sangha, and Dan or Bai. Haowasa and Aowasa, meaning "in" and "out" of the fast period, are yearly ceremonies popular in both Xishuangbanna and Dehong. The Dai make series of Buddha offerings between the ninth and twelfth days of the month from June to October. During this period, the believers go to local temples every seventh day to offer food

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and flowers to the Buddha and to listen to the monks reciting scriptures; male adults have to stay three nights a week at the temples, experiencing a monk's life. On the first day and last day of the period grand celebrations are held. Through the whole period, all farm work is suspended, and no courtship, wedding, long journey, house building, promotion, or resumption of secular life by monks is allowed. Formerly, this was also the time for the tusi to appoint the village heads. Shaobaichai, meaning 'Burning of White Firewood," popular only in Dehong, is held at the beginning of every spring. At this time, adolescents go into the mountains to collect firewood and then burn it by the village temple to expel the coldness and thus show the people's goodwill to Buddha. Sangha, the Water-Sprinkling Festival, is celebrated in all Dai regions at Buddhist New Year (about mid-April). On the day, people gather at the temple with fresh flowers, food, and other offerings, build small Buddhist pagodas in the yard of the temple with clean sand from the rivers, and then sit around the pagodas and listen to the monks reciting the scriptures to expiate the sins of the dead. Meanwhile, a figure of Buddha is carried into the yard. People wash the Buddha and sprinkle each other with clear water as a blessing. Now the day is officially declared a Dai national holiday and celebrated with a big rally, dragon-boat races, and fireworks. It draws large numbers of tourists. Dan (in Xishuangbanna) or Bai (in Dehong) is the Buddhaoffering ceremony. The most common and pious way for the lay believers to gain salvation, the ceremony is performed on every important occasion such as a birth, marriage, death, harvest, the building of a Buddhist pagoda or a house, the upgrading of monks, etc. The ceremonies can be held either by an individual household or a community.

People offer flowers, food, candles, money, and so on before the figures of Buddha, listen to the monks reciting the scriptures, and appeal to the Buddha for blessing. In Dehong, a Bai sponsor first has to go to Myanmar to buy one or more figures of the Buddha, make elegant streamers and umbrellas, hire monks to make a copy of Buddhist scripture, and put all these in a temporarily built hall at his house. Then the family invites the local abbot and monks to officiate at the ceremony, feasting-all relatives and villagers. After the ceremony, all the items are sent to the local temple as offerings. All those who have made a Bai become an honorable paka, a disciple of the Buddha, and will be able to enter the Western Paradise after death.

In addition to Buddhist ceremonies, there are spiritoffering rituals (linpimong) in all Dai regions, communally held for the village's protection and well-being.

Arts. Dai literature is especially rich in poetry and folktales. In Dai, poetry (kahma) means talking and singing.

With relatively loose rhyme, rules, and forms, Dai poetry leaves much room for the zamha or haluanhong, the balladists, in their impromptu recital. Epics are an important part of Dai poetry, among which Langaxihuo, Chaoshutun and Nanmanuola (or The Peacock Princess), and Wuopin and Losang are most famous. The first is about the Dai ancestors' conquest of flood; the second and third are love stories of ancient princes and princesses. The story of the peacock princess seems to be a Dai version of an ancient Hindu drama, Manva. The Dai are well known for their

428 Dai

graceful peacock folk dance, which vividly imitates and displays the elegance of the peacock, the symbol of luck and happiness for the Dai. Mural painting, wood and stone carving, and sculpture are closely tied to Buddhism. Woven and embroidered wool, cotton, and silk bags and other works are famous Dai handicrafts, and they sell well in the markets.

Medicine. Medical knowledge and expertise are mainly passed on orally by the moya (medical man) from generation to generation. Traditional medicine comes from herbs, minerals, or materials from animals-ginger, chili, anise, shaddock and pine leaves, opium paste, camphor, borax, tiger bone, pilose antler (of a young stag), the gallbladder of a bear or a snake, and so on. Local epidemics and frequently occurring disorders are malaria, dysentery, cholera (now rare), and convulsions. Massage, oral or surface application of medicines, bloodletting, and heat application are common methods used in treatment and cure. The Dai have accepted modern medicine since the Revolution, but they still use traditional medicine and treatment-as well as the Buddha or spirit offerings-as supplemental cures.

Death and Afterlife. Dai belief about death is a combination of Buddhism and traditional spiritism. The people believe in samsara (all human beings are wandering from life to life through countless rebirths) and karma (people are suffering the consequences of past and present lives).

Also, they believe that all humans become spirits after death. The traditional idea is actually more popular among ordinary people, whose fear and reverence of the spirits are reflected vividly at funerals. Burial (for commoners) and cremation (for Buddhist monks and tusi) are common ways to dispose of the body. The funeral ceremonies are for normal deaths only. When a person is dying, the relatives get a small bamboo tablet with two pieces of yellow cloth on it from the temple and put it on the body as a verification of belief in the Buddha so that the deceased can enter paradise. The elder of the family has to recite several verses of Buddhist scriptures to the dying person. All the villagers should stop their work and come to help, for the spirit dislikes any noise of working. All water at home should be tipped away lest the spirit come back to wash. The abbot and the monks are invited to perform rites for one day or more to release the soul from purgatory and expiate the sins of the dead. When the coffin is carried out, all family members come upstairs to drive the spirit out of the house.

The spouse of the dead cuts up a pair of candles at this moment to manifest eternal separation from the dead. On the way to the cemetery, the abbot and monk go in front, holding a string tied to the coffin, as guides; behind, the relatives of the dead carry packages of cooked rice and occasionally allow the eldest son of the deceased to take some rice from the packages for the deceased. Each village has its own cemetery nearby in the woods. Adults are buried at a location separate from the sites for those who died young and those who died by accident or violence. Dead children cannot become spirits, whereas those who died through violence become evil spirits. Back from the cemetery, people burn a special kind of nut, exposing themselves to the smoke, and wash their hair with stale rice water to cleanse themselves.

Bibliography Dodd, William Clifton (1923). The Dai Race. Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press.

Hanks, Lucien M. (1972). Rice and Man. Chicago: Aldine-Atherton.

Jiang Yingliang (1983). Daizu shi (A history of the Dai).

Chengdu: Sichuan Nationalities Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1983-1984). Daizu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Dai). 5 vols.

Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1983-1984). Xishuangbanna Daizu shehui zonghe diaocha (Comprehensive investigations of Dai society of Xishuangbanna). 2 vols. Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1984-1987). Dehong Daizu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Dai in Dehong). 2 vols. Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

T'ien Ju-k'ang (1949). "Pai Cults and Social Age in the Tai Tribes of the Yunnan-Burmese Frontier." American Anthropologist 51.

T'ien Ju-k'ang (1985). Religious Cults of the Pai-l along the Burma-Yunnan Border. Cornell Southeast Asia Program Monographs. Ithaca, N.Y WANG ZHUSHENG

Daur ETHNONYMS: Daguer, Dahuer, Dawoer

The Daur are one of China's northern minorities. They numbered 121,627 in 1990. About 60 percent live in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region in the Molidawa Daur Autonomous Banner District. Established in 1958, the district covers some 31,200 square kilometers. Another 30 percent live in neighboring Heilongjiang Province and most of the remainder are settled near Qiqihar (Xinjiang Uigur Autonomous Region), descendants of those relocated there in the mid-eighteenth century. There are four distinct dialects of Daur, a Mongolian language. Because of population spread and long association with other ethnic groups, many Daur are bilingual, using Chinese, Uigur, Mongolian, Hezhen, or Kazak. Manchu words appear within the Daur dialects, and during the Qing dynasty

De'ang 429 (1644-1911) the Daur used the Manchu writing system.

At that time they played an important role in the commerce between interior China and the grasslands beyond the Great Wall, trading furs and skins and medicinal materials in return for gold and items for daily use. Lumbering and some commercial river fishing were also an important part of the economy. Chinese sources claim different times for their transformation from a relatively egalitarian, lineage-organized society-based on hunting, pastoralism, and simple agriculture-to a more complex one.

Since the 1950s, the local economy has been a mix of agriculture and pastoralism (horses, sheep, and cattle) with hunting on a limited scale. Millet, oats, and buckwheat are the main food crops, eaten as a porridge to which milk, butter, and/or sugar are added. Under socialist planning, the authorities have encouraged the Daur to plant large fields of soybeans, maize, and gaoliang (sorghum). Venison, wild fowl, and fish continue as part of the diet while leather and furs are used for clothing. Big-wheeled oxcarts were in common use for transport until fairly recently, when they were supplanted by railway lines and motor transport.

Daur society is divided into localized patrilineages (mokan) whose members share a common surname and live in one village. The next highest grouping is the hala, a shared-surname group found in several villages. Spouses must come from outside one's hala. Marriages are parentally arranged with the aid of a go-between, with a preference for matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. Such arrangements in the past were usually made when the prospective spouses were children, or even before birth. The bride was sometimes raised in her future husband's household. Marriage to a mature girl required a bride-price of horses, cattle, wine, and luxury foods. The mother's brother has a lifelong continued interest in his sister's children and assists them economically and socially.

The Daur have not accepted the religions of their neighbors, save for a small percentage who follow Lamaist Buddhism. Religious worship focuses on a number of gods, most importantly a grouping of sky gods (tenger) to whom annual sacrifices are made. Numerous other gods, represented by paintings or idols, are the spirits inherent in different kinds of natural forces, animals, and objects, and a few gods are borrowed from the Han. An ancestral god, identified as a particular ancestor (often female) is worshiped by each hala and mokan. Shamanism is an important component of religious activities at the household, lineage, and community levels. Every mokan has its own shaman (more frequently female) for dealing with sickness, birth, and domestic problems. The Daur believe that each living creature has a soul that leaves the body at death and can be reincarnated. Exemplary persons might become gods, while the worst remain in hell.

National Minorities Commission, ed. (1981). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu (China's national minorities). Beijing: Peoples Press.

Bibliography Bender, Mark, and Su Huana (n.d.). Folktales of the Daur Nationality. Beijing: New World Press.

History and Cultural Relations

Fan Yumei, et al., eds. (1987). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu fengqinglu (Customs of China's national minorities).

Chengdu: Sichuan Nationalities Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

NORMA DIAMOND

De'ang ETHNONYMS: Ang, Benlong, Black Benglong, Liang, Niang, Red Benglong

Orientation Identification. De'ang is one of fifty-six ethnic groups in China officially recognized by the Chinese government.

The earlier official ethnic name was 'Benglong" but was changed to "De'ang" in 1985 at their request. The De'ang are discontinuously spread across the border areas between the southwestern frontier of the Chinese province of Yunnan and northeastern Myanmar (Burma). They are one of the smallest minority peoples in China; they numbered 15,462 in 1990. They are considered to have a long history.

Location. In Yunnan, the De'ang live mainly in the Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture, with others scattered in the Lincang Administration Area and the Baoshan Administration Area. The regions of Santaishan in Luxi County and Junnong in Zhenkang County are the largest communities of De'ang. The climate in De'ang areas is subtropical with dry and rainy seasons each year.

Demography. Population growth had been very slow because the high birthrate was offset by a high rate of infant mortality. Since the 1950s the population has been steadily increasing with the improvement of medical care and health conditions. The population of De'ang was estimated at about 6,000 in 1949 and had increased to 12,275 by the time of the national census in 1982.

Linguistic Affiliation. The De'ang are Mon-Khmer speakers. They speak three dialects. Having lived in close contact with the Dai, Jingpo, and Han (Chinese) for a long time, many De'ang also speak the languages of those peoples at trade fairs and in social intercourse.

The legend from either the De'ang's neighbors or the De'ang themselves recounts that the De'ang were the first settlers in the Dehong region of Yunnan. Remains of old tea plantations, roads, towns, and so on have been found in local areas and scholars believe they were left by the ancestors of the De'ang. The "Pu" people, whose presence is

430 De'ang

recorded in Chinese historical documents from 2,000 years ago, are thought to be the ancestors of the De'ang and the other Mon-Khmer speakers in ancient China. However, the exact name of the De'ang first appeared in Chinese records as "Benglong" in the Qing dynasty. The De'ang have had close contact with Tai-speaking peoples at least since the Yuan dynasty, 700 years ago. There are some cases still remembered by local people of De'ang villages being assimilated into those of the Dai.

Settlements The village is the basic unit of settlement. Most villages are located in mountainous and semimountainous areas, near those of the Jingpo, Lisu, and Han peoples. A few villages are found on the plain among Dai villages. Usually a few dozen households constitute an isolated village.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The De'ang have traditionally practiced extensive agriculture with simple techniques. In the Dehong region, wet-rice cultivation is the most important economic activity, while in the Lincang region, important products are dry rice, maize, and starchy tubers. The De'ang depend for subsistence not only on grain crops, but also on tea production. Tea cultivation has been practiced since ancient times, and tea has been the main cash crop since the last century. In addition, the De'ang engage in handicraft production, including bamboo weaving, gunny weaving, gunnysack sewing, and making of silverware. There are no markets in De'ang villages. They sell their own products and buy metal tools, salt, cloth, and other manufactured goods at neighboring Dai or Han markets. Since the late nineteenth century, some De'ang who live close to towns and communication lines have engaged in trade during the leisure season, but trade is insignificant in their economy.

Division of Labor. Labor is divided by age and sex. The elderly engage in weaving and taking care of household chores. Men perform heavy work in the fields, such as plowing and harrowing, while women are responsible for transplanting rice seedlings. Everyone's primary work is directly related to agriculture, although a family member who has a professional skill is often assigned to do some other work, such as weaving or manufacturing silverware.

Land Tenure. Traditionally land belonged to the village, and each family had the right only to use the land, not to own it. In the Dehong region, the rice fields became private property during the nineteenth century and could be mortgaged or sold by the owner, who brought the field under cultivation first. However, the village still maintained ownership of dry land. In the late nineteenth century, the economic forces of the Dai and Han peoples began to infiltrate into the De'ang villages. By the time of the Agrarian Reform in 1956, the Dai and Han had occupied 80-90 percent of the rice fields in De'ang villages by buying the land from De'ang landowners. Losing the fields, many De'ang were reduced to being tenants of the Dai and Han owners. In the Lincang region, the majority of cultivated land is dry land or upland fields. Before 1956, the land near villages had been divided and given to individual fam-

ilies for a long time with the right of succession, but the land far from villages still belonged to the villages, and any village member could use such land. When the land lay fallow, it would be turned over to the village. Traditionally land could not be sold by anyone, and as soon as a villager migrated out, the land he owned had to be returned to the village. One could not even rent one's own land to an outsider without the permission of the village head. Since the Agrarian Reform of 1956, however, all of the lands in the De'ang areas have been nationalized, as have lands elsewhere in China.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kin Groups and Descent. A De'ang village is usually composed of several patrilineal groups. Each patrilineal group is composed of several to thirty or forty nuclear families with a patriarchal authority structure and patrilineal inheritance of Sinicized family names.

Marriage. Customarily, mates come from the same village but from different patrilineal groups. Asymmetrical cross-cousin marriage-in this case, a man marrying a daughter of his mother's brothers-has become the preferred form. Postmarital residence is patrilocal. A matrilocal marriage can sometimes occur when a man is not able to afford the bride-price. If a husband wants a di vorce, some charge and the approval of the village head will be necessary. If the divorce is demanded by the wife, her family must repay the bride-price.

Domestic Unit and Inheritance. In the Dehong region, the nuclear family that consists of a married couple and their children is the most common form. The eldest and second sons usually establish their respective new houses after marrying, and the youngest son inherits the parents' house and property and the responsibility of taking care of the parents. In the Lincang region, the large extended family was common until the early twentieth century. Such a family contained many nuclear families and included three or four generations. All the family members, varying between twenty and ninety in number, lived in one large bamboo house. The house was divided into several rooms.

Each room was usually occupied by a nuclear family. Often the responsibility of running the household rested with the senior male. The property of the family was owned by all family members. Owing to the development of a monetary economy and the accumulation of property by the nuclear family, this large-family form has gradually disintegrated since the early twentieth century and the independent nuclear family has become most common in De'ang communities. As a kind of transitional form from the large extended family to the nuclear family, independent nuclear families have sometimes lived together in the previously used large house in close relationship with each other, although they have been independent households.

Sociopolitical Organization Before 1949, the De'ang were under the rule of the Dai ruling class. The Dai ruler gave the De'ang village headmen official titles and appointments to collect tribute and tax. The position of a village head was often hereditary in Dehong, while in some areas of Lincang a village

Dongxiang 431 head was elected by villagers and approved by the Dai ruler. Moreover, several village heads elected a chief head from among themselves to handle the affairs between the villages and to be the representative of the villages in contacts with the Dai ruler. Since the Chinese Communist government was established in 1949, the national government has brought the administrative system in the De'ang areas into the national socialist system.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religion. The De'ang adopted Theravada Buddhism from the nearby Dai. Buddhist temples exist in most villages, and feeding the monks is the obligation of every household. The De'ang monks can write and read the Buddhist scriptures in Dai language. In addition, there is a lay specialist in every village who directs offering-making ceremonies and divines for villagers. The ultimate goal of Buddhism in De'ang society is to extricate oneself from suffering and enter otherworldly life after death through merits earned in this life. The De'ang have religious festivals similar to the Dai, such as the New Year, Closing the

Door, Opening the Door, and so forth.

Death and Afterlife. Each village has a cemetery shared by all of the villagers. The normal form of burial is in a coffin in the ground, while only those who have died of .unnatural" causes (e.g., disease or accident) are cremated.

In funeral rites the monk chants for the dead and releases the soul of the dead from purgatory, so that the soul will not harm people and livestock.

See also Dai

Bibliography National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1986). De-angzu jianshi (A concise history of the De'ang). Kunming: Yunnan Education Press.

though a few are large, townlike complexes (approximately 700 households). Houses are two-story; livestock and firewood are kept on the ground floor. Dong villages feature drum towers of up to thirteen stories, where meetings and celebrations take place. Also distinctive of the Dong is their construction of elaborate covered bridges with tile roofs and stone arches.

Dong territory is subtropical, with 120 centimeters of rain annually. They raise rice, wheat, millet, maize, and sweet potatoes for their own consumption and cotton, tobacco, rapeseed, and soybeans as cash crops. The Dong also harvest large amounts of timber for sale. Other forest products include tung oil, lacquer, and oil-tea camellia.

Traditionally, only men could inherit land, though women had small plots that they farmed themselves. The monogamous Dong adopt boys when childless. After marriage, women continue to live with their parents, visiting their husbands only on special occasions; a woman lives with her husband after the birth of their first child. When a child is born, its parents plant fir seedlings so that the child will have materials with which to build a house after marrying; these trees are known as "18-year trees."

The Dong are polytheistic and worship especially a .saint mother" whom they honor with altars and temples.

The Communist Revolution has led to the introduction of factories to produce farm implements, cement, paper, and other goods.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 354358. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Yunnan Institute of History, ed. (1983). "The Benglong."

In Yunnan shaoshu minzu (Yunnan Minority Peoples).

Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

TAN LESHAN

Dongxiang ETHNONYMS: none

Dong ETHNONYMS:

none

The 2,514,014 Dong (1990 census) live in numerous villages in the hills along the borders of Hunan, Guizhou, and Guangxi provinces. The Dong language, called Kam, belongs to the Zhuang-Dong Branch of the Sino-Tibetan Language Family. In 1958, the first writing system for the Dong was invented, using Roman letters; most Dong still use Chinese ideographs in their written communications, however.

Most villages are small (20 to 30 households) al-

The Dongxiang population stood at 373,872 in 1990, having increased rapidly over the previous twenty years. The majority of Dongxiang live in Gansu Province, and a smaller number in Xinjiang Province. They live among Han, Hui, Tibetan, Tu, and Salar peoples. The Dongxiang language is Mongolian, belonging to the Altaic Language Family, although it contains many Han loanwords. Dongxiang can be written by very few people, who use Arabic or Roman letters; most written communication is carried out in Chinese. Prior to the Communist Revolution, the Dongxiang were known as the "Dongxiang Hui" and as the "Mongolian Huihui." The term "Dongxiang" is Chinese, meaning "eastern area," the part of Gansu province formerly known as Hezhou, in which they lived. One view of

432

Dongxiang

the ethnogenesis of the Dongxiang is that they are descendants of Mongol garrison soldiers mixed with others living in or passing through the area.

The Dongxiang rely primarily on agriculture, raising wheat, maize, and especially potatoes, as well as hemp, beans, sesame seed, and rapeseed, which are sold for cash.

Recently, the Chinese government has assisted in the planting of trees and grass in the area to help prevent soil erosion, which has long been a severe problem. Factories for making tiles, farm tools, generators, flour, bricks, and cement have also been erected recently.

The Dongxiang are Muslims. Prior to the Communist Revolution, two-thirds were Sunni and the majority of the rest were Shiite; a very few were adherents of the Wahhabiyaa sect. Despite their small numbers, members of the New Teaching sect politically dominated Dongxiang areas prior to the Revolution. Immediately before the Revolution, there were 595 mosques in the Dongxiang territory, one for every thirty households.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 109112. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey, 97-106. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Drung ETHNONYMS: Derung,

Dulongzu, Qiu, Tulong

One of the smallest minority groups of China, the Drung in 1990 numbered 5,816. They are located in northwestern Yunnan Province, near the Myanmar (Burma) border, and are spread over an area of a hundred miles along the valleys of the Dulong River. Mountains of 4,000 to 5,000 meters above sea level enclose the area, and climate varies from the semitropics of the valleys to six-month snow cover at higher altitudes. The Drung language belongs to the Tibeto-Burman Branch of Sino-Tibetan and is very close to one of the neighboring Nuzu dialects. Between the Tang and Song dynasties they were first a frontier people of the Nanzhao Kingdom and then under the authority of the Dali Kingdom. From the Song until late Qing dynasties they were part of the domain of the Lijiang (Naxi) tusi system of appointed native officials whose posts became hereditary, and in late Qing much of the area was a part of the temple domain of a Tibetan Lamaist monastery. To add to these threats to their autonomy and cultural iden-

tity, they were under considerable pressure from the Lisu and some were incorporated into Lisu society as slaves.

The Drung continue to exploit a number of ecological niches with a local economy based on slash-and-burn agriculture (maize, wheat, beans), fishing, forest and mountain hunting, and collecting of wild plants for food and medicinal use. Since the 1950s, the government has encouraged the planting of paddy rice and raising of cattle and pigs.

Although the Drung have been pressured to adopt Chinese dress, they continue to weave the distinctive striped flax cloth that is worn by both sexes as a cloak, skirt, or wrapping during the day and serves as a blanket at night.

In the late 1940s and 1950s the Drung were still organized into fifteen exogamous patrilineal clans (nile), each of which held claim to particular valley lands, mountain lands, and forest areas. The clans were divided into ke'eng, or villages, composed of several closely related multigeneration households of twenty to thirty persons each.

There were village communal lands and lands assigned to houses. Each personal name incorporated three names: the name of the clan, house, or village; one's same-sex parent's name; and an individual given name. Nowadays, a person must also have a proper Chinese name for registration purposes. At puberty, girls received facial tattoos that indicated their clan affiliation, a custom no longer followed.

Marriages were parentally arranged and usually monogamous. Some polygamy occurred, either through the levirate or through marriage to two or more women of the same ke'eng. Residence was patrilocal. Cattle, iron items, and cloth were required as the bride-price. Bride-service was sometimes substituted to fulfill the payments. Since the clans were ranked, it was unusual for a man's sister to marry into the clan from which he and his agnates drew brides. Women had high status in their marital households, participating in economic decisions and overseeing the distribution of resources, as well as participating in agricultural labor.

In 1956, the Drung-Nu Autonomous County was established, and authorities encouraged the Drung to participate in a land-reform program. (Chinese sources disagree about the extent to which this plan was carried out and how.) Shortly thereafter, the government organized the Drung into collectives and communes, which did not replicate former clan or lineage holdings but instead created new units in which Drung of various clans joined members of other ethnic groups to work assigned areas of land. This plan was facilitated by government irrigation projects that opened up some 6,000 hectares for paddy rice in the Dulong River valley. However, recent reports (see Shen Che) suggest that many Drung can be found in the uplands, practicing their traditional economy. Even so, the institution of the extended-family communal longhouse is disappearing, rejected by the younger generation.

The religion is animistic, with shaman practitioners. In the 1930s some of the Drung were highly receptive to the teachings of American and Canadian Protestant missionaries in the area, and in the mid-1950s it was estimated that close to one-third of the Drung identified themselves as Christian.

Ewenki 433

Chengdu: Sichuan Nationalities Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, and Li Zhaolun, eds. (1981). Dulongzu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Dulong). Vols. 1-2. Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 329-332.

Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Shen Che, and Lu Xiaoya (1989). Life Among the Minority Nationalities of Northwest Yunnan. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Bibliography Fan Yumei, et al., eds. (1987). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu fengqinglu (Customs of China's national minorities).

National Minorities Commission, ed. (1981). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu (China's national minorities). Beijing: Peoples Press.

Ewenki ETHNONYMS: Sulun, Tungus, Yakut

Orientation Identification. The Ewenki are one of the fifty-five officially recognized minority nationalities of the People's Republic of China. Also known as "Tungus," "Yakut," and "Sulun," they are mainly found in the Ewenki Autonomous Banner, Chen Barag Banner, Butha Banner, Arun Banner, Ergun Left Banner, Morin Dawa Daur Autonomous Banner, etc. of the Hulun Buir League in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region, and in Nahe County of Heilongjiang Province. The description below focuses on the traditional way of life, as changes since 1949 have been major.

Location. Most of their territory is in the forest and on the grassland on the western slope of the Greater Hinggan Mountains, an area also inhabited by Mongols, Daur, Han, and Oroqen. Under the influence of the Siberian winds, the climate is severe, with a long snowy winter and virtually no summer.

Demography. The Ewenki population, according to the 1990 census, is 26,315.

Linguistic Affiliation. The Ewenki language, comprising three dialects, belongs to the Tungus Branch of the Manchu-Tungus Family of Altaic languages. It has no script. Nomadic Ewenki also speak and write in the Mongolian language, while farming Ewenki and those living near the mountains also speak and write in Han Chinese.

History and Cultural Relations The Ewenki trace their origin to a people known in Chinese history as "Shiweis" who lived by fishing, hunting, and reindeer breeding in the forests east of Lake Baikal and along the Shailka River, the upper reaches of the Heilong (Amur) River. Their name in Tungus means "forest people." Historically they were often grouped together with Oroqens and Daurs, who share much of their cultural

NORMA DIAMOND

tradition, and referred to as the "Sulun Tribes." They were under the rule of the Manchu even before the Russians invaded the Heilong River valley. After the Manchu took over all of China, the Ewenki were organized by the Manchu into tuos, administrative units based on clan organization. The Manchu extracted marten from them as tributes. After the middle of the seventeenth century, because of Russian invasion, the Qing court moved them to the valley areas of the Nen River, integrating them into the banner system and recruiting soldiers among them to serve along the northern borders for defense. At the end of the nineteenth century they were part of the Boxer Rebellion, and later they played an important role in the anti-Japanese war. Wars, diseases, etc., drastically reduced their population. After the founding of the People's Republic, the government of China carried out a policy of social reform and economic development; the Ewenki were gradually integrated into the national efforts for modernization.

Settlements and Economy Most of the Ewenki in the Ewenki Autonomous Banner and Chen Barag Banner are engaged in animal husbandry; the Ewenki in Nahe are agriculturists; in Ergun some are hunters and the rest supplement their agriculture with hunting. Pastoral Ewenki live in felt tents, a shelter that suits their nomadic way of life as they move seasonally from place to place looking for good pastures for their horses, oxen, and goats. They organized themselves into nomadic units called nimal, usually comprised of several nuclear households belonging to the same clan. Nimal became feudalistic economic units characterized by ownertenant relations. Although pasture belonged to the whole nimal, herds were owned privately.

The hunting Ewenki, before they settled down in the 1950s, roamed the primitive forests, driving their reindeer and following the tracks of game, mainly elk, deer, roe deer, and squirrels. They lived in xianrenzhu, a tent with long wooden poles forming a conical hut covered with animal hides or birch bark. They organized themselves into wulileng, comprised of blood-related households, as basic

434 Ewenki

skills, and both boys and girls participate in horse racing and lassoing horses.

economic units in which they hunted and shared the game equally on the basis of households. The hunter who fired the fatal shot customarily took the least-desirable share, but care was always taken to provide for the aged, sick, and the disabled. They stored their food and other belongings in a casual manner. Anybody in need could take what they wanted and return later, with no consent from the owner necessary. Normally a wulileng would contain five to six households-at most a dozen-under the leadership of an elected xinmamaleng, who was responsible for organizing collective hunting assignments. Usually hunting was carried out in groups of four to five hunters, called angnaga.

Reindeer served as the main transport for their belongings, especially their xianrenzhus. They also rode reindeer when they hunted-except in winter, when they used ski boards.

Hunting dogs were indispensable, and they used shotguns extensively. They maintained regular barter with outsiders, exchanging their game, fur, and forest produce for food grain, clothes, and implements. Today, embroidery, carving, and painting are still popular, and Ewenki like to make bird and animal toys with birch bark.

In recent years their economic life has undergone tremendous change, having diversified into substantial smalland medium-scale industries. They organized hunting in collectives and then production brigades. Tasks in animal husbandry such as grass cutting, transportation, water supply, herd bathing, wool processing, etc., are mechanized.

The last tribal chief of the Ewenki died in 1761, and with him the tribal organization. Various clans then scattered and moved on their own. Every clan elected its head and his assistant. Their tenure depended on their abilities and behavior, they enjoyed no privilege whatsoever and worked like anybody else. The responsibility of a clan head included settling disputes and calling clan meetings attended by family heads to discuss important issues. The Ewenki used to adopt members of other clans to increase the population of their clans; they even adopted captives for the same reason. Blood feuds were common between clans.

Below the clan was the wulileng, a type of family commune; the typical ones were formed by blood relatives, while some others may have included members from different clans. The xinmamaleng, leader of the wulileng, was elected from its members and was usually the best hunter, brave, and candid. Important issues were settled at wulileng meetings attended by either the oldest male or female member of each family. The man with the longest beard enjoyed the most respect.

Social control was mainly effected through persuasion and public opinion; to lose face was a grave matter.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family

Religion and Expressive Culture

Monogamy is practiced among the Ewenki and clan exogamy has been the norm. Boys and girls enjoy considerable freedom in choosing their spouses, although there have been cases of arranged marriages in which a girl of 17-18 may marry a boy of 7-8. In Chen Barag, elopement still occurs. The couple in love may set up a felt tent with a xianrenzhu beside it. During the night, the girl sneaks out and gallops away with her lover, and in the newly built xianrenzhu an elderly woman marries them simply by rearranging the girl's eight pigtails into two. Normally after the nuptial night spent with the bride's family, the newlyweds set up their own household within the husband's clan. Divorce is rare. Both levirate (excluding the elder brothers of the husband) and sororate (excluding the elder sisters of the wife) were common. Cross-cousin marriage, as the preferential marriage form, is no longer practiced.

Descent and inheritance traditionally followed the male line. The family head was the eldest male, but pieces of family property, such as shotguns and reindeers, were passed on to the youngest son.

Ewenki kinship terminology is partially classificatory and partially descriptive. While terms for father, mother, husband, and wife are definite and clear, other terms are not, making very little distinction between relatives from the father's side and those from the mother's side. Sex distinctions are clear in some instances but not so clear in others. The Ewenki seem to be more conscious of relative age than of generation differences, and sometimes they use the same term for people of different generations.

Socialization is informal and begins early. Hunting and tending herds are the principal themes. Competitions are frequently held to encourage learning of these necessary

Although some pastoral Ewenki are Lamaist Buddhists, the Ewenki as a whole are animists, worshiping many natural elements including the wind god, mountain god, fire god, etc., and various protective gods who ensure their success in hunting and herding and general good health. Totems were prevalent, especially of bears and birds. Although they ate bear meat, they referred to bears with the same terms they would use for their most respected ancestors. The Ewenki conducted a formal ceremony while eating bear meat, following it with the same ritual observed for their own dead-a wind burial in which they placed the bones in a hollow tree trunk suspended on tree stumps. Ancestor worship was another feature of traditional Ewenki religious practice. They believed in an eternal soul that would separate from the body after death. Because of the influence of the Russian Orthodox church, they have changed from wind burial to earth burial. Maru is the term they used to refer to all gods, including their clan god, shewoke. They offered animal blood, meat, and fat to the gods. It was strictly forbidden for women to go near the shrines.

The Ewenki accepted only some basic ceremonies from the Russian Orthodox church; shamanism remained the prevalent form of religious belief. Shamans were highly respected and expected nothing in return for their services.

They could be either men or women who had had the experience of long illness and, especially, mental problems. In many cases, as among the Ewenki in Ergun Banner, the clan chief might be the shaman. The Ewenki relied on shamans to cure the sick and, at the same time, they discovered the curing effects of certain herbs and internal organs of animals. Veterinary medicine was developed for their reindeer.

Sociopolitical Organization

Gelao

Bibliography Jiang Chunfang, Shi Lei, Li Shijie, et al., eds. (1986).

Zhongguo da baike quanshu (Encyclopedia Sinica). Vol. 20, Minzu (Nationalities). Beijing: Encyclopedia Sinica Press.

435

Qiu Pu (1962). Ewenki ren de yuanshi shehui xingtai (Primitive social formations of the Ewenki). Beijing: Zhonghua Press.

LIU XINGWU

National Minorities Commission, ed. (1981). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu (China's national minorities). Beijing: Peoples Press.

Gelao ETHNONYMS:

The Gelao

Ch'i-lao, Gelo, Kopu

agricultural people scattered Guizhou Province, with heavy concentrations around Zunyi and Anshun. A smaller number are in Zhuang areas in Yunnan and Guangxi. Between the 1982 and 1990 census their registered population jumped from around 54,000 to 438,000, suggesting that many families challenged the state's classification and eventually reclaimed Gelao ethnic identity. The basis for transfer is unclear since the literature about them is sparse.

Gelao, an unclassified Sino-Tibetan language, is spoken only by a minority. Most speak Han and/or neighboring languages, particularly Yi, Miao, and Bouyei. Until the 1950s, Gelao wore a distinctive costume that included long scarves for both sexes and black-and-white striped linen skirts for women. Now they wear Han clothing, though women's ceremonial dress in the Zunyi area seems to be borrowed from Yizu. The term "Gelao" was used by the Chinese during Ming settlement of the area. They refer to themselves as "bendiren" (Chinese), meaning "natives," or as "shagai" (Gelao), meaning "resettlers." The Chinese version of their history is that they are the descendants of people of the ancient Liao "tribes" and the Yelang Kingdom of the southwest, which were conquered by the Han dynasty some 2,000 years ago. Ming and Qing reports place them in their present areas.

They are dryland farmers, heavily dependent on maize and sweet potatoes, and, where possible, growing millet, wheat, and rice. Many were formerly tenant farmers, paying rents in opium as well as staple grains and labor service.

Some Gelao were landlords, but most of the rental land belonged to members of other groups. Cork production, bamboo weaving, and making straw sandals were supplementary occupations. In recent decades, commercial production of tobacco, tung oil, palm trees, and medicinal herbs has been encouraged by the state. are a mountain across twenty counties in western

At present the Gelao live in compact villages with housing following the Han style. However, they continue to practice customs either borrowed from neighboring groups or retained from their original culture that distinguish them from the Han. The available literature is contradictory on whether marriages were parentally arranged or initiated by courtship. It is clear that postmarital residence remains neolocal, though usually in the groom's home village. Some local groups used to remove a girl's incisors just prior to her marriage.

Folk literature has distinctly Gelao themes, and the Gelao have adopted traditional Chinese musical instruments and integrated them with local folk instruments found among neighboring minority groups. Their traditional funeral practices followed the Han model only in part; Gelao additions include playing the lusheng (a traditional reed pipe) and dancing at the funeral, singing by the mourners, making animal sacrifices to accompany burial, and marking the grave with a tree rather than a gravestone.

Chinese ethnographers report that ancestor worship is the core of religious activity, but their data suggest that the focus is on founding ancestors of settlements rather than on founders of patrilines. Some festivals coincide with and resemble those of the Han but have their own unique elements. Others are not a part of Han tradition: for instance, offerings of wine and chickens to bless the growing rice crop in the sixth lunar month; village communal worship of ancestors accompanied by ritual sacrifices of oxen, sheep, and pigs in the seventh lunar month; or the major festival for the ox god in the tenth lunar month. The Chinese government allowed festival observances to resume in 1980.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 364367.

Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Peng Jianqun (1987). "In the Mountains of the Gelos."

China Reconstructs 36(11):66-69.

NORMA DIAMOND

436 Hakka

Hakka ETHNONYMS:

History and Cultural Relations

Haknyin, K'e-chia, Kejia, Keren, Lairen,

Ngai, Xinren

Orientation Identification. "Hakka" is the Yue (Cantonese) pronunciation of the term that translates literally as "guests" or .stranger families" or, less literally, as "settlers" or "newcomers." The name "Hakka" (in Mandarin, "Kejia") is likely to have originated from the descriptive term used before the seventeenth century in population registers to distinguish recent immigrants from earlier Yue inhabitants.

During the nineteenth century, in certain contexts, the term "Hakka" carried negative implications, but by the early twentieth century, following a period of ethnic mobilization, "Hakka" became more widely accepted as an ethnic label.

Location. Hakka are widely scattered throughout the southeastern provinces of the People's Republic of China (PRC), but most are concentrated in northeastern Guangdong, east of the North River, in the mountainous, less fertile region of Meizhou Prefecture. Meizhou, which includes the seven predominantly Hakka counties that surround Meixian (located at approximately 24° N and 116° E), is considered the Hakka "heartland" and is claimed by many Hakka as their native place. Sizable Hakka populations are also found in southwestern Fujian, southern Jiangxi, eastern Guangxi, Hainan Island, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and, in lesser numbers, in regions of Sichuan and Hunan. By the twentieth century Hakka could be found on virtually every continent, from South and Southeast Asia and the Pacific to Europe, North and South America, Africa, and the Caribbean.

Demography. Estimated at over 38 million in the People's Republic of China in 1990, the Hakka population accounts for approximately 3.7 percent of the total Chinese population. In 1992, the International Hakka Association placed the total Hakka population worldwide at approximately 75 million. linguistic Affiliation.

Today many Hakka throughout the world no longer speak Hakka, but traditionally the Hakka language was the single most important cultural feature that served to distinguish Hakka from other Chinese. The version of Hakka dialect spoken in Meixian is considered the standard form and can be transcribed into standard Chinese characters as well as other Chinese vernaculars. While many Hakka claim that the Hakka language is more like Mandarin than Cantonese is, linguists classify Hakka as Southern Chinese along with Yue and Min (Hokkien) languages, signifying that these dialects developed from a variety of Chinese spoken in southern China between the first and third centuries

classified by linguists group, is now considered a once

as part

A.D.

Hakka,

of the Gan-Kejia Sub-

separate category.

The Hakka have had a long history of conflict and competition with other Chinese groups over scarce land and resources. In Fujian and Taiwan they suffered from hostile relations with Min, and in Guangdong they fought with Yue speakers. Hakka-Yue conflicts were particularly violent throughout the middle of the nineteenth century, in the aftermath of the Taiping Rebellion, and during the HakkaBendi Wars (1854-1867). At that time, negative stereotypes and descriptions of the Hakka began to appear in both Chinese and foreign texts. The worst insult, which was recounted by Yue to foreign missionaries, was the implication that the Hakka, with their strange language and unfamiliar dress and customs, were not in fact Chinese but were more closely related to other 'barbarian" or "tribal" people. Such accusations infuriated the Hakka, who proudly sought to defend their identity and set the record straight. Since then, studies of Hakka history, based largely on genealogical evidence and other historical records, as well as linguistic evidence, support and substantiate Hakka claims to northern Chinese origins. In the People's Republic of China the Hakka are officially included in the category of Han Chinese.

Today most Hakka and non-Hakka scholars agree that the ancestors of those who later became known as "Hakka" were Chinese who came from southern Shanxi, Henan, and Anhui in north-central China. From the "cradle of Chinese civilization," these proto-Hakka gradually moved southward in five successive waves of migration. Historians do not agree, however, on the exact time and sequence of the earliest migrations. Most historians place the first migration during the fourth century at the fall of the Western Jin dynasty, when Hakka ancestors reached as far south as Hubei, south Henan, and central Jiangxi. The next period is less debated. By the late ninth and early tenth centuries, with the disorder created during the late Tang dynasty, the ancestors of the present-day Hakka moved farther south into Jiangxi, Fujian, and Guangdong.

The third wave, which stretched from the beginning of the twelfth century to the middle of the seventeenth, was caused by the exodus of the Southern Song dynasty and their supporters in a southward flight from the Mongol invasion. This dislodged people from Jiangxi and southwestern Fujian and forced them further into the northern and eastern quarters of Guangdong. By the end of the Yuan dynasty (A.D. 1368), northern and eastern Guangdong were exclusively Hakka. The fourth wave, which lasted from the mid-seventeenth century to the mid-nineteenth century, began with the Manchu conquest, and during the Qing dynasty, migration expanded into the central and coastal areas of Guangdong, Sichuan, Guangxi, Hunan, Taiwan, and southern Guizhou. By the time of the fifth wave, beginning at the middle of the nineteenth century, conflicts between the Hakka and the Yue increased. Triggered by population pressure, the Hakka-Bendi (Yue) Wars, and the large Hakka involvement in the Taiping Rebellion, the fifth wave of migration sent Hakka emigrants to seek better lives farther afield-to the southern part of Guangdong, to Hainan Island, and overseas to Southeast Asia (especially Malaya and Borneo). The establishment of the People's Republic of China and China's announcement of the in-

Hakka 437 tent to reclaim Hong Kong in 1997 have created what might be called the sixth wave of migration, which has continued the flow of Hakka overseas, especially to the United States, Australia, and Canada.

Settlements As later arrivals in most of the Chinese areas where they settled, the Hakka were generally forced into the higher elevations to the hilly, less productive, and less desirable land. Such was the case in Guangdong, Guangxi, and the New Territories of Hong Kong, where the Yue had already settled the more fertile river valleys, and also in Taiwan where the Min speakers owned the better land. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in regions of Guangdong, Hakka residence patterns differed from those of the Yue. As opposed to the Yue, who were more likely to live in more densely populated towns or in large, single-surname villages surrounded by fields, smaller numbers of Hakka were sparsely dispersed among the hills on land that they often rented from Yue landlords. In other regions Hakka and Yue occupied separate villages in the same areas; Hakka villages were more likely to be multisurnamed. As a result of their often hostile relations with other groups, Hakka architectural style often differed from that of their Chinese and non-Chinese neighbors. In southwestern Fujian and in northern Guangdong, Hakka built circular or rectangular, multistoried, fortresslike dwellings, designed for defensive purposes. These Hakka 'roundhouses" were built three or four stories high, with walls nearly a meter thick, made of adobe or tamped earth fortified with lime.

The structures vary in size; the largest, resembling a walled village, measures over 50 meters in diameter. Although the Hakka maintain the reputation of living in poor, marginal, rural areas, Hakka today also reside in urban, cosmopolitan regions.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Hakka have long enjoyed a reputation as extremely skilled and hardworking agriculturalists who can render the least desirable land productive. In the course of their history, the Hakka often farmed wasteland rejected by others or worked as tenants. Where the land permitted, they grew rice and vegetables. In poorer areas sweet potatoes were their staple.

Much of the agricultural labor was performed by women, who, unlike other Chinese, did not have their feet bound.

Female agricultural labor, marketing, and cutting of wood from the hillsides for fuel were especially necessary tasks in villages where Hakka men sought work overseas. As early as the Southern Song dynasty, Hakka men sought their fortunes by joining the military. The Taiping army, the Nationalist forces of Sun Yatsen, and the Communist army during the Long March were all comprised of large numbers of Hakka soldiers. Overseas, Hakka worked as railway builders, plantation hands, and miners. Today, Hakka are still known for their reputation for hard physical labor, and the women who are commonly seen working at construction sites in Hong Kong are often Hakka.

Industrial Arts. During the nineteenth century, Hakka peasants often had to supplement their agricultural work

with other occupations. They were also silver miners, charcoal makers, itinerant weavers, dockworkers, barbers, blacksmiths, and stonecutters.

Trade. The Hakka are best known for their agricultural, martial, and scholarly skills and for their achievement in political, academic, and professional occupations, but they are not known for their involvement in commercial enterprises. However, a number of successful entrepreneurs are Hakka or are 6f Hakka ancestry. For example, T V. Soong, founder of the Bank of China, and Aw Boon Aw, who made his fortune selling Tiger Balm, were both Hakka. In Calcutta today, the Hakka minority are successful entrepreneurs in the leather and tanning industry.

Division of Labor. The Hakka do not follow the traditional Chinese strict sexual division of labor. Women have long had a reputation for participating in hard physical labor-in fact, they perform many traditionally male occupations such as farming and construction. Because of the Hakka women's reputation for diligence and industriousness, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries poor non-Hakka valued Hakka women as wives.

Land Tenure. As latecomers in many of the regions where they settled, the Hakka were often tenants of the Yue or Min or owned only top-soil rights to land while the Yue or Min owned bottom-soil rights. Before the Communist Revolution, Hakka were more likely to be tenants than landlords and therefore many poor and landless Hakka peasants benefited from land reform in the early 1950s.

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. The Hakka trace descent patrilineally, and extended patrilineal kin groups combine to create lineages. The lineage commonly consists of a group of males who trace descent from one common ancestor, who live together in one settlement, and who own some common property. At least nominally, the lineage, including the wives and daughters, is under the authority of the eldest male in age and generation. Whenever possible, Hakka lineages traditionally set up ancestral halls. These buildings are usually not as ornate as those of the Cantonese, and their ancestral tablets only make reference to the name of the founding ancestor. Hakka rules for inclusion of forebears in ancestor worship are broader and more egalitarian than those of the Cantonese, and they often include men and women, rich and poor.

Kinship Terminology. Hakka kinship terms follow the general Han Chinese pattern, which may be referred to as 'bifurcate collateral" or as "both classificatory and descriptive" (Feng 1948, 129). They typically have a very large number of kinship terms for the paternal side and less differentiation on the maternal side. Many kinship terms distinguish affinal and consanguineal kin and indicate age in relation to Ego or Ego's parents. They also commonly use such kinship terms as "father's younger brother" or "elder sister" to refer to fictive kin. Hakka kinship terms reflect the assimilation of a woman into her husband's family.

Unlike Yue women in parts of Guangdong, who have separate terms of address for their husbands' parents, Hakka women use the same terms as their husbands to address his parents and other relatives.

438

Hakka

Marriage and Family Marriage. Like other Chinese, Hakka practice surname exogamy. Marriage traditionally was arranged, often village exogamous, and also patrilocal. Hakka marriage ceremonies suggest the transfer of women from one family to another and the incorporation of women into their husband's household and lineage rather than the establishment of bonds between two families. Wives are included in ancestral worship of their husband's lineage. Many Hakka claim that polygynous marriages were rare among the Hakka, yet until recently polygynous marriages were found among poor Hakka villagers in the New Territories of Hong Kong.

Domestic Unit. The domestic unit was ideally an extended patrilineal kin group comprised of several generations. Traditionally this group would have included a husband and wife, their unmarried daughters, and their married sons with their wives and children.

Inheritance. A man's estate was traditionally divided equally among his sons. Daughters might inherit some movable property at marriage, but did not share significantly in the parents' estate.

Socialization. As reflected in Hakka songs and sayings, Hakka girls are taught that they should learn "the appropriate skills expected of the wife of an important official, as well as know how to cook, clean, and work hard." The Hakka also instruct their children in the value of education and bodily cleanliness. There is little evidence that Hakka patterns of child rearing and socialization are significantly different from those of other Chinese. Respect for parents, elders, and obligations to the family is a commonly held value.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Like other Chinese, the Hakka have organized communities along kinship lines and ties to a common native place. Alliances based on shared dialect or ethnic identity are also important. Other groups sometimes view the Hakka as being exclusive or "clannish," but they view themselves as being unified and cooperative. Two international Hakka organizations, the Tsung Tsin (Congzheng) Association and the United Hakka Association (Kexi Datonghui), were organized by Hakka intellectuals and elite in the early 1920s in order to promote Hakka ethnic solidarity and foster a public understanding of Hakka culture. In 1921, over 1,000 delegates representing Hakka associations worldwide attended a conference in Canton to protest the Shanghai publication of The Geography of the World, which described the Hakka as nonChinese. Today these international Hakka voluntary organizations have branches reaching from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore to the United States, Canada, and beyond.

Political Organization. Although Hakka political organization is not easily distinguished from that of the larger society in which they are situated, the Hakka have long played an important role in Chinese politics, despite their economic disadvantages. During the Qing dynasty, the Hakka fared well in the imperial examinations and ascended into the imperial bureaucracy. Today they are disproportionately well represented in the government of the

People's Republic of China (PRC). While they comprise close to 4 percent of the population of the PRC, they represent a far greater proportion of government leaders.

Among the most well-known Hakka political figures are Deng Xiaoping; Zhu De, the military commander during the Long March; Marshal Ye Jiangying, leader of the Peoples Liberation Army; and former Communist Party Secretary Hu Yaobang. Outside of the PRC, Hakka leaders include Taiwan's President Lee Teng-hui; Singapore's President Lee Kwan Yew; Burma's Prime Minister Ne Win; and the governor-general of Trinidad and Tobago, Sir Solomon Hochoy. Some sources also assert that Dr. Sun Yatsen was Hakka.

Social Control. Like other Chinese, Hakka have been subject to the larger forces of the Chinese government bureaucracy and state control; on the local level, senior males had the most formal authority before 1949. Social pressure, strict traditional rules of obedience, and filial piety also help to minimize conflict.

Conflict. Today, as in the past, village leaders in rural communities often resolve conflicts on the local level. During the nineteenth century, conflicts often grew into longterm violent feuds. Longer-lasting feuds between Hakka villages, between Hakka lineages, or between the Hakka and the Yue were often over land or property, theft, marriage agreements, or other personal conflicts. The theft of a water buffalo and a broken marriage agreement between a Yue man and a Hakka woman were contributing events that helped escalate Hakka-Yue conflicts into large-scale armed conflicts during the 1850s. Conflicts between Hakka Christian converts and non-Christian Chinese were also common during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The Hakka do not have their own distinct religion, but like most other Chinese, traditionally practiced a blend of Daoism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and 'folk" religion, subject to regional variation. The Hakka traditionally believed that ancestral spirits could influence the lives of the living and thus required special care, offerings, and worship. They erected homes, located graves, and built ancestral halls according to the principles of feng shui (geomancy). In many communities, Hakka beliefs and practices closely resemble those of the Yue; however, in other cases, anthropologists have also observed important differences. For example, during the nineteenth century the Hakka did not worship as many of the higherlevel state-sanctioned gods or Buddhist deities, placed more weight on Daoist beliefs and ancestor worship, and were more likely to practice spirit possession than other Chinese in Guangdong. Some missionaries characterize the Hakka as having more 'monotheistic tendencies" than other Chinese; these tendencies may have contributed to the fact that relatively larger numbers of the Hakka converted to Christianity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries than did other Han Chinese. In some parts of Hong Kong, the Hakka have fewer shrines and ancestral altars in their homes than the Cantonese.

Han

Religious Practitioners. The same religious practitioners-Buddhist and Daoist priests, spirit mediums, feng shui experts, and various types of fortune-tellers-were observed among the Hakka during the nineteenth century as among the Yue. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Hakka Christian missionaries became particularly active in parts of Guangdong and Hong Kong.

Ceremonies. The Hakka have traditionally observed the most common Chinese life-cycle rituals and calendrical festivals, including the Lunar New Year, the Lantern Festival, Qing Ming, the Mid-Autumn Festival, the Dragon Boat Festival, Chong Yang, and Winter Solstice. The Hakka generally do not celebrate Yu Lan, the festival to appease "hungry ghosts," which is popular among other Chinese.

Arts. The Hakka are known for their folk songs, especially the genre of mountain songs that were once commonly sung by women, sometimes in a flirtatious dialogue with men, as they worked in the fields or collected fuel along the hillsides. These songs are often love songs, but they also touch on topics such as hard work, poverty, and personal hardships. Although their clothes were traditionally plain, most Hakka women used to weave intricately patterned bands or ribbons, which they commonly wore to secure black rectangular headcloths or the flat, circular, fringed Hakka hats. These are still worn by some older Hakka women in Hong Kong and some regions of Guangdong.

Medicine. The Hakka traditionally depended on spirit healers, Chinese doctors, and traditional herbal remedies.

Death and Afterlife. Christian- or Buddhist-derived ideas of hell exist among the Hakka, as do ideas concerning the influence of the spirits of the dead and their occasional return to earth. One nineteenth-century Protestant missionary observed that the Hakka were not very familiar with the Buddhist karmic concept of one's life influencing rebirth or the Buddhist idea of hell with its tortures and purgatory. Instead, he asserted that the Hakka ascribed to the Daoist idea that "the righteous ascend to the stars and the wicked are destroyed" (Eitel 1867, 162-163).

Bibliography Char Tin Yuk (1929). The Hakka Chinese-Their Origin and Folk Songs. Reprint. 1969. San Francisco: Jade Mountain Press.

Cohen, Myron L. (1968). "The Hakka or 'Guest People': Dialect as a Sociocultural Variable in Southeastern China." Ethnohistory 15(3):237-252. lAlso in Constable,

forthcoming.]

Constable, Nicole, ed. (forthcoming, 1994). Guest People: Studies of Hakka Chinese Identity. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Eitel, E. J. (1867). "Ethnographical Sketches of the Hakka." Notes and Queries on China and Japan 1(12): 161-163.

Feng, H. C. (1948). The Chinese Kinship System. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

439

Leong, S. T. (1985). "The Hakka Chinese of Lingnan:

Ethnicity and Social Change in Modern Times." In Ideal and Reality: Social and Political Change in Modern China, 1860-1949, edited by David Pong and Edmund S. K. Fung, 287-327. New York: University Press of America.

Moser, Leo J. (1985). "The Controversial Hakka: 'Guests' from the North." In The Chinese Mosaic: The Peoples and Provinces of China, by Leo J. Moser, 235-255. Boulder, Colo., and London: Westview Press.

NICOLE CONSTABLE

Han ETHNONYMS: Chinese, Han Chinese, Hua, Zhongguo ren

Orientation Identification. Han people are both numerically and politically dominant in mainland China, Taiwan, and the city-state of Singapore; they also reside in nearly every country in the world as Overseas Chinese. In mainland China, where they constituted 91 percent of the population in the 1990 census, they are officially and conventionally known as "Han," a name that originally belonged to a river in central China and was adopted by China's first long-ruling imperial dynasty, which reigned from 206 B.C.E. to 220 C.E. Designation as "Han" distinguishes them from the diverse minority peoples such as Mongols, Uigurs, Tibetans, Miao, and others. Outside mainland China, the term "Han" is less frequently used, and the people usually refer to themselves by some variant of the term "Zhongguo ren," which in Mandarin Chinese means "people of the central country" and is usually translated into English as "Chinese." (The European terms "Chinese" and "China" are of disputed origin.)

Location. The majority of the Han people are concentrated in the eastern half of mainland China. Drawing a line from the Xing'an Mountains in northeastern China, across the northern bend of the Yellow River, through the foothills that separate Sichuan from Tibet, and across the northern part of Yunnan Province to the border of Myanmar (Burma), the area to the east and south of the line has sufficient rainfall for intensive grain agriculture, whereas the area to the north and west is drier and more conducive to pastoralism. Historically, the agrarian civilization built by Han people was confined to the agricultural areas. Even though the drier northern and western regions sometimes came under the rule of Han-dominated regimes, they were not intensively colonized by Han people until the twentieth century. The only areas outside this region that are now predominantly Han are the islands of Hainan, colonized during the last thousand years; Taiwan, settled by Han during the last 400 years; and Singapore, colonized only since the nineteenth century.

440 Han Within the core area of Han settlement, there is great climatic and geographic variation. In the northern region, centered on the drainage area of the Yellow River, winters are cold, summers are hot, rainfall is marginal, and agriculture has traditionally been based on dry grains, such as wheat, millet, sorghum, and barley. In the central region, centered on the drainage of the Yangzi River, and in the southern regions, winters are mild, summers hot and humid, and rainfall heavy, permitting multiple cropping and irrigated crops, especially wet-field rice.

Demography. For the past 2,000 years at least, Han people or their precursors have probably always constituted between 15 and 25 percent of the world's population. An imperial census taken in the year 2 C.E. counted over 59 million people; by the beginning of the Qing dynasty in 1644, the population of the Chinese empire was probably around 200 million, the great majority of them Han. This had grown to about 450 million by 1850 and was more than 580 million (and over 90 percent Han) in 1953, when the People's Republic of China took its first comprehensive census. Population grew rapidly in the 1950s and 1960s (with a large setback in the famine years of 19601962), finally inducing the People's Republic to institute a series of increasingly strict population-control plans, culminating in the one-child-per-family policy begun in 1979.

These policies, largely though not completely successful, have reduced the population growth rate in recent years, but population continues to expand, and the 1990 census showed a total population in mainland China of 1,113,682,501, of whom 1,042,482,187, or 91.8 percent, were Han. Outside mainland China, the Republic of China government on Taiwan also encouraged population control since the late 1950s, but through much gentler means, relying (ultimately successfully) on urbanization, economic development, and a strong propaganda campaign to curb population growth. The population of the island was 19.8 million in 1988, of whom over 98 percent were Han. Together with Overseas Chinese populations of approximately 27 million in Asia (mostly Southeast Asia), over 2 million in the Americas, and perhaps I million elsewhere, the total Han Chinese population worldwide in 1992 is probably slightly over 1.1 billion.

Unguistic Affiliation. Han people (with the exception of some Overseas Chinese) are all speakers of one or another of the languages usually known as Chinese, which comprise a branch of the Sino-Tibetan Language Family.

All are tonal languages and rely on word order rather than morphology to express grammatical relationships.

For essentially political reasons, both the People's Republic of China on the mainland and the Republic of China on Taiwan consider Chinese to be a single language consisting of a series of dialects (fangyan or "local speeches"), but nearly all linguists agree that several of these are best classified as separate languages since they are mutually unintelligible and differ greatly in phonology and vocabulary, though only slightly in syntax. The majority of Chinese speakers, including most inhabitants of the Yellow River drainage and parts of the Yangzi drainage as well as southwestern China, speak one of the dialects collectively known as Mandarin. Other important Chinese

languages include Wu in eastern China, Gan in most of

Jiangxi Province, Xiang in most of Hunan Province, Yue or Cantonese in the far south and overseas, Min in Fujian and Taiwan as well as overseas, and Hakka or Kejia in a widely dispersed series of communities mainly in the south and overseas. Many of these groups are themselves highly differentiated into mutually unintelligible local dialects; the Mi-speaking areas of Fujian, in particular, are known for valley-by-valley dialect differences.

This regional linguistic diversity has been countered over the course of history by the unity of the written language. Chinese writing extends back at least to the fourteenth century B.C.E., when pictographic and ideographic signs were used to represent syllables of a spoken language.

The specific forms of these signs or characters have changed since then and many have been added, but the basic principles of the writing system have persisted. Each character represents both a concept and a sound, so that, for example, ming meaning 'bright" and ming meaning "name," though pronounced identically in Standard Mandarin, are written with different characters. The characters themselves can be pronounced in any Chinese language, however, making written communication feasible between speakers of related but different spoken languages.

Throughout the imperial period, the standard written language was what is now known as Classical Chinese, evolved over the centuries from what was presumably a representation of the speech of around the fourth to second centuries B.C.E. By late imperial times (1368-1911), the standard written language was far different from any spoken vernacular; in fact, literacy was largely, though not entirely, confined to the ruling scholar-elite.

In the twentieth century, a fundamental transformation of the nature and purpose of literacy has led to the elimination of the classical written language and its replacement by baihua or "plain speech," a written approximation of the Mandarin spoken in and around the capital city of Beijing. In addition, both the Republican and People's Republic governments have made Beijing Mandarin into a standard spoken language, called guoyu or "national language" by the Republic and putonghua or "ordinary speech" by the People's Republic. All schools in both the mainland and Taiwan use written baihua and spoken Mandarin as the medium of instruction. Thus, most younger speakers in the non-Mandarin regions of the mainland, as well as nearly everyone under about age 60 in Taiwan, can use Mandarin as a second language, and literacy in baihua is over 80 percent in the mainland and nearly universal in Taiwan.

History and Cultural Relations The probable Neolithic forebears of the Han were farming in the valleys of the Yellow River and its major tributaries as early as 6000 B.P. In the late third and early second millennia B.C.E., a series of city-states arose in the same area; the best-documented of these, historically and archaeologically, are the Xia (centered in the Fen River valley), the Shang (centered in the western part of the North China Plain), and the Zhou (centered in the Wei River valley).

Traditional historiography portrays these as successive "dynasties," but they are best seen as successively dominant

Han 441

city-states. By the later part of the period of Shang dominance (c. 1400-1048 B.C.E.), written records afford us a

portrayal of a highly stratified, kin-based state. The Zhou of Shang in 1048 initially brought about little social change, but throughout the 800-year reign of Zhou kings, China was transformed fundamentally by the intensification of agriculture, the development of bureaucracy, the invention of iron technology, and the spread of commerce and urbanism. The latter part of the Zhou reign, referred to as the Spring and Autumn (771-482) and Warring States (481-221) periods, saw great demographic and economic expansion as well as the development of rival systems of political and social philosophy that formed the basis of Chinese intellectual life for the entire imperial period, which lasted from the unification of China by the Qin in 221 B.C.E. and continued until the overthrow of the Qing in 1911.

The 2,000 years of imperial Chinese history encompass great cultural change within a self-consciously continuous tradition. The first long-lasting imperial dynasty, the Han (206 B.C.E.-220 CE.), was characterized by the development of a cultural and political orthodoxy often known as Confucianism-an attempt to create a social, political, and cosmic order on the basis of highly developed ideas of individual and social morality. The breakup of the Han was followed by a period of disunity, during which Buddhism became an important cultural force; the early part of the next unifying dynasty, the Tang (618-906 CE.) witnessed the flourishing of a cosmopolitan culture, but its later years were marked by a partially xenophobic tendency. In the late Tang and Song (960-1280), the late imperial culture took shape; it was characterized by a bureaucratic ruling class, deriving its legitimacy from philosophical orthodoxy, and an economy involving an increasingly free peasantry interacting with large urban commercial, manufacturing, and administrative centers. This basic pattern was consolidated in the Ming period (1368-1644) and persisted with changes into the nineteenth century, when intensive interaction with the industrializing, expansionist Western countries led to a series of reevaluations of traditional forms and ultimately to Republican and Communist revolutions.

The overthrow of the Qing in 1911, led partly by Han ethnic nationalists, resulted in the establishment of the Republic of China. Under this banner, a series of regimes, culminating in that of the Nationalist party, or Guomindang, ruled parts of mainland China until 1949, when they retreated to the island of Taiwan, where the Nationalist party remains in power today. On the mainland of China, the Communist party, founded in 1921, gained control over the whole country in 1949, when they established the People's Republic of China and set about building a Socialist-and ultimately a Communist-society.

Increasingly radical collectivist reforms culminated in the Great Leap Forward and Peoples Communes in 19581960, resulting in one of the largest famines in world history and in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976. Utopian ideological and educational ideas combined with rather rigid Socialist social policy and strict Socialist economics and caused cultural stultification and

conquest

economic stagnation. Beginning in 1979, the ruling Communist party initiated the Reforms, loosening the ideologi-

cal grip, decollectivizing agriculture, beginning a slow transition from a planned to a market economy (by no means finished as of 1993), and expanding commercial, diplomatic, and cultural ties to foreign countries.

Both preimperial and imperial China developed in interaction with surrounding cultures. In addition to the advanced civilization in northern China, by the end of the first millennium B.C.E. there were other centers of advanced technology in southwestern China; these were linked with more distant centers in what is now Southeast Asia. The earliest historical accounts, probably written around 800 B.C.E., already refer to non-Chinese peoples inhabiting the four directions surrounding the Chinese center. Since that period, proto-Chinese and then Han culture has expanded, mainly southward and southwestward, to its present extent, through intermarriage, conquest, assimilation, and cultural interchange. It is certain that the Han people of central and southern China are partially descended from the nonHan peoples displaced and assimilated by the Han expansion. The cultural interchange, however, has not been entirely one-way, and southern and particularly southwestern Chinese languages, customs, religion, and other cultural elements show strong signs of influence from the non-Han inhabitants either completely displaced, as in most of the Yangzi valley, or still living in contact with the Han, as in most of the southwest.

Cultural interaction on China's northern frontiers, by contrast, has involved the ecological boundary between agriculture and herding-pastoral peoples of Central Asia have not been easily displaced or assimilated into Han society and culture. Several times in Chinese history, tribal confederations to the north or northeast of China have adopted some of the bureaucratic features of the Chinese state and used these along with their considerable military skills to conquer all or part of China and establish their own imperial dynasties. The most prominent of these have been the Toba, who established the Wei dynasty (386-534 C.E.); the Khitan, who established the Liao (907-1125); the Jurchen, who established the jin (1115-1260), the Mongols, who established the Yuan (1234-1368); and the Manchu, descendants of the jurchen, who ruled the Qing, the last imperial dynasty, which lasted from 1644-1911. In all of these regimes, Han people played a prominent part, but in many cases the tension between an imperial ideology, which was universalistic, and a more particular ethnic ideology of Han difference contributed to the ultimate breakup of the regime.

In both the Republic and People's Republic governments, Han leaders and officials have been overwhelmingly predominant. Leaders of the Republic, although recognizing the existence of non-Han peoples within China's political borders, based much of their legitimacy on the continuing superiority of Han civilization along with the adoption of modern technology and limited modern social forms from the West. In the People's Republic, by contrast, the multiethnic nature of China is celebrated in state ritual and protected in law. Han culture is not seen as intrinsically superior, but Han people in general are considered more advanced, because they were already moving from feudalism to capitalism at the beginning of the People's Republic, whereas many non-Han minorities were still in early feudalism or even earlier stages of the historical pro-

442 Han gression of modes of production. During the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), this meant the imposition of modern, Socialist (in reality, Han) cultural forms on non-Han peoples; since the Reforms, Han cultural hegemony has been less emphasized, but certain aspects of assimilation continue through the education system and through various schemes for economic and social development and modernization.

In Overseas Chinese communities this process is somewhat reversed; Han people who migrate undergo various degrees of cultural assimilation to the host country. In Thailand, for example, many people of Chinese origin simply become Thai after a few generations; they remember their Chinese heritage but cease to identify with Chinese as an ethnic group. In North America, where ethnic distinctions are often based on racial distinctiveness and Chinese are easily distinguishable from Euro-Americans by sight, people usually lose most of their Chinese language and culture after a few generations but retain the emotional and cognitive group ties of ethnic identity.

Settlements In agrarian China, 80 to 90 percent of the population lived in rural areas, most of them in nucleated villages concentrated in plains and valleys. In less productive areas of northern China and in mountainous areas in the south, villages rarely exceeded a few hundred in population; in more productive rice areas in eastern and southern China, a village could contain two thousand or more people. (In much of Sichuan and a few other areas, isolated farmsteads predominated.) Before the advent of modern transport, each village was within walking distance of a standard market town, a basic-level urban center with a periodic market and one or more commercial streets with small stores and teahouses. From the standard market town, with a thousand or a few thousand people, up to the largest cities, containing several hundred thousand each, there was a hierarchy of commercial and administrative centers, each level with a larger population, more commercial activities, and more services available.

Traditional rural housing was built of tamped mud or sun-dried mud bricks in most areas, or of fired bricks for those who could afford them. House styles vary regionally; the most common general variants are houses built on two, three, or four sides of an enclosed courtyard, usually with peaked thatch, tile, or slate roofs, and multistory houses (usually of brick and often with flat roofs) built in rows along a street, with courtyards in front or in back. Both types, in higher-density arrangements, were also found in traditional cities; courtyard housing predominated in primarily residential areas and row housing, often with the store downstairs and the family quarters upstairs, in commercial areas. Wealthier families built larger and more elaborate structures on the same principles.

In recent times all these styles are still found, but in large cities most housing built since 1949 on the mainland has consisted of four-to-six story (and more recently much taller) concrete apartment blocks in which families are allocated one or more rooms. In Taiwan urban housing is also of the apartment-block type, but apartments are much larger and better appointed. Over the past 40 years or so,

rural housing of mud has gradually been replaced by more substantial brick and/or concrete structures; mud houses disappeared in Taiwan in the 1970s and in some parts of the mainland in the 1980s, but in more remote and poorer parts of mainland China people are still building new mud housing.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The great commercial revolution in Chinese history occurred in the late Tang and Song periods, which saw the transformation from a basically subsistence economy to one of a peasantry firmly tied into local and long-distance trade networks.

From then until the twentieth century, the great majority of the 80 to 90 percent of Han families who tilled the soil were also dependent on markets for purchase of cloth, oil, implements, furniture, condiments, alcohol (and later tobacco), and a variety of services. To obtain cash to purchase these goods and to pay taxes, they sold grain and, in some areas, commercial food and nonfood crops as well as home-produced handicrafts. By the Qing period, some areas in eastern China were given over entirely to the production of such nonfood crops as silk and cotton, and many farmers near cities grew mainly vegetables. Still, most peasants in most places continued to grow grain.

Grain agriculture was and still is predominantly onecrop, dry grains in the north and double-crop, dry grain and rice or two crops of rice in the south. Rice agriculture in particular is highly productive, and since the first green revolution in the Song period, constant improvement of varieties and intensification of effort have allowed increases in production, in surpluses, in population density, and in the commercialization of agriculture. In modern times, there has been some mechanization of agriculture as well as the expansion of irrigation to some parts of the north but in many places traditional technologies continue with little change other than the addition of chemical fertilizer and insecticides.

Industrial Arts. Chinese peasants were using the ironbladed plow in the preimperial era, and Chinese soldiers fought with iron weapons. Chinese inventors developed the three devices Francis Bacon considered to be most essential to the Age of Discovery in the West (paper, the compass, and gunpowder); during the Song dynasty Chinese engineers developed the spinning jenny and the steam engine, the invention of which is traditionally considered to have set off the Industrial Revolution in Europe. Why the Industrial Revolution did not begin in China in 1050 instead of England in 1750 is still a subject for dispute, but seems to be attributable to economic rather than technological factors.

In the late imperial period, however, Chinese invention and technology began to lag behind those of Europe and North America, and China's industrial weakness was a major factor in its humiliation by Western powers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Contemporary Chinese industry is that of a developing country, derived from, and in many cases technologically and economically inferior to, the comparable industries of Japan, Western Europe, and North America. Since 1979, China has shifted from a one-sided emphasis on heavy industry to a more

Han 443

consumer-oriented industry and from national selfsufficiency to increased reliance on foreign trade and investment.

Trade. Local and interregional trade were vital to the economy of late imperial China; in addition, trade and tribute formed an important part of the Ming and Qing regimes' relations with their Inner Asian and, to a lesser extent, their Southeast Asian neighbors. Because of the size of the Chinese economy, however, foreign trade has been less important overall than for many polities in both the late imperial and modern times.

Certain regions of China have subsisted heavily on trade. Coastal Guangdong and Fujian were important trading centers in the Song, Yuan, and Ming periods; much of the overseas migration of Han people was for purposes of trading; and Overseas Chinese in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have controlled much of the commerce of Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines and are prominent in overseas trading from Polynesia to Japan to North and South America. Han-dominated Singapore and Hong Kong are primarily trading economies, and Taiwan, which has always had a substantial agricultural population, now derives substantial surpluses from manufactures for export.

Division of Labor. The basic division of labor in agrarian China was set out in Confucian social philosophy: scholar-bureaucrats ranked at the top, because they provided the wisdom and knowledge to maintain the social order. Next came farmers, who produced the necessary goods; then artisans, who added value with their skills; last were merchants, who merely moved things around. By late imperial times, merchants had acquired power and influence beyond their lowly normative position, as well as the ability to convert wealth into prestige by investing in land and education. In contemporary mainland China, the basic division of labor has until very recently been that between peasants-bound to subsistence labor on the land by restrictive social policy and using traditional, humanand animal-powered technologies to grow food-and urban workers and officials, working for wages in factories or at various kinds of desk jobs. Since the 1979 Reforms this distinction has begun to break down, with much rural and increasing amounts of urban private commercial and entrepreneurial activity.

The division of labor by gender was nearly absolute in imperial China, except among the poorest classes. Women were barred from holding office and prevented by foot binding from many kinds of physical labor. They worked hard at domestic tasks, however, in all but the most elite families. These tasks included the production of textiles for home use and for sale, as well as some assistance in agricultural tasks and care of livestock. During the Republican period, women gained some forms of legal and educational equality and began to take on a limited number of professional positions, as well as being hired as low-wage industrial laborers. Foot binding basically disappeared by the 1930s, enabling women to do more kinds of work.

In Communist China, women have gained full legal equality, and the participation of women in all walks of life has been a prominent feature of propaganda, especially during the Cultural Revolution. This equality probably al-

ways existed more in theory than in practice, though, and, since the Reforms, there has been some backsliding. There is much evidence of job discrimination, but it is less overt-women are considered suitable for and do pursue just about any career in business, the professions, or the public sector, but expectations that they also manage a household and care for children have kept them from achieving equality in practice.

Land Tenure. For the last 1,500 years, land tenure in China has involved a struggle between the tendencies of governments to allocate land administratively and the tendencies of a commercial economy to make land into a freely exchangeable commodity. In the early Tang dynasty, the equal-field system allocated land to families according to their population and their social rank; this system, which was never universal, broke down entirely by the middle of the dynasty. The early Ming emperors also advocated an inkind rather than a cash economy and looked with disfavor on land transactions. Finally, between 1956 and 1979, the Communist party collectivized all agricultural land.

In between these government efforts at domination, land has been a marketable commodity and has tended to concentrate in the hands of landlord classes in some areas, though not in others. In the late imperial and Republican periods, most land in northern China was worked by owner-cultivators, whereas much greater proportions of the rich rice lands of the south were held by noncultivating landlords. Tenancy arrangements in these areas were of three sorts: tenants paid either a share of the crop, a fixed rent in kind, or a fixed rent in cash. In general, there does not seem to have been a strong trend toward greater or lesser concentration of land from the Ming period to the twentieth century, but the forms of tenure tended to gravitate away from more paternalistic, 'feudal" forms involving personal service and patronistic protection and toward more strictly commercial forms involving cash or in-kind rents and little else.

The Communist party based much of its appeal to peasants in the 1921-1949 revolutionary struggle on a promise to eliminate the power and wealth of the exploitative landlord class. This was done in a sometimes violent program of land reform in 1949-1951 and was followed in the middle 1950s with a series of collectivization campaigns, culminating in the establishment of the large, centralized Peoples Communes in 1958. The communes were rather quickly decentralized as unworkable, however, and from 1962 to 1978 land in effect belonged to a production team-a group of twenty to forty households whose members were compensated in shares of the collective harvest by a complex system of labor points. The Reforms of 1979 involved a devolution of land rights (except for purchase and sale) and agricultural labor organization to the individual family; in effect, the prerevolutionary landlord system has been restored with the state rather than the private landlord claiming rights to part of the crop.

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Han people have had patrilineal kin groups since the period of the earliest written history, and a hierarchical arrangement of clans was the basis of stratification in the feudal order of the Shang and

444 -1.

Zhou periods. Nothing is known about the kin group organization of the nonruling classes before the Song period.

In the Song period, the Chinese patrilineage as we now know it began to appear. The core of this type of lineage includes all male descendants of a founding ancestor; women tend to become more attached as they grow older to their husbands' and son's lineages and to relinquish their minor roles as sisters and daughters of their natal lineages.

Han lineages, until very recent times, have been rigorously exogamous (even a common surname was enough to prohibit marriage in the late imperial period), and with patrilocal marital residence this resulted in lineage villages or even lineage districts populated almost entirely by members of a single lineage. Particularly in the core areas of southern and eastern China, where agriculture and commerce were most developed, lineages often held large amounts of land collectively, using the income from tenant rents to fund ritual, educational, and sometimes even military activities. Such wealthy lineages often contained corporate, property-holding, sublineages within them, and a large lineage of 10,000 or more members might have ten or more genealogical levels of property-holding segments.

Such lineages were highly stratified internally, often containing both scholar officials and ordinary peasants.

The importance of lineages varied greatly by region and locally, however, and probably only a minority of Han people in the late imperial period were members of a large, powerful lineage; indeed, many were not members of any lineage at all. In the overall social structure, lineages were one important kind of corporation, but they might be locally eclipsed by local, occupational, ethnic, or sectarian organizations.

The new government effectively destroyed the power bases of lineages when they confiscated all lineage-held land in the Land Reform and replaced lineage-based local governments with structures responsible to the party. But lineages remained localized during the collectivist period, and, since the 1979 Reforms, lineages have returned in some areas to the local scene in limited ways, sponsoring ritual and other activities and becoming the focus of local loyalties.

Kinship Terminology. Kinship terminology reflects the patrilineal bias of kinship relations. Agnatic cousins are partially equated with siblings and distinguished from both cross cousins and matrilateral parallel cousins, who are ordinarily not distinguished from each other. Some Chinese kin terminology systems display Omaha features, such as the equation of mother's brother with wife's brother with son's wife's brother. The most important distinction is between elder and younger relatives; elder relatives are always addressed with a kin term, whereas younger relatives are addressed by name. Rural people in some areas use kin terms to address people of a senior generation who are not relatives.

Marriage and Family Marriage. In late imperial China, parents or other seniors inevitably arranged their children's first marriages.

Surname exogamy was absolute in most areas, and village exogamy was often, though not always, the rule.

There were four types of marriage widely practiced in late imperial times. Major marriage was a patrilocal union between a young adult woman and a young adult man; this was the normative form everywhere and the model form almost everywhere. It involved both a bride-price (some or all of which would return to the couple as an indirect dowry) and a dowry in furniture, household items, clothing, jewelry, and money, paid for partly out of the groom's family's contribution and partly out of the bride's family's own funds. In the ideal major marriage, bride and groom laid eyes on each other for the first time at their wedding ceremony; this ideal was not always observed.

Minor marriage involved the transfer of a young girl (anywhere from a few days old to 8 or 10 years old, depending on the region and the individual case) from her natal family to her prospective husband's family, where she was raised as a low-status daughter of that family and then forced into a conjugal union with her "foster brother" when she was in her late teens. This form of marriage, practiced mainly in certain parts of the south, had the advantages of avoiding costly bride-price and dowry payments and of binding the bride more closely to her husband's family. It had the disadvantages of having low prestige and often a lack of sexual attraction between the partners, especially if the bride had been brought in very young.

Uxorilocal marriage involved the transfer of a man to a woman's household and was practiced mainly in the south and in situations where a couple with no sons needed either a laborer to work their land, descendants to continue the family line, or both. In some areas, an uxorilocal son-in-law changed his surname to that of the wife's family; in others, he kept his surname, and the children were divided between the two surnames according to a prenuptial contract. In many areas of the north, uxorilocal marriage was not practiced at all; in some parts of the south and southwest, it accounted for as much as 10 to 20 percent of all unions. In the absence of uxorilocal marriage, or as a complement to it, the alternative was adoption of an agnate or, in some cases, of an unrelated boy.

Delayed-transfer marriage was practiced primarily in Guangdong, and involved a woman's remaining in her natal home after her marriage, sometimes until the birth of a child and sometimes permanently. This custom was common among many non-Han peoples in the south and southwest and may have influenced Han practice in these areas. At the same time, delayed-transfer marriage was most common in areas where women had economic autonomy because of their wage-earning power in the silk industry; perhaps a combination of these factors accounts for this highly localized practice. In addition to marriage, the wealthiest Han men in the late imperial and Republican periods often took concubines, sexual partners whose status was less than that of a wife and whose children were legally children of the wife rather than of their birth mothers. Since concubines were social and sexual ornaments not expected to do domestic labor, only the richest men could consider concubinage. Multiple wives, as opposed to concubines, were not ordinarily permitted to Han men.

In late imperial times, men could remarry after the death or (rarely) divorce of a wife; widows were normatively discouraged from remarrying, but often remarried

Han 445 anyway because of economic straits. By law, a remarrying widow would have to leave her children with her husband's family, because they belonged to his patriline.

Reform of marriage practices has been a keystone of social reformers' programs from the late nineteenth century on. The early efforts of Republican governments were successful only among educated urban classes, but in the PRC and in contemporary Taiwan, change has been much greater. The Marriage Law of 1950 in the People's Republic prohibited underage marriage, arranged marriage, minor marriage, bride-price, and concubinage and gave women full rights to divorce. Although not all the ideals embodied in this law have become universal practice, in urban China people usually marry in their mid-twenties by mutual consent and reside virilocally, neolocally, or uxorilocally according to individual preference and availability of housing.

Spartan weddings of the collectivist era have given way to lavish banquets and huge dowries, at least among those who have benefited economically from the Reforms. In rural China spouses still often depend on relatives or neighbors to introduce them, but they know each other before the wedding and can call the plans off if they do not get along. With the increased prosperity of much of the countryside, bride-price and dowry have risen dramatically since the 1970s. The prohibition against same-surname marriages seems to have disappeared.

In Taiwan, love marriage is the ideal in theory and practice, and there is little difference between urban and rural practice in that wealthy, densely networked society.

Wedding banquets are lavish, and dowries include such things as cars and real estate. Marital residence, as in mainland cities, depends on individual circumstances and preferences, though there is still some pressure to reside patrilocally. Minor marriage, while not illegal, no longer

exists.

Domestic Unit. The Han domestic unit was usually coterminous with the property-holding unit. Its developmental cycle was the result of the processes of virilocal marriage and family division. Sons and their wives were expected to reside with the parents until the parents' death, at which time the sons would divide their household and property. If a couple had more than one son, their household would progress from nuclear (a married couple with children, recently separated from the husband's brothers) to stem (the couple with sons, unmarried daughters, and the wife and children of one son), to joint (the couple with sons, their wives, and their children), and back to nuclear when the original couple died and their sons divided their household and property. Demographic differences, of course, meant that not every family went through all the phases of this cycle in every generation-a couple with only one son, for example, could never be the head of a joint family, and an eldest son whose own son had children while his parents were still alive would never head a nuclear family. Censuses of local communities usually show from 5 to 20 percent joint families at any one time, with the balance about equally divided between nuclear and stem families.

This familial configuration produced a constellation of alliances and rivalries. Sons, for example, often resented the absolute authority of their fathers, but cultural norms

of filial devotion prevented them from expressing this resentment. Sons and their mothers, by contrast, often remained close throughout their lifetimes, making the position of the son's wife, a potential rival for her husband's affection, a very difficult one, especially in the early years of her marriage. Mother-in-law/daughter-in-law rivalry is a recurrent theme of literature and folklore. Brothers, because of their increasing loyalty to their wives, developed rivalries over the course of their adult lives, culminating in almost inevitable family division when their parents died or sometimes before.

In recent times, the developmental cycle has simplified in most cases. In urban mainland China, the nationalization of property and housing has removed the economic hold parents once had over their adult children.

The emotional ties remain, and they can be satisfied through a network of linked nuclear and stem families, who share child care, meals, and sometimes financial resources, but who do not coreside. In rural areas, collectivization of property spelled the end of joint families, but one son continues to reside with the parents after his marriage. In Taiwan many families have become geographically extended, retaining some common property rights though often scattered over a series of houses and/or flats. In addition, the rapidly declining birthrates in both areas mean that the personnel to form joint families are rarely available anymore; this trend will become even more acute in the future.

Inheritance. In traditional Chinese law, inheritance was equal and patrilineal. Daughters received dowry upon marriage, but at most periods this did not include land or other real property. In some areas, the eldest son received a slightly larger share than his brothers; in others, the eldest son's eldest son received a small share. In the absence of a son, a daughter inherited rather than a distant male agnate; such an heiress often married uxorilocally.

Daughters in Taiwan under the Republic now have an equal share in inheritance by law, but they usually waive this right formally when they marry. Daughters also have such a right in the People's Republic, but until very recently there has been no significant property to inherit, and little documentation is available on current practices there.

Socialization. Little is known of socialization in earlier periods of Chinese history, but in traditional rural communities in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries people had many children; they acted affectionately toward small children although they did not lavish immense attention on them due to alternative obligations. Mothers were primary caretakers, while older sisters, grandmothers, fathers, grandfathers, and other relatives often took a secondary part. People generally indulged boys more than girls, since boys were the link to the future of the family line as well as potential sources of security in old age. Where resources were short, girls might be neglected or even killed at birth if they could not readily be adopted by a wealthier family.

When children reached the age of 7 or so, there was somewhat of a hardening of attitudes, as indulgence and care gave way to discipline, which meant learning farming or other practical skills and conventional morality for most boys, learning household skills and modesty for most girls,

446 Han and learning the classical Confucian texts for boys of elite families or aspiring to be of the scholar-elite. From this age on, father-son tensions developed.

In the twentieth century, childhood has been altered in important ways by the spread of education (almost universal for a few years, at least, in mainland China in the late 1 980s, and completely universal for both sexes through at least grade six or nine in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore) and by the decline in fertility. Children cannot be significant sources of labor, but they can provide hope of social mobility through educational advancement, outside of remote areas of the rural mainland. They must therefore be pushed to do well in school, but also must be afforded time to study. The decline in fertility means more attention to the individual child and also higher expectations. Mainland Chinese psychologists have recently started studies of the 'little emperors and empresses" that many people think today's only children have become.

Sociopolitical Organization Political Organization. Throughout imperial, Republican, and Communist China, varying political philosophies have all emphasized the creation and maintenance of order by establishing benevolent authority and preserving proper relationships between superior and subordinate. At the same time, counterideologies have stressed egalitarianism, distrust of authority, and mass action. The interplay of these two themes has shaped Chinese political history for more than 2,000 years.

For the twenty-one centuries of the imperial era, the ideology of order took the form of reverence for the emperor and respect for his appointed ministers and officials.

The emperor was often referred to as Tian Zi, or "Son of Heaven," indicating that he played a pivotal ritual role in ordering the relationships between the human world and the cosmos. In addition, his formal power in human society was theoretically absolute, and most emperors were active executives as well as symbolic foci.

The power and position of the emperor were both supported and circumscribed by the ideology and actions of the bureaucratic officials. Beginning in the late Tang pe. riod, the officials were primarily drawn from the gentry or literati class, a nonhereditary group whose primary economic base was landlordism and whose ideological basis of legitimacy was their knowledge of the political philosophy of the Confucian school, which emphasized government by virtuous men as the key to social order and harmony. The literati needed the emperor (otherwise they would have nowhere to serve), and the emperor needed the literati (he needed men to administer his realm), but there was always tension between them, with the literati fearing the despotic tendencies of emperors and emperors fearing the factionalism, localism, and class privilege of the literati.

The literati, or gentry, also formed a kind of hinge between the formal hierarchical structure of the bureaucracy and the kinship-, locality-, and religion-based structures of local society. Because the literati participated both as subordinates in the imperial bureaucracy and as leaders of local communities, their loyalties were divided. From the standpoint of the ordinary peasants, the literati were their

neighbors and relatives and, at the same time, their landlords and often tax collectors.

In times of prosperity, this system was relatively stable, due at least partly to the system of civil-service examinations, in which almost all males were eligible to participate, and to the free market in land, which allowed economic as well as political status mobility. But when corruption, mismanagement, natural disaster, foreign invasions, or other destabilizing factors were introduced, the links between emperor and literati and between literati and peasant became strained and eventually the regime was unable to restore order, causing periods of chaos and eventually the overthrow of the dynasty and its replacement by a new and vigorous ruling house. In these periods of interdynastic turmoil, counterideologies, such as those held by Buddhist and Daoist millennarian sects, successfully challenged the imperial orthodoxy for a while but eventually retreated when a new regime was consolidated. This dynastic cycle repeated itself every few centuries over the imperial era.

In the nineteenth century, however, this political system was fundamentally altered in response to the threat posed by European and U.S. colonial and imperialist expansion. After China was forced to sign a series of unequal treaties with the Western powers, Chinese intellectuals were forced to reevaluate their political institutions and increasingly found them wanting as responses to the advance of world capitalism. Socialism, anarchism, militarism, liberal democracy, and finally Marxism all gained their advocates in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

The political ideology of the Republic was an amalgam of traditional ideas and Western concepts of socialism and democracy; neither of these, however, was realized, and the government became more conservative in the 1930s and 1940s as its rivalry with the Communist party increased, culminating in the 1949 establishment of the People's Republic. That Communist government bases its ideology on the Marxist ideas of class struggle and of the proletariat as a vanguard class; it implemented its programs through a combination of all-pervasive propaganda and a party-state political organization that penetrated every village, factory, and neighborhood in the country.

Initially, the Communist party in power followed a course of Socialist development based on the earlier Soviet experience, but Mao Zedong's impatience with the slowness of orderly Socialist development led to radical, voluntarist politics of mass movements in the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Especially in the latter period, the party and state organizations themselves became targets of populist propaganda and mass action, and orderly development was shunted aside in favor of voluntarist fervor. With the Reforms of 1979, however, the party retreated both from its mass-action mode of operation and from its immediate Socialist goals. In recent years, China has increasingly become a conventional oneparty bureaucratic state, interested more in furthering economic growth and suppressing dissent than in directing the lives of the populace in much detail.

Social Control and Conflict. Traditional Chinese political philosophy emphasized the avoidance of conflict and the creation of social harmony by rule of an elite of morally cultivated scholars. Law and litigation were considered

Han 447 backup measures applicable only in the partial breakdown of moral government and society. Disputes ought ideally to be settled locally by lineages, villages, guilds, and other unofficial organizations, and were only supposed to come before the courts when local settlement failed. Nevertheless, Chinese magistrates were often overwhelmed with litigation, and legal codes were in fact highly developed.

In recent times, both the Republican and People's Republic governments have adapted European-derived notions of law and legality, but in neither case have these entirely superseded the earlier ideas and institutions of rule by virtuous officials. Especially in the People's Republic, most disputes are mediated by semiofficial mediation committees or by local officials, and neither legal codes nor procedures are highly developed.

Many Han people are reluctant to enter disputes and will go to great lengths of politeness and accommodation to avoid conflict. When conflict does begin, it is often difficult to stop. Most people are worried about maintaining face, or the feeling that one is respected by the community, and losing a legal dispute threatens loss of face as much as it threatens loss of money, land, or other material goods.

For this reason, avoidance of conflict and persistence in conflict both continue to be features of Han culture.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs and Practices. Han religion is conveniently, though oversimplistically, divided into three elite, literate traditions-State Religion, Daoism, and Buddhism; a series of folk beliefs and practices that varies widely in regional detail but contains a common substratum; and the beliefs and practices of various syncretic sects. None of these religious traditions is completely independent of any of the others, and with the exception of the sects, adherents of one tradition rarely reject or oppose the others.

Han folk religion is centered around the efforts of individuals and communities to create and maintain harmony in relationships between the human and the cosmic order. The soul is a necessary complement to the body in forming a whole person; as the physiology of the body must harmonize internally and with the external environment, the soul must harmonize with cosmic forces of time and space. If the soul leaves the body unintentionally, listlessness, madness, and eventually death can result, but the soul can intentionally leave the body in mediumistic seance, to be replaced by a deity, or in shamanistic travel to the realms of the dead. Upon death, the soul disperses to the Earth, where it remains in the bones, to the realm of the dead, where it takes up an existence roughly similar to that on Earth, and to the wooden or paper spirit tablet where people worship it as an ancestor.

Like society, the cosmos has an ideal order, represented by the relationships of time and space. Every person, through the soul, is part of this order, and it is prudent to maintain a position that is harmonious with the order. To do so, people harmonize important actions in time by consulting specialist horoscope readers or widely available almanacs; they harmonize their use of space by consulting geomancers, specialists in the harmonious siting of houses, public buildings, and especially graves-where the bones must be placed in a site and a direction that will

preserve harmony between soul and environment and bring good fortune to descendants.

In addition to living humans, the cosmos is inhabited by purely spiritual beings, souls without bodies, which are of three kinds. Ancestors are the souls of agnatic forebears, worshiped at graves and in tablets with daily incense and food offerings on holidays. They are ordinarily benign beings and will harm their descendants only if neglected or insulted. Ghosts are the souls of people who are angry at having died an unnatural death or being without descendants; they are malicious and capricious-dangerous particularly to children. People propitiate them on regular occasions and when they have cause to expect ghostly attack. Gods are the souls of people who have lived particularly meritorious lives and have retained spiritual power that they can use to benefit worshipers. People worship them at home and in temples; specific gods are often patrons to particular neighborhoods, villages, cities, guilds, or even social clubs, and the yearly religious ritual to a community's god is one of its most important occasions.

This folk religion has, over the years, absorbed and as. similated elements from the State Religion, Daoism, and Buddhism. Folk religion is not an independent system, since specialists trained in one or another of the elite traditions are necessary to carry out many rituals on behalf of folk believers. Magistrates and officials up to the emperor performed rituals for harmony that would prevent natural and human disasters; Buddhist monks and Daoist priests performed exorcisms, funerals, soul-retrievals, and healing rituals. Yet each of the elite traditions also has its literary, specialist side, engaged in only by the specialist practitioners or literate lay adherents.

State Religion was the ritual basis of the imperial regime, the site of the emperor's and the officials' cosmic ordering functions. In postimperial times, it has largely been supplanted by the secular rituals of the Republican and Communist regimes, though adulation and worship of Mao Zedong, particularly during the Cultural Revolution, amounted to a sort of deification.

Daoism is still an active force in China. Beginning from the late Zhou period, Daoism developed both as a philosophy of living in harmony with nature and as a system of esoteric rituals designed to confer personal immortality, cure disease, and superimpose a superior, eternal order of unchanging life on the earthly order of daily and seasonal change, life and death, growth and decay. The priests of this latter tradition were important in the development of science and medicine in imperial China, though their actions seem at odds with the natural harmony practices advocated by the philosophical Daoists.

Buddhism was introduced to China from India beginning in the early centuries of the Common Era and by Tang times was firmly established as one of the primary religions of China. Chinese Buddhist monks went on to develop some of the most sophisticated Mahayanist philosophies, some of which spread to Japan and Korea as well.

Mahayana Buddhism combines the original Buddhist goals of realization of the transitoriness of material existence with a posited cosmology of myriad Buddhas and bodhisattvas (Buddhas-to-be) who are potential helpers of those who believe. The Buddhist tradition in China thus afforded its adherents everything from a sophisticated system

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of philosophy and psychology, to the opportunity for monastic meditative practice toward the goal of relief from existence, to help from Buddhist divinities enshrined in local temples. Over the last thousand years, many Buddhist and Daoist divinities, beliefs, and practices were absorbed into the folk religion, so that bodhisattvas function as local gods, for example, and Buddhist monks are as likely as Daoist priests to perform funerals, exorcisms, and other rites for the common people.

Sectarian traditions emerged periodically in Chinese history; by late imperial times most sectarian groups held a syncretic series of beliefs taken from Daoism, folk religion, the official tradition, and particularly from the Maitreya (Buddha of the Future) tradition of Mahayana Buddhism.

Exclusivist in their membership, often secret in their activities, many sects fomented millennarian uprisings, especially at times of dynastic turmoil and decline. Other sects were quietistic, striving for personal salvation rather than social revolution. Because of their exclusivist practices and their intermittent advocacy of violent social change, imperial, Republican, and Communist governments have all persecuted the sectarians, but they have reemerged after the Reforms in mainland China, and draw a large following in Taiwan, where they have entered a quietistic phase and currently pose little threat to the sociopolitical order.

Foreign religions other than Buddhism have historically had limited appeal to Han people. Islam has been present in China for over a thousand years, and there are Muslims throughout the northwest and in most cities of China. Muslims, however, are not considered Han in mainland China; they are given the separate ethnic designation of Hui. There was a Jewish community at Kaifeng in Henan for several hundred years; its members were largely assimilated by the late nineteenth century. Christian missionaries have proselytized in China intermittently since the Tang period; their most recent period of intense activity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries produced perhaps 4 million converts to both Protestant and Catholic Christian churches-suppressed in the Cultural Revolution, they are reviving in the Reform period. But Christians remain a tiny minority of Han people, probably no more than 10 million converts and adherents.

During the most radical periods of the People's Republic, all Han religion was suppressed, and very little activity went on. Since the Reforms, folk religion in particular has revived in many areas, particularly in the south and southeast, with many temples rebuilt and traditional funerals and other rituals quite common. A certain number of Buddhist monasteries and Daoist temples have been allowed to reopen, but it seems unlikely that the elite practitioners of either of these traditions will soon regain their former numbers or prominence.

Arts. Early Chinese literature consists primarily of historical and philosophical prose as well as various kinds of poetry. The earliest extant poems, probably transcriptions of folk songs, date from the eighth century B.C.E.; since then there is an unbroken tradition of poetry both as a folk form and as a gentlemanly literary endeavor. In classical poetry, lyric and narrative forms are both found, but the epitome of the tradition is the short lyric on the themes of nature, the transience of life, or male friendship.

Fiction is a rather late entrant to Chinese literature, with the earliest extant stories written in a semivernacular style in the Tang period. In the late imperial period, the multivolume episodic novel, written in vernacular style, gained great popularity; its themes range from historical romance to Buddhist fantasy to psychological family chronicle. Fiction and political essays, now written entirely in the vernacular or baihua, have been the primary genres in the postimperial period.

Painting has been preeminent among the visual arts.

The earliest extant paintings reside on the walls of Buddhist temples and caves; painting on paper or silk survives from as early as the Song period. The two major traditions of classical painting were the court tradition, depicting urban or rural scenes in meticulous detail, along with portraiture, and the literati tradition of more suggestive and evocative landscapes and still lifes. In recent times, Chinese painters have pursued a mix of traditional literati styles, adaptations of Western oils and other media, and systematization of folk styles. Communist attempts to institute Stalinist-style Socialist Realism in arts and literature have been largely abandoned by serious artists in the Reform period.

Along with painting goes calligraphy, an art engaged in by almost all literati in the imperial period and still widely learned and practiced today. Not only professional artists but also political leaders and other prominent persons are asked to inscribe their characters on important public buildings and monuments, and good calligraphy is still universally admired.

Other visual arts have not been accorded the same status as painting or calligraphy, but the works, usually by anonymous artists, show every bit as much skill and style.

Wood carving, jade and other stone carving, and the architecture of palaces, private homes, and gardens are all highly sophisticated.

Medicine. For more than 2,000 years Han people developed a complex system of medical theory based on humoral balance and imbalance, and a series of diagnostic and therapeutic modes used to maintain and restore such balances. Diagnosis is primarily by history taking and a complex system of twelve or twenty-four different pulses; therapeutic modes include the administration of humorally active medicines orally and topically as well as the stimulation of a series of surface points with needles (acupuncture) or burning moxa (moxibustion). Practitioners of this tradition included both professionals and literati-amateurs, and they developed an extensive literature of manuals and pharmacopoeias.

In twentieth-century China there have been ongoing debates over the scientific validity and practical utility of this tradition and whether it still has a place in a world dominated by Western allopathic medicine. At present, traditional Chinese medicine is still practiced in mainland China, and there are special medical schools to train Chinese doctors. There is also considerable research on the biochemistry and physiology of traditional pharmaceuticals and point-stimulating procedures. In recent years as well, acupuncture has received attention and respect in Western countries, and several states in the United States now regulate its practice and license its practitioners.

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At the same time, allopathic medicine is now the dominant form of practice in both the mainland and Taiwan. More important than clinical practice, however, have been the extensive public-health measures taken by the Japanese colonial and Republican governments in Taiwan and by the People's Republic on the mainland; these have brought the morbidity and mortality patterns of both Chinese areas close to those of the industrialized nations.

Bibliography Ebrey, Patricia Buckley (1981). Chinese Civilization and Society: A Sourcebook. New York: Free Press.

Huang Shu-min (1989). The Spiral Road: Changes in a Chinese Village through the Eyes of a Communist Party Leader. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press.

Naquin, Susan, and Evelyn Rawski (1987). Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Norman, Jerry (1988). Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Skinner, G. William (1985). "Presidential Address: The Structure of Chinese History." Journal of Asian Studies 44:271-292.

Spence, Jonathan D. (1990). The Search for Modern China.

New York and London: Norton.

Wolf, Arthur P., and Chieh-shan Huang (1980). Marriage and Adoption in China. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press.

STEVAN HARRELL

Hani Ahni, Aini, Akha, Baihong, Biyue, Ekaw, Eoni, Haoni, Heman, Heni, Heyi, Kaduo, Kaw, Woni

ETHNONYMS:

Orientation Identification. The Chinese government now refers to this ethnic group as "Hani." The Hani refer to themselves as the "Kaduo," the "Aini," the "Haoni," the "Biyue," and the "Baihong." In Han Chinese historical texts they have been called "Heyi," "Heman," "Heni," "Woni," "Ahni," and "Hani." The Hani in Thailand refer to themselves as "Akha" and other Tai groups call them "Kaw" or "Ekaw."

Location. Most Hani live in the area between the Red and the Lancang rivers, which is also the valley between the Mengle and Ailao mountains. The Hani population is concentrated in the Honghe Hani and Yi Autonomous

Prefecture, which includes the counties of Honghe, Luchun, Jinping, and Yuanyang. Other Hani also live in Simao Prefecture and Xishuangbanna and northern Yunnan. Some Hani speakers inhabit parts of Vietnam, Myanmar (Burma), Laos, and Thailand. The environment in which the Hani live is characterized by high mountains, a moderate climate, abundant rainfall, and rich soil.

Linguistic Affiliation. The Hani language is of the Yi Subbranch of the Tibeto-Burmese Branch of the SinoTibetan Language Family. Hani embraces three regional di alects: Ha-Ai, Bi-Ka, and Hao-Bai, which are further subdivided into ten local dialects. The Hani had no written language, but after 1949 the Chinese government developed a pinyin romanization system.

Demography. According to the 1982 Chinese government census there were 1,058,836 Hani living in Yunnan Province, southwestern China, with over 700,000 or 76 percent in the Mount Aiqian area. By 1990, the Hani population had increased to 1,253,952.

History and Cultural Relations The Hani have a legend that tells of their ancestors as nomads from a faraway northern river plain who gradually migrated south. Some Chinese sources consider that the Hani might have migrated south from the present YunnanSichuan border area. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, the Chinese referred to the Hani as wu man, a general term for other southern peoples. In the eighth century A.D. they were called heni and were part of Yunnan's Nanzhao Kingdom. During the Mongol Yuan dynasty the people of the area were referred to as hezi, and the Henilu Administrative District was established. In the Ming dynasty, the Chinese changed the name of this district to Henifu and established a hereditary system (tusi) of local Hani leaders.

During this period Chinese military colonizers came to the region, influencing the Hani and other local groups. In the Qing dynasty, a system of rotating Chinese officials replaced the tusi system. From the turn of the century on, the area was not at peace. The Hani, along with the Yi, demonstrated against the Qing government by participating in the Taiping Rebellion. In 1917, a woman named Lu Meibei led an uprising against the hereditary local leaders.

Between 1895 and 1935 the Hani resisted French incursion into the region, and during World War 11 they resisted the Japanese. In 1947 the Chinese Communist party formed a working group in the area and carried out guerrilla warfare. In 1950 the Chinese Communist party declared the area "liberated" and made it part of the People's Republic of China.

Settlements The Hani have traditionally lived in forested mountain areas. Settlements have ranged in size from just a few households to 400 households. The most prevalent settlement size has been 30 to 40 households. Settlements would be close to a water source and close to one another, yet clearly demarcated by village gates. In Honghe, homes are sometimes two-storied, of wattle and daub construction, with stone foundations and thatch roofs. In Xishuangbanna homes are of bamboo construction, some-

450 Hanim times two-storied, and sometimes built on the ground. The Hani keep animals on the first floor and reside on the second floor. They used the eaves as a storage area. In eastern Xishuangbanna storage rooms lie adjacent to the main house. In some Hani areas, each home is divided into a women's section and a men's section.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The main food staples of the Hani are rice and maize. Other crops include beans, buckwheat, and millet. In Xishuangbanna and Lancang, the Hani practice slash-and-burn agriculture. In the Honghe area, rice is grown in narrow terraced fields. Peanuts, sugarcane, cotton, chili peppers, ginger, and indigo are important cash crops. The area is known for tea and shellac. Most families also raise pigs and grow vegetables and tobacco. The mountain forests provide rich lumber resources-palm, rattan, tung oil, camphor, pine, cypress, maple, and bamboo-as well as a diversity of wild animals-tigers, leopards, bears, deer, monkeys, and flying squirrels-which can be used for traditional medicines.

The region abounds in mineral resources: bronze, gold, silver, lead, and nickel. Since the 1950s, roads, mines, smelters, and chemical, concrete, and plastics factories have been constructed. The economic reforms initiated in 1978 have encouraged the development of forestry, animal husbandry, fishing, and sideline industries.

Industrial Arts. Traditionally, each Hani village had a blacksmith, a silver- or goldsmith, and a stonemason. Hani women wove and dyed their own cotton cloth for clothes.

Old men wove bamboo/rattan baskets, curtains, and mats.

Trade. Prior to 1949, Hani men engaged in trade of tea, animals, wild meat products, and grains with Han Chinese, Yi, Dai, and others at weekly markets. They also traded gold and tobacco for salt and cotton from Laos merchants.

A wealthy merchant could employ mule teams to transport his goods.

Division of Labor. Traditionally, men have been responsible for agricultural production, making tools and baskets, and constructing and repairing homes. Women have managed the household chores, children, animals, vegetable plots, weaving, sewing, and collection of firewood. In the past, women were often prohibited from participating in certain religious ceremonies and sacrifices.

Land Tenure. Before 1952, in Xishuangbanna and Lancang (Simao Prefecture), except for a few paddies and tea fields that belonged to individuals, the village owned the land but individuals were free to cultivate it. There was no sale or lease of land. In the Honghe area, the local tusi leader extracted a "fee" of 6-20 percent of the people's produce and could own over 65 hectares in personal fields.

In 1952 the Chinese Communist government enacted land reform in the area, and in 1958 people's communes were established. In the late 1970s the land-tenure system was changed to that of the responsibility system, where farmers could manage private plots.

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Hani descent is patrilineal and kin groups are organized into patrilineal clans. Clans

trace their ancestry back forty to fifty generations, although the first twenty generations might be a combination of spirits and mythical ancestors. A clan is composed of thirty to forty households with an elderly male clan head.

Kinship Terminology. The Hani refer to a clan as a gu.

The Hani adopted Han Chinese-style surnames during the Ming dynasty.

Marriage and Family Marriage. In Xishuangbanna, Hani marriage was traditionally monogamous. Taking a second wife incurred public condemnation and punishment by fine, as well as the obligation to return the first wife's dowry to her family. In the Honghe area, Hani marriage was polygamous, especially for the local leaders and wealthy households. Men were allowed postmarital sexual freedom, whereas such behavior was strictly prohibited for women. However, in both areas the Hani permitted premarital sexual relations. In Xishuangbanna a young couple would usually meet with their parents' approval for marriage, and there would follow nine ceremonial events between engagement and marriage. In Honghe the parents arranged the marriage while the children involved were young. Marriage ceremonies varied from place to place. For example, in Lancang the people considered a couple wed when the groom passed through the village gate. In Xishuangbanna, a couple who wanted a divorce could simply pay the village headman a processing" fee, and then both were free to find new spouses. In other areas, a husband could abandon his wife, but if a wife wanted a divorce, she would have to return the betrothal gifts to the groom's family; widows who remarried were objects of discrimination.

Domestic Unit. The preferred domestic unit is the nuclear family. After marriage, a couple moves to a new household, close to the groom's parents.

Inheritance. Among the Hani, the house and property are passed down through the male line. A woman can only inherit if her husband resides with her family.

Socialization. Parents typically treat children leniently until the age of 6 or 7, at which time they are expected to start helping with household chores. Prior to 1949, there was only one elementary school in the region. Children were educated by their parents-boys in agricultural and tool-making skills; girls in household management, weaving, and sewing. As of 1985 there were 503 elementary schools and 3 middle schools; 80 percent of Hani children attended school.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Hani society is both patrilineal and patriarchal. In a family, male children become part of their father's line, while females eventually become part of their husbands' lines. The oldest male is head of the household, and in general decision making women are subservient to men.

Political Organization. As noted earlier, during the Ming dynasty, the Hani were governed according to the tusi system, under which local Hani leaders received offi-

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cial titles from the Chinese emperor. In the Qing dynasty, this system was abolished in some areas and replaced by a system of rule by rotating Chinese officials. In Xishuangbanna, the Hani came under the control of Dai feudal lords. Each district encompassed several tens of villages.

Some Hani leaders were also enfeoffed. In the 1950s the Chinese Communist party established the Xishuangbanna Gelang He Hani Autonomous District (1953) and the Honghe Hani Autonomous Prefecture (zhou) People's Government (1952), the name of which was changed to the Honghe Hani, Yi, and Dai Autonomous Prefecture in 1957. Since the 1950s there have been Hani cadres at the commune, prefecture, and county levels.

Social Control. Under the tusi system there were no written laws, and a local leader had primary authority. A militia was used for control and offenders were imprisoned.

The Hani now come under the Chinese civil and criminal code, although some kinship sanctions do prevail.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Traditional Hani beliefs were a combination of animism, polytheism, and ancestor worship, but these beliefs varied by region. Early Buddhist and later Christian missionaries had little impact on the Hani. In Xishuangbanna, ancestor worship and animism were important. In Honghe the people worshiped several spirits. The "Heavenly Spirit," a female deity called "Ao ma," was viewed as the creator of all things. The Hani worshiped trees in the "holy hills" as guardian spirits and offered annual sacrifices to them. The Hani viewed certain events as unlucky-for instance, a new family or wild beast coming into the village, a dog climbing onto the roof of a house, a tree knocking down the village gate, or a fire in a neighboring village. The Hani believed that the unluckiest event was the birth of twins or a handicapped child. The villagers would then kill the children, chase the parents out of the village, and burn their house and possessions. If the parents were wealthy, they could hire a beima to conduct nine days of great sacrificial rites, in which case they would be allowed to remain in the village. However, no one in the village would have relations with them for one year, and they would thenceforth be excluded from village religious activities. The Hani believed in spirits of heaven and earth, spirits of the hills, protective spirits of the village and home, and obscure supernatural forces of the netherworld.

Religious Practitioners. There existed among the Hani a group of religious practitioners. A zuima directed the religious activities of a village. A male from the oldest household in the village usually held the position, and it was passed down from father to son. Every year the zuima would perform planting and harvesting ceremonies, and in return the villagers would give him a day of free labor.

There were male beima who performed incantations and exorcisms. Male and female nima were in charge of predictions and medicinal herbs. Both beima and nima were paid for their services with chicken, rice, wine, cloth, and money.

Ceremonies. Religious activities and agricultural activities were often linked. In the spring, the zuima would lead

the people to a river to make sacrifices to the spirits, asking for the grains to be abundant. Before the harvest, a village would engage in a ceremony to chase out ghosts. The first day, the villagers would sacrifice chickens and repair the roads around the village to facilitate the ghosts' exit.

On the following morning at dawn, the whole village would make as much noise as possible in order to dispel the ghosts. Every village would then place a strip of bamboo outside the village gate, symbolizing the ghosts' departure. In Honghe the Hani also celebrated the Chinese New Year and the Duan Wu and Mid-Autumn festivals.

Medicine. The Hani believed that disease was tied to certain spirits that could be controlled or exorcised through sacrifice and wizardry. Since the 1950s, the Chinese government has constructed county-level hospitals, disease-prevention clinics, and mother-infant health stations. At the district and village levels there are cooperative health services.

Death and Afterlife. Funerals differed from area to area.

In Xishuangbanna, the whole village would stop work to attend and assist in a funeral. The head of the household of the deceased would sacrifice a pig for the spirit and invite all to a feast. If it was a poor household, the other villagers would contribute. The villagers buried their dead in the forest in graves without markers. In Honghe, upon the death of an elder, relatives and friends would bring chickens, pigs, rice, and wine as presents for a memorial ceremony. The son-in-law would be required to kill a cow in offering. Before the funeral, youths would gather in the room of the deceased and ask a beima to preside over placing the body in a coffin and sending the dead one's soul "on the road." To find an appropriate burial site, an egg was rolled until it broke. The family then buried the body in this spot. Some tusi leaders and wealthy families adopted the Han Chinese customs of hiring a geomancer to determine an auspicious site and using stone or brick tombs.

See also Akha in Volume 5, East and Southeast Asia.

Bibliography Lewis, Paul W., and Elaine Lewis (1984). Peoples of the Golden Triangle. London: Thames & Hudson.

National Minorities Commission, ed. (1981). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu (China's national minorities). Beijing: Peoples Press.

National Minorities Commission, ed. (1985). Hanizu jianshi (A concise history of the Hani). Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

National Minorities Commisssion, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1982). Hanizu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Hani). Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

Syed Jamal Jaafar, and Anthony R. Walker (1986). "The Akha People: An Introduction." In Farmers in the Hills, edited by Anthony R. Walker, 169-181. Singapore: Suvarnabhumi Books.

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Zhongguo da baike quanshu (Encyclopedia Sinica) (1986).

Vol. 20, Minzu (Nationalities), 147-148. Beijing: Encyclo. pedia Sinica Press.

BETH E. NOTAR

Hezhen ETHNONYMS: Fishskin Tatars, Gold, Hezhe, Nabei, Nanai, Naniao, Sushen, Wild Nuchen, Yupibu

The Hezhen of northeast Heilongjiang Province are one of China's smallest minorities. Chinese sources suggest that as many as 80 to 90 percent of them died during the Japanese occupation of Manchuria when the Japanese forces removed them from their clan-based villages for resettlement in the marshlands and forests or transported them as forced labor to work the mines and build the rail lines.

The spread of opium use at that time also played a role in population decline. In the 1990 census the population was estimated to be 4,245, up from 1,500 in the 1982 census and growing rapidly. The Chinese Hezhen are located mainly along the confluence of the Songhua and Heilong rivers, separated from a larger number of Hezhen in Russia.

Their language belongs to the Manchu-Tungus Branch of Altaic.

Aboriginally, they were a distinctive fishing and hunting people, but since the seventeenth century they have been strongly influenced by the Manchu and the Han. The Qing (Manchu) dynasty brought them into the military Banner system, and some Hezhen men entered careers in the military and civil service or participated in patrols on the rivers. Traditional Hezhen society was composed of seven exogamous clans, similar to the Manchu clan system.

The clan heads and village heads were elected by all adult members and had the power to order punishments for recognized crimes. The egalitarian social order changed as a result of several factors: the introduction of guns; a growing trade in dried fish, furs, and deer antlers; and the expansion of Chinese settlement into the area. The river fisheries were a particularly rich resource, and fishing became highly commercialized in the early years of the twentieth century. The older system of commonly owned fishing grounds and even division of the catch gave way to private ownership of boats and equipment by a handful of families and hired labor as a livelihood for the majority.

In the twentieth century, intermarriage between Hezhen women and Han men became common: during the Qing dynasty, as Bannermen, Hezhen men could marry Chinese women, but Hezhen women rarely if ever married out of the group. The Hezhen still retain their language, elements of traditional dress made of fish skins and deer hide and with floral design embroideries, and items of material culture such as birchbarks (canoes) and dogsleds. In 1945 the area came under Communist rule, and many

Hezhen returned to their former home areas. By the early 1950s the government had organized fishing cooperatives.

In the late 1950s Hezhen villages were incorporated into communes shared with neighboring Manchu, Koreans, and Han Chinese. Agriculture became a larger part of their economy, along with the farming of fish, deer, and marten.

Some ice fishing and forest hunting still continue. Local schools, developed during the 1950s, provide an education in Chinese. There has been continuing intermarriage with neighboring groups. Chinese sources suggest that the Hezhen no longer conduct their traditional shaman-led religious rituals and healing ceremonies.

See also Nanai in Part One, Russia and Eurasia

Bibliography Fan Yumei, et al., eds. (1987). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu fengqinglu (Customs of China's national minorities), 2639. Chengdu: Sichuan Nationalities Press.

Lattimore, Owen (1933). The Gold Tribe: Fishskin Tatars of the Lower Sungari. American Anthropological Association Memoirs. Menasha, Wis.

Liu Zhongpo (1980). 'China's Smallest Minority." China Reconstructs 29(5):22-23.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 59-62.

Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

NORMA DIAMOND

Hui ETHNONYMS: Chinese Muslims, Dungan, Hanhui, Huihui, Khojem, Mumin, Musilin, Panthay

With a population of 8,603,000 in 1990, the Hui are the most populous of China's Muslim peoples. They are also the most widespread, living in every city, province, and region of China, as well as in 2,308 of China's 2,372 counties. In China, Islam is most often known as "the Hui religion." The Hui are most populous in the following provinces, in declining order: Ningxia, Gansu, Henan, Xinjiang, Qinghai, Yunnan, and Hebei; in the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, they make up 31.6 percent of the population. Although the Hui may constitute a very small percentage of the population of any one region, they are often by far the largest minority group in the region in which they live. Some 6,000 Hui live in Lhasa, speak Tibetan, and are known as Tibetan Hui. There are also Hui who live in Taiwan.

The Hui differ from the other Muslim peoples of

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China in that they do not have a language of their own and speak the Chinese dialect of their locality. They are also unlike the other Muslims in that they do not have their own identifying literature or music. They do have a number of visible ethnic markers, which include caps or turbans and beards in some areas for the men and head scarves for the women. Nonconsumption of pork and mosque attendance also serve as ethnic identifiers, as does circumcision where it occurs. The Hui are often called "Chinese Muslims," even though they are regarded as a national minority rather than a religious community. One can be Han Chinese and Christian but not Han Chinese and Muslim.

The Hui are descended from Muslim (including Persian, Arab, and Turkish) traders, soldiers, and officials who came to China from the seventh century through the fourteenth century and who settled and married local Han women. For this reason, it is not uncommon to find the following physical characteristics in the Hui population: hazel-green eyes, beards, high-bridged noses, and lightcolored hair. Most Hui can trace their descent line to a "foreign" ancestor. To retain religious purity and group identity the Hui have always segregated themselves socially from other people, in enclaves. The Hui population has been growing rapidly; in the years between 1953 and 1990, it has grown 2.4 percent annually. Although this growth is largely the result of natural increase, it also has to do with Hui marriage practices. Hui women are nearly always forbidden to marry non-Hui, but Hui men may marry Han or other non-Hui women who are willing to follow Islamic practice. When Hui men marry Han women, those Han women change their registration with the government to 'Hui," and the children of the union are raised as Hui. Hui consider it impossible for a Hui person to become Han, whereas the reverse is feasible.

In rural areas the Hui tend to reside in villages separate from Han and other groups, though the Hui are in many cases indistinguishable from their non-Hui neighbors in their employment. In the north they are primarily growers of wheat and dry rice; in the south they raise wet rice.

City-dwelling Hui are most often laborers or factory workers. Nevertheless, the Hui are famous as traders, and it was their interest in profitable business ventures that led them to be dispersed all over China and even beyond its borders.

Today, 29 percent of the Hui work in service industries, the highest proportion of any ethnic group in China.

Hui marriage practices tend toward endogamy in all respects, especially in the northwestern part of China, where the Hui are culturally and religiously conservative.

There one finds pronounced village endogamy, surname endogamy, and religious-order endogamy. The prevalence of these types of endogamy has led to some first-cousin marriages, and marriages between those who share a common ancestor within five generations, which is now illegal under Chinese law.

The words qing zhen (pure and true) are often associated with Hui life, in reference to all Islamic ideals. These words are often placed on the signs of Hui establishments and on products in which Islamic ideals of purity are supposedly maintained: restaurants, food stores, bakeries, ice cream stores, candy wrappers, mosques, incense packages, and Islamic literature. In the case of food, qing zhen

means that the food is free of contamination by pork and other unclean foods and is ritually purified.

The majority of Hui are Sunni, Hanafi Muslims; many have never heard of Shiite Muslims. Hui Islam has been greatly influenced by Sufism since the seventeenth century, and currently about 20 percent are in Sufi orders. The Sufi movement caused the Hui to organize themselves into religious orders, each of which adheres to a school of thought established by a Sufi saintly leader. In addition, mosque leaders have allegiance to their shaykhs, Sufi elders who lead the orders and who appoint them. Some orders are concerned with adherents' participation in secular affairs, others with saint veneration or scriptural reform, etc.

In turbulent times, Hui adherence to their orders provided networks, centralized command, and a means of transmitting political leadership. There have been many schisms in the various orders, leading to the creation of new orders, as different groups have attempted to make Islam more meaningful to the Hui people. In the late nineteenth century, Hui reformers spread the teachings and practice of the Ikwan Muslim Brotherhood (Wahhabi). This denomination is very strong in Qinghai and Gansu provinces. Despite this religious and social divisiveness, the Hui and other Muslim peoples sometimes function together, as was the case when Muslims publicly protested against Salman Rushdie's novel The Satanic Verses and against the publication of a Chinese book, Sexual Customs, which they believed denigrated Muslim peoples.

There is great variability in the religious conservatism of the Hui. In northwest China the Hui are very conservative and are growing more so. There, leaders and parents have placed a great deal of emphasis on religious education, especially the study of the Quran. Many of these parents also question the value of studying Chinese language, history, and other subjects in public schools. Conservatism has also increased in other respects: in some places smoking and the consumption of alcohol are now prohibited where they were once common. In contrast, in northeastern China many Hui smoke, drink, and eat pork when away from home.

Bibliography Aramco Corporation (1985). "Muslims in China: A Special Issue." Aramco World Magazine (Washington, D.C.: Aramco Corporation) 36(4).

Broomhall, Marshall (1910). Islam in China: A Neglected Problem. New York: Paragon.

Chang, Haji Yusuf (1987) "The Hui (Muslim) Minority in China: An Historical Overview." Journal, Institute for Muslim Minority Affairs 8(1):62-78.

Drake, F. S. (1943). "Mohammedanism in the T'ang Dynasty." Monumenta Serica 8:1-40.

Gladney, Dru C. (1991). Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People's Republic. Cambridge: Harvard University, Council on East Asian Studies.

454 Hui Israeli, Raphael (1984). "Muslims in China: Islam's Incompatibility with the Chinese Order." In Islam in Asia, edited by Raphael Israeli and Anthony H. Johns. Vol. 2.

Boulder. Colo.: Westview Press.

Pillsbury, Barbara L. K. (1981). "Muslim History in China: A 1300-Year Chronology." Journal, Institute for Muslim Minority Affairs 3(2):10-29.

DANIEL STROUTHES

Lipman, Jonathan N. (1987). "Hui-Hui: An Ethnohistory of the Chinese-Speaking Muslims." Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 11:112-130.

Jing

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 397400. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

ETHNONYMS: Gin, Yuezu

The Jing live near the China-Vietnam border, mainly on three islands in the Gulf of Tonkin. The Fangcheng MultiNational Autonomous County (part of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region) is shared by Jing, Zhuang, Yao, and Han. The Jing are thought to be descendants of sixteenth-century immigrants from Vietnam. They speak a dialect of Cantonese in daily life. Their indigenous language has not been classified. In addition to the modern Han writing system, they use an older form called Zinan in their songbooks and religious scriptures. According to the 1990 census, there are close to 19,000 Jing. Roughly onethird are now classed as urban.

Prior to 1949, the main source of livelihood was coastal and inshore fishing, with agriculture and salt mak. ing being of secondary importance. In recent years, the fishing industry has been mechanized and the Jing engage in modernized deep-sea fishing. Oyster farming and pearl cultivation began in 1958. Land reclamation, encouraged by the state, has linked the islands to the mainland and made possible an expansion of agriculture: in addition to rice, sweet potatoes, and taro they raise bananas, papayas, coconuts, and other newly introduced tropical fruits.

Villages tend to be large, with as many as 200 households. Every village has several small temples or shrines.

The main religion is Daoism fused with Buddhist elements and earlier religious strains. A small number are Catholic.

Every village has several Daoist priests who are part-time practitioners. The position usually passes from father to son. Their performances rely on written texts. There are also male shamans, who in trance are possessed by different gods. Both kinds of specialists are concerned with the success and safety of fishing, with illness and childbirth, exorcism of evil spirits, funerals, and the general well-being of the community. The Jing celebrate most of the festivals of their Han neighbors. Their own particular festival is Changha. Each locality celebrates at a different date. The festival honors ancestors and the gods of localized cults, and includes feasting, singing, and performances to entertain the spirits as well as the living.

Jingpo ETHNONYMS: Acha, Aji, Atsa, Chashan, Dashan, Jinghpaw, Kang, Lachi, Lalang, Langshu, Langwo, Lashi, Maru, Shidong, Xiaoshan, Zaiwa Orientation Identification. The name "Jingpo" was officially adopted as the formal name in 1953. Before then the Han Chinese normally called this minority "Shantou Ren" (the people on the mountaintops) and, earlier, 'Ye Ren" (savages or wild people). There are four main Jingpo subgroups: Jingpo (i.e., the Jinghpaw of Myanmar, formerly Burma), Zaiwa,

Lachi, and Langwo, with the Zaiwa and the Jingpo being the major ones. Because each subgroup has its own dialect, there are many local names for the Jingpo.

ILocation. In China the Jingpo live exclusively in Yunnan Province. Almost all of Yunnan's jingpo inhabit the Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture (zhou).

Dehong Zhou is a triangular area in the extreme west of the province, between 23째50' and 25째29' N and 97째31' and 98째43' E, oriented against the west slopes of the Gaoligong ranges. With very few exceptions, the Jingpo live on the slopes at elevations of 1,470 to 1,980 meters. The area is dominated by the main range of the Gaoligong Mountains, its two west branches, and the Daying (Taiping) and Ruili rivers. The mountains run south and southwest, diminishing in elevation from more than 2,940 meters in the north to less than 210 meters at the southwest outlet to the Irrawaddy Valley. Thus, the Dehong terrain is a fan-shaped slope embracing the rain-bearing

Jingpo 455 northeastern monsoon of the Indian Ocean, which creates a rich subtropical rain-forest area. The climate is semitropical with an ample amount of rainfall that comes primarily during summer. The average annual rainfall is 200 centimeters. People here used to divide a year into only two seasons: a dry season from November to May and a wet season from May to October.

Demography. In 1990 the Jingpo had a population of 119,209; the Zaiwa number over 70,000 people, making up the majority of the Jingpo population. As a transnational ethnic group, the Jingpo are also found as the Kachin in Myanmar and the Singhpo in Assam. The Myanmar Kachin have always constituted the main part of the people. The estimated Kachin population was about half a million in the 1950s, whereas India's Singhpo were a few thousand.

Linguistic Affiliation. Linguists generally agree that all the Jingpo dialects are of the Tibeto-Burman Family of Sino-Tibetan. A majority of Chinese Jingpo specialists hold that Jingpo and Zaiwa (Atsi) are the two major dialects of Jingpo and that both belong to the Jingpo Branch of the Tibeto-Burman Family, although the dialects are not mutually intelligible. Other linguists maintain that Jingpo and Zaiwa are different languages; the former, including Gaori (Gauri), Monzhi, and N'kung dialects, belongs to the Jingpo Branch, while the latter, including Lachi, Langwo, and Bula, constitutes a separate Zaiwa Branch.

All these classifications aside, both Jingpo and Zaiwa are officially and equally recognized.

History and Cultural Relations The origin of the Jingpo remains open to debate. Chinese ethnohistorians generally hold that the ancestors of the Jingpo originated in the Tibetan Plateau, around the sources of the Irrawaddy, Nu (Salween), Lancang (Mekong), and Changjiang (Yangzi) rivers, and moved south about 1,500 years ago. Their southern migration diverged along eastern and western routes: the western route went along the N'mai Hka and Nu rivers into the triangle between the N'mai Hka and Mali Hka rivers and its western areas; the eastern route went along the Jinsha (upper reach of the Yangzi) and Yalong rivers into the old Langsudi and its eastern area. From the thirteenth century on, the eastern route migrants turned west into the area of Pianma, Togo. Some of them then moved northwest to Hkamti Long and to Assam, some went westward to the Huhkawng Valley and southward to the jade mines near the Burma border, and some migrated southward along the Irrawaddy into the area north of the Shan State of Burma.

Among those southbound migrants were the Jingpo, who entered Dehong in about the fifteenth century. The reasons for the southward movement were the harsh environ. ment, feuds and violent reprisals among clans, segmentation of the lineages, and later on, avoidance of military service to the imperial court. Historians believe that many ancient tribal names in Chinese historical records apply to ancestors of the jingpo: "Qiang," "Sou," Cuan," Wu Man," "Xinchuan Man," "Luoxin Man," "Ye Man," 'Ochang Man," and "Shantouren." However, early historical records about the affiliation of the people are few and largely conjectural; the records have become relatively elab-

orate only since the Tang dynasty (A.D. 618-906), when present-day Dehong was included in the western domain of a highly civilized local kingdom, the Nanzhao State. The geographic location and some cultural traits suggest that Xinchuan Man, Luoxin Man, and Ye Man of the Tang time are probably the ancestors of the Jingpo. In records

from the Yuan and Ming dynasties (A.D. 1206-1628), information about the "Ochang" is very similar to that pertaining to the "Acha," which is an old name of the present-day Zaiwa and Langwo, whom the Dai still call "Acha," "Achang," or "Ochang." Before the Jingpo entered Dehong, the area had long been inhabited by other peoples: the limited fertile valleys were held by the Dai and Han, while the hills were the homeland of the De'ang (Benglong) and some Han Chinese. The dynasties had already incorporated the area into the tusi system, with the Dai as tusi lords. As unorganized, scattered immigrants, the Jingpo could find room to settle only in the mountains. As a whole, the Jingpo were subordinate to the Dai, and they had to pay tributes to the tusi in whose territory they lived. But since the tusi lands were fiefs of the imperial dynasties and the central court also had some direct relations with Jingpo chiefs, the Jingpo were only under the Dai tusi's nominal rule. Well-known as a warlike people, the Jingpo supplied important military support and services to the tusi and the central authority. Some Jingpo chiefs eventually gained the right to collect a "headprotection" fee from one or several Dai or Han villages as reward for their support or services. This pattern of spatial distribution and these sociopolitical interrelations between the Jingpo, Dai, and Han Chinese were maintained until the 1949 Revolution, and they still remain to a limited extent today.

Settlements An average Jingpo village has about twenty households. A few larger villages exist near the major points of traditional caravan trade roads or military strongholds. The villages are mostly permanent, as the people have practiced terraced paddy farming for over a century. Most Jingpo villages are built on the mountain slopes, facing the valley.

Within the village, family houses are scattered irregularly on several terraces of the hill slope. The crests of the ridges form rough roadways. Generally, there are two designs among Dehong Jingpo houses; the major difference is the location of the entrance and corridor. One is of traditional style, with its main entrance on the side and its lengthwise corridor inside, while the other is of mixed Han and Jingpo style, with a small entrance hall in the front of the house. The former type is mainly seen in the area inhabited by the Jingpo branch; the latter style is popular in the area of the Zaiwa and other branches. Jingpo houses are wood-framed, thatch-roofed, walled with mats made of thin bamboo strips, and floored with split bamboo.

Wealthy families have their house frames mortised and floors planked. The rectangular shedlike structure is usually raised about 1 meter above the ground. A house usually has five rooms, each with a fireplace in the center. As a rule, a room at the end of the upslope side is designated for spirits. It is empty except for a bamboo sacrificial altar against the side wall. For Christian Jingpo the room is no

456 )ingpo longer for spirits but serves as a bedroom or storage room.

For most families the center room serves as a kitchen; a few rich families have their separate kitchen buildings. The house roof extends at either end, supported by a post, and thus forms a porch hut, where the wife feeds pigs and husks rice by hand or with a food pestle, the husband makes farm tools, and the children play. Buffalo-owning families build their buffalo sheds by the house. Many households have separate tower-shaped mud-brick grain bins behind the houses to keep their grain dry and safe from fire.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Jingpo farming is of two types: sedentary terraced cultivation and shifting cultivation (swidden horticulture), with rice as the major crop in both. Although the Jingpo have practiced terraced wet-rice cultivation for over a century and it has become the main source of grain, shifting dry-rice cultivation still plays an important part in their economy. Today the Jingpo farm their paddy fields basically the same way as their grandparents: a buffalo draws a plow and a harrow to prepare the field, which is irrigated naturally by spring water.

The major improvements so far are chemical fertilizers and improved varieties of hybrid rice. Traditional shifting cultivation is of two types: shifting field-forest cultivation and shifting field-grass cultivation. Each may be extensive, intensive, or semisedentary. When extensive, cultivation is only one or two years, the fallow period is ten to twelve years, and there is little hoeing; when semisedentary, cultivation lasts for two to four years, the fallow period is six to eight years, and hoeing and sometimes plowing are necessary. Today, field-forest extensive shifting cultivation (yingwang in jingpo) is mainly practiced by the Jingpo, while semisedentary field-forest and field-grass shifting cultivation (dongyuo in Zaiwa) is done mainly by the Zaiwa, Lachi, and Langwo. Shifting cultivation has been declining because of the rapid decrease in forest and grassland.

Crops grown in swidden land are diversified: dry rice of different kinds (glutinous and nonglutinous), maize, foxtail millet, Job's tears, soybeans, kidney beans, potatoes, etc.

Before 1958 the Jingpo also commonly grew the opium poppy. They also grow various vegetables, such as chili peppers, ginger, garlic, cucumbers, pumpkins, and wax gourds. In recent years they have grown sugarcane on a large scale. The Jingpo use the slash-and-burn method of swidden cultivation. They clear the hill slope of trees and underbrush, burn it, and then sow their crops before the first rain, which usually comes in May. Farmers mix and broadcast seeds of rice, soybeans, foxtail millet, and cucumbers, and then they plant taro, Job's tears, kidney beans, and other vegetables on the edges of the plot.

Weeding is mandatory, as weeds grow faster than the crops.

The raising of buffalo, cattle, and pigs has also been of special importance to the Jingpo economy. Buffalo were introduced together with wet rice into the Jingpo society; cattle may have arrived much earlier-they seldom draw plows in the area but have long been used in ritual sacrifice and gift exchange.

Industrial Arts. The Jingpo buy all their metal tools from the state store or market. Men can make some wood

and bamboo tools-such as plows, harrows, curved sticks (used to thresh rice), baskets, and winnowers-but these implements are mostly for their own use, not for sale.

Women weave on belt looms, making beautiful tubular skirts, but they buy most of their clothing from shops.

Trade. The combined factors of Jingpo contact with more developed peoples, their location along caravan routes, and their opium growing had a dual impact on Jingpo society. While these factors restricted or replaced the division of labor and thereby crippled exchange within Jingpo society, they promoted trade with other peoples.

The collecting of forest products, such as mushrooms, wild vegetables, timber, firewood, fruits, and herbal medicines, has always been an important cash-earning activity. It has become a major source of cash since 1958, when the Chinese government banned opium growing. Some households now grow tea and marketable woods such as the tung tree, walnut, and fir. In recent years, small-scale cross-border trading and labor selling on the Myanmar side have begun to flourish in the villages along the border. The former is a legacy of ancient Yunnan-Burmese caravan trade as well as a by-product of the government's open-door policy. Work as seasonal opium-field laborers in Myanmar's Kachin hills is closely associated with the cross-border trading and with the Jingpo's long history of opium growing.

Division of Labor. The basis of the division of labor is gender. Men do only heavy and technical work such as plowing, harrowing, and watering the paddy fields, slashing and burning dry plots, making tools, and hunting; weeding fields, harvesting, carrying and processing crops, gathering wild vegetables and fruits, and cooking are women's jobs.

In the busy seasons of planting and harvesting, men also take part in women's work.

Land Tenure. Present-day land tenure is that of socialist collective ownership. The land, including wet and dry fields, vegetable gardens, woodlands, and hills other than those that are state-owned, are all collectively owned; the legitimate owner of all this land is the co-op (agricultural producers cooperative). In practice, each household cultivates the farmland. By the nineteenth century, limited private ownership of paddy fields already existed in Jingpo society. In some areas the landowners could sell, buy, lend, or mortgage their paddy fields under the condition that the plots must not be sold out of the village, but the Jingpo considered forest land to be communal property, and each village held the right for all the village members to use the forestland for swidden cultivation. In 1957, the land became socialist collective property, owned first by agricultural mutual-aid groups, later by the co-ops, and then by the production team of the people's commune. Since 1981 the Jingpo have used a household contractresponsibility system. Paddy fields are allocated by contract to each household but dryland remains shared by all households. Each contracting household pays an agricultural tax (in grain) and sells its quota of grain at the stateset price (about 40 percent less than the market price).

While the households have the right of decision making in farming, they are expected to consider the plan suggested by the local government about the varieties of crops to be grown and where to grow them.

Jinkoo 457

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. All Jingpo people trace descent patrilineally. The individual inherits his or her surname from the father. Each family belongs to a lineage, which belongs to a clan containing other lineages. Individuals with a common surname are thought to be from the same patrilineage and, as a rule, from the same clan; but individuals with different surnames may also affiliate their lineages in differing spans to the same clan. A Jingpo clan is thus a lineage of maximal scale. The lineages from which wives are taken and given become mayu (wife giver) and dama (wife taker) to each other, with the mayu enjoying prestige and privileges over the dama.

Kinship Terminology. Jingpo kin terms follow Omahatype cousin terminology. Male speakers refer to all the members of mayu-dama families with affinal terms regardless of generation. Ego calls father's brothers' and mother's sisters' children by sibling terms. A man calls his brothers' children and a woman calls her sisters' children by the same terms used for his or her own children. A man calls his sisters' children and a woman calls her brothers' children by different terms than for his or her own children. A man calls his father-in-law and mother-in-law by the same terms used for his mother's brother and the mother's brother's wife, while a woman refers to her mother-in-law and father-in-law the same way she refers to her father's sister and the father's sister's husband.

Marriage and Family Marriage. A Jingpo clan is not necessarily exogamous, whereas the lineage is definitely exogamous. Lineage exogamy, asymmetrical matrilateral cross-cousin marriage, occasional polygyny by levirate, and class endogamy were the major features of the Jingpo marriage system. Since 1949, class endogamy has disappeared, polygyny has been abolished, and cross-cousin marriage and ultimogeniture have been declining. But the Jingpo still strictly observe lineage exogamy and violators of it incur moral sanction and punishment. Today, the Jingpo prefer that a man marry his mother's brother's daughter, although a man may marry another woman instead. It is not desirable for a man to marry his father's sister's daughter, but it is completely unacceptable to marry someone with the same surname. If a man does not marry his mother's brother's daughter, his family has to pay fines to the mother's brother. Young people have much freedom in dating; flirtation and premarital sex are common, but parents usually arrange marriages. There are four ways a Jingpo man takes his wife: wife stealing (mjicho), wife engaging (mjitun), wife snatching (mjihkau), and wife seizing (mjilu). The first is the most popular way, in which the "stealing" is mock stealing, as both families and the wife consent to the marriage. In the second, a bride is formally engaged when she is still young and will marry out when older. The third involves a man kidnapping the girl who refuses his love and marrying her. In the last case, a man first has relations with another person's wife or fiance and then marries her.

The last two methods are rare now. In any case, the groom's family pays bride-price (hpaozo) in the form of animals-buffalo, cattle, or horses-gongs, and palajing (a

kind of silk or nylon scarf). The amount of the hpaozo is decided by the number of the bride's relatives who have a distinct right to take the gifts; therefore, the bigger the wife giver's lineage, the higher the bride-price. In exchange for the hpaozo, the bride's family provides the gift for the son-in-law (moshao). just as a gong is required in a hpaozo, the indispensable article in a moshao is a spear, a sword, or best of all, a gun. As a rule, a moshao's value is one-half that of the hpaozo. Residence is virilocal, but after the wedding the new wife customarily goes back home and lives with her parents until their first child is born. Divorce is allowed but is not common, and the wife usually has to pay back the hpaozo.

Domestic Unit. Nuclear and stem families are the basic household units. A family is usually made up of parents, a son with his wife, and unmarried children. The average family size is five.

Inheritance. The Jingpo practice ultimogeniture. In ordinary cases, elder sons separate from the parents' home when they get married, leaving the youngest son to live with and take care of the parents and inherit the family's property (and the title of chief, if any, in the old days).

Socialization. Jingpo parents never beat their children.

The Jingpo do not subscribe to the idea that sons are superior to daughters, which is popular among the Han and the Dai. Children now go to public school at age 7 or 8, but many drop out during primary school years and only a few have a chance to attend middle school, which is normally far away, in the valleys. The traditional "public house" is common in the villages as a place for adolescents to gather together and make love. No youth organizations and initiation rites are reported.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Traditional Jingpo communities

were split into two classes, aristocracy and commoners, based on the ranking of lineages. A hereditary chief was called duwa (in Jingpo) or bumzao (in Zaiwa), meaning "the ruler of the mountain." The chief's privileges were the right to take a hindquarter thigh of any game caught in his domain and the right to collect tributes in labor from his commoners. But the chief was more like a public leader and a protector of his community, for his commoners were not his slaves or serfs but free people. As a member and a resident of a chief's domain, a commoner had the right to use the land for swidden cultivation and to move out without permission of the chief. The Chinese authorities eliminated the distinction between aristocrats and commoners after 1949.

Political Organization. Chiefdom used to be the basic principle that organized the Jingpo into a stratified society.

A chief ruled his domain with assistance of the suwen, the guan, and sometimes the gadu. The suwen came from the founder lineage or the major lineages of the domain.

Elected by the households of the chief's lineage and approved by the chief, the suwen formed a kind of house of representatives. The suwen also collected tributes from commoners for the chief and the tusi, took care of the commoners' corvie, assisted the chief in handling and mediating disputes, and led the village's ritual offerings. In re-

458 Jingpo turn for their service, the suwen were exempt from corv&e and tributes. The position was not hereditary. In some big chiefs' domains, consisting of more villages, there were the guan. A guan, as the chiefs agent in his village, took full responsibility for the village's affairs; his position was hereditary. The guan had more real power and authority than the suwen. He not only was exempted from corvee and tributes to the chief but also had the right to ask for corvee for himself. In some villages there was a gadu, whom the chief chose from among the suwen. The gadu could act on the chiefs behalf; his position was inheritable and above the suwen. Different versions of Kachin chiefdom-gumsa (traditional aristocracy) and gumlao (rebellious aristocracy)-were also found among the Dehong Jingpo, but the two structures changed fundamentally in the last century because of the influence of the Han and Dai as well as the increasing Chinese control through the tusi and civil administration. In most cases chiefs became either local heads of the Han or Dai type or symbolic leaders whose power and privilege had fallen into the hands of new strongmen, mostly suwen and guan. The chiefs' authority now derived less from their lineage background and more from their personal efforts and abilities, profits from opium growing and tolls, and the special relationship with the Han officials or Dai tusi. The Communist Revolution ended the chiefdom system. Local politics today is organized by the party into a unified government structure of five levels: state; province or autonomous region; prefecture or autonomous zhou; county; and xiang (countryside). A xiang, the lowest level of state power and the basic administrative unit, includes several administrative villages, each of which consists of a number of natural villages. The xiang government is appointed by the xiang peoples congress, which is elected from the party-recommended candidates and under the leadership of the xiang party committee. The xiang government appoints the head of the administrative village while the villagers elect the head of the natural village.

Social Control and Conflict. Traditional Jingpo principles (htungtara) and common law still play an important role in Jingpo life. Faith in gods and commitment to the mayu-dama relationship are the essence of the principles.

For example, in the case of adultery or other sex scandals, "face washing" by cattle sacrifice and compensation according to the common law are always taken for granted and tacitly approved by the village heads. Other disputes, such as those over debts, stealing, fighting, or injury are mostly settled through the mediation of the village heads and elders in accordance with htungtara. A traditional way to resolve major conflicts and disputes-to grab cattle by force-is still accepted by the cadres and villagers, especially when the offender is a wrongdoer who refuses to pay the compensation.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The essence of the Jingpo religion is belief in the dual nature of man and living things-the natural and spiritual aspects-and the belief that the supernatural beings or spirits (nat) are superior to man. The Jingpo also believe that all the spirits were once nothing but mortals passing out from the present world; however,

this passage invested them with supernatural powers and thus transformed them into objects of fear, reverence, and worship. The spirits are innumerable and occupy every imaginable place. Each village, lineage, and clan also has its particular divinities. Capable of good deeds as well as evil, the nat dominate or interfere with the affairs of the present world, bring people illness or health, bestow bad fortune or good fortune, and determine the destiny of people. The nat are disagreeable in character and always ready to take revenge-that is, to "bite" people who trespass against them, knowingly or unknowingly-so they must be avoided, feared as well as worshiped, and consulted all the time. Some aspects of Dai Buddhism and Han Chinese Confucianism appear in Jingpo myths and rituals. In recent years, quite a number of the Jingpo converted to Christianity, but the mass of the people still hold their ancestral faith and sacrifice to their numerous spirits.

Religious Practitioners. The Jingpo have part-time religious specialists, the dumsa, who can relieve people of illness and suffering by identifying the offended spirits and supplicating, placating, and making offerings to them. In order to identify the troublesome spirits and ascertain their will and wishes, a dumsa should also be a diviner. Public recognition is the main basis of the dumsa's qualification.

Dumsas' popularity, influence, and income depend on their personal abilities and charisma. Certain grades are commonly recognized among these specialists. The first is the jaiwa, or grand dumsa, the highest religious authority and the only priest who can officiate on special occasions such as manao (the greatest festival dedicated to the madai nat, the highest of all ancestor spirits). The second is the dumsa, among whom several grades exist: ga dumsa, who can minister to the earth and sky spirit; tru dumsa, who can authorize the sacrifice to the ancestral spirits; and the normal dumsa. Among this group there is also shichao, a dumsa specializing in releasing and sending the souls of the dead to the spirit world. The third is the hkinjawng, a subordinate and assistant to the dumsa when putting up the altar and cutting up the sacrifice. The fourth is the myhtoi, the medium or nat prophet, who is the oracle of the spirit world, able to get in touch with nat and know their will when in a trance. The fifth is the ningwawt, the diviner. (Some diviners are also dumsa, but usually capable ningwawt are not.) All of these specialists traditionally receive payment from their clients for their service. With few exceptions, these specialists are male, aged, and capable, with glib tongues, familiar with the religious language chanted at the sacrifice as well as everything about the history, tradition, and legends of their lineages and clans. The dumsa once were leading figures in the society. During the Cultural Revolution and other political campaigns, the dumsa had a difficult time, but now they are practicing again and make a fair income from their services.

Ceremonies. To propitiate the nat by offering them animal sacrifices is the object of Jingpo rituals. Each village is a self-authorized unit of communal ritual, and the village heads (formerly the chiefs) and the dumsa jointly take care of the rituals. Each family also takes full responsibility for its own rituals and is free to invite any dumsa to preside.

Two communal rituals, the numshang offerings, are performed each year, one in April and the other in October.

Jino 459 Connected with sowing and harvest, the two offerings especially reflect the care taken to secure the goodwill of the guardians of homes and villages. There was another communal ritual, manao, the biggest ritual-festival dedicated to the madai nat. However, the Jingpo commonly did not observe it, partly because it required seven to nine buffalo or cattle, tens of pigs, and hundreds of fowl as sacrifices, but also because only the madai-keeper families (i.e., those from the main chief lineages) were entitled to hold it, and only the jaiwa were entitled to conduct it. The government authorities banned this grand ritual in the Cultural Revolution. Now the government has officially declared the manao a Jingpo national holiday and fixed it on the Chinese New Year; its celebration is officially organized with no nat-offering activities. Individual households hold other rituals on a fixed timetable connected with subsistence farming: the ancestral nat offering in February for the whole family's good fortune in the coming year and in April to guarantee growth of the rice seedlings; the stream nat offering in May to prevent the people being "bitten" by the spirit; the new-rice tasting ritual in October to thank the sky and ancestral nat; the rice-soul-calling-back ritual in November to ensure continued consumption of the rice.

Families also perform some situational and problemresolving rituals. Situational rituals include those for marriages, funerals, new-house building, the regular visiting of the mayu family by the dama, and "face washing" occasioned by adultery or other sexual scandals. People hold problem-resolving rituals to dispel illness and misfortune, to call back a wife who has run away, to find lost things, and so on.

Arts. Jingpo literature includes legends, ballads, and folktales, which are mainly about the genesis and genealogy of the chief clans and are handed down orally by the dumsa. Love songs are very popular among the youth, and the religious group dance of manao is a vivid presentation of Jingpo character. Weaving and embroidery of wool skirts are well developed, whereas painting and wood carving are simple and mainly associated with nat worship.

Medicine. The Jingpo traditionally attributed illness to a bite from a nat, or soul loss. Traditional folk medicine was limited to some medicinal plants and herbs, mainly for injuries or wounds. Modern medicine has been introduced in the Jingpo area since 1949, but the dumsa rituals remain the first resort in any illness. The Jingpo believe that if a person dies outside the village, his or her spirit will become a "wild nat," which can never return to the old homeland but instead wanders around trying to 'bite" the living. Because of this belief, many sick villagers are reluctant to go to the hospital.

Death and Afterlife. The Jingpo believe that human beings are multisouled: a man has six souls and a woman seven. Of the souls three are 'near" or "real," while the rest are "far" or "false." If the "real" souls are all absent from the body-because a nat has "bitten" the person or for another reason-the person will die; if one or two are away, the person will be ill. A human being will join the nat world after dying. The best death is a natural death (a death at 50 years of age or older) at home; the worst death is to die by accident outside the home, an occurrence that the Jingpo believe to be caused by evil spirits. The funeral

rituals are for normal deaths only and consist of the burial, which disposes of the corpse, and the spirit sending, which sends the spirit away to the world of nat spirits. The two parts are usually held at the same time but may be held separately within a month or even a year, if the family cannot afford the whole ritual at once. The spirit sending is more important because the spirit separated from the corpse remains at home, in the spirit room, and can always cause trouble. The Jingpo believe that at least one buffalo should be killed and its skull should be laid in front of the person's grave to please the deceased's spirit and exhort it to leave.

See also Kachin in Volume 5, East and Southeast Asia

Bibliography Leach, Edmund R. (1954). Political Systems of Highland Burma. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Lehman, F. K. (1977). "Kachin Social Categories and Methodological Sins." In Language and Thought: Anthropological Issues, edited by W. McCormack and S. Wurm, 229-250. The Hague: Mouton.

Maran, LaRaw (1967). "Towards a Basis for Understanding the Minorities of Burma: The Kachin Example." In Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities, and Nations, edited by Peter Kunstadter. Vol. 1, 125-146. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1984-1986). Jingpozu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Jingpo). 4 vols. Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

Nugent, David (1982). "Closed Systems and Contradiction: The Kachin in and out of History." Man 17:508-527.

WANG ZHUSHENG

Jino ETHNONYMS: none

The jino are a small group, numbering only 18,021, who live in Jinghong County, Xishuangbanna Prefecture, Yunnan Province. Their language belongs to the TibetoBurman Branch of the Sino-Tibetan Family and is most closely related to Yi and Burmese. The Jino language is unwritten. Legend has it that the Jino people originated in the north. The Chinese government did not officially recognize the Jino as a distinct minority until 1979. Until then, they were regarded as a subgroup of the Dai nationality. Before 1950 they were under the political and economic control of Dai rulers, Qing and Guomindang

460 Jino

government officials, and Han merchants engaged in the tea trade. The Jino continue to be major producers of Puer tea, which is famous all over China.

Jino mountain villages are bounded by wooden and stone markers, each bearing the impression of swords or spears. Jino villagers hold land within their village in common. Their bamboo houses, which rest on stilts, are built on the higher slopes. Two or more surname groups make up a village.

The climate in which the Jino live is subtropical and rainy; the average annual temperature is between 18° and 20° C. Prior to 1949, they used swidden methods. Now, with the introduction of irrigation, they raise dry and wet rice, maize, tea, and cotton as well as bananas and papayas. (They also grew tea before 1949.) In addition, the Jino hunt and gather. The men hunt with crossbows, poisoned arrows, shotguns, and traps. Meat is divided equally among all members of the hunting party, but pelts belong to the hunters who collect them. Women gather wild fruits and herbs.

Every community has men who are blacksmiths and silversmiths. Men also make bamboo and rattan furniture and other household items; all the women spin and weave cloth. In the past the Jino exchanged tea and cotton with the Han and Dai for iron and foodstuffs. Today they are engaged in a money economy.

At the beginning of the century, large extended families were common. These included as many as twenty men of the patriline with their wives and children, sharing labor and a common budget. By the 1930s this system had begun to disappear in favor of separate residences for nuclear families. Some Jino villages today have as many as 100 households, and the average is 30 to 40.

Although the jino are now patrilineal, oral literature and popular sayings suggest that 300 years ago they were matrilineal. Mother's brother continues to be respected and, when deceased, is worshiped as one of the key ancestors. Similarly, women's status is high: according to Jino oral history women were clan leaders and religious specialists in the past.

The Jino allow courtship and premarital sex and attach no stigma to illegitimate children or to their mothers.

They are monogamous. A village contains at least- two exogamous clans.

A village father and a village mother lead each village and the sole requirement for office is that they are the oldest man and woman in the village.

The Jino are animists and ancestor worshipers. Shamans make incantations and sacrifice animals when misfortune occurs. The village father and mother begin the planting of crops with animal sacrifices and ceremonies.

The major festival occurs on New Year's Day, which is a date in March determined by the village father and village mother. The Jino bury their dead in a common cemetery along with their personal possessions. Above each grave is a small hut in which relatives leave food for the soul of the deceased.

Kazak

they live in round felt tents (known as yurts), which each have a smoke hole in the roof and a door that faces east.

The roofs of the yurts of wealthier individuals are embroidered. In the winter, the Kazak live in adobe houses. The Kazak live on the meat and dairy products of their herds of cattle, sheep, and horses. In addition to milk, the Kazak consume yogurt, milk dough, milk skin, cheese, and butter, as well as a fermented drink, horse-milk wine. The most frequently served meat is mutton, which is eaten in large chunks with the hands. Most of the slaughtering takes place in the fall, and they cure the meat by smoking it. Of particular importance to winter survival is horse-meat sausage, which keeps for long periods.

The Muslim Kazak were traditionally members of clans, which were further organized into tribes. There were five tribes (listed in descending order of size): Kereit, Naiman, Kezai, Alban, and Suwan. Traditionally, marriages were arranged and there was a bride-price payment; wealthier families paid up to a hundred animals for a bride, whereas poor families paid nothing. The Kazak also practiced the levirate. Under Chinese influence and new legal codes, the Kazak no longer practice polygyny.

ETHNONYMS: Kazakh, Khazak

The number of Kazak people in China in 1990 was 1,111,718; however, this represents only 13 percent of the entire Kazak population, most of whom reside in Kazakhstan. The Kazak in China live primarily in the Xinjiang Uigur autonomous Region, but some live also in western Gansu Province and in Qinghai Province. The Kazak language belongs to the Kipchak Subbranch of the Turkic Branch of the Altaic Language Family and is most closely related to Kirgiz and Tatar. The Kazak language contains many Russian and Chinese loanwords. The term "Kazak" means 'secessionists," a name which the people gained when they broke away from the rule of Uzbek Khan (in the lower Syr Darya River region of Kazakhstan) in the fifteenth century.

The Kazak are migratory pastoralists, though a few have become settled agriculturalists. During the summer,

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 333337. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Kirgiz 461 See also Kazakhs in Part One, Russia and Eurasia

Bibliography Clark, Milton 1. (1954). 'How the Kazakhs Fled to Freedom." National Geographic Magazine 106:621-644.

Hudson, A. E. (1938). Kazakh Social Structure. Yale Uni-

versity Publications in Anthropology. New Haven: Yale University, Department of Anthropology.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 152162. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Moseley, George (1966). A Sino-Soviet Cultural Frontier: The Ili Kazakh Autonomous Chou. Cambridge.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Kirgiz ETHNONYMS: Kirghiz, Kyrghyz, Kyrgyz In 1962 the Kirgiz living in China numbered 66,000, but by 1990 their population had grown to 141,549. This latter figure, however, represents only 7 percent of the entire worldwide Kirgiz population, most of which lives in Kyrgyzstan. More than three-fourths of the Kirgiz in China live in the southwestern part of the Xinjiang Uigur Autonomous Region, and most of the rest live in the southern counties of that region. The Kirgiz language is a member of the Turkic Branch of the Altaic Family. Following their conversion to Islam, the Kirgiz developed a writing system that uses the Arabic alphabet. There are two major Kirgiz dialectical divisions, the northern and the southern.

The ancestors of the Kirgiz, the Xiajias, lived in the upper Yenisei River region; they were under the domination of the Turk Khanate in the sixth century but were able to break away in the seventh century. Later, the Uigurs established dominance in the area, but the Xiajias drove them off in the ninth century. By the twelfth century, the Kirgiz ancestors (by then known as the 'Jilijis") were fighting with the Oirats; when the Mongols defeated the Oirats, the Jilijis moved into their territory (the Tianshan Mountains), where the Kirgiz live today.

The majority of Kirgiz are migratory pastoralists who raise cattle, horses, sheep, camels, and especially goats, which provide their preferred drink, goat's milk. The only plants grown are cabbages, onions, and potatoes. Wheat flour, rice, tea, salt, and sugar are imported. A small percentage of the population engaged in swidden agriculture prior to the Communist Revolution. The migratory Kirgiz live in square felt tents, whereas the settled ones live in adobe houses. Kirgiz men herd the animals and cut grass and wood; women graze the animals, milk and shear them, and do household work. Only men inherit land.

Marriages are arranged by parents, often early in life.

A man courts his bride-to-be with a roast sheep. Before the wedding, the bride's family ties the couple to posts and releases them only when the groom's family asks for .mercy" and presents gifts to the bride's family. Following the Muslim wedding, the couple lives in the husband's parents' tent.

Kirgiz are organized into tribes. There are two major groups of tribes, north and south, corresponding to the dialectical divisions.

The majority of Kirgiz belong at least nominally to the Ismail sect of the Shiite Muslims. A small number of Kirgiz never became Muslims and practice shamanism or Lamaism.

See also Kyrgyz in Part One, Russia and Eurasia Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 163170. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Shahrani, M. Nazil Mohib (1979). The Kirghiz and Wakhi of Afghanistan. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

462

Lahu

Lahu ETHNONYMS:

Lahuna, Lahupu, Lahuxi

Orientation Identification. The Lahu are swidden farmers and hunters of the upland regions of southwestern Yunnan. There are two main branches: the Lahuna or "Black Lahu," and the Lahuxi or "Yellow Lahu." Lahu populations are also found in Myanmar (Burma), Laos, and the Chiang Mai region of Thailand.

Location. Most of the Lahu within China proper are residents of the Lancang Lahu Autonomous County in Simao Prefecture. The remainder live in the southern parts of neighboring Lincang Prefecture and in Menghai County in Xishuangbanna. The main concentrations are in the subtropical hilly areas along the Lancang River, also known as the upper Mekong. Annual rainfall is 140 centimeters and the average temperature is 20° C. Eighty percent of the rainfall is concentrated in the rainy season between May and October.

Demography. The Lahu population within China is approximately 411,476, according to the census of 1990.

About 80 percent are distributed along the west bank of the Lancang River. Less than 7 percent are classified as urban. Another 200,000 Lahu live in Southeast Asia. linguistic Affiliation. The Lahu languages belong to the Yi Branch of Tibeto-Burmese and are closely related to Lisu. Lahuna is the most widespread and serves as a lingua franca. In the past, carvings on wood were one way of transmitting messages. In the early twentieth century, an alphabetic script developed by Western missionaries was in use in parts of the Lahu area. After 1957, government authorities reformed this script and made it the officially recognized writing form for the Lahu language.

History and Cultural Relations According to Chinese historical tradition, the origin of the Lahu can be traced to the ancient Qiang or Di-Qiang mentioned in early historical accounts. It is thought that some 2,000 years ago, some of the Qiang migrated southward into Yunnan, the ancestors of the Lahu among them.

The Lahu once were known for their skill at hunting tigers.

As hunters and farmers they exploited the lush slopes of the towering Ailao and Wuliang mountains in western Yunnan. In the eighth century A.D., during the rule of the Nanzhao Kingdom in western Yunnan, the Lahu people were pushed to move farther southward and eastward. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, they were already settled in their present areas. Here they came under the political and economic influence of the more complex and sophisticated Dai culture, as well as that of the Han. Intensive agriculture replaced slash-and-burn methods of farming in some areas. At the same time, Dai rulers and Han landlords economically dominated some of the Lahu areas. From the eighteenth century on, there were a number of uprisings in which Lahu joined with Hani, Wa, and, in some instances, Han or Dai. During this period the re-

vival of Mahayana Buddhism, spread by Bai monks and priests from Dali, also influenced the Lahu and the new religion played a part in the content and organization of the uprisings. Culturally, the Lahu remained more closely related to Yi, Naxi, Hani, and Lisu, who trace their origins to the original Di-Qiang peoples. Since 1949, the Lahu have borrowed more cultural traits from the Dai and the Han, particularly in housing, clothing, and general economic activities.

Settlements Lahu villages vary in size, depending on locale. They range from 3 to 50 households or from around 50 to as many as 800 people. The main village, whose homesteads include a number that hold complex extended families, is often surrounded by smaller temporary hamlets that lie closer to the fields under cultivation. Most Lahu settlements are on the higher slopes of the hills and mountainsides, at the head of creeks and streams. Dai and Han lands and villages are at lower elevations where wet-rice cultivation is more feasible. Large houses are raised on stilts, with space underneath the houses reserved for domestic animals. Every house is divided into small rooms, each holding a nuclear family unit from within the larger extended family. Wood and bamboo are the most common building materials. In recent years, zinc roofing has been gradually replacing the thatched roofs, especially in the lowland areas close to Dai settlement.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Maize, buckwheat, and dry upland rice are the staples. More recently paddy rice has been adopted in some areas. Generally, the Lahu practice slash-and-burn farming and harvest one crop a year on each field. In addition to staple grains, the Lahu grow beans, garlic, cucumbers, squash, and various greens.

Tea, tobacco, and sisal are cash crops. Gathering of wild foods and medicinal plants continues, as does hunting with the crossbow or firelock for deer and other woodland game. Pigs and chickens are the most common domestic animals. The Lahu also practice apiculture. Few families have horses or oxen, and until the 1950s, Lahu agricultural technology lagged behind that of the Dai or Han. Industrial Arts. Handicrafts include blacksmithing, weaving, applique design, and bamboo work. Few of these products are for market sale. Barter was the preferred form of trade until recent decades.

Division of Labor. Hunting, clearing the bush and preparing fields, smithing, and bamboo work are male activities. Women do most of the agricultural work, and women also are responsible for gathering activities, weaving cloth, tailoring, and decorating clothing for the household.

Land Tenure. Lahu class land in three categories. Paddy fields are the most precious, and utilization rights are closely tied to ownership. Dry fields come second in value, and there is much flexibility in transfer of use rights.

Waste lands are free to all members of the village community who are willing to clear and cultivate them. In some areas, prior to 1949, landownership and control of usage of the paddy fields and dry fields belonged to Han landlords

Lahu 463 the local Dai rulers. Households or village communities had to pay as much as 50 percent of the crop and various kinds of tribute as rental. Land reform took place in most of the Lahu areas in 1952, ending the feudal system and/or restoring the village communal system or household control over land use. or

young couples move to the small hamlets close to their fields. The extended household pools and redistributes the harvests. Both sons and daughters have inheritance rights in the household, as does a widowed daughter-in-law who remains to care for the elder generation. Under modern Han influence, independent nuclear families are gaining ground.

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Some Lahu follow the Han system of patrilineal descent and inheritance. However, many Lahu continue with a matrilineal emphasis and recognize bilateral descent. The localized, matrilineal extended family is the dominant kin group, though some large households incorporate both married sons and

daughters.

Kinship Terminology. The terminology in use varies considerably because of the influence of the Han, Dai, and other groups. In Lincang Prefecture, for instance, Ego's siblings, parallel cousins, and cross cousins are distinguished only by relative age and sex. In Ego's parent's generation, father is accorded a separate term, while father's older and younger brothers share the same term as father's sister's husbands. In the Lancang Lahu Autonomous County, "uncles" are not lumped together: there are separate terms for mother's brother, father's brother, father's sister's husband, and mother's sister's husband, a system which suggests Han influence in its stress on lineality. But Han influence is not consistent throughout the system: maternal and paternal grandparents are distinguished only by sex.

Marriage and Family Marriage. Monogamy is the usual practice. In most areas the young people are free to choose their marriage partners on the basis of love and have frequent opportunity to meet in work situations or at festivals and holidays.

Courting begins around the age of 15 or 16. Love songs, the playing of flutes and reed organs, overnight visits, and the exchange of small gifts play an important part in courtship. Elopements occasionally occur, but generally the couple desires parental permission for marriage, and in the negotiations the young man's family sends gifts to the prospective bride's household. Except in highly Sinicized areas, the wedding formalities take place in the bride's village, and all the villagers are invited to a feast. Often, the groom is expected to reside in the bride's village for several years following the marriage, providing labor service to the bride's family. Later they move to his village. During the initial years, divorce is relatively easy. The Lahu permit remarriages of divorced or widowed persons.

Domestic Unit. Traditionally the large extended family was prevalent. Such households contained several or even several dozen nuclear units, which would include married siblings and their sons and daughters with their spouses and children, totaling as many as a hundred persons. The extended family was under the authority of a male household head, but each nuclear unit had its own separate room and cooking stove. Since the 1950s, these large households have dissolved and been replaced by smaller family units in separate dwellings. In the farming season,

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Household and village are the

main units of social organization, though the Lahu recog. nize parallel descent groups. The village leadership deals with offenders of local custom through fines, punishments, or sometimes expulsion.

Political Organization. Before 1949, there were two kinds of political control superseding the village communal structures. East of the Lancang River, there was a bureaucracy of government officials similar to that found in Han areas. West of the Lancang, there existed a chieftaindominated feudal government. In 1953, the Lancang Lahu Autonomous County was established, followed by the Menglian-Dai-Lahu-Va Autonomous County in 1954. Organization followed the pattern established in other ethnic areas of China: during the 1960s and 1970s, division into communes and brigades; in the 1980s, division into townships and villages.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The Lahu worship a variety of gods and spirits. The most important god is Exia, creator of the universe and mankind, who determines the good or bad fortunes of people. Exia is located in sacred places deep in the mountain forests, unapproachable by non-Lahu. They also worship the gods of earth, storms, and other natural phenomena and make offerings to them. Upright poles carved with geometric designs play a part in the ceremonies. Buddhist monks from Dali in the early Qing dynasty introduced Mahayana Buddhism. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, some of the Lahu converted to Catholicism and to Protestantism introduced by Western missionaries.

Arts. The Lahu have a rich and distinctive musical tradition, which includes antiphonal songs and playing of the reed organ, flute, and three-string guitar. There are some forty traditional dances, some restricted in performance to one sex.

Medicine. The Lahu believe that evil spirits cause diseases and epidemics and that curing requires the use of ritual and magic to dispel the evil. Wild medicinal herbs are used to treat physical ailments.

Death and Afterlife. The Lahu cremate their dead.

During the funeral, the mourners are led to the village cremation ground by women, who carry on their backs the articles used by the deceased during his or her lifetime. In some areas, the Lahu give the dead earth burial; they pile the grave with stones. The entire village stops work to observe mourning on the burial day.

464

Lahu

Bibliography Chen Yongling, ed. (1987). Minzu cidian (Dictionary of ethnicities). Shanghai: Dictionary Press.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 282287. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, Song Enchang, et al., eds. (1981-1982).

Lahuzu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Lahu). 2 vols. Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

LIN YUEH.HWA (LIN YAOHUA) AND ZHANG HAIYANG

Lhoba ETHNONYMS:

none

In 1990 the Lhoba numbered only 2,312. They live in the counties of Mainling, Medog, Lhunze, Nangxian, and Luoyu in southeastern and southern Tibet. The Lhoba

language belongs to the Tibeto-Burman Branch of the Sino-Tibetan Language Family. There is no written language in use. "Lhoba" is the name given them by the Tibetans and means "southerners." They identify themselves by clan names or names of localities.

The Lhoba practice agriculture and are skilled at working with bamboo. They are also hunters who trade animal hides, musk, bear paws, and other animal products with the Tibetans for manufactured and imported goods such as farm tools, clothing, salt, wool, grain, and tea. Both groups and individuals go on hunting trips. Boys begin to hunt at an early age, joining their fathers in hunting expeditions.

The mainstays of the Lhoba diet are dumplings of maize or millet flour and rice or buckwheat. Those Lhoba who live near Tibetans have adopted some Tibetan traditions, such as buttered tea and spicy foods. Only men inherit land.

The Lhoba do not wear shoes, an ethnic marker distinguishing them from other groups in the area.

Formerly, the Lhoba had a stratified society with institutions similar to castes. The Lhoba took slaves, but at the same time the Tibetans regarded the Lhoba as inferior, banning intermarriage with them and restricting their areas of residence.

Bibliography 'Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 224227. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Li ETHNONYMS:

none

The Li numbered 1,110,900 in 1990 and lived in Hainan Li and Miao Autonomous Prefecture on the island of Hainan, off China's southern coast, in Guangdong Province. (Hainan has since become a province in its own right.) The Li language belongs to the Zhuang-Dong Branch of the SinoTibetan Family. Li is closely related to Zhuang, Shui, Dong, Dai, and Bouyei; the peoples are culturally similar in many ways as well. Although there is now a system for writing Li, most Li people make their written communications in Chinese. Many Li can speak local dialects of Chinese as well.

Archaeological evidence indicates that the Li people or their ancestors lived in their present location for a considerable time, perhaps as long as 3,000 years. Han people have been living on Hainan with the Li since before 200 B.c., and Han control over the Li has existed since the sixth century.

Li settlements consist of small groups whose members are consanguineally related and who work together on commonly held lands and share the harvest. They build their houses in the shape of boats out of woven bamboo and rattan, and they use mud to plaster the walls.

The Li region is located at the base of the Wuzhi Mountains. The climate is tropical and there is a good amount of rainfall, which allows up to three rice harvests per year in some places. The Li raise coconuts, betel nuts, sisal, lemongrass, cocoa, coffee, rubber, palm oil, cashews, pineapples, cassava, mangoes, and bananas. They also raise staple foods like wet rice, maize, and sweet potatoes.

The monogamous Li have arranged marriages; a brideprice may run as high as several head of cattle. Grooms unable to afford the bride-price perform bride-service for several years. A newly wed woman lives with her parents, visiting her husband only on occasion; only when she becomes pregnant does she move in with her husband.

The Li are animists and ancestor worshipers. The dead are buried in single-log coffins in a village cemetery.

Other distinctive features of the Li are their skill in weaving kapok, their understanding of herbal medicines, and their twelve-day week, in which each day has the name of an animal.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 405410. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Lisu 465

Lisu ETHNONYMS:

Black Lisu, Flowery Lisu, White Lisu

Orientation The Lisu are one of the uplands groups of southwestern China; some Lisu also live in northern Myanmar (Burma) and Thailand. They are agriculturalists, with continued reliance on hunting and gathering.

Location. Most of the 575,000 Lisu in China live in concentrated communities in Bijiang, Fugong, Gongshan, and Lushui counties in the Nujiang Lisu Autonomous Prefecture in northwestern Yunnan Province. Others are scattered elsewhere in western Yunnan or in southern Sichuan Province. The main area of settlement lies in the mountainous areas and river basins of the Nu and Lancang rivers.

Average annual temperature along the river basins is between 17° and 26° C, and annual rainfall averages 250 centimeters.

The language belongs to the Yi Branch of Tibeto-Burmese, Sino-Tibetan Language Family, and is closely related to Lahu. In 1957, the government introduced a new alphabetic script to replace both a missionary-devised alphabetized system and one based on Chinese ideographs that had limited use prior to 1949.

Lingistic Affiliation.

History and Cultural Relations In the sixteenth century, the Lisu migrated from the area along the Golden Sands River (insha River) to their current locations. Better organized and more technically advanced, they overran the indigenous inhabitants of the Nu River area, forcing them to pay tribute and even enslaving some. Moving in a southwesterly direction they came into increasing contact with Bai, Naxi, Jingpo, and Dai peoples and, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, with Han. Since the 1950s, under Han influence, the Lisu have adopted more advanced production techniques, modern schooling, and medicine.

Settlements Lisu villages generally contain between 100 and 200 perdistributed in 20 to 50 households. Two types of

sons,

housing are found: one is a simple wooden structure built of 4-meter-long pieces of timber and roofed with wooden planks; the other is a more complex structure of bamboo and wood supported above the ground by twenty to thirty wooden stakes and covered with a thatched or wooden roof. The upper level is family living space, and the space below the floor shelters the family's livestock. Such houses are surrounded by bamboo fences. The central room of the house holds a fire pit.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Maize, sorghum, and buckwheat are the main staple crops. The Lisu use slash-and-burn techniques on mountain upland fields.

They grow vegetables and tangerines in the warmer river-

valley settlements. They also raise oxen, sheep, poultry, and pigs. Current cash crops include ramie, tung trees (for lacquer), and sugarcane. Hunting with a crossbow and gathering of medicinal herbs (fritillaria bulbs, goldthread) continue to be important. Since the early 1950s, the state has encouraged the development of a number of processing industries, including the brewing of a traditional liquor made from sorghum and maize.

Industrial Arts. Traditionally, there were no full-time artisans. Lisu made cloth, shell and bead jewelry, and bamboo and wooden articles during the slack seasons or in their spare time, and individuals rebuilt their houses with assistance from the village community. In recent years, some Lisu have become full-time workers in the manufacture or processing of bricks and tiles, agricultural tools, paper, and foodstuffs.

Trade. Formerly, the Lisu conducted trade on a barter basis; only gradually did they adopt the use of silver coinage. They reckoned the value of land in pigs, oxen, or grain. In recent decades, the Lisu have entered the market economy, selling poultry, livestock, vegetables, and liquor at the periodic markets.

Division of Labor. Both sexes participate in agricultural work. Men are responsible for firewood gathering, hunting, house building, and repairs; women carry water, weave cloth, make clothing, perform most domestic chores, and process grains.

Land Tenure. Most land was privately owned by households-there were no clan-owned lands in recent historical times. Some high mountain areas were public wasteland, available to anyone for cultivation. The Lisu did not allow any buying or selling of land. Sons inherited land from their fathers or received land at marriage, along with some tools and livestock. Daughters did not.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kinship. The clan system seems to have lost all important functions save regulation of marriage and periodic worship of the mythic founder. Ten or more clan names still persist, such as Tiger, Bear, Monkey, Bamboo, and Fire. Kin terms follow the Iroquois system.

Marriage. Prior to marriage, young adults had access to village youth houses where they could socialize and entertain visitors from other villages. Thus, many marriages were based on courtship and love. However, parents arranged the marriages, and permission of the mother's brother was required. In most cases, brides joined their husband's household, but matrilocal residence was not uncommon. Betrothal costs were heavy, including livestock, and before 1949 some couples resorted to elopement in order to avoid the costs or the possibility of parental disapproval. No information is available about current practices.

Domestic Unit. The monogamous nuclear family was the basic unit. All but the youngest son left the parental household after marriage, setting up their own households nearby.

Inheritance. All sons received some land, livestock, and household property, but the son who remained in the household to care for the aging parents inherited a larger

466 Lisu share, as well as the house. Daughters had no landinheritance rights but received a dowry of jewelry. They were also allowed to accumulate private savings through the raising of pigs and poultry or other economic activities.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Traditionally, both kinship and the village community were important in social life. A recognized, respected elder headed every village; he settled disputes, presided over community sacrificial ceremonies, and, in earlier times, dealt with military matters. Clan members and fellow villagers were participants in funerals and weddings, but only clan members received a share of the betrothal gifts and foods.

Political Organization. Prior to 1949, under the Guomindang, the Lisu villages were reorganized under the bao-jia system, with ten households forming a basic unit for political control and ten such units grouped under the leadership of appointed headmen, who were usually heads of the clans.

During wartime, the villages formed an alliance, but this ended when the war was over.

Conflict. The most frequent internal conflicts arose out of debts, marriage disputes, and accusations of use of witchcraft to spread disease.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Traditional religion centered on a pantheon of gods and nature spirits, but there is little published material about it. Some of the Lisu festivals still observed today are borrowed from the Han (Lunar New Year) or neighboring peoples (Torch Festival). During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, some Lisu converted to Catholicism and Protestantism brought by Western missionaries.

Manchu ETHNONYMS: Jurchen,

Nuzhen, Qiren

Orientation Identification. From the seventeenth century to the early twentieth century, the Manchu played a key role in Chinese history as the rulers of the Qing dynasty. As a result of their long interaction with the Han they are one of the most highly Sinicized of any of China's minorities.

Even so, they retain a strong sense of ethnic identity.

Location. The largest concentration of Manchu (46.2 percent) is in Liaoning Province. Most of the remainder is located in the other two northeast provinces of Jilin and Heilongjiang, and in smaller numbers in Hebei, Gansu, Shandong, and Ningxia provinces and the autonomous region of Inner Mongolia. There are also sizeable Manchu populations in major cities such as Beijing, Chengdu, Xian, and Guangzhou. The dispersal of the population relates in part to the sending of Manchu administrators and military colonists to various parts of the empire during the Qing dynasty. At present, 80 percent of the Manchu are in

Arts. Ornaments of silver, shell, and pearls and bead necklaces and headdresses are a distinguishing feature of the Lisu.

A rich repertoire of songs and dances are an important part of weddings, funerals, festival days, and house construction.

Death and Afterlife. The Lisu buried their dead in village or clan graveyards. Men were buried with their knives and hunting bows, women with their weaving tools, hemp bags, and a cooking pot. The Lisu thought they would use them in the afterworld. A year after death, the mourners would build a burial mound; three years later, they would hold a ceremony to conclude the offerings to the deceased.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 269-275.

Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1981). Lisu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Lisu). Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

Shen Che, and Lu Xiaoya (1989). Life among the Minority Nationalities ofNorthwest Yunnan, 121-149. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Zhongguo da baike quanshu (Encyclopedia Sinica) (1986).

Vol. 20, Minzu (Nationalities). Beijing: Encyclopedia Sinica Press.

LIN YUEH-HWA (LIN YAOHUA) AND NARANBILIK

areas where settled farming is possible. The Manchurian plain, crossed by the Liao and Sungari rivers, has become a major agricultural and industrial center.

Demography. The 1990 estimate of the Manchu population is 9,821,180. The early 1950s estimate was 2.4 million, but it is difficult to say how much of the rise is due to natural population growth and how much is due to the increased willingness of Manchu to identify themselves as such. linguistic Affiliation. The Manchu language belongs to the Manchu-Tungus Branch of the Altaic Language Family.

The Manchu script, which was developed in the sixteenth century, is a modified borrowing from Mongolian. In the eighteenth century, educated Manchu began to use the Han ideographic writing system. At present, although the state encourages publications in Manchu, many Manchu cannot easily speak or read the language. They do, however, have a much higher literacy rate in Chinese than the national average.

History and Cultural Relations The origins of the Manchu can be traced back more than 2,000 years to the forest- and mountain-dwelling peoples

Manchu 467 of northeastern China such as the Sushen tribe, and in later periods to the Yilou, Huji, Mohe, and Nuzhen Ourchen) mentioned in historical records. Their ancestors established the Bohai State between the seventh and eighth centuries A.D., and were a part of the Liao Empire (947-1125), which extended over Manchuria, Mongolia, and northeastern China. In 1115, the Jurchen tribes of northern Manchuria became unified, and in alliance with other non-Han agricultural and pastoral peoples of the region established the short-lived Chin din) dynasty, which held control of the northeast and extended southward into inner China as far south as the Huai River. At their main capital, Yanjing (now Beijing), they built a Chinese-type bureaucratic state and recruited Chinese officials to help run the empire. By 1215, under pressure from the advancing Mongols, the capital was moved southward to Kaifeng; the Chin fell in 1234. Four centuries later, they were more successful, establishing the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), which ruled all of China. During the Qing, many important Han writings were translated into Manchu. There was frequent interaction with Han and Mongols, and marriage alliances between Manchu and Mongols. Intermarriages with Han were not permitted until the mid-nineteenth century. During the Qing years, many Manchu, particularly those living in or on the borders with interior China, adopted much of Han culture and assimilated to Han styles of life. Migrations of Han from north China into the northeastern provinces during the twentieth century further hastened assimilation and the adoption of the Chinese language. By the end of the nineteenth century, Russia and Japan were competing for control of China's northeastern provinces, with their rich timber lands, farm lands, and mineral reserves. Japan occupied the area in 1931 and in 1932 proclaimed Manchukuo as an "independent" state under the rule of Pu Yi Aisengoro, the last of the Qing emperors. After World War 11, Chinese sovereignty was restored.

Settlements The traditional houses of the Manchu were, for many centuries, similar to those of the Han. They were built in three divisions, with a central room used as a kitchen and two wings that served as sleeping quarters and living area.

The sleeping rooms were heated by kangs, brick beds that could be heated in winter that were laid against the west, north, and south walls. Windows of the house opened to the south and west. The houses were warm in winter and cool in summer. Houses held a three-generation family, with an average size of seven or more persons.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Mountain and forest hunting and gathering were more important subsistance activities in the past, but for many centuries the Manchu have been a sedentary agricultural people. Sorghum, maize, millet, soybeans, and tobacco are basic crops, along with fruit growing. Animal husbandry is part of the rural economy, particularly the raising of pigs. More than 80 percent of the Manchu now living in Liaoning, Heilongjiang, Jilin, and Hebei are engaged in agriculture.

The remainder of the population is in industry and a vari-

ety of urban jobs. Forestry and lumbering are also part of the present economy.

Trade. There was a merchant class in past centuries, although during the Qing dynasty the Manchu were forbidden to engage in trade. Even then the Manchu held an official monopoly on ginseng, a medicinal root native to the area. Business activities have begun to reemerge since the economic reforms of the early 1980s.

Division of Labor. During the Qing dynasty, most of the Manchu, aside from members of the imperial clan or those in the thirty-one grades of the aristocracy, were "bannermen," who received land and stipends from the government. The "banners" were military forces who together with their families were assigned to various locations within the empire. Most were assigned to areas in and around major cities, particularly Beijing. Within the homeland area, the Manchu continued as farmers, theoretically banned from engaging in trade or artisan labor. The main division of labor in the countryside was along sex lines, with household chores undertaken by the women and most of the agricultural work or side occupations engaged in by men. In the twentieth century, some of the urban Manchu became peddlers or workers, and some entered the arts and professions.

Marriage and Family Marriage. Monogamy and patrilocal residence has always been practiced by the Manchu. By custom, young people were engaged at the age of sixteen or seventeen, by parental decision. Bride-price was reciprocated by gifts of wine, pork, clothing, and jewelry to the groom's family.

Dowry was regarded as the bride's property. Lavish weddings are currently discouraged.

Domestic Unit. Rural Manchu live in three-generation extended households. In the cities, the nuclear family has become the norm.

Sociopolitical Organization In the past, the patrilineal clan was an important form of sociopolitical organization; it was preserved through the Qing dynasty. In the early seventeenth century, the outstanding leader Nurhachi welded all the Nuzhen tribes into the Eight Banners. Each banner was divided into basic units called niulu, which functioned as the primary unit of political, military, and economic organization. Each niulu held about 300 people. In the early Qing dynasty, around 1633, the Manchu rulers began to incorporate Mongols and other tribal groups, as well as Han, into the Eight Banner system. The banner system dissolved in the twentieth century. At present, the area is organized on the basis of counties, townships, and villages.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Traditionally, shamanism was a key practice, both among the common people and at the imperial court. In the early Qing dynasty, only the most intelligent people who had a good command of the dialect of the royal Aisengoro clan could be candidates for the office of court shamans. They chanted scriptures and performed

468

Manchu

religious dances when imperial services were held. The common shamans were of two kinds: full-time specialists who dealt with illness and ceremonial leaders for their kin group, who presided over sacrificial rites for the ancestors and heavenly spirits. The shaman's costume during performances consisted of a smock, a pointed cap festooned with long colored paper strips half-concealing the face, a small mirror dangling over the chest, and bronze bells at the waist.

Ceremonies. Sacrifices to the heavenly spirits were offered to mark the occasion of military undertakings, successes, and returns. Offerings and rites to the ancestors of the household were made in front of a small shrine kept at the west side of the sleeping room. Over the centuries, some Manchu adopted Han religious practices and beliefs associated with folk Buddhism and Daoism.

Death and Afterlife. The dead were believed to travel to another world that coexists with this world. No one was allowed to die on the west or north kang, and the corpse had to be removed from the house through the windows since the doorway was meant only for the living. Ground burial was the common practice.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 41-53.

Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Commission, Liaoning Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1985). Manzu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Manchu).

Shenyang: Liaoning Peoples Press.

Zhongguo da baike quanshu (Encyclopedia Sinica) (1986).

Vol. 20, Minzu (Nationalities). Beijing: Encyclopedia Sinica Press.

LIN YUEH-HWA (LIN YAOHUA) AND NARANBILIK

Maonan ETHNONYM: A-nan

The Maonan are speakers of the Dong-Shui Branch of the Zhuang-Dong Language Family of Sino-Tibetan. Many also speak Han or Zhuang. They live in the hilly north-central part of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, in Huanjiang and Hechi counties. Their communities are interspersed with those of Yao, Zhuang, Miao, and Han. The total population is about 72,000 (1990 census). Eighty percent of the Maonan use the surname Tan and trace their ancestry to Hunan Province. The remainder, surnamed "Lu," "Meng," "Wei," and "Yan," claim Fujian and Shandong as their original home. The population is highly Sinicized, reflecting early intermarriage between Han set-

tIers and local women. Since the late Ming dynasty, a separate ethnic identity has emerged. The small villages, with fewer than a hundred households, are ethnically homogeneous, and member families generally share the same surname.

Houses are two-storied, with livestock kept on the lower level. The main occupation is farming of maize, wheat, gaoliang (sorghum), sweet potato, soybeans, tobacco, and a small amount of paddy rice. Prior to 1949, landlord holdings were large; more than 50 percent of the households were either farm laborers on managerial estates or tenant farmers. Land reform in 1952 equalized holdings and more recent construction of irrigation systems and a major reservoir has expanded the amount of arable land.

Before 1949, Maonan crafts specializations made up half of household income. These included stone carving, wood carving, weaving of bamboo hats and mattresses, and blacksmithing. Beef cattle, sold at interprovincial markets, also provided a large part of income. Presumably, with the development of the free market and economic reforms during the 1980s, these nonagricultural enterprises have revived.

Descent is patrilineal, kinship is recognized within five generations, and marriages are prohibited within this group. Otherwise, people of the same surname may marry.

Before 1949, parents arranged engagements when the children were five or six years old or even before birth. Marriages took place at twelve or thirteen, after exchanges of gifts between the two households. A young bride remained with her parents till the birth of her first child. The youngest son remained with his parents after marriage, but all others set up new households. Levirate marriage was permitted. Sons and daughters shared in division of family property, and both married and unmarried daughters could inherit land. Under new laws, both marriage and inheritance have changed. Traditionally, custom permitted widow remarriage and divorce by mutual consent, which is upheld under current law.

Religious beliefs and practices are highly Sinicized or influenced by the neighboring Zhuang minority. Christianity made some converts before 1949. The Maonan celebrate the Chinese New Year's (Spring) Festival, Qingming, and Zhongyuan festival with minor modifications. For example, married-out daughters are expected to spend New Year's Eve, the second day of the New Year and Qingming with their natal families and to bring gifts of meat, wine, and noodles. Ancestral worship is important, but differs from Han practice by including a woman's parents on the same altar with her husband's ascendants. At Fenglong Festival, the most important indigenous festival, which honors local gods and ancestors, not only married-out daughters but also affines and friends living elsewhere are invited to the village celebrations. The various gods of the Daoist/Buddhist pantheon also have a place on the household altar, particularly the Lord of the Three Worlds and his wife, the Divine Mother. Most gods and spirits are seen as protective and benevolent, but a few, like General Meng, cause sickness and must be appeased with generous offerings of meat and wine. At least once, each generation in a family must sponsor a sacrificial ceremony to fulfill its vows to the gods and spirits for their assistance. The most elaborate of these required the sacrifice of thirty-six ani-

Miao 469

mals (including an ox and seven pigs) and continued for three days and nights under the direction of a group of Daoist priests and spirit mediums. These elaborate ceremonies are no longer permitted, and smaller sacrifices for births, illness, weddings, and funerals are strongly discouraged by the state. A modern medical care network now exists in the area; previously, illness was dealt with by shamans.

Bibliography Fan Yumei, et al., eds. (1987). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu fengqinglu (Customs of China's national minorities).

Chengdu: Sichuan Nationalities Press.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 392396. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Qin Guangguang, et al., eds. (1988). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu zongiiao gailan (An outline of the religions of China's national minorities). Beijing: Central Minorities Institute.

NORMA DIAMOND

Miao ETHNONYMS: Bai Miao (White), Cowrie Shell Miao, Hei

Miao (Black), Hmong, Hua Miao (Flowery), Hung Miao (Red), Magpie Miao, Qing Miao (Blue/Green)

Orientation Identification. The various Miao groups are for the most part an unstratified agricultural people found in the uplands of several provinces of China and related to the Hmong of Southeast Asia. They are distinguished by language, dress, historical traditions, and cultural practice from neighboring ethnic groups and the dominant Han Chinese. They are not culturally homogeneous and the differences between local Miao cultures are often as great as between Miao and non-Miao neighbors. The term "Miao" is Chinese, and means "weeds" or 'sprouts." Chinese minority policies since the 1950s treat these diverse groups as a single nationality and associate them with the San Miao Kingdom of central China mentioned in histories of the Han dynasty (200 B.C.-A.D. 200).

Location. About half of China's Miao are located in Guizhou Province. Another 34 percent are evenly divided between Yunnan Province and western Hunan Province.

The remainder are mainly found in Sichuan and Guangxi, with a small number in Guangdong and Hainan. Some of the latter may have been resettled there during the Qing dynasty. The wide dispersion makes it difficult to generalize about ecological settings. Miao settlements are found anywhere from

a

few hundred

meters

above

sea

level

to

eleva-

tons of 1,400 meters or more. The largest number are uplands people, often living at elevations over 1,200 meters and located at some distance from urban centers or the lowlands and river valleys where the Han are concentrated.

Often, these upland villages and hamlets are interspersed with those of other minorities such as Yao, Dong, Zhuang, Yi, Hui, and Bouyei. Most live in the fourteen autonomous prefectures and counties designated as Miao or part-Miao.

Among the largest of these are the Qiandongnan MiaoDong Autonomous Prefecture and Qiannan Bouyei-Miao Autonomous Prefecture established in Guizhou in 1956, the Wenshan Zhuang-Miao Autonomous Prefecture of Yunnan established in 1958, and the Chengbu Miao Autonomous County in Hunan organized in 1956. In addition, there are Miao present in at least ten other autonomous units where they are a minority among the minorities. Some Miao villages are within minzuxiang (minority townships), in areas that have a high concentration of minority peoples but not autonomous status, as is the case in Zhaotong Prefecture in northeastern Yunnan.

Demography. The 1990 census reports a population of 7,398,677 Miao. This is an increase of almost 47 percent over the 1982 census figure of 5,036,377. Some of the growth is due to natural increase (as of 1990 the Miao were not limited to one or two children) and some to the recognition of additional population as Miao and better census procedures.

Linguistic Affiliation. According to Chinese language classification, the Miao languages belong to the Miao-Yao Branch of Sino-Tibetan. Officially, these languages are termed fangyin (dialects) although they are not mutually intelligible. There are at least three main languages, further divisible into distinct and separate sublanguages or dialects of varying degrees of closeness. The Miao languages are tonal. Xiangxi, spoken in western Hunan by close to one million speakers, is associated with the Red Miao. It is comprised of two sublanguages. The larger of the two has been taken as standard and given a romanization for school texts and other local publications. The Qiandong language of central and eastern Guizhou is associated with the Black Miao. It has three major subdivisions. The most widespread of the three has well over a million speakers, and is taken as the official standard. The others, with a half million speakers each, are regarded as dialects and, as of this writing, have no official recognition. The Chuanqiandian languages are spoken by White, Flowery, and Blue Miao. There are at least seven major subdivisions, each further divided into a number of local dialects. At present only Chuanqiandianci (White Miao) and Diandongbei (Hua Miao) are officially recognized. Both of these formerly used a phonetic script, introduced by missionaries at the turn of the century. The script has been supplanted by a government-introduced romanization. In addition there are some eight additional fangyin, with several thousand speakers each, which do not fit into any of the major categories. Most of the Miao in Hainan are Yao speakers, and some Miao elsewhere speak only Dong or Chinese.

History and Cultural Relations Chinese scholarship links the present-day Miao to tribal confederations that moved southward some 2,000 years

470 Miao ago from the plain between the Yellow River and the Yangtze toward the Dongting Lake area. These became the San Miao mentioned in Han dynasty texts. Over the next thousand years, between the Han and the Song dynasties, these presumed ancestors of the Miao continued to migrate westward and southward, under pressure from expanding Han populations and the imperial armies. Chinese texts and Miao oral history establish that over those years the ancestors settled in western Hunan and Guizhou, with some moving south into Guangxi or west along the Wu River to southeastern Sichuan and into Yunnan. The period was marked by a number of uprisings and battles between Miao and the Han or local indigenous groups, recalled in the oral histories of local groups. Though the term "Miao" was sometimes used in Tang and Song histories, the more usual term was "Man," meaning "barbarians." Migration continued through the Yuan, Ming, and early Qing, with some groups moving into mainland Southeast Asia. The retreat from Han control brought some into territories controlled by the Yi in northeast Yunnan/northwest Guizhou. The various migrations can also be seen as "vertical" migrations into the undeveloped hillside and mountain areas that were of lesser interest to Han. Depending on the terrain, the settled farming cited in Miao historical myths gave way to shifting slash-andburn agriculture, facilitated by the introduction of the Irish potato and maize in the sixteenth century, and the adoption of high-altitude/cool-weather crops like barley, buckwheat, and oats. Farming was supplemented by forest hunting, fishing, gathering, and pastoralism. During the Qing, uprisings and military encounters escalated. There were major disturbances in western Hunan (1795-1806) and a continuous series of rebellions in Guizhou (18541872). Chinese policies toward the Miao shifted among assimilation, containment in "stockaded villages," dispersal, removal, and extermination. The frequent threat of "Miao rebellion" caused considerable anxiety to the state; in actuality, many of these uprisings included Bouyei, Dong, Hui, and other ethnic groups, including Han settlers and demobilized soldiers. At issue were heavy taxation, rising landlordism, rivalries over local resources, and official corruption. One of the last Miao uprisings occurred in 1936 in western Hunan in opposition to Guomindang (Republican) continuation of the tuntian system, which forced the peasants to open up new lands and grow crops for the state.

From Song on, in periods of relative peace, government control was exercised through the tusi system of indirect rule by appointed native headmen who collected taxes, organized corv&e, and kept the peace. Miao filled this role in Hunan and eastern Guizhou, but farther west the rulers were often drawn from a hereditary Yi nobility, a system that lasted into the twentieth century. In Guizhou, some tusi claimed Han ancestry, but were probably drawn from the ranks of assimilated Bouyei, Dong, and Miao. Government documents refer to the "Sheng Miao" (raw Miao), meaning those living in areas beyond government control and not paying taxes or labor service to the state. In the sixteenth century, in the more pacified areas, the implementation of the policy of gaitu guiliu began the replacement of native rulers with regular civilian and military officials, a few of whom were drawn from assimilated mi-

nority families. Land became a commodity, creating both landlords and some freeholding peasants in the areas affected. In the Yunnan-Guizhou border area, the tusi system continued and Miao purchase of land and participation in local markets was restricted by law until the Republican period (1911-1949).

Throughout the Republican period, the government favored a policy of assimilation for the Miao and strongly discouraged expressions of ethnicity. Southwestern China came under Communist government control by 1951, and Miao participated in land reform, collectivization, and the various national political campaigns. In the autonomous areas created beginning in 1952, the Miao were encouraged to revive and elaborate their costumes, music, and dance, while shedding "superstitious" or "harmful" customs. Some new technology and scientific knowledge was introduced, along with modern medicine and schooling. The Miao suffered considerably during the Cultural Revolution years, when expressions of ethnicity were again discouraged, but since 1979 the Miao have been promoted in the media and the government has encouraged tourism to the Miao areas of eastern and central Guizhou.

Settlements At higher elevations, as on the plateau straddling Guizhou and Yunnan, settlements are rarely larger than twenty households. An average village in central Guizhou might have 35 or 40 households, while in Qiandongnan villages of 80 to 130 families are common, and a few settlements have close to 1,000 households. Villages are compact, with some cleared space in front of the houses, and footpaths.

In some areas houses are of wood, raised off the ground, and with an additional sleeping and storage loft under a thatched or tiled roof. Elsewhere they are single-story buildings made of tamped earth or stone depending on local conditions. Windows are a recent introduction. Animals are now kept in outbuildings; in the past they were sheltered under the raised house or kept inside. Many settlements are marked by a grove of trees, where religious ceremonies are held.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Economic strategies vary. The Hua Miao were shifting-swidden agriculturalists, growing buckwheat, oats, corn, potatoes, and hemp, and using a simple wooden hand plow or hoe.

Sheep and goats were fed on nearby pasture land. Additionally the Hua Miao hunted with crossbow and poisoned arrows and gathered foodstuffs in the forests. In parts of Guizhou, the Miao more closely resembled their Han neighbors in their economic strategies as well as in their technology (the bullock-drawn plow, harrowing, use of animal and human wastes as fertilizer). The Cowrie Shell Miao in central Guizhou were settled farmers growing rice in flooded fields, and also raising millet, wheat, beans, vegetables, and tobacco. Their livestock was limited to barnyard pigs and poultry, with hunting and gathering playing a very minor role. Some of the Black Miao in southeast Guizhou combine intensive irrigated terrace farming of rice with dry-field upland cropping.

Miao 471 Industrial Arts. Women continue to spin and weave cotton, hemp, ramie, and wool for home use, and to produce garments with elaborate batik and embroidered designs that vary by area and dialect and serve as subethnic markers. Complex silver necklaces, bracelets, earrings, and headdresses are a well-developed craft specialty for men and again are closely associated with ethnicity. They are not usually sold outside the local Miao community. Carpenters, basket makers and blacksmiths can be found among some Miao groups.

Trade. No Miao communities are self-sufficient. All depend on the market for pottery, salt, processed foods, and various daily necessities. In Guizhou there is great demand for silver for making jewelry. What the Miao have to sell varies greatly by area. The Hua Miao market wool, hides, sheep and goats, wild game, firewood, and a variety of forest products. The Cowrie Shell Miao market agricultural produce, poultry and pigs, bamboo shoots, and homecrafted grass raincoats and sandals. Different areas have their specialties, such as cattle, horses, bamboo baskets, and herbal medicines. Before 1949, some Miao sold opium, but more often poppy growing and production of raw opium was the required rent for cropland and the profits went to the landlord and middlemen. Very few Miao were full-time merchants or traders.

Division of Labor. Both sexes engage in agriculture, care of livestock, and fishing, and men contribute some labor to domestic chores like cooking, gathering firewood, and child care. Men are expected to do the heaviest work, including plowing. Women sometimes participated on short hunting trips, but trips of several days or several weeks were undertaken by groups of men; hunting trips are now illegal. Labor exchange and cooperation between households was common even before collectivization.

Land Tenure. Prior to the 1950s land reform, some Miao were smallholders. Many, if not most, were tenants on lands owned by Han, Yi, Hui, and others. Few were true landlords, and most who rented out land were likely to work part of their holdings themselves with family labor.

All land is now owned by the state, including undeveloped mountain and forest lands, thus limiting any expansion beyond lands officially assigned to an individual or village. In the process, pastoralism and forest hunting/gathering have been reduced. Before land reform, some Miao areas followed the practice of lineage or hamlet ownership of mountain and hillside lands even where some private holdings existed. People could open new lands for farming and settlement, share village pastures, or hunt away from their home area.

Kinship Generally, Miao have been pressured to take Chinese surnames, which are transmitted patrilineally. Descent is said to be patrilineal, and in some places the Han patrilineage form has been adopted. However, matrilineal kin are important in some areas. In practice, there is strong evidence that the system is bilateral. No serious comparative study of kin terms and lineage organization is yet available, and some of the writings on the subject suggest Miao politeness in telling Han investigators what they want to hear.

Marriage and Family Marriage. Marriages generally require parental consent but are based on mutual attraction and choice. In the past, many communities had "youth houses" where unmarried young people could gather. Groups of young men traveled around to court girls in other villages. In the absence of parental consent, elopement was an alternative. Festivals and trips to periodic markets still provide an opportunity for young people to meet, engage in antiphonal singing and dancing, and establish new friendships. Since the 1950s, travel restrictions and state disapproval of premarital sexual behavior has increased the parental role in marriage arrangement. Marriages are monogamous. Marriage outside the dialect or language group is rare. Divorce and remarriages are permitted. Postmarital residence is usually in the man's home village but only the youngest son lives with his parents after his marriage, and in instances where there are no sons a family may bring in a son-in-law or an aged widow or widower might join her married daughter's household. In some areas, there is delayed transfer of the bride until after the birth of her first child, or the practice of starting out with residence with the bride's family.

Domestic Unit. The two-generation nuclear family is statistically the most common. Relations between spouses, and between parents and children, are more egalitarian than among the Han. Economic, social, and ritual ties are retained with natal kin. Visiting kinsfolk are welcome guests, and may come for extended visits.

Inheritance. At marriage, sons and daughters receive property and assistance in building a new house. Marriage portions previously included livestock as well as household goods, tools, jewelry, and cloth. The youngest son and his descendants inherit the parental house and remaining wealth. A couple without sons will live with a daughter, who stands as heir.

Socialization. Both parents are involved in child rearing.

Verbal skills and work skills are valued. Children are expected to assist with work tasks from an early age. Some tasks, such as gathering firewood or caring for livestock, are not gender-linked, and both sexes are encouraged to take responsibility and act independently. Mothers teach their daughters to spin and weave and to do batik and embroidery, and sons learn hunting skills from their fathers.

Since the 1950s, most boys and some girls attend primary school. Relatively few continue on to middle school since this usually involves boarding schools far from their home communities.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Given the long period of Chinese rule, it is not possible to reconstruct precontact organization, though some areas still retain older lineage and clan names. Owing to dispersion, population decimation, and frequent migration, the multisurname settlement seems to be the most common. Villages do not seem to have been formally linked by any kind of tribal organization. There was little class differentiation in the villages, and no formal political structure. Respected knowledgeable elders, heads of family groups, and religious experts of both genders served as informal leaders. Among the more Sinicized,

472

Miao.

landlords and those who had some literacy in Chinese exercised power in the community. Under the present system, those who are members of the Communist party stand as the official leaders of the community.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Religious beliefs and activities vary by locale and subethnic identity. The situation is further complicated by partial adoption of elements of folk Daoism and Buddhism, or by conversion to Christianity (as among segments of the White and Flowery Miao). Traditional religious beliefs concern powerful suprahuman forces associated with sacred groves, stones, caves, and other natural phenomena, as well as with bridges and wells. Other protective spirits guard the household and hamlet. The latter are sometimes thought of as dragons. It is believed that at death, the soul divides into three parts, one of which returns to protect the household as an ancestral spirit. There is also concern with evil spirits and with ghosts of those who died bad deaths and who may cause illness and misfortune. Religious beliefs are supported by a complex series of sung or chanted poetic myths, which treat the creation of the universe, the doings of divine beings and culture heroes, and early Miao history.

Religious Practitioners. Most religious ritual is performed or guided by various part-time specialists who act as priests, diviners, or shamans for the local community or for kin groups. Most of them are males. They engage in ordinary work, and only the most important religious activities require them to don special items of dress and decoration to mark them from others. There are no written texts for learning the chants, songs, dances, and rituals: they are memorized. If called by a family, specialists receive a small payment (often in foodstuffs) for their assistance.

Shamans play a key role at funerals and postburial rites.

They are also involved in analysis and healing of illness: some are skilled in herbal medicine as well as ritual procedures. Shamans also provide explanations of the possible causes of misfortune and can provide protective amulets.

Ceremonies on behalf of the village community or a gathering of kin from several villages are conducted by skilled male elders who function as priests, following ritual procedures, administering the necessary animal and food sacrifices, and chanting the songs and myths without going into trance or communicating directly with the supernaturals and spirits. Some ceremonies are led by the male head of household on behalf of his immediate family.

Ceremonies. The calendrical year holds a number of set ceremonies that vary from group to group in content, purpose, and timing. For example, some groups now celebrate the lunar New Year along with their Han neighbors, whereas others celebrate the year's start in the tenth lunar month, following the harvest, and mark it with bullfights and cattle sacrifices. Others mark the New Year with cockfights or sacrifice of pigs and chickens, or intervillage assemblages enlivened by antiphonal singing, dancing, and the playing of the lusheng. Among the important festivals found in many (not all) Miao communities are the Dragon Boat Festival, which is synchronic with the Han festivities to a large extent, and the Mountain Flower festivals, which were an important institution for bringing together mar-

riageable young people from different hamlets. The Drum Society festivals are held by dispersed kin groups to honor their ancestors every seven, ten, or twelve years, and are not strictly tied to the calendar. Most festivals involve the lavish offering of animal sacrifices, and for this reason the state has discouraged them.

Arts. The Miao are well known for the complexity, sophistication, and variety of their weaving, embroidery, and brocade and batik work, though little of it is commodified.

Their elaborate silver jewelry is also famous. There is a rich heritage of oral literature (myths, history, tales, and songs).

The ability to play the lusheng or other instruments and to sing and improvise songs is highly prized. Generally the Miao do not have graphic arts: the absence of god figures or painting of supernatural beings is a deliberate internal marker that differentiates them from Han and some neighboring groups.

Medicine. Aside from the shaman's extensive knowledge, ordinary persons also have some knowledge of plants and other materials that have healing properties. The Chinese invert this by claiming that Miao women engage in magical poisoning (gu), but all evidence suggests this is a Han myth rather than Miao practice. Divination and exorcism of ghosts and evil spirits are also a part of healing.

Death and Afterlife. The human soul is comprised of three parts. After death, one resides at the grave; another must be led safely through the journey to the other world where it rejoins the ancestors, and the third must be led safely back home where it serves as a protective ancestral spirit to the living. Thus, burial and postmortuary rituals require the skills and knowledge of a shaman to lead the mourners in ritual and perform the necessary sequence of ceremonies.

Bibliography Bai Ziran, ed. (1988). A Happy People: The Miaos. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Fan Yumei, et al., eds. (1987). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu fengqinglu (Customs of China's national minorities).

Chengdu: Sichuan Nationalities Press.

Mickey, Margaret P. (1947). The Cowrie Shell Miao of Kweichow. Peabody Museum Papers, vol. 32, no. 1.

Cambridge, Mass.

National Minorities Commission, Guizhou Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1986-1987). Miaozu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Miao). 3 vols.

Guiyang: Guizhou Peoples Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, and Li Zhaolun, eds. (1982). Yunnan Miaozu Yaozu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Yunnan Miao and Yao). Kunming: Yunnan Nationalities Press.

Schein, Louisa (1989). "The Dynamics of Cultural Revival among the Miao in Guizhou." In Ethnicity and Ethnic

Mongols 473

Mongols

Groups in China, edited by Chiao Chien and Nicholas Tapp. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press.

Wu Xinfu (1990). 'Lun Miaozu lishishang de sici de da qianxi" (On the four great migrations in Miao history).

Minzu Yanjiu 6:103-111.

NORMA DIAMOND

Moinba ETHNONYMS:

none

The 7,475 (1990) Moinba live in southern Tibet, primarily in Medog, Nyingchi, and Cona counties. Their language is a member of the Tibeto-Burman Branch of the SinoTibetan Family; the Moinba language has many dialects.

Written communication is in Tibetan. The Chinese characters for the name are read "Menba;" which is a Tibetan place name. The people call themselves by a variety of names, which are not specified in written Chinese sources.

Moinba live among Tibetans and intermarry with them. Their wooden houses are two or three stories in height with bamboo or straw roofs.

The subtropical Moinba region is forested and has abundant rainfall. The Moinba grow and eat rice, maize, millet, buckwheat, soybeans, and sesame seeds. They have also adopted some Tibetan dishes, such as roasted barley, buttered tea, and hot, spicy foods. The economy also includes hunting and pastoralism. The Moinba were under monastic-domain feudalism from the fourteenth century until the 1950s.

While most marriages are monogamous, polygyny and polyandry were allowed into the past. Women's status is equal to men's in the household.

The majority of the Moinba are Lamaists, like the Tibetans, though some still maintain the traditional shamanistic religion. The Moinba follow the same religious calendar as the Tibetans. They use water burial, sky burial (burial in a tree), and cremation to dispose of their dead.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 220223. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

ETHNONYMS: Menggu

(in Chinese), Monggol (in

Mongolian) Orientation

Identification. Mongols live in a number of different countries. The Siberian Buriats and the Kalmuk Oirats on the Volga reside in the Russian Federation; the Barga, Khiangan, Juu Ud, Khorchin or Jirem, Chakhar, Shiliingol, Alshaa, Ordos, Turned, Daurs, and a small community of Buriat Mongols live in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region (IMAR), People's Republic of China (PRC); the Oirat (or Deed) Mongols live in Qinghai Province and in the Xinjiang Autonomous Region, PRC; the Khalkha, along with a small population of Buriat and a larger one of Oirats, live in the Mongolian People's Republic (MPR).

Location. The range of Mongolian culture extends from northeastern Manchuria (125° E) westward to eastern Xinjiang (80° E). A north-south geographical projection extends in the south from the Ordos Desert, 370 N, northward to Lake Baikal in Siberia at 530 N. Mongols also live in Qinghai Province and along the lower Volga and Don rivers. There is a small remmant Mongolian community in Yunnan Province in the PRC. The MPR, nearly four times the size of California, is wedged between Russia, to its north, and Inner Mongolia to the south. Ecologically, Mongols in Central Asia live in a landlocked, arid region. There is, nevertheless, much topographical diversity. In both the MPR and the IMAR there are high mountians; rich, wooded areas with rivers, streams, and lakes; and rolling plains of grass (steppes).

The Mongolian plateau is the origin of many important Asian rivers. The Yellow River cuts through northwestern Inner Mongolia. The climate is characterized by warm summers and very cold, dry winters. The climate varies by region. At Ulaanbaatar (in Russian, Ulan Bator), capital of the MPR, the average temperature ranges from 180 C in July to below 0° C in January; whereas in Alshaa County in southwestern Inner Mongolia the temperatures can range from 37.7° C for July to below 0° C for January.

Demography. Mongols constitute 90 percent of the MPR's 1,943,000 total population. In contrast, Mongols constitute only 13.5 percent (2,681,000 Mongols and 60,000 Daurs) of the IMAR's 19,850,000 total population.

The population in both regions is expanding. The MPR financially rewards families with six or more children, whereas the PRC, in 1986, restricted urban and peasant Mongolian families to two children. The new policy does not apply to pastoral Mongols.

Linguistic Affiliation. The Mongolian language is similar to other Altaic languages (Turkish, Uigur, Kitan, Jurchen, and Manchu). In the MPR the largest and most important dialect is Khalkha. In the MPR Oirat is the only other main dialect, whereas in the IMAR dialects may be divided into many regions: in the center there is the Chahar-Shiliingol dialect, which is closely related to standard Khalkha; in the northeast Barga and Buriat are spo-

474 Mongols ken; in the southeast the major dialect is Khorchin; in the northwest it is Alshaa; and in the southwest it is the Ordos dialect. The Oirat or Kalmuck dialect is spoken in northwestern Xinjiang, Qinghai, and the western part of the MPR. With the exception of the Daurs, who speak a separate language in northeastern Inner Mongolia, the dialects are more or less mutually intelligible. Historically, the Mongols adopted a Uigur or vertical script under the leadership of Chinggis (Genghis) Khan (1206-1227). In 1946, the MPR formally adopted the Russian Cyrillic alphabet.

The Uigur script remains the official script in the IMAR. In the MPR the official language is Mongolian, whereas in the IMAR both Mandarian and Mongolian are the official languages of government publication and documentation.

History and Cultural Relations Mongols were an insignificant northern tribe until the early thirteenth century. Under the leadership of Chinggis Khan they were transformed into a large nomadic segmentary state. Khubilai (Kublai) Khan established the Yuan dynasty (1260-1368) and shifted the political center of Mongolian power from Karakorum (near Ulan Bator) to northern China (near Beijing). Mongol power declined after the Mongol dynasty in China was overthrown in 1368.

The Manchus, who conquered China in 1644, divided Mongolian territory into the geographical regions of Outer Mongolia and Inner Mongolia. They also reorganized the Mongols into a banner administration system that bound Mongols to a specific locality, thereby effectively curtailing migration. The collapse of the Manchu (or Qing) dynasty in 1911 resulted in the formation of autonomous regions in Outer Mongolia and among the Bargas. As Russia fell into a civil war, China abolished the newly formed regions, and thereby provoked the formation of the first Mongolian political parties. In Feburary 1921 White Russians entered Outer Mongolia and drove out Chinese forces; in July 1921, the Russian Red Army drove out the Whites and installed a "constitutional monarchy." The MPR was offi. cially formed in 1924. Khorloogiin Choibalsan and Sukhbaatar (in Russian, Suke Bator) formed and led the early Revolutionary party, and Choibalsan served from 1939 to 1952 as premier. In the 1930s the Japanese formed a new government (Meng-Jiang) in central Inner Mongolia, headed by the Mongolian prince Demchigdonggrub (Dewang). The Japanese army withdrawal in 1945 enabled Soviet-Mongolian military units to enter Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. It was not until after the Soviets had rejected political unification that the majority of Inner Mongolian leaders agreed to back the Chinese Communist party. The MPR and USSR have several long-term economic and "friendship" agreements. In 1987, the MPR established diplomatic relations with the United States.

The MPR is, ethnically, relatively homogeneous. The Kazaks, who live in the west, are the MPR's largest minority group (4 percent), followed by the Russian and Chinese urbanites (2 percent each). There was considerable resentment of Soviet domination of the MPR. The Soviet Union, however, was also regarded as a useful protector against China, as is its successor, the Russian Federation.

Inner Mongolia is an ethnically diverse region. Ethnic rela-

tions between Mongols and Han Chinese continue to swing between mild antagonism and overt hostility. Most Mongols in the IMAR regard themselves as citizens of the PRC.

Settlements The Mongols have always lived in a variety of dwellings: temporary grass shelters, the standard yurt (ger) with a wooden latticework frame covered with felt, a permanent dwelling made from adobe brick, and multistory apartment complexes. Because of the fierce north winds, dwellings face the southeast. Today, 51 percent of the MPR's Mongolian population lives in cities, whereas the majority of the IMAR Mongols are farmers. The largest city in the MPR is Ulaanbaatar (population over 500,000). A few other 'large" cities with a population of more than 10,000 are Choibalsan, Darkhan, and Erdenet. In the IMAR the three largest cities are Baotou (more than 500,000), Huhhot (491,950), and Wuhai (under 40,000).

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Mongols no longer concentrate on raising horses, cattle, camels, sheep, and goats. Instead there is a preference for sheep, which have the highest market value. Mongols continue to hunt a variety of animals: wild antelope, rabbits, pheasants, ducks, foxes, wolves, and marmots. In the mountainous areas they formerly hunted bears, deer, sable, and ermine.

The Mongols have used irrigation and dry-farm methods for centuries. Mongolian peasants grow barley, wheat, oats, corn, buckwheat, millet, potatoes, sugar beets, garlic, cabbage, onions, carrots, sorghum, and fruit trees (especially apples), and raise pigs and sheep. Among herders a typical diet consists primarily of millet, milk tea, dairy products, mutton, kumiss (fermented mare's milk) and liq-

uor (khar arkhi). Of the total land area in the MPR, about 65 percent is used for pasturage and fodder. In the MPR, most wheat is grown on state farms and fodder on collectives. With only 15 percent of its labor force employed in industry, the MPR relies on imports from the former Soviet Union for most of its industrial goods. The majority of Mongols living in the IMAR are peasants, with smaller numbers of herders and urbanites. The region is economically subsidized by the Chinese state.

Industrial Arts. Historically, Mongolian artisans were honored and respected. They worked in gold, silver, iron, wood, leather, and textiles. Recently the applied arts have increased in importance because of export demands and tourist preference.

Trade. Historically, Mongols supplemented their economy by trade and raiding. They never developed a merchant class. On a regular basis the Mongols traded animals, fur, and hides for grain, tea, silk, cloth, and manufactured items with Chinese and Russian trading companies. The Mongols also traded with each other during the naadam, which continues to function in the IMAR as a trade-marriage-entertainment fair. Most trade in the MPR is with the former USSR and eastern Europe, whereas

Mongols 475 most trade in the IMAR is either with other Chinese provinces or with the United States and Japan.

Division of Labor. The gender division of labor is complementary. Among herders, women and children milk, churn butter, cook, sew, and perform child-care duties, whereas the men tend the cattle, horses, and camels, collect hay, and hunt wild game and occasionally wolves. Both sexes tend and shear sheep. In agricultural settings, men construct dwellings and plant, irrigate, weed, and harvest the crops, whereas women cook, clean, sew, perform child care, and assist with the planting and harvesting. In urban settings both men and women work for a wage. Women are responsible for most of the household chores and childcare duties.

Land Tenure. In the MPR, collectivization, after failing in the 1920s, was reintroduced in the late 1950s and has remained the predominant mode of production. In China, collectivization was first introduced in the late 1950s. In the early 1980s it was rejected in favor of the responsiblity system, which extended to both farmer and herder longterm contracts to use the land.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kinship. The kinship system (i.e., relations governed by rules of marriage, filiation, and descent) was strongly patrilineal in the past, but its larger units, the clans and lineages, lost many of their functions to the Manchu administrative institutions. Among herders the ail, a group of households consisting of kin and nonkin that migrated together, formed a discrete social unit. The functions of the ail included mutual help in times of trouble, common kinship rituals (weddings, hair-cutting rites, funerals, etc.), and economic exchange (payment of marriage expenses).

Within urban settings, situational use of kinship ties is preferred over other corporate forms of kinship.

Marriage. Within the domestic cycle, there is more importance placed on marriage than on birth or death. Mongols typically married young: for girls it was at age 13 or 14, for boys a few years later. Today Mongolian peasants marry in their early twenties and immediately start a family. Urban Mongols, especially the college-educated, delay marriage until their late twenties and, sometimes, early thirties. Except for urbanites, there is no dating tradition and marriages continue to be arranged. Premarital sex is common among Mongolian herders in the IMAR. Postmarital residence is almost exclusively patrilocal. Birth control is discouraged in the MPR and encouraged in the IMAR. Among peasants and herders, divorce is rare.

Domestic Unit. Historically, the main kinship groups are the nuclear and extended family and the patronymic group (a group of agnatically related men with their wives and children). Within the MPR collective farm the household remains the basic domestic unit. Among the Mongols in the PRC the primary domestic units are the nuclear and stem family.

Inheritance. Until the seventh century and the establishment of Buddhist estates, "property" was defined only as movable property. Wives in Mongolian society had rights to inherit property. Under Communism that right continues to be guaranteed by law. The eldest son inher-

ited part of the family wealth at the time of his marriage, and the youngest son inherited the remaining family property after both parents had died.

Socialization. Historically, cultural transmission occurred informally between parent and child. The common means of discipline are verbal reprimand and corporal punishment. In the MPR, primary education after the age of eight is free and compulsory. Ten years of schooling are required. Ninety percent of the Mongols in the MPR are literate. In the IMAR most Mongols attend primary school.

In urban areas, most attend middle school. Very few Mongols attend college.

Sociopolitical Organization Mongols, throughout Central Asia, lived under governments that promoted a Marxist-Leninist political philosophy with a single, dominant political party. The MPR, the PRC, and the former USSR had a politburo, the chief policy-making body that follows the directives of the Central Committee. In March 1990 the MPR politburo proposed to give up its monopoly on power in favor of a more democratic constitution. In the 1992 parliamentary elections the former Communist party won by a large margin.

Social Organization. Traditionally, Mongolian society was organized around lay and ecclesiastical social classes.

Social worth in the present-day MPR and the IMAR is determined by occupation in the command economy. The introduction of market incentives in the IMAR countryside reduced the influence of minor officials but did not undermine the power of the high-ranking officials.

Political Organization. There were six leagues under the Manchu dynasty, which the MPR reorganized into eighteen provinces (aimags) and thirteen municipalites. In the MPR, a new administrative unit, the sumun, became the county administrative unit. The banner (khoshuun) level, between the province and sumun, was abolished. In Inner Mongolia, the Guomindang continued the traditional banner system. In 1947, the Communists established the IMAR and continued the banner administrative organization.

Social Control. Mongols did not develop a codified legal system until the thirteenth century. The Mongol legal code included categories ranging from religious to criminal law. These codes lasted until the Communist party came to power. The legal codes developed in both the MPR and the IMAR stress collective over individual rights. Everyday affairs are regulated primarily by social censure.

Conflict. Historically, at the heart of the MongolianChinese conflict there has been the question of land use.

Throughout much of the early twentieth century, the migration of Chinese peasants pushed the herders into inferior pastureland. This led to periodic conflict. Ethnic conflict is, more or less, a moot issue in the MPR, whereas in the PRC's autonomous regions it is not. The Han Chinese believe the state's affirmative-action policy provides too many benefits. The Mongols argue that state has not provided enough benefits.

476 Mongols

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs and Practices. Historically, the primary religions of the Mongols were shamanism and animism. Mongols believed that the shaman had the capability of "soul travel" and could cure the sick. In the sixteenth century Lamaist Buddhism incorporated into its cosmology many shamanistic symbols and rites. Under the Manchus Lamaism flourished. Monastic centers were developed. The 1921 Revolution in Outer Mongolia brought an attack on Buddhism as a superstition. During the Cultural Revolution all but two of Inner Mongolia's 2,000 temples and shrines were destroyed. In the MPR the state has restricted the performance of festivals associated with shamanism and Lamaist Buddhism. In the IMAR, however, the obooshrine ritual festival continues to be an important community event. The oboos are thought to be inhabited by spirits and deities of localities. In the southwestern Ordos region the Chinggis Khan Memorial continues to draw Mongols from throughout the IMAR. There is also a small community of Mongolian Moslems located in the Alshaa Banner in western IMAR. Arts. Mongolian culture is noted for its epic poetry and music. Modern Russian folk songs and dances, performed in Mongolian, are popular in both the MPR and the IMAR. Medicine. Diease and sickness were regarded as the result of evil influences and wrongdoing. The most common diseases were smallpox, typhoid fever, bubonic plague, and syphilis. The Russian and Chinese doctors cured syphilis and reduced the occurrence of the other dieases. Modernization has meant increased access to Western medicial facilities. In the MPR women now give birth in hospitals, whereas in the IMAR herders and farmers continue to give birth in their homes. Longevity has increased in both rural and urban areas, primarily due to hygienic and medical development.

Death and Afterlife. After the introduction of Lamaist Buddhism, Mongols switched from earthen burial to "sky burial"-the body was left on the steppes to be eaten by wild animals. Today "sky burial" continues only in the Ujemchin districts of Shiliingol and among the Oirat (or Deed) Mongols living in the Haixi Prefecture of Qinghai.

In other banners and districts, rural Mongols bury the dead in community graveyards. In urban China they are cremated.

Bibliography Humphrey, C. (1978). "Pastoral Nomadism in Mongolia: The Role of Herdsmen's Cooperatives in the National Economy." In Development and Change, 133-160. London: Sage.

Jacchid, Sechin, and Paul Hyer (1979). Mongolia's Culture and Society. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press.

Rupen, Robert (1979). How Mongolia Is Really Ruled.

Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press.

Vainshtein, Sevyan (1979). Nomads of South Siberia. Ed-

ited with an introduction by Caroline Humphrey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

WILLIAM JANKOWIAK

Mulam ETHNONYMS: Bendiren, Jin, Ling, Mulao, Mulaozu Most Mulam call themselves 'Ling" and a smaller group call themselves 'in" or "Bendiren" (locals). Ninety percent of the 159,328 Mulam (1990 census) live in the Luocheng Mulao Autonomous County, organized in 1984, in the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. The remainder are in neighboring counties. Their language belongs to the Dong-Shui Branch of the Zhuang-Dong languages of the Sino-Tibetan Family, and is very close to both Dong and Maonan. Most Mulam are bilingual in the local Chinese dialect, and Chinese is the language of literacy.

Mulam villages are located in the valleys and lower hills. The one-storied mud-walled houses usually consist of a central room with a fire pit, and a sleeping room to each side. Livestock are kept in separate shelters. Villages are usually single-surname and households recognize common ancestry. Agriculture, the main occupation, uses the same plow technology as the neighboring Han and Zhuang. Glutinous rice is a main staple crop, together with maize, wheat, and potatoes. Peanuts, cotton, melons, and a variety of vegetables are also grown. Draft animals include oxen, water buffalo, and sometimes horses. Plowing, transport of manure fertilizer, and threshing are men's work, but women participate in all other aspects of the agricultural cycle as well as being responsible for weaving and household chores. Mulam artisan specialties include blacksmithing and pottery production. Many Mulam are also part-time peddlers. Before 1949, most land was concentrated in the hands of landlords. Tenants paid rent in kind and labor service for tillage rights.

Engagements were family-arranged in childhood, usually with the girl being four or five years older than the boy. There was a preference for marriage to mother's brother's daughter Engagement and marriage were marked by bride-wealth payments. Marriage ceremonies were held when the girl reached puberty. She remained with her natal family until her first child was born. Till then she was free to join the young men and women who came together for responsive singing, flirtations, and courtships at festival times. Divorce and remarriage were permitted, with little restriction. The two-generation household is the most common unit of residence. Households are under the control of the father, and divide when the sons marry, with only the youngest son remaining with the parents. Daughters could not inherit property, and if there were no sons the property went to a nephew or lineage cousin's son.

Descent is patrilineal. The localized patrilineage was of

Naxi

key importance in controlling the sale of land and playing a role in arrangement of marriages and divorce. Ceremonies to commemorate ancestors and invoke their aid (Yifan) were held once every three or five years. They included feasting, drinking, dancing, and singing (particularly by the younger participants) and were attended by both sexes. The lineage head was responsible for overseeing the ceremonies at the ancestral hall, accounting for income from lineage landholdings, keeping a genealogy book, settling internal disputes, and enforcing lineage rules of behavior. The state now regulates marriage and divorce and is responsible for enforcing public order. State penetration goes back to at least the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368) when Mulam villages were required to pay grain tribute to the imperial court. During the Qing (1644-1911) the state grouped households into units of ten, with a chief responsible for taxes and public order. Since 1949, collectives, Communist party organizations, and the more recent township organization represent and enforce state policies.

Religious beliefs are rooted in an older animism, merged with and overshadowed since the Sung dynasty by Buddhism, Daoism, and ancestral worship and commemoration. There is continuing belief in the presence of a soul force (yin) in a variety of natural phenomena as well as within persons, coexisting with additions from the Chinese pantheon. Indigenous priests (mubao) study specialized texts during apprenticeship under established practitioners

Naxi ETHNONYMS:

Hlikhin, Luxi, Moso, Nakhi, Nari Orientation

Identification. The Naxi are one of China's fifty-six officially recognized "nationalities." "Naxi" (Nah-shee), meaning "people of the black," is the name most Naxi use for themselves. Prior to 1949, they were most commonly termed "Moso" or "Moso Man," the traditional Chinese labels for the Naxi. The chief exception to this is in the work of Joseph Rock, an American botanist-cumethnographer who published widely on "Na-khi" history and religion. Reference searches should include all of these names.

Location. The great majority of Naxi live in a fairly small area in northwestern Yunnan Province, in Lijiang, Weixi, Zhongdian, and Ninglang counties (26째 to 28째 N and 97째 to 99째 E). Scattered Naxi settlements are also found in neighboring Sichuan Province. The area is rugged and mountainous, with major peaks reaching over 5,500 meters. Habitation extends between 1,800 and 3,300 meters, the lowest elevations being associated with the deep sinuous gorge of the Golden Sand River (the major tributary to the Yangtze), the region's most prominent geographical feature.

477

and are ceremonially ordained at the end of their training.

Female shaman/diviners (baya) receive their authority through spirit possession. The community is also served by a variety of Daoist priests and other ritual experts from nearby Han settlements. In addition to household altars for the ancestors, hearth god, and earth god, there are many small temples for 'outside gods" of Chinese origin.

Gods, spirits, ancestors, and ghosts are all thought to be actively concerned with human affairs, and their propitiation or consultation is necessary to assure well-being and prosperity and to deal with illness and other calamities.

The spread of education and modern medical care in recent decades has led to some decline in religious activity.

Bibliography Fan Yumei, et al., eds. (1987). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu fengqinglu (Customs of China's national minorities).

Chengdu: Sichuan Nationalities Press.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 388391. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Qin Guangguang, ed. (1988). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu zondiao gailan (An outline of the religions of China's national minorities). Beijing: Central Minorities Institute.

NORMA DIAMOND

Demography. In 1990 the Naxi population numbered approximately 278,000, of whom more than 60 percent lived in Lijiang County.

Linguistic Affiliation. Naxi belongs to the TibetoBurman Branch of the Sino-Tibetan Language Family.

Chinese linguists divide Naxi speakers into two dialect groups-a western dialect spoken in the Lijiang area and an eastern dialect centered in the Yongning region of Ninglang County. As the area also includes numerous speakers of the related Yi, Lisu, Pumi, and Tibetan languages, bi- or trilingualism in these languages is fairly common among the Naxi. In addition, many Naxi, especially men, also speak Mandarin (Chinese).

History and Cultural Relations The Naxi are generally thought to have migrated to their present location from somewhere to the north in eastern Tibet, western Sichuan, or Qinghai Province around the beginning of the common era. Some scholars feel that the Naxi may originally have been related to the Qiang people now inhabiting northwestern Sichuan. Present-day Naxi society and culture have been greatly influenced by more that 1,000 years of continual contact with their regionally dominant neighbors, the Tibetan and Han (Chinese) peoples. During the sixth to twelfth centuries, the Naxi were a part of the powerful Nanzhao and Dali kingdoms centered around Erhai Lake, about 150 kilometers south of Lijiang.

478 Naxi These kingdoms (in succession) maintained close but not always friendly relations with both Tibet and China, and at the height of its power in the latter years of the Chinese Tang dynasty (618-906), the Nanzhao controlled an area that covered much of western Yunnan, southern Sichuan, and into Burma and Tibet. In 1252, the Naxi were conquered by the Mongol armies of Kubilai Khan, the founder of the Chinese Yuan dynasty (1260-1368), and since that time they have been under the political hegemony of the Chinese state. During the Yuan and Ming (1368-1644) dynasties, Chinese rule over many of the ethnic groups in south and west China was exercised indirectly through the use of hereditary "native chiefs" (tusi), appointed by the Chinese court. Among the Naxi there were two main chiefly lineages, the Mu lineage in Lijiang and the A lineage in Yongning. Military conflict between China and Tibet in the early eighteenth century led to the permanent replacement of the Mu chief by a regular Chinese magistrate in 1723. Members of the A lineage continued as native chiefs in Yongning until 1957. After their southern neighbors, the Bai, the Naxi are among the most highly Sinicized of Yunnan's ethnic minorities. This holds particularly for Naxi living in the town of Lijiang, for as far back as the Ming dynasty the Mu chiefs made a point of welcoming Han (Chinese) merchants, artisans, scholars, and religious specialists to the area. A similarly conciliatory policy towards Tibet is reflected in the region's several Tibetan lamaseries, most of which were heavily financed by the Mu family.

Settlements Naxi villages range greatly in size from only a few to more than 200 households (20-1,000 people), with the average somewhere around 40. The area also boasts several towns, the largest being Lijiang with a population of about 25,000. The principal factors influencing settlement size are the availability of cultivable land and water for irrigation. The settlement pattern of most villages is characterized by closely clustered domestic compounds, surrounded by vegetable gardens and orchards and, further out, fields of grain and other staple crops. Domestic compounds consist of walled courtyards enclosing at least two principal buildings, a house and a stable. Traditional Naxi houses are of whole-log construction, with roofs made of slats weighted down by stones. Increasingly, houses of this type are being replaced by Han- and Bai-style houses with wood frames, tamped earth or adobe walls, and tiled roofs.

House architecture reflects Naxi views of cosmology, kinship, and gender.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Naxi economy varies widely between districts due to the range in elevation, and hence temperature. People in the lowlands grow wet rice and a wide variety of vegetables and raise citrus trees. The highlanders grow mostly wheat, maize, legumes, a more limited variety of vegetables, and temperate fruits (mostly apples and pears). In the highest elevations, even these crops grow poorly, and the people raise mainly potatoes and turnips. The Naxi also depend heavily on pastoral production. This is especially true in

the higher elevations where good grass is plentiful and crop yields are low. Goats, sheep, common cattle, and, in the highlands, yak and yak-common cattle hybrids form the bulk of the herds. Woolen- and leather-goods factories operate out of Lijiang. Naxi horses and mules are famous throughout southwestern China and form the basis for two annual trade fairs in Lijiang. Farmyard animals include pigs, oxen, water buffalo, chickens, and ducks. During the last several decades, timber sales to the state have come to occupy a large share of the Naxi external economy. Deforestation is a problem.

Industrial Arts. Most villages support a few individuals with full-time employment as tailors, basket weavers, carpenters, medical personel, shopkeepers, and truck or tractor operators. Some families specialize in raising pigs, chickens, or eggs or sell prepared food products, such as bean curd or cheese. Weaving and knitting are done in the home. The Lijiang area is noted for its copper and brassware.

Division of Labor. Exclusively male activities include herding, plowing, logging, house building, and truck or tractor driving. Spinning, weaving, and knitting are solely female activities. Women do the great bulk of the domestic work, but men sometimes cook and wash clothes, and frequently help with cleaning and child care. Except for plowing, both sexes participate more or less equally in all phases of agricultural production.

Land Tenure. Prior to the 1949 Revolution, land was owned by individual families and divided equally between the sons. Some poorer families rented land, or worked as tenant farmers or agricultural wage labors, but these numbers were not high. As in other parts of China, all land reverted to the state during the land reform period in the early 1950s. People were organized into production teams, brigades, and communes to work the land collectively. In the early 1980s, the "household-responsibility system" was implemented. Under this system land continues to be owned by the state, but people are given individual plots to work, and the household rather than any larger group assumes the responsibility for meeting production quotas (essentially a taxes-in-kind system).

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Naxi kinship and descent is a highly contested subject. Largely on the basis of dialect and kinship differences, contemporary Chinese ethnologists distinguish two "branches" of Naxi, the Lijiang Naxi and the Yongning Naxi. The Lijiang Naxi reckon descent in the patriline and maintain patrilineal descent groups.

The same is true of the formerly aristocratic lineages in Yongning, but as a whole the Yongning Naxi uphold an ideal of descent from primordial matriclans, and most commoner households today reckon descent in the matriline. This has led most Chinese ethnologists to designate the Yongning Naxi as a "matriarchal" society which, in accordance with the social evolutionary theories of Lewis Morgan and Friedrich Engels, is in the process of becoming a patrilineal-patriarchal society. Accordingly, the Lijiang Naxi are considered the more evolved branch. This theory remains open to debate.

Naxi 479 Kinship Terminology. Traditional Naxi kinship terminology follows the Omaha pattern. The terms for same-sex siblings denote birth order.

Marriage and Family Marriage. Traditional Lijiang Naxi society shows a fairly strong preference for patrilateral cross-cousin marriage (between a man and his father's sister's daughter). Marriages were arranged by the parents, often when the marriage partners were quite young. Nevertheless, young people frequently took as lovers individuals other than their intended spouses. Unable to break their parents' arrangements, such couples not infrequently resorted to joint suicide. Today, although all marriages are in principal freely contracted by the individuals involved, arranged cross-cousin marriage remains fairly common in the remote villages. Residence is generally patri-virilocal and divorce is very rare. In Yongning society, by contrast, many people do not marry formally, but establish variable-term sexual relations with one or more azhus ("friends"). In azhu relationships, a man will visit his woman friend at night, and return to his own natal, matrilineal household in the morning. Children born of such unions are generally raised in their mother's house.

Domestic Unit. Lijiang Naxi households are initially comprised of a married couple and their unmarried children. Subsequently, all daughters marry out, while elder sons establish independent households nearby upon marriage. Only the youngest son remains with his parents and brings in a wife. Yongning "matrilineal" households are more extended. The recognized head is usually a senior woman, and an ideal household would include her brothers, her younger sisters, her children, her sisters' children, and her and her sisters' daughters' children. Several other household structures, including some based on virilocal marriage, are also found in Yongning.

Inheritance. In Lijiang, sons divide their parents' property equally upon the marriage of the eldest son. Daughters receive a dowry. In Yongning, property can be inherited in either the matri- or the patriline, depending on household composition and descent reckoning as indicated above.

Socialization. While young children enjoy a great deal of unsupervised play, they begin to help around the house at an early age, and by age 12 or 13 are expected to start working alongside their parents. Boys help with the herding, girls in the garden and around the house, and both sexes work in the production and processing of major crops. About 90 percent of the children attend six years of primary school, and perhaps 40 percent of these continue on to middle school. As sons approach a marriageable age they take on an increasingly important role in the business of the patrilineage, and relations with their fathers tend to become more strained. Young brides often have difficulties in adjusting to life in their husband's household, especially as regards their relationship with their mother-in-law.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. In Lijiang Naxi society, seniors and men are accorded a higher status than juniors and women.

This reflects the power held by the coq-o sso, the "men of the patrilineage." In running the household, however, women exercise considerable authority, and it is women who manage most of the family-run businesses in Lijiang town. In Yongning, the control of women over the domestic sphere is even greater, but political offices were traditionally occupied only by men.

Political Organization. Naxi political organization in the 1980s does not differ markedly from that in other parts of China. In descending order of rank, the hierarchy of political units is: province, prefecture, county, district, township, and village. At each level above the village there are offices for both government and Communist party officials. Locally, party secretaries often exercise greater authority than their counterparts, the township headmen.

Due to the proportion of Naxi living there, Lijiang County holds the status of an "autonomous nationality county."

This gives the Naxi a degree of freedom to develop their own policies locally, as well as greater flexibility in implementing policies issuing from higher-level government organs.

Social Control. In resolving disputes the Naxi generally try to avoid using the court system and prefer informal mediation through kin networks. In this, the local patrilineage plays an important role. Traditionally, punishments, in some instances including death, were meted out by patrilineage elders. Today, persistent problems are taken to local officials for mediation before legal alternatives are sought.

Gossip is also an important mechanism of behavior modification.

Conflict. Historically, warfare with neighboring ethnic groups was fairly common. Groups of Tibetans, Yi, and Pumi, in particular, often raided the more-settled Naxi.

During the Qing dynasty (1644-1912), Naxi units fought with Han troops against the Tibetans on several occasions, and against the Hui in the Muslim uprising in Yunnan during the late nineteenth century.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Most Naxi subscribe to an eclectic mixture of Buddhist, Daoist, and indigenous animist and shamanist beliefs. Traditionally, lamas and priests from the several local Tibetan lamaseries and Chinese Buddhist and Daoist temples were called upon to perform wedding and, especially, funeral ceremonies, along with indigenous Naxi ritual specialists. With the exception of the Yongning Naxi, however, few Naxi have played active roles in these organized religious institutions. In the early eighteenth century, the Naxi of Yongning converted en masse to the Gelug-pa sect of Tibetan Buddhism. The lamasery there is wellsupported locally, and many men and women take the religious vows.

The Naxi recognize several thousand deities residing throughout the heavens, purgatory, and the human world.

Following generally from the Buddhist and Tibetan Bon traditions, specific gods and demons are often conceived in pairs that represent conflict in the cosmos. Virtually all locations and major geographical features have deities associated with them.

480 I 1Religious Practitioners. Traditional Naxi religious practitioners include ritual specialists, shamans, and diviners.

The ritual specialists (dobbaqs) possess a voluminous literature of ritual texts, written in a unique pictographic script that few ordinary Naxi are able to comprehend. No new dobbaqs have been trained in the post-1949 period, and the remaining hundred or so are quite elderly.

Ceremonies. Traditionally, a variety of annual ceremonies were held in connection with critical moments in the agricultural and pastoral cycles. Some centered around individual families and others around larger social groups.

The most important ceremony, the Sacrifice to Heaven (Meebiuq), was performed twice annually, in the first and seventh lunar months. Many of these ceremonies have been discontinued since the founding of the People's Republic of China. Many events of the Han ritual calendar are also celebrated.

Arts. While there is a tradition of visual arts associated with the dobbaq and Buddhist religions, the most common art forms are music, singing, and dance. Singing involves not only great technical skill, but a rare ability to improvise poetic verse.

Medicine. In contemporary Naxi society, modern Western medicine coexists with traditional Chinese medicine, Naxi and Han herbal traditions, and a belief system in which disease is ascribed to the influence of malevolent spirits. Diseases of the latter type are cured through exorcism or shamanic "soul-catching" journeys.

Death and Afterlife. Naxi ideas about death incorporate Buddhist notions of reincarnation, Han folk beliefs in the soul and ghosts, and the idea that the soul travels backwards along the road by which one's ancestors came to the present location, eventually to reside eternally with the ancestors in the north. Today, most Naxi follow Han funerary customs and burial procedures, but in some places bodies are still cremated in the manner of the old tradition. Traditional Naxi funeral rites are very elaborate, especially those for persons who have died "unusual" deaths, such as suicide.

Bibliography Goullart, Peter (1955). Forgotten Kingdom. London: John Murray.

Nu ETHNONYMS: A Long, A Nu, A Yia, Nusu, Rourou

Orientation The Nu live in northwestern Yunnan Province, primarily in Bijiang, Fugong, and Gongshan counties of the Nujiang Lisu Autonomous Prefecture and in the neighboring Deqen Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture. The area is mountainous, with large stands of primary forest, and is rich in timber, wild plants, and game. The valleys are at 800 meters. Climate is temperate to semitropical, with heavy rainfall. Various streams and the Nu River (Salween) cut through the region. Population in the 1990 census was 27,000. Nu speak a Tibeto-Burman language, which divides into three or four distinctive sublanguages. The language spoken in Gongshan County is mutually intelligible with Drung but not with the other Nu languages. Chinese linguists hold that Bijiang speech is close to Yi (Loloish).

Some Nu also speak Lisu, Bai, or Chinese. All Nu regard themselves as culturally distinct from these other ethnicities and claim to be the original inhabitants of the area.

Despite government assistance, the area remains one of the poorest in Yunnan and in China generally. The state has assisted in building roads and bridges and has expanded the rural school system. All schooling is in Chinese.

History and Cultural Relations Between the eighth and twelfth centuries the Nu were a part of the Nanzhao Kingdom and the Dali Kingdom, after which they came under control of the Lijiang Mu (Naxi) and Bai tusi rule. Neighboring Lisu made frequent incursions into the area, seizing lands and livestock and taking slaves. The Nu were involved in several panethnic uprisings against tusi and imperial control in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In 1935 they joined in a short-lived uprising against the Guomindang (Chinese) Frontier Administration, which controlled the region after 1912. The Nujiang Autonomous Prefecture was established in 1954 and Gongshan was made an autonomous county in 1956.

Settlements

Jackson, Anthony (1979). Na-khi Religion: An Appraisal of the Na-khi Ritual Texts. The Hague: Mouton.

Li Lin-ts'an (1984). Moso yanjiu lunwen ji (Collected search papers on the Moso). Taipei: Palace Museum.

re-

Rock, Joseph F. (1947). The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

[See also numerous other books and articles by Rock.]

Zhan Chengxu, et al. (1980). Yongning Naxizu de azhu hunyin he muxi jiating (Azhu marriage and the matrilineal family of the Yongning Naxi). Shanghai: Shanghai Peoples Press.

CHARLES

F

McKHANN

The compact villages average about 150 people, and are far apart. Most are made up of households of a single patriline, though some are multilineage and even multiethnic.

Single-story plank wood houses predominate, with a fire pit in the front room, a sleeping room to the rear, and a drying and storage area for grain between the ceiling and the pitched roof. Animals are housed in outbuildings.

Economy Agriculture is the main occupation and techniques include both slash-and-burn and plow agriculture with a team of draft oxen. Chief crops are buckwheat, barley, maize, oats, and rye, with some small amount of paddy rice where possible. Hemp is grown for clothing, and striped homespun is a distinctive feature of the women's skirts and tunics. Live-

Nu

stock include cattle, sheep, and horses, which are pastured in unused fields or in the mountains, and also pigs. Before 1949, pasture, forest, and uncultivated uplands were usually communal property of lineages or villages. Much of the economic work was done cooperatively by households of a localized patriline. Agricultural land was household property, and in some areas could be sold, rented, or worked with hired labor. Landlordism was a problem in the early twentieth century. Some Nu had become bondservants or household slaves to Lisu and Yi overlords in the area. Land was collectivized by the state in the mid-1950s.

Both men and women farm. Gathering, cooking, spinning, and weaving are women's work. Manufacture of iron tools, care of livestock, and hunting are men's tasks. Other cottage industries include the brewing of liquor and the fashioning of bamboo and wooden articles. Hunting (with bow and arrow), fishing, and gathering were formerly important supplements to the household economy. Both barter and the marketing of surpluses were employed. Until the 1950s, cattle were a medium of exchange.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family Marriages are monogamous. The bride joins her husband's village. A new house, land, and livestock are provided for the married couple. The youngest son inherits the parental house and remaining lands and livestock. Marriage to cross cousins was encouraged: it was said that they strengthened ties between households. Marriages to parallel cousins were also frequent, though in most areas they were distant cousins related through a common great-grandfather or more remote ascendant. These marriages, are no longer permit ted under state law. Marriages were usually parentally arranged during childhood, and initiated by the groom's family with gifts of wine and cattle. The boy and girl's agreement was required and the marriage took place when they were in their late teens. However, unmarried youth were free to interact and court, which resulted in "elopement marriages" or "stealing the bride." These marriages required the consent of the groom's family and spared them most of the bride-price costs. In some cases, the couple resided with the girl's family until the birth of the first child. Levirate marriage was encouraged but not mandatory. After several decades of a harmonious marriage a couple will hold a dimuwa ceremony to which relatives, friends, and neighbors are invited. At the feast, the couple dress as bride and groom, reenact the marriage ceremonies and are presented with gifts by the guests. Only males could inherit land and livestock, but women's wealth took the form of silver, coral, cornelian, and turquoise jewelry, which were gifts from her parents or husband.

The nuclear family household is the basic unit, and in the past worked together with some ten or twelve closely related households. Under the new socialist government, collectives based on kin ties were discouraged. Above the localized lineage branch is the clan, which has a totemic name drawn from the Nu origin myths, a genealogy going

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back thirty to forty generations, and its own rituals for the ancestors. Hunting or eating one's totemic animal is forbidden. Community leadership was under the direction of a respected elder male, chosen for his intelligence, ability, and moral standing, who settled internal disputes and represented the community to the outside world. In villages comprised solely of kin he also served as a healer, diviner, shaman, and director of religious rites; in multilineage villages these roles were separated. Women had no public voice in community matters and did not participate in the rituals of their husband's lineage. Chinese sources are vague about women's roles in their natal lineages. Since the 1950s, political criteria have been the main determinants of official leadership at the village, township, and county levels, and religious leaders are discouraged.

Religion Religion centered on the worship of natural forces and exorcism of ghosts and evil spirits. Separate rituals were held by each of the ten or twelve clans. Other rituals concerned community well-being or healing. Able religious leaders spoke Yi, Lisu, and Bai in order to address the spirit-forces of those groups who might be causing illness or other difficulties. Due to the presence of Tibetan Buddhism in the area, some Nu became followers and sent sons to join the lamasaries, where they became literate in Tibetan. Beginning in the late nineteenth century, and particularly from the 1930s on, many of the Nu responded to foreign missionaries and became Catholics or Protestants. In some areas, 60 percent of the population were Christian in the early 1950s. The missionaries introduced modern medical care and opened village schools with Chinese as the classroom language.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 317321. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Minzuxue yu xiandaihua (Ethnology and modernization) (1986). No. 3:1-47. Symposium on the thirtieth anniversary of the Gongshan Dulong and Nu Minority Autonomous County. Kunming: Yunnan Nationalities Press.

National Minorities Commission, ed. (1981). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu (China's national minorities). Beijing: Peoples Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, and Li Shaohui, eds. (1981). Nuzu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Nu). Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

Shen Che, and Lu Xiaoya (1989). Life Among the Minority Nationalities of Northwest Yunnan, 102-120. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

NORMA DIAMOND

482 Oroqen

Oroqen ETHNONYMS: none

Orientation The Oroqen are one of the fifty-five officially recognized ethnic minorities of the People's Republic of China. They are found in Heilongjiang Province (Huma, Xunke, Aihui, and Jiayin counties) and the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region (mainly in Hulun Buir League). Their language, which belongs to the Tungus Branch of the Manchu-Tungus Family of Altaic languages, has no script.

"Oroqen" means 'mountain people" or 'reindeer herders"; both are accurate descriptions of their environment and traditional way of life. Roving in the Greater and Lesser Hinggan mountains during long cold winters and greatly abbreviated summers, they are known as excellent hunters.

According to the 1990 census, the Oroqen population stands at 6,965.

History and Cultural Relations Originally Oroqen lived between the Outer Hinggan Mountains to the north and the Heilong (Amur) River to the south. Together with Ewenkis and Daurs they were historically termed the "Sulun Tribes." To escape czarist Russian invasion and plunder, they crossed the Heilong River and came to their present habitat in the middle of the seventeenth century. During the Qing dynasty under Manchu rulers, they were divided into Horse-Riding Oroqens and Foot Oroqens, with the former incorporated into the Eight-Banner System serving as soldiers, and the latter still hunting to provide precious marten fur to the Qing court.

After 1911 warlords recruited Oroqen youth and organized the so-called forest guerrillas. The rest were forced to settle as agriculturalists. The invading Japanese disbanded them in 1931 and drove them into the forest again, with their youth conscripted to form what the Japanese called the "forest detachment." The Japanese introduced opium and sometimes used the Oroqen as guinea pigs for bacterial experiments. The Oroqen population declined drastically, and at the time of Japanese surrender in 1945, barely 1,000 were left. In 1951 the Oroqen Autonomous Banner and several ethnic Oroqen xiangs (local government units comprising several villages each) were established, and the Oroqen people began to be incorporated into the national life of the People's Republic. Besides their principal economic life as hunters and agriculturists, they also serve as forest-fire fighters, being well known for their bravery and dedication.

Settlements Traditional Oroqen dwellings are tents constructed of some thirty long poles standing in a circle and tied together at the top, somewhat like Native-American tipis. They are covered with animal skins in winter and birch bark in summer. At the center of the tent is the fireplace for warmth

and cooking. These conical dwellings often stand in a single line or form an arch below a mountain slope near a river.

After the 1950s most tents were replaced by houses built with bricks and tiles provided by the local government, as the people were encouraged to settle down for agriculture.

Economy The Oroqen were hunters who also engaged in some fishing and collecting. Hunting dogs were indispensable.

Sturdy and large-hoofed horses obtained from the Manchus and Mongols were the principal transport and source of hunting mobility. Use of shotguns enhanced their hunting activities and later led to their excellent marksmanship.

They hunted throughout the year, with different purposes in different seasons: in May and June for antlers, in September for venison and male organs of the deer, and after snowfall for furs.

Collective hunting was normally organized within traditional regional communes called wuldengs. Hunting groups of three to five hunters, called anag, were formed under the leadership of a tatanda, who was usually the most senior member in the group, with rich hunting experience. Meat was divided equally among the participating hunters with portions reserved for the aged, sick, and disabled. The head, internal organs, and bones with little meat were cooked and shared by all wulileng members. Anags were temporary and disbanded at the end of each hunting expedition.

Both genders could hunt and fish, though normally these activities were pursued by men. Young women were trained in tanning, drying meat, collecting, and needlework. The Oroqen are excellent tanners and make handsome leather works. Their embroidery is known for its delicate and exquisite designs. They also make beautiful basins, bowls, boxes, and other containers out of birch bark, with bird, animal, and flower designs. The Oroqen came into contact with the neighboring Daurs, Ewenkis, Mongols, Manchus, and Han quite early. They provided the Qing court with fur, leather, and other forest products as tribute and in return received food grain, cloth, and implements as rewards. Later, their trade with the outside was monopolized by Oroqen officials known as andas. In recent years, under China's social reform and economic development policy, the Oroqen economy has been diversified, agriculture and forest-based industry have changed the previous hunting economy, and the Oroqen are becoming more and more integrated into the regional and national economic system. Cultural changes are profound.

Kinship and Sociopolitical Organization Until the middle of the seventeenth century the Oroqen were organized into seven exogamous clans, called mokuns.

A mokunda, the head of a clan, enjoyed high respect and authority. Decisions were made by consensus. Later, to provide marriage partners, new clans evidently split off following solemn religious ceremonies. These clans developed into wulilengs, meaning "offsprings," comprised of patrilineal families. Wulilengs were basic economic units, each managed by a democratically elected tatanda. Use of iron

Pumi 483

implements, horses, and shotguns soon changed Oroqen social organization, with nuclear families replacing wulilengs as the basic economic unit. Each family was free to join or leave a wulileng, and the title of tatanda was only used for hunting leaders.

Marriage and Family The Oroqen are monogamous. Marriage was traditionally arranged by the parents, with the bridegroom's family paying a bride-price in horses. Before marriage it was arranged for the betrothed to sleep together on the occasion of the marriage contract and the gift-giving ceremonies. The nuptial night was spent in the house of the bride's parents, and the couple went to live with the bridegroom's clan after that. Divorce was not common. After the death of the husband, the widow had to remain unmarried for for at least three years. If a son had been born, she was required to remain a widow all her life. Property was passed down through the male line; a divorced woman was not allowed to take even the dowry she brought from her own parents.

Religion and Expressive Culture The Oroqen were animists. They worshiped many natural objects and elements with shamans acting as messengers between human beings and gods. Shamans were those who had experienced prolonged illness. Though Oroqens hunted bears, tigers, and wolves, they never dared to mention these animal names as they also would not mention the names of their own ancestors. They called tiger "old man" or "great grandfather" (wutaqi) and bear "grandfather," "grandmother," or 'maternal uncle" (yatai, taitie, and amaha respectively). They held rituals asking for forgiveness before they ate the meat of the bear, and carried out a formal burial for it. Among the gods they worshiped were the mountain god who ensured successful hunting, the fire

goddess who provided warmth, and others such as the rain god, thunder god, sun god, moon god, etc. Behind their tents, they hung birch boxes containing their gods, which were not to be touched by women. Women should avoid going behind the tent altogether. In childbirth, a woman had to stay in a small hut built specially for the purpose.

There were many taboos in Oroqen life. They never made specific plans for hunting, believing that animals had the power to detect such schemes. Every year each family held rituals to worship the fire god, offering meat and wine, and at the same time offering prayers for happiness.

During the New Year, guests would bring their own meat and wine, and began their visit by worshiping the fire god with the host family. Ancestor worship formed a part of their belief system. Wind burial was practiced, in which the deceased was placed in a hollowed tree trunk suspended on tree studs 1.5 meters from the ground. If the coffin did not fall to the ground within three years, a special ritual was held to redeem the sins of the dead, so that, like others, he or she would be recalled by the sun god to heaven and become a star.

Bibliography National Minorities Commission, ed. (1981). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu (China's national minorities). Beijing: Peoples Press.

Qiu Pu (1980). Elunchun shehui de fazhan (Social development of the Oroqens). Shanghai: Shanghai Peoples Press.

Qiu Pu (1981). Elunchun ten (The Oroqens). Beijing: Nationalities Press.

Zhongguo da baike quanshu (Encyclopedia Sinica) (1986).

Vol. 20, Minzu (Nationalities), 147-148. Beijing: Encyclopedia Sinica Press.

LIU XINGWU

Pumi ETHNONYMS: Pei Er Mi, Peimi, Primi,

Xifan

The 29,657 (1990) Pumi live primarily in Lijiang Prefecture and the Nujiang area in northwestern Yunnan Province; a few live in two counties in Sichuan Province. They are mountain people, occupying elevations as high as 2,600 meters. The Pumi language is a member of the Tibeto-Burman Branch of the Sino-Tibetan Language Family. There is much use of Han for written communication. "Pumi" is the name they agreed on for themselves in 1960. Prior to that, they were classified as Qiang. In Chinese texts Pumi were formerly called "Xifan" (Western barbarians). Names in self-use also include "Pei Er Mi" or 'Peimi" (whites).

History and legend both indicate that the Pumi people long ago were migratory inhabitants of the QinghaiTibet Plateau. They subsequently moved south to the Hengduan Mountains. As they settled, agriculture became of more importance than the raising of livestock.

The Pumi build their villages 500 meters or more apart, on the gentler slopes. Pumi construct two-story houses out of wood; the ground floor is used to house livestock, and the upper floor is living space.

The Pumi staple food is corn, but they also raise rice, wheat, barley, beans, oats, highland barley, buckwheat, Chinese cabbage, carrots, eggplant, and melons. They also practice animal husbandry, raising cattle, sheep, pigs, poultry, and bees. A favorite meat dish is salt pork wrapped in pork skin. The Pumi make wool sweaters, linen, bamboo goods, liquor, lacquered wooden bowls, charcoal, and herbal medicines. Prior to 1950 Pumi society was stratified,

484 Pumi with landlord and rich-peasant families dominating in some areas; 30 percent or more of households worked as tenant farmers. In some areas, the landlords were Naxi.

Domestic slavery was also common, particularly in Ninglang County. Some lands were owned by Naxi hereditary tusi until well into the twentieth century.

The Pumi were traditionally organized into exogamous clans. Clan members frequently ate together, and disputes were settled by clan patriarchs. Among some Pumi groups, each clan had its own cave to hold the ashes of its deceased members.

Marriages were traditionally arranged by parents, and marriage to cross cousins was preferred. Polygamy was permitted. Only men could inherit property; the parents' house usually went to the youngest son. Postmarital residence is still usually patrilocal. In some areas there are delayed-transfer marriages (bride-price paid only after the wife becomes pregnant or has her first child), and since those in Yongning are influenced by Naxi there is also some following of the Naxi marriage pattern (women stay in their natal families, and the lover visits them there).

The Pumi religion is Lamaism, although there is still considerable belief in traditional spirits and concern with a

non-Buddhist array of supernaturals, ancestors, and household tutelary spirits. Holiday activities include sacrifices to the "God of the Kitchen," feasting, bonfires, horse races, shooting contests, and wrestling.

The Communist Revolution has brought schools, health facilities, and new industries, including ironworking and bauxite and salt mining. As a result of irrigation projects, terraced fields have gradually replaced earlier techniques of dry-land and slash-and-bum farming.

Qiang

Location. Speakers of QLB languages are found in the mountain corridor separating the Tibetan highlands from the Chinese lowlands to the east. They are distributed in an arc stretching from Nanping in northwestern Sichuan Province (34° N and 1050 E) to Lijiang in northern Yunnan Province (270 N and 1010 E). The Qiang are situated on the eastern edge of the corridor, while the Jiarong are located to their west, both groups being distributed between 300 and 32.5" N. The distribution of QLB speakers was probably continuous in the past, although groups are now frequently separated by intrusions of Han Chinese, Yi, and Tibetans.

The mountain corridor is a section of the Central Asian plateau that has been deeply dissected by river valleys. Because rivers cut deeper as they approach the lowlands, valley walls tend to be steeper and the relative height of mountains greater in areas adjacent to the lowlands, while higher areas to the west have more gentle slopes. In most areas, the mountain tops tend to be relatively level. Rainfall is plentiful at higher elevations, whereas lower slopes are semiarid and fields below 1,500 meters usually require irrigation. Middle elevations (above 2,500 meters) are forested, and wet meadows cover slopes above treeline; together, forest and high pasture cover about 90 percent of the area. At lower elevations the climate is mild, double cropping being possible below about 2,000 meters.

Demography. Today, there are more than 550,000 speakers of QLB languages, the largest group being the Qiang themselves, with an estimated population of 220,000. In Maowen Xian, where the Qiang comprise over 78 percent of the population, their average density is about 23 square kilometers (effective concentrations being much

CulSubgroups: Baima, Ersu, Jiarong, Muya, Muyami, Namuyi, Pumi, Qiang (including Heisuhui Qiang and Boluozu) ETHNONYMS: Di, Manzi, Rong, Rma, "Stone Tower"

ture;

Orientation

Identification. This article is concerned with the distinctive culture shared by speakers of languages belonging to the Qiang Language Branch (QLB) of the Sino-Tibetan Language Family, including, but not limited to, the Qiang of northwestern Sichuan, one of China's officially recognized minority nationalities or minzu, and concentrating on two groups in particular, the Qiang and their Jiarong neighbors. Historically, the term "Qiang" has been used to refer to a number of groups (including Tibetans), usually characterized as acephalous, warlike, and matrilineal and/ or matriarchal, who inhabited extensive areas on China's western frontier. Today's Qiang were given that name (they call themselves the "Rma") because of supposed cultural affinities and historical ties with the historical group. Selfidentity, in the sense of being a minzu, is foreign to most of these peoples, an exception being the Qiang themselves.

Most QLB speakers, including Jiarong, are officially classified as Tibetan, an artifact of the "United Front" period following Liberation (1949), when the new government was anxious to enlist the support of the Tibetanized ruling class. Today, the idea of being a minzu is taking hold. In 1960 the Pumi were recognized as a separate minzu, and now other groups are asking for similar recognition.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 31316. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Shen Che, and Lu Xiaoya (1989). Life among the Minority Nationalities of Northwest Yunnan, 2-24. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Qiang 485 higher). The Jiarong, who comprise the second largest group with a population of 180,000, have a much lower population density (about 4 square kilometers). Population growth is rapid (4.2 percent per year for the Qiang, compared with 2.1 percent for China as a whole). Population planning is enforced (a limit of 2 children per family being typical), although most families are willing and able to pay the fines imposed for additional children. In the past, the area suffered from endemic population decline; the population of some areas had fallen by well over 50 percent in the 200 years prior to Liberation, apparently a result of high levels of internal warfare. Mechanisms of recruitment (e.g., raiding the lowland for slaves or migration from the plateau) may have been necessary to maintain the population. Individual mobility is high, especially among males.

Linguistic Affiliation. QLB languages were once considered archaic dialects of Tibetan; today there is an emerging consensus that they should be considered a separate branch of the Tibeto-Burmese Family. There is some dispute as to which languages should be included in this group; this is to be expected, given the complex history of the area and degree of linguistic diversity. QLB languages are basically monosyllabic, although complex words may be built through affixation. Tones exist, but are often not phonemic. QLB languages are more complex than Tibetan languages; some Qiang dialects have 42 or more simple consonants (occurring in clusters of 2 and 3) and 30 simple vowels. Affixation is used with verbs to express person, number, and tense, and pronouns may display case. QLB languages make liberal use of directional prefixes, each utterance tending to fix the position of the speaker with regard to his or her audience. No Qiang language has a true written script, although in several areas simple pictographs are found in conjunction with the shamanic tradition. Tibetan or Chinese is used for written communication, although in 1989 an initiative was begun, at the insistence of the Qiang people, to create a written script for their minzu. Surprisingly, it is the Qiang who are most in danger of losing their language; today most speak Chinese at home.

History and Cultural Relations The Zhou, who unified China in the twelfth century B.C., themselves came from the western plains at the foot of the mountains; their earliest records identify the Qiang as close allies with whom they may have exchanged women.

During this period of early contact, the culture of the lowlands and mountains appears to have been relatively undifferentiated. It was not until the sixth century B.C., with the rise of intensive agriculture in the east, that the two cultures began to diverge. The Qiang gave way before the Chinese; subsequent records tell of mass migrations from the original points of contact in Gansu south through the mountain corridor. There are accounts of Qiang states in the western part of the corridor during the fifth and sixth centuries; these were overrun with the rise of the Tibetan Empire in the eighth century and were replaced with Tibetanized states. The passage of Mongol armies through the area in the thirteenth century resulted in the tusi system. Under this system, local sovereigns (called "tusi" in Chinese) were given charters in return for nominal recog-

nition of imperial authority. Eventually, this system spread through most of the corridor as less powerful headmen, often brought in from other minority areas, were given charters of their own. Beginning in the eighteenth century, some of the tusi were deposed in an attempt to bring the area under Chinese control. Most Qiang areas were under direct government control by the end of the nineteenth century. However, most states in the Jiarong area managed to maintain their autonomy until Liberation. Other areas, including areas inhabited by jiarong and Qiang under Jiarong headmen, were able to retain varying degrees of autonomy.

Settlements Most QLB peoples live in flat-roofed, multistory dwellings built of unwrought stone. The ground floor is reserved for livestock and the collection of compost, while the second story, which contains the hearth, functions as the main living/sleeping space. The hearth, a square section in the middle of the floor equipped with a three-legged cooking frame, is sacred, and is associated with a rigid seating order. The third story contains a large open area used as a threshing ground and meeting place; it usually also contains storage rooms, extra sleeping quarters, and an altar.

There are no chimneys. Smoke from the hearth escapes through a hole in the roof. In Qiang settlements, which are fairly typical of areas on the eastern rim of the corridor, houses are built in close defensive groups on the mountainsides, often in conjunction with stone towers 30-50 meters high. Villages vary considerably in size, averaging around twenty households; they may occur in clusters of two or three, surrounded by fields. Separate clusters are distributed at intervals of 1.5 to 2 kilometers along the valley walls below treeline, frequently above steep cliffs, with valley bottoms often being relegated to Han Chinese settlements. jiarong villages are higher (2,000-3,400 meters), more widely separated, larger, and more diffuse, often stretching from the valley bottoms up the slopes. Houses may be separate and are sometimes clustered in small, named neighborhoods of three to eight households. Jiarong villages typically contain a fortress with tower and a Lamaist temple.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Subsistence is based on hillside agriculture supplemented by pastoralism, hunting, and gathering. Fields are sometimes terraced, but often are not. The plow, drawn by a double team of cattle, is widely used, although hoe agriculture is found in some areas. Fields are fertilized by animal manure and compost.

Swidden agriculture is used on marginal land. Principal crops include barley, buckwheat, potatoes, and beans. In areas below 2,000 meters, maize has replaced barley as the main staple. Today, apples, walnuts, pepper, and rapeseed have replaced opium as the main cash crops. Other sources of cash include cutting firewood and digging medicinal herbs on the mountain tops. The area is cash-rich; an enterprising youth can earn more in one summer by digging herbs than a worker in the city can in one year. These sources of income are important because many areas must import food.

486 Qiang Industrial Arts. Traditionally, crafts such as carpentry and blacksmithing were done by Han Chinese. Locals also tend to hire itinerant Han Chinese for odd jobs.

Trade. Trade was traditionally managed by Han Chinese living in the valley bottoms, or by itinerant Hui peddlers.

Today truck driving has become the occupation of choice for local men, whereas in some areas women may open up shops.

Division of Labor. The separateness of male and female realms is symbolized by formal segregation of the sexes in seating order, ritual, and sometimes even sleeping arrangements. Women are primarily responsible for the family's livelihood and frequently do most of the agricultural work, while men are responsible for warfare, plowing, housebuilding, and transport. Men monopolize spiritual pursuits, although women may have been shamans in the past.

Despite this separation of roles, men and women share many everyday tasks, including housekeeping, cooking, and child rearing. In general, men and women share both power and prestige, exercised in different realms.

Land Tenure. Rights to pasture are associated with the community, houses with the family unit, fields and cattle with individuals. Emphasis on the individual is balanced by a strong sense of community; fields are tilled and houses built by groups of neighbors and kin. Under the tusi system, all land was owned by the local ruler; individuals were given the right to use, inherit, and rent land, but not to sell it. In return they handed over up to 50 percent of their crops. In 1958 all individual rights to land were abolished and communities were organized into production teams.

Land was redistributed, rights to use the commune's land being given in exchange for payment of light taxes. Previously, swidden fields fell outside the tusi system. Today, swidden fields still fall outside the system and are not taxed. Because of this and because of incentives under the "responsibility system," swidden agriculture is undergoing a revival.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kin Groups and Descent. Villages, or clusters of villages, are largely endogamous groups of close kin who may sometimes think of themselves as descendants (rus) of a male or female ancestor. Exchanges of kin bevillages may also occur, especially in the case of wealthier families. There are no lineages, even among elites; house names provide a sense of family continuity, although they may not be passed on to children leaving home. In a few QLB areas, personal names incorporate part of the name of the father or mother. Today many people (including virtually all of the Qiang in areas like Mauwen) have adopted Han surnames.

Kinship Terminology. Kinship terms reflect generation and sex, and with the exception of terms for key individuals (father, mother, mother's brother) are extended to all members of the community. In some areas, cousin terms reflect age level but not sex.

Marriage. Ties between men and women are weak, while sibling solidarity is strong. Romantic love is important and there is considerable sexual freedom. There are few rules; people tend not to have relationships with close neighbors/ common

tween

kin, although unions of siblings sometimes occur. Marriage, in the sense of a discrete event marking an individual's passage from one household to another, does not exist.

A gradual transition may begin with a young man performing bride-service, dividing his residence between two households. A ritual may eventually be held to formalize this relationship, although the living arrangement remains unchanged. After there have been one or more children, the man may move in with his new family, although he continues to have rights in his natal household. The transition is not complete until he dies and his new family agrees to bury his ashes with their ancestors. There are several variations; the period of bride-service may be prolonged indefinitely (as in the azhu system of the Naxi), or a young woman may come to perform groom-service, or a family may resort to bride-theft (with prior consent of all parties). The ceremony, if held, has strong communal overtones; payment of token bride-wealth or groom-wealth is made, if possible, between representatives of neighborhoods or communities, not families. Today old traditions are changing rapidly, partly because of laws requiring registration of households and sanctions against unmarried parents, and partly because people are encouraged to view these old customs as backward. In many (especially Qiang) areas Han marriage customs have been adopted along with patrilineal ideology. In these areas there may still be a high frequency of uxorilocal marriage, and arranged marriage may lead to love suicide. The tradition of delaying the change of residence until a year or more after marriage is often preserved, along with rights in the natal family.

Domestic Unit. The domestic unit centers around a woman and her children, men being viewed as somewhat peripheral. Households consist of one such unit, although units associated with siblings may share a single household before one takes up neolocal residence. Polygamy within the household is not found, although men may have relationships with more than one family. Both the sororate and the levirate are practiced.

Inheritance. In many areas land and cattle are divided equally among all members of the family, including those leaving home. Individuals taking up residence are expected to bring rights to land and cattle with them (thus family fields are widely dispersed). An heir, often a younger child, is selected while the parents are still living. At this time, the authority of parents is diminished and they may leave to set up a neolocal residence or take up residence with an older child. In 'patrilineal" areas, fields may end up being inherited with the house.

Socialization. Responsibility for child care is shared by all members of the family unit; if a woman moves out after bearing children, her children often remain behind in their natal home. Children are assigned simple tasks at an early age. Emphasis is placed on independence and self-reliance and physical punishment is rare.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The mountain corridor has been associated with matriarchy since the time of the Zhou. Before 1949 the area did have a high percentage of female rulers, at least partly because of the expendability of male

Qiang 487

elites. However, the classical pattern involves the sharing of power between male and female rulers, with women manage ing internal affairs while men took care of 'foreign relations." In some areas, power was sometimes passed from mother to daughter. This power was, however, always shared with sons and consorts. QLB society has strongly egalitarian undercurrents, lacking native terms relating to government and class. Even under the tusi system, which was characterized by a hierarchy of strictly endogamous classes (including serfs and slaves), over 90 percent of the people were free farmers, owing, besides taxes for land use, only occasional military service and corvee. There was, however, a tendency to form unequal, binary relationships between communities (e.g., in some Qiang villages "black" villages are subservient to "white" villages, and among the Boluozu in Songpan Xian, "goat-head" villages are subservient to "yak-head" villages).

Political Organization. Prior to Liberation three types of organization were found: (1) autonomous Tibetanized states headed by tusi, (2) local areas ruled by less powerful headmen under the tusi system, and (3) the baojia system.

The baojia system, found in areas under the direct control of the Chinese government, was designed for defense and extraction of taxes; other functions of government were often left to the people.

Social Control. In areas under the control of tusi or strong headmen, labor was allocated and disputes were settled by a resident elite who represented the lowest level of a hierarchy of nobility. In other areas, disputes were mediated by groups of kin or de facto headmen. In all areas fear of the blood feud was an important factor in social control. Parties to disputes often left the community to seek refuge elsewhere; this constrained the behavior of rulers who had to be concerned with recruiting and maintaining personnel. Today's system replicates some aspects of the tusi system, although the lowest levels of the party and state hierarchy are chosen democratically. A tradition of public debate seems to have been revived under the new system.

adult male population. These individuals, who usually have no monastic training, are able to read scriptures and perform simple rituals.

Ceremonies. Major ceremonies are held, often three times a year, in sacred groves or pastures located above the villages. These usually start with the burning of juniper branches and the invocation of spirits, and may include blood sacrifice. These ceremonies often end in camp-fire outings, which are the scene of trysts. In some areas a springtime agricultural festival was attended only by women. Mountain people show great respect for the supernatural world; in many areas, juniper branches are burned daily on rooftop altars. Once suppressed, religion is experiencing a revival; in Li Xian, a Buddhist cult started by Qiang is starting to attract pilgrims from the lowlands.

Arts. Circular dances accompanied by exchanges of song between men and women are found, and the exchange of "mountain songs" is an important part of courtship. The mouth harp is traditionally played by women to serenade their lovers, while in some areas men play a doublebarreled "Qiang flute." The best-known handicraft is embroidery, usually in the form of intricately patterned waistbands and cloth shoes.

Medicine. Illness is attributed to spirits, and is treated by exorcism and/or reading of scriptures. Traditional Chinese and Tibetan medicine is also used.

Death and Afterlife. After death, the body is kept in the house for several days of mourning, after which it is removed, sometimes through a hole in the wall opposite the door. QLB people traditionally cremate the dead, burying their ashes in communal plots or placing them in caves.

Bodies of children or people who die away from home are not mourned, but thrown into rivers. Earth burial is becoming popular in some (especially Qiang) areas, cremation being reserved for inauspicious deaths. Traditional beliefs about afterlife are unclear, although the spirits of ancestors are sometimes invoked.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The area is characterized by shamanism and animistic beliefs. White stones are found on roof-

Bibliography Gill, William (1880). The River of Golden Sand. London: J. Murray.

tops and altars throughout the corridor. In some areas, this practice has been elaborated into what has been called the "White Stone Religion." Elements of Chinese Buddhism and Daoism are found in many areas; other areas, especially those under the control of Tibetanized rulers, have been strongly influenced by Tibetan Lamaism. Many spirits are recognized, although the spirit of heaven is especially revered. There are many myths, which trace the origin of mankind to the union of a daughter of the heaven god (or goddess) with an earthly man/monkey.

Religious Practitioners. In many areas there is a distinctive and highly systematized tradition of shamanism associated with goatskin drums and the recitation of long oral texts. These specialists may also compete with Buddhist and Daoist practitioners. In Lamaist areas, monasticism is relatively unimportant; among the Jiarong, lay priests (tekben) account for less than 10 percent of the

Graham, David (1957). The Customs and Religion of the Ch'iang. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 135 (2).

Washington, D.C. Hu Baoyu, and Huang Baoshan (1990). Snowy Mountains and Grasslands. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Lin Yaohua (1948). "Qiang-Kang Jiarong de jiazu yu hunyi" (Qiang-Kang Jiarong family and marriage systems).

Yenjing Shehul Kexue, 133-153.

Li Shaomin (1989). Untitled article in Renleixue Yanjiu (Shanghai: Xuelin Press) 4.

Liu Huiqiang (1989). Untitled article in Renleixue Yanjiu (Shanghai: Xuelin Press) 4.

488 Qiang Ran Guangrong, et at. (1985). Qiangzu shi (History of the Qiang). Chengdu: Sichuan Nationalities Press.

Thomas, F. W. (1948). Nam, an Ancient Language of the Sino-Tibetan Borderland. London: Oxford.

Sun Hongkai (1986). "Shilun 'Qionglong' Wenhua yu Qiangyuzhi Yuyan" (On "Qionglong" culture and the Qiang Language Branch). Minzu Yanjiu, no. 2:53-61.

Todo, Akiyasu (1969). "Some Notes on the Ch'iang Tribes." Acta Asiatica 16.

Salar

Cultural Revolution, has revived since 1980. The government has also prohibited the practice of polygyny.

The deceased are buried in cemeteries without coffins.

Relatives toss money, tea leaves, salt, and other goods into the grave. There is a funeral feast three days after burial.

ETHNONYM: Sala

About 70 percent of the 87,697 (1990) Salar people live in Xunhua Salar Autonomous County, Qinghai Province.

Most of the remainder live in Hualong County, Qinghai Province, and in Linxia County, Gansu Province. The Salar language belongs to the Turkic Branch of the Altaic Language Family and is closely related to Uigur and Uzbek. Salar is an unwritten language; since the Communist Revolution, the Salar have learned Han and use it in written communication. The Salar appear to be descendants of a Turkmen tribe originating in the Samarkand area. The Salar were under Mongol domination in the thirteenth century and were somewhat less restricted under the Ming dynasty. They revolted against the Qing dynasty, but were defeated in 1781 with considerable casualties.

The largest units of Salar society are the villages, each with its own mosques and cemeteries. The Salar build adobe-walled courtyards around their often two-story adobe houses. Within the courtyards they plant fruit trees, a practice that is apparently a survival from their earlier Samarkand roots, where it also continues.

The mainstay of the Salar economy is agriculture.

They produce wheat, highland barley, buckwheat, potatoes, walnuts, vegetables, and fruits such as melons, apples, grapes, and apricots. The basic diet is steamed buns, noodles, and vegetable soup. The Salar also raise sheep for wool and for mutton and many work as lumberjacks.

Traditionally, Salar parents picked their children's mates, using a matchmaker in negotiations. A bride-price of between one and four horses, along with cloth and sugar, was usual. The wedding ceremony took place outside of the bride's house, with the bride herself listening to the ceremony from inside the house. The wedding was conducted by the village ahung (Muslim priest). The bride then went to live with her husband's family. Divorce was solely the prerogative of the husband, who had only to say "I don't want you any longer," to send his wife from the house. No woman could divorce her husband; if she left him without his consent, she could not remarry.

The Salar are devout Hafani Muslims; they converted in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The Salar have participated in several Muslim revolts since then. The national government removed the clergy (mullahs) in 1958; religious activity, forbidden during the

GERALD A. HUNTLEY

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 119123. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Zeng Qingnan (1984). "The Sala Nationality." China Reconstructs 33(9): 66-68.

She ETHNONYMS: Shanda, Shanha, Shemin, Yu

Orientation Identification. The She are one of China's officially recognized national minorities. Lacking any written language, She traditionally have relied on songs and tales to encode their identity and to preserve their historical experience.

Their most important legend, "The Song of Emperor Gao Xin," provides a myth establishing their social origins. In ancient times, a man named Pan Hu acquired the right to marry the third daughter of Emperor Gao Xin for helping the sovereign to defeat a strong enemy. The princess bore three sons and a daughter. The first son, placed on a tray when he was born, was given the surname Pan (tray, plate); the second son, after being put into a basket upon birth, was named Lan (basket); and the third son, because thunder sounded as he was being born, was called Lei

She 489 (thunder). The daughter took her husband's surname, Zhong. She today maintain that these individuals are their apical ancestors, and the four surnames are in fact the most prevalent ones within She communities. The original meaning of she (and yu) was "slash-and-burn," so the name perhaps acknowledges an early mode of production.

Han Chinese began using the name "She" during the Southern Song dynasty (twelfth century A.D.). Shemin (which uses a different Chinese logograph for she) roughly translates as "hut people," or "shed people," and refers to the She practice of building small houses that abut the sides of steep hills. Historical records indicate that the She were also called "Dongliao" (cave Liao) and "Dongman" (cave barbarians). The She call themselves either "Shanha" or "Shanda," meaning "mountain guests," implying their past inhabitation of lower-lying regions.

Location. The available evidence suggests that the She once lived primarily in Guangdong Province, but starting in the early seventh century A.D. migrated north to the border region separating the coastal provinces of Fujian and Zhejiang in southeast China. She settlements lie generally at elevations of 500 to 1,000 meters above sea level and are situated on steep slopes that descend to narrow valleys cut by short, fast rivers. Proximity to the East China Sea produces a warm, humid climate with ample rainfall and frequent fog. Fertile soil and the accommodating weather make the area good for certain types of farming.

Demography. Census figures from 1990 put the She population at roughly 630,400, the great majority of whom live in the two provinces of Zhejiang and Fujian. Smaller communities are also found in Guangdong, Jiangxi, and Anhui.

Linguistic Affiliation. She people speak a language very close to Kejia (or Hakka), an important Sino-Tibetan variety found in various parts of southeast China. Because their communities have long been interspersed with those of the Han Chinese, the She also use Mandarin and local Chinese languages and have developed a local dialect. In addition, they have come to rely upon Chinese script in the absence of an indigenous writing system.

History and Cultural Relations As mentioned above, the She reportedly began moving in large numbers into the boundary areas between Guangdong, Fujian, and Jiangxi provinces during the Sui dynasty (late sixth to early seventh centuries A.D.). One respectable historical account, however, argues that the She and the Yao (another minority people located in pockets throughout southern China) share ancestors who were settled in Hunan Province (around Changsha) as far back as the Eastern Han dynasty (c. second century A.D.). A second, equally respectable account treats the She as descendants of the ancient Yue people native to Guangdong and Guangxi. Whatever their true beginnings, She, by the fourteenth century A.D., were already settled in the mountainous zones of eastern Fujian, northeastern Jiangxi, and southern Zhejiang. Over the course of the next few hundred years, the She grew culturally much closer to their Han Chinese neighbors, with linguistic and technological convergences made inevitable by regular economic and po-

litical interaction. Ming-dynasty rule (1368-1644) allowed She communities to operate autonomously to a degree, in exchange for their loyalty and tribute. The Qing dynasty (1644-1911), in contrast, brought military occupation and compulsory changes in certain She practices, including dress. In the mid-nineteenth century, missionaries introduced schools, hospitals, and the Christian faith. According to Chinese sources, the She actively resisted Japanese occupation during World War 11 and aligned themselves with the Communists in their civil war with the Nationalist party. Since 1949, She communities have experienced a great many of the institutional changes occurring throughout China-for example, land redistribution, collectivization, and the post-1979 decollectivization of agriculturerevealing the influence of the state.

Settlements The She today live in small, scattered rural villages and hamlets, distributed over five provinces and more than sixty counties. Communities range in size from as many as forty households to as few as three or four. Most settlements lie in river valleys, surrounded and outnumbered by Han Chinese towns and villages. While the She usually reside in ethnically homogeneous communities, some live intermixed with Han Chinese. Their houses, at one time low set and thatched with bamboo, are now giving way to larger, wood-framed structures with walls of rammed earth and roofs of gray tile. Villages are compact and often protected by stockades.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The She were swidden horticulturalists whose slash-and-burn techniques to prolong the fertility of their gardens required that garden locations and settlements be changed every two or three years. It is only in recent decades, with the introduction of other agricultural methods, that the She have taken to fixed production and residential sites. Since cultivable land in mountainous zones is extremely limited, the She, who were forced to supplement their subsistence in the past with foraging, have built irrigated terraces into hillsides to expand their farming productivity. The primary crops include rice, wheat, sweet potatoes, rape, peanuts, and tea. The latter product, known as Huiming tea, and said to benefit one's eyesight and lungs, is sold throughout China and abroad. Peach, pear, and yangtao (carambola) orchards are common, but lumber products provide the most important source of outside income. Hunting continues to be important to She subsistence. During January and February, when farming activities are suspended because of weather conditions, many She communities go hunting in groups. Women, children, and able-bodied elders accompany the adult male hunters, cheering and applauding their efforts; those who kill the prey have rights to the animal's head or legs, while everyone else is entitled to an equal share of the remainder. The She manage several small-scale rice mills and feed-processing plants, and they run tea-processing facilities as well. They also labor in regional mines, helping to extract metals such as coal, iron, gold, and copper. Paved roads and a newly completed rail line now link together most She counties within the

490 She These developments should help stimulate the growth of sideline industries as markets become accessible.

Industrial Arts. The She are noted for their bamboo weaving and embroidery. Women trim their clothing with colorful silk and cotton threaded into geometric patterns and plant and animal designs. Cloud and star designs are woven into bamboo hats, which are rimmed with strings of beads.

Division of Labor. The contribution of women to production is considerable. Responsible not only for routine household chores, such as cooking and cleaning, and generally in charge of raising children, women also assist men with the tasks of gathering and gardening, although the bulk of the cultivation work is carried out by the latter.

When a woman marries, her dowry ordinarily includes tools and gear she may have to use to support her new household-plow, hoe, water wheel, straw rain cape, and straw hat, among other things-clearly indicating her important role in production. Hunting, however, is exclusively a male preserve.

Land Tenure. In pre-Communist times, She who inhabited remote areas effectively controlled their own settlements, fields, orchards, and the like. They were otherwise subject to the same limits of petty ownership, and the same forms of landlord abuse and excessive taxation, as peasants in other parts of China. After 1949, governmentimposed land reform programs allocated or returned property to She families. Traditional clan management of territory was readily supplanted with the creation of collectives in the late 1950s and early 1960s in many She mountain

zones.

regions.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kin Groups and Descent. As previously indicated, the She have only four main surnames-Pan, Lan, Lei, and Zhong-marking four major lineage divisions. The average village contains a lineage temple or ancestral hall for every surname found within it. Sometimes several villages with a single surname will share a single temple. Lineages typically are comprised of branches that form when the adult sons of a family split up. The branches themselves will often split over time, and brothers establish branch and

subbranch temples accordingly.

She generally observe patrilineal descent rules. Family and lineage heads are male, and heritable property typically transfers from father to son.

Marriage. On the whole, She practice surname exogamy. However, because the respective surnames are sometimes geographically concentrated, marriageable partners who reside close by may at times be hard to locate. In such cases, the She have followed an alternative rule: "incenseburner" exogamy. This permits marriage between persons from different lineage subgroups who worship the same ancestors but distinguish between themselves by their use of different incense burners within the same temple. The practice, nonetheless, remains relatively rare. Interaction and courting between young adults is fairly open and unrestricted; moreover, couples make frequent use of folk songs to express feelings of attraction and affection. Marriage re-

quires the permission of both sets of parents, but they tend to be flexible about mate choices. The She reportedly are casual about extramarital sex, which does not often bring public condemnation when an affair becomes known.

While virilocality is the norm for postmarital residence, there is occasional uxorilocality. The husband moves into his wife's village, assumes her surname, and then becomes her family's adopted son.

Domestic Unit. The standard household is nuclear, composed of husband, wife, and unmarried children. There is some variation, of course, and joint families that include grandparents are not uncommon.

Inheritance. The patrilineal bias has been mentioned. It is worth noting, though, that daughters, too, may inherit property from their families in addition to dowry goods.

Adopted sons, with their new status, become eligible to inherit from their wives' families.

Sociopolitical Organization She communities have long existed within the boundaries and political control of the Chinese nation-state. In preCommunist times, they were administered by soldiers and officials sent by dynastic rulers. Communist party and state functionaries, whether delegated to She settlements or locally recruited, continue the tradition, performing educational, adjudicative, and enforcement roles. At present, there are nine 'autonomous areas" of county level or lower in which She are granted some degree of freedom by authorities to administer their own affairs. She, for example, have been exempted from the strict, government-regulated family-planning programs implemented elsewhere in China.

The hand of the state is evident, however, in the Chineselanguage schools whose curricula offer, among other things, classes on "national policy." She have a formal, if weak, voice in national and provincial affairs through their invited representation at political consultative congresses, which serve as advisory bodies to the effective governing agencies. The She traditionally relied upon lineage elders for the disposition of local affairs. They not only presided at ritual events, but also served as mediators and judges for intracommunity or intrafamilial disputes. Lineage leaders deferred to customary law in dispensing justice, and disputants were obligated to obey their decisions. Punishments for offenses were comparatively light. In a case of stolen property, for instance, the offender typically had only to return what was taken.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religion. The She believe in ghosts and gods and regularly worship or acknowledge them. Three times a year, in the first, fifth, and seventh lunar months, they pay their respects to their ancestors. Every third year there is also a lineage wide ceremony held in honor of family forebears, officiated at by the reigning head of the lineage. Within the lineage temple at such times hangs a likeness, called the "ancestral picture," of Pan Hu, primal patriarch of the She. With the completion of this ceremony, officials inscribe the names of all lineage males above the age of 15 on a banner of red cloth, which is then hung on a temple wall. She ceremonial activities copy Han Chinese practices

Shui 491 in part. Spring, Grave Sweeping, and Mid-Autumn festivals, for example, all Han observances, are also events on the She ritual calendar. Uniquely She occasions include ceremonies held during the third, fourth, and tenth lunar months that honor, respectively, rice, wheat, and a folk hero, King Duo Bei. Besides attaching credence to ancestral spirits and gods, the She also put trust in shamans, part-time specialists with the power to drive away ghosts and cure diseases. The She formerly cremated their deceased, but in recent years have taken to burying them underground.

Arts. She skill in embroidery and bamboo weaving has been noted. Locally, they probably are best known for their singing. Virtually any occasion has its suitable songswhen one is working, relaxing, entertaining a guest, flirting with a lover, participating in a wedding, or attending a funeral. She socialize by means of exchanging songs, particularly during ritual occasions-a good example of which is a wedding. When the groom goes to retrieve his bride from her family residence, he is treated to a banquet. But he first sits down to a bare table, around which are seated relatives and friends of the bride to whom he must sing for his dinner. In response to a song from the groom about wine, the host offers one of his own and then sets drinks upon the table. The ritual continues until the table is filled with foods and dowry items. In general, song topics range widely. Those that recount She history and their migratory past are especially favored. Many songs are handed down through generations, some becoming quite lengthy from verses accrued over the years.

Bibliography Averill, Stephen C. (1983). "The Shed People and the Opening of the Yangzi Highlands." Modern China 9:84-126.

Lan Zhougen (1984). "The She People of the Green Mountains." China Reconstructs 33(11): 53-56.

Liu Cheng (1984). "The She Nationality." Women of China, December, 35-37.

National Minorities Commission, ed. (1981). Zhongguo shaoshu minzu (China's national minorities). Beijing: Peoples Press.

Shui ETHNONYMS: none

According to the 1990 census, 245,993 Shui live along the upper portions of the Long and Duliu rivers in southern Guizhou Province. The Shui language belongs to the Zhuang-Dong Branch of the Sino-Tibetan Family. At one time there was a writing system that used pictographs and characters, though now this system is used primarily in religious affairs. Many Shui now read and write Han. The Shui may be descendants of the Luoyues; they took the name "Shui" during the Ming dynasty.

Shui villages are compact. Their houses are either one or two stories; when they are two stories, the ground floor is reserved for livestock.

By the Ming dynasty (thirteenth and fourteenth centuries) many Shui had switched to wet-rice farming where feasible, though others continued dry-field swidden cultivation. They also produced cloth for a national market. The Shui grow rice, wheat, rape (for the seeds), ramie, and several types of fruits, including citrus. They derive timber from the forests and fish from the rivers. Rice and fish, along with corn, barley, and sweet potatoes, make up the mainstay of the Shui diet.

By the twentieth century, certainly, the Shui followed the Han marriage pattern, but in more traditional times marriages involved courtship and free choice. Elopements still occurred after Sinicization, as did delayed-transfer marriages, in which the bride did not join her husband's family until she bore her first child. Unlike the Chinese, the Shui allowed divorce and widow remarriage.

Though there are a few Catholics, by and large the Shui are polytheistic. They used shamans and sacrifices of animals to appease the spirits that they believed caused illness. Until the Communist Revolution, the Shui mounted complicated and lengthy funerals. Animal sacrifices would be made, and there would be singing, dancing, and operatic performances until an auspicious day to inter the dead was reached.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 359363. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

JORDAN 1. POLLACK

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

492 Tajik

Tajik ETHNONYMS:

Tadjik, Tadzik

China's 33,538 (1990) Tajik represent less than 1 percent of all Tajik people. The majority live in Tajikistan. In China, most live in the Taxkorgan Tajik Autonomous County, which is located in the eastern Pamir Mountains in the Xinjiang Uigur Autonomous Region, where they make up the majority of the population. The rest are scattered over several counties in southern Xinjiang. The Tajik language belongs to the eastern division of the Iranian Branch of the Indo-European Family; most Tajik also speak Sarikol, and a few speak Wakhan. The Uigur script is used to write Tajik. Many younger Tajik speak and write Han as well.

Tajik live in compact villages located at high elevations. The houses are made of wood, sod, and stone and have very thick walls and flat roofs. The flat roofs ensure that the houses will be covered by snow in the winter, and so reduce the amount of fuel needed to heat them. The inside perimeter of the house is lined with kangs (raised heated adobe platforms), which are used for sitting and sleeping. Most families have also a separate animal shed and a cooking building; some larger households also have a guest house and cart shed. All of a family's buildings are surrounded by a stone wall.

The Tajik follow the seasons in their economic activities. They plant highland barley, wheat, and a few other crops in the spring, and in the early summer move their herds of sheep, horses, yaks, and camels to highland pastures. They remain there, living in felt tents or mud huts, until it is time to return in the fall to harvest their crops.

The Tajik live in three-generation households, with the oldest male serving as head of the household. With the exception of a small percentage of marriages to Uigur and Kirgiz people, who are culturally very closely related to the Tajik, Tajik people do not marry non-Tajik people. Parents arrange their children's marriages, which not infrequently took place as early as 7 years of age prior to 1949. There is a bride-price, which includes gold, silver, animals, and clothing. Women have no rights to inherit.

The Tajik converted to Islam in the tenth century.

Originally Sunni Muslims, the Tajik in the eighteenth century converted to the Ismail branch of the Shiite sect. As members of the Ismail branch, the Tajik have no mosques, but instead meet weekly for prayer. Pre-Islamic religion exists synchretically; the Tajik maintain animistic beliefs, using amulets to fight the evil spirits that they believe inhabit various natural objects. The amulets are bits of paper with writing by a piT (Islamic priest) on them, and are carried in a box or cloth and worn as a necklace. Tajik funerary customs generally follow Islamic practice.

See also Tajiks in Part One, Russia and Eurasia

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 178184. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Tatars ETHNONYM:

Turks

Tatar peoples living in China represent only 1 percent of all Tatar peoples. The Tatar population in China was 4,837 in 1990, up from 4,300 in 1957. Most Tatars live in the cities of Yining, Qoqek, and Urumqi in the Xinjiang Uigur Autonomous Region, though until the early 1960s a number of them herded livestock, also in Xinjiang. The Tatar language belongs to the Turkic Branch of the Altaic Family. The Tatar have no writing system of their own, but rather use Uigur and Kazak scripts.

In the earliest Chinese references to the Tatars, in records dating to the eighth century, they are called "Dadan." They were part of the Turk Khanate until it fell apart in approximately 744. Following this, the Tatar grew in strength until they were defeated by the Mongols. The Tatar mixed with Boyar, Kipchak, and Mongols, and this new group became the modern Tatar. They fled their homeland in the region of the Volga and Kama rivers when the Russians moved into Central Asia in the nineteenth century, some ending up in Xinjiang. Most Tatar became urban traders of livestock, cloth, furs, silver, tea, and other goods as a result of the trading opportunities created by the Sino-Russian treaties of 1851 and 1881. A small minority of Tatar herded and farmed. Perhaps onethird of the Tatar became tailors or small manufacturers, making things such as sausage casings.

The urban house of a Tatar family is made of mud and has furnace flues in the walls for heating. Inside, it is hung with tapestries, and outside there is a courtyard with trees and flowers. Migratory pastoralist Tatar lived in tents.

The Tatar diet includes distinctive pastries and cakes, as well as cheese, rice, pumpkin, meat, and dried apricots.

They drink alcoholic beverages, one made of fermented honey and another a wild-grape wine.

Though Muslim, most urban Tatar are monogamous.

Tatar marry in the house of the bride's parents, and the couple usually lives there until the birth of their first child.

The wedding ceremony includes the drinking of sugar water by the bride and groom, to symbolize long-lasting love and happiness. The dead are buried wrapped in white cloth; while the Koran is being read, attendants throw handfuls of dirt on the body until it is buried.

Tibetans 493 Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 192196. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey, 69-74. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Linguistic Affiliation. Tibetan belongs to the TibetanBurmese Branch of the Sino-Tibetan Language Family. It is also known as "Bodish." There are two Tibetan languages, Central Tibetan and Western Tibetan, with many regional dialects spoken throughout the plateau, the Himalayas, and parts of South Asia. Tibetan is monosyllabic with no consonant clusters, five vowels, twenty-six consonants, an ablaut verb system, tones and a subject-objectverb word order. The Tibetan script is a readaptation of a northern Indian script devised for the first historical king around A.D. 630.

History and Cultural Relations

Tibetans ETHNONYMS:

Bodpa, Bhotia (Chinese terms for Tibetans)

Orientation Identification. The Tibetans are a Central Asian group living primarily on the high plateau of southwestern China and throughout sections of the Himalayas. The term "Tibet," which appeared in various forms on early maps of Arabic explorers, is thought to be derived either from the Tibetan term for "upper Tibet," stod bod, or from the early Indian name for Tibet, bhot. Ethnic Tibetans often refer to themselves by the place-names of their geographic area or a tribal name, such as the Ladakhi and Zanskari people of northern India and the Golock tribal people of Amdo.

Location. Prior to 1959, the majority of Tibetans lived on the Central Asian plateau bounded on the south by the Himalayas, on the west by the Karakorum, on the east by the Tangkula Mountains, and on the north by the Kunlun Mountains and the Taklamakan Desert. This is a high mountain plateau of more than 3.9 million square kilometers, which averages 12,000 feet above sea level, has extreme temperature fluctuations, and receives 46 centimeters or less of annual precipitation.

Following 1959, a substantial number of Tibetans migrated from the plateau to Bhutan, Nepal, India, and other countries. There are currently several large reserves of Tibetans in India, some with as many as 5,000 inhabitants.

Demography. Estimates of the Tibetan population are subject to dispute. No internal census was taken prior to 1950; various foreign visitors estimated the total population of Tibetans at between 3 and 6 million. The fighting in the 1950s over control of the plateau caused substantial human loss. The current (1990) Chinese figures for the total population of ethnic Tibetans within Chinese borders is 4.5 million, about half in the Tibet Autonomous Region, the rest in Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, and Yunnan provinces. The Indian government has estimated the number of ethnic Tibetans currently in India at approximately 100,000.

Archaeological and linguistic evidence indicate that people entered the plateau from the northeast approximately 13,000 years ago. In time they migrated throughout the plateau and settled in larger numbers along the Tsangpo River, which runs parallel to the Himalayas in the southern region. In this southernly arc, Tibetan kingdoms began to develop as early as A.D. 400, according to some commentators. The oldest extant example of Tibetan writing, which dates from around A.D. 767, indicates the presence in this region of a settled kingdom. Tibetan history begins with the Tibetan Empire period (A.D. 632 to 842): armies conquered and controlled large sections of Central Asia to the northwest and northern China and Mongolia to the northeast. After the murder of the last king of the Yarlung dynasty, decentralizaion ensued and many smaller states were formed throughout the plateau. Buddhism, which had first been introduced during the empire period, gained popularity during this time and became a central feature of Tibetan ethnicity.

In the thirteenth century one sect of Tibetan Buddhism (the Sa skyas pa), with the help of Mongolian supporters, took control of much of central Tibet and established a theocracy that lasted for 100 years. Three secular dynasties followed between the years 1354 and 1642-the Phagmogru, the Rinpung, and the Tsangpa. In the middle of the seventeenth century the Gelugspa, or Yellow Hat sect of Tibetan Buddhism, with the help of Mongolian supporters of their charismatic leader, the Dalai Lama, took control of the central part of the plateau, which they held for 300 years. British incursion into the country from the south and Chinese incursions from the north in the twentieth century demonstrated that the Tibetans had not cultivated military strength. In late 1950 the army of the People's Republic of China marched into eastern Tibet and claimed sovereignty over the plateau but left the Dalai Lama as leader and administrator of the country. A decade of negotiation and military skirmishes ensued, which culminated in a general uprising and the flight of the Dalai Lama and thousands of his supporters to India in 1959.

The plateau and contiguous areas of Tibetan settlement are now part of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and divided between the Tibet Autonomous Region and the neighboring provinces of Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, and Yunnan, where several prefectures or counties are designated for Tibetans as autonomous areas. In Dharamsala, India, the Dalai Lama heads the administration of the government-in-exile of Tibet, which oversees

494 Tibetans

the affairs of over 100,000 Tibetans in exile in India, Nepal, and abroad. Negotiations conducted in the 1980s did not produce any compromises nor result in the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet.

Settlements Tibetans are traditionally divided into groups according to geographic origin, occupation, and social status. The plateau was divided into five general regions, each with a distinctive climate: the northern plain, which is almost uninhabited; the southern belt on the Tsangpo River, which is the heart of the agricultural settlements; western Tibet, a mountainous and arid area; the southeast, which has rich temperate and subtropical forests and more rainfall; and the northeast terrain of rolling grasslands dotted with mountains, famous for its herding. Traditionally, settlement patterns were determined by region and by the three major occupations: peasant farming, nomadic herding, and monkhood. Peasants lived in single dwellings as well as village clusters, whereas nomads lived in tents, camping both individually and in clusters as they followed their herds through seasonal migration patterns. Monks lived in monasteries of varying sizes, some reportedly with as many as 10,000 individuals. There are only three major urban centers, all located in the southern belt of the plateau. The nonnomadic society was also divided into hierarchic social groups ranging from the ruler and the noble elite to private landowners, peasants, and craftspersons.

Since the incorporation of Tibet into the PRC after 1950, many Han Chinese have migrated onto the plateau, primarily to the urban centers, where they now outnumber the ethnic Tibetans. Nomads were originally settled into camps but have recently been allowed to resume transhumance patterns.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Prior to 1950, Tibetan farmers' primary crop was high-altitude barley, with wheat, buckwheat, peas, mustard, radishes, and potatoes following in importance.

Irrigation systems were coordinated by the village, which was also the cooperative unit for corvie. Nomads raised yaks (animals particularly suited to the high altitude and severe climate of the north), sheep, a cow-yak crossbreed, and at lower altitudes, cattle and goats. At annual or biennial markets throughout Tibet, rural nomads and farmers exchanged produce and purchased other commodities. For distant nomadic communities, annual graintrading expeditions occurred in the late fall; each encampment of tents functioned as a unit and each family contributed a member or supplies to the group traveling down to the market in the lower regions. The large urban centers, such as the capital city of Lhasa, had daily markets displaying goods from all over the world. Particular areas of Tibet were well known for the production of certain crops or the manufacture of certain items or raw products.

For example, bamboo for pens and high-quality paper came from the southeast, excellent horses from the northeast, wood products from the east, and gold, turquoise, and other gems from two or three specific areas in the south and west. Currently, most of the manufactured prod-

ucts in Tibet come from urban centers in the PRC, but local markets in the rural areas continue to allow for pastoralist-peasant exchange.

Industrial Arts. Tibetans practiced a wide range of traditional trades, including flour milling, canvas painting, paper making, rope braiding, wool and fiber processing, weaving and textile production, tanning, metalwork, carpentry, and wood carving. Individual household or smallscale production was the norm, with the exception of a few activities, such as the printing of religious manuscripts and books, which was handled at large monasteries on more of a mass-production basis.

Trade. There is evidence of Tibetans trading extensively both on and off the plateau as early as the seventh century A.D.-exporting raw materials and importing manufactured products. Overland routes to China, India, Nepal, and Central Asia allowed the large-scale export of animals, animal products, honey, salt, borax, herbs, gemstones, and metal in exchange for silk, paper, ink, tea, and manufactured iron and steel products. The government granted lucrative yearly monopolies on products such as salt. In the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth, British, Russian, and Chinese missions to Tibet tried to control trade and open markets in the country. Since 1950 trade has been regulated by the PRC. Division of Labor. There were traditional distinctions in wealth and status among both the peasants and nomads.

Hired laborers and servants freed wealthier families from most of the manual labor of daily life. Social distinctions between aristocrats and commoners or between different strata of the commoner class were reflected in dress, housing, and speech used to one's superiors, peers, and inferiors.

Although Tibetan women are in charge of child rearing, food preparation, cooking, and other domestic activities and men do the bulk of the work outside of the home, both genders are commonly capable of performing all basic household and nonhousehold tasks. In the monasteries and nunneries, same-sex occupants perform all of the household and external tasks for the community. In larger cities, butchering, metalworking, and other low-status crafts were traditionally confined to particular groups.

Land Tenure. Prior to 1955, much of the Tibetan plateau was considered the ultimate property of the central government in Lhasa and the ruler of Tibet, the Dalai Lama. Each peasant household had a deed, in the name of the eldest male, to the property that it farmed. Many of the peasant farmers were also organized into estates, which were an intermediate form of title holding by monasteries, incarnate lamas, or aristocratic families. The laborers attached to the estate owed taxes and corvie to the lord and were not free to move elsewhere without permission. Being bound to an estate, however, did not prevent some families from hiring others to fulfill their obligations to the lord or from traveling for purposes of trade and pilgrimage. These three levels of ownership constituted the bulk of Tibetan land tenure before 1950. Land-reform policies in Tibet under the Communist government have involved a few experiments with collective farming and ownership. Most

Tibetans 495 rural peasants still farm the land of their family household, but intermediate titles have generally been extinguished.

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. The most important functioning kin group is the extended family constituted as a household. Family names, which are carried by the males of some families, reflect the patrilineal inheritance pattern and are also used to demarcate the noble families.

Kinship Terminology. Formal kinship terminology in the southern region, among the peasant population, distinguishes between patri- and matrilaterals at the second ascending generation, is bifurcate-collateral at the first ascending generation, and shows a typical Hawaiian generational pattern at Ego's generation level. In practice, this system results in a strong bias toward distinguishing between one's matrilateral and one's patrilateral kin for the purposes of inheritance. For relatives of his or her own

level, including cousins, the average Tibetan simply uses the terms 'brother" and "sister." There is local and regional variation in terminology throughout the plateau.

Marriage and Family Among the peasants of the southern arc of the Tibetan plateau, traditional marriage patterns exhibited a great deal of variety and flexibility through the individual's life cycle. The seven forms of marriage were: fraternal polyandry (a set of brothers marries one woman), father-son and unrelated male polyandry, sororal polygyny (a set of sisters marries one man), mother-daughter and unrelated female polygyny, and monogamy. Monogamy was the most frequent form of marriage. Traditionally, Tibetans calculated the degree of relation allowed in marriage as five generations back on the mother's side and seven on the father's, although many were unable to determine genealogy this far back. Although of astrological and cosmological import, marriage was viewed as a nonreligious joining of two households and individuals. Postmarital residence was generally virilocal.

Marriages were class-endogamous. Serfs from different manors who wished to marry required permission from their lords or their lords' agents. Yellow sect lamas do not marry, but lamas of most other sects are free to do so.

Domestic Unit. The peasant household was the chief domestic unit; it was often, but not necessarily constituted of three generations of males and their wives and children.

Individuals of both genders rotated in and out of the household with great flexibility.

Inheritance. Although the traditional inheritance pattern for peasant land was patrilineal descent and primogeniture, both males and females could inherit land or receive it as a gift. Maintenance of the household as the landholding, tax-paying unit could be accomplished by any member of the family. Personal property could also be inherited by any member of the family, although women commonly passed on to their daughters their jewelry, clothing, and other personal possessions. Monks and nuns did not inherit. Wills, oral or written, could alter the inheriMarriage.

tance pattern.

Socialization. Tibetans dote on their children but believe in strong discipline and religious instruction. Traditionally, the pattern in Tibet was to raise children to follow the same occupations as their parents unless they chose to become traders or take religious vows and leave the family.

Only those children entering government service were given formal education.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The web of bilateral kin associated with households was the basis for local social organization.

Villages had headmen and head irrigators who coordinated agricultural projects.

Titleholders coordinated estates into social units.

Monasteries and nunneries operated as independent social units within communities. Tibetans also form associations called skyid sdug for a variety of purposes: to coordinate prayers, dances, singing, religious festivals, marriages, pilgrimages, funerals, commercial ventures, and other activities.

Political Organization. Much of the Tibetan plateau has been governed, since as early as the seventh century, by a central dynasty or theocracy with a small administrative bureaucracy. This bureaucracy was supplied with officials from the elite nobility and the monasteries in exchange for intermediate title to estates of land. For 300 years prior to 1950, the government was headed by a Buddhist monk, the Dalai Lama, who, upon death, reincarnated into a small child and resumed leadership in a new body. Under his leadership, the bureaucracy was divided into an ecclesiastical branch and a secular branch that handled a redistributive economy based on taxation by household. Networks of monasteries controlled by sects of Tibetan Buddhism were also important political players.

Local authority was placed in the village headman or estate steward, who coordinated tax collection and corv&e and handled local disputes. Historically, Tibetans have embraced the union of religion and politics and left the functions of the military, thought to be irreligious, to foreign groups such as the Mongols or Chinese. Since 1950 Tibet has been gradually incorporated into the government of the PRC. Social Control. Tibetans have an ancient and unique set of legal procedures that were based on early law codes and commonly used throughout the plateau. There were few governmental sanctions for any crimes other than murder and treason. A variety of forums was available for the settlement of disputes, and most cases remained open until all parties had agreed. Traditional social control was based on family and village relations.

Conflict. Conflict occurred over land boundaries, animal ownership, commercial agreements, injuries, fights, and a wide range of other issues. In general, it was disdained as an indication of a lack of religious training.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Tibetans are devoutly religious. Ti. betan Buddhism, the religion of the entire population except for a tiny Muslim minority, is a syncretic mix of Indian Buddhism, Tantrism, and the local pantheistic reli-

496 Tibetans. gion. The organization of the religion, its public practice, and the observance of religious holidays are coordinated primarily by monasteries associated with temples. The priests, called lamas, were estimated to constitute from one-sixth to one-fourth of the population prior to 1950.

Although the goal of Tibetan Buddhism is individual enlightenment, the social organization of the religion rests on a laity that is expected to support the religious practices of the monastic population. Thus, Tibetans contributed sons, produce, savings, and labor to the monasteries to acquire religious merit.

Religious Practitioners. Monasteries of various sects of Tibetan Buddhism were the centers of educational training in all the basic arts, crafts, and professions, including medicine. Monk initiates were divided into groups according to social status and ability and given training for a variety of tasks. The degree of religious teacher, dge bshe, required more than ten years of diligent study, memorization of texts, practice in debate, and examinations. Monks conducted most public religious ceremonies (including operatic performances), which constituted the bulk of Tibetan ceremonial life and followed the traditional Buddhist calendrical cycle. Oracles, mediums, and exorcists were also commonly monks but could be local peasants in rural areas. In western Tibet and pastoral areas of Qinghai, an earlier form of Buddhism mixed with the pre-Buddhist native religion (Bon) is practiced.

Arts. Tibetan traditional arts focused on religious worship and included scroll paintings of deities, sculpture, carved altars, religious texts, altar implements, statues of precious metal inlaid with gems, appliqued temple hangings, operatic costumes for religious performances, religious music, and religious singing. Most of these crafts were carried out by monks in monasteries. In addition to collections of older Buddhist scriptures, Tibetan writing and literature includes works on history, philosophy, medicine, mathematics, and astronomy as well as works of fiction and poetry. Local peasants produced utilitarian household objects for their own use or purchased them at a local market. Women wore multibanded front aprons, regionally specific headdresses, and jewelry.

Medicine. Tibetan medicine evolved over a thousand years into a series of nonintrusive techniques including listening to blood flow through the wrist, analysis of urine and anatomical parts, listening to the heart and lungs, questioning the patient, and administering carefully prepared herbal pills. The body is considered to be composed of various elements balanced by nutrition, religious practices, mental states, and relations with deities. The training process for physicians was long and often limited to monks.

Death and Afterlife. Tibetans practice sky-burial, a process of returning the corporal body to the environment by pulverizing the parts and leaving them exposed to the elements and the vultures. An individual's karmic seeds are thought to remain in bar do, a liminal zone, for forty-nine days after death, during which time they enter a new body (that of a human, a hell being, a god, or an animal) to start a new life cycle. This recurrent process of life, death,

and rebirth continues until an individual achieves enlightenment.

Bibliography Aziz, Barbara (1978). Tibetan Frontier Families. Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press.

Dalai Lama (1962). My Land and My People. New York: Potala Corporation.

French, Rebecca (in press, 1993). The Golden Yoke: The Legal System of Buddhist Tibet. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.

Snellgrove, David, and Hugh Richardson (1980). A Cultural History of Tibet. Boulder, Colo.: Prahna Press.

REBECCA R. FRENCH

Tu ETHNONYMS: Huzhu, Guanting, Mongols, Monguor, White Mongols In 1990, some 191,624 Tu lived in the Qilian Mountains and on the banks of the Huang and Datong rivers, mainly in the Huzhu Tu Autonomous County, Qinghai Province.

The Tu language is -a member of the Mongolian Branch of the Altaic Family. Tu is very closely related to Mongolian, Dongxian, and Bonan, and also has a large number of Han and a smaller number of Tibetan loanwords. There are two dialects. Han characters are used in written communication. Louis Schram and other Catholic missionaries who worked in the area call them both "Monguor" and "Tu" in their writings. The Catholics were very active in this area; in the 1920s and 1930s they set up modern schools as well as churches. The Tu also call themselves "White Mongols."

The Tu national minority designation is of relatively recent origin. Their ethnogenesis over the centuries is a result of the Mongolian invasion of the area in 1227. At that time, the local population was comprised of Tibetans, Uigur, and Shato peoples. The Mongolian military men intermarried with the local population, and it is their offspring who formed the ancestors of the modern Tu. The Tu, in fact, call themselves "Mongolians." Their dress clearly distinguishes them from other groups in the area such as Mongols, Tibetans, and Hui. Both genders wear white felt hats in winter; women's dress includes heavy brocaded shoes and brightly colored sleeves that give a "rainbow" effect. Their embroidery work is complex and distinctive.

The Tu have traditionally been goat and sheep herders. As early as the Ming dynasty, though, some Tu adopted agriculture. During the Ming and Qing dynasties,

Tujia 497 tusi (enfeoffed native officials) were appointed by the Chinese government. These officials were responsible to the Chinese state for collecting taxes and keeping order. However, since Lamaist (Yellow Hat) Buddhism was encouraged by the Qing court, or possibly because Tibetans still make up 50 percent of Qinghai's minorities populations, some lands were, by special assent, held by the monasteries and controlled by them as well.

In addition to arranged marriages in which the bride went to live with her husband's family, there are two types of "marriage" in which a woman lives with her natal family and takes lovers. The children of such a woman take her name and are members of her patrilineal family. She herself is regarded as married to Heaven, in a ceremony that takes place when she is 15.

The Tu have been Lamaists since at least 650. There are four large monasteries in the area, associated with the Yellow Sect. Families with more than one son were expected to send one to become a monk. The monasteries became wealthy by lending money, by taxing the people, by renting land, and by leasing grain mills. At the same time, much of the income went to support the large number of monks. Presumably, the flow of men into monkhood accounts for the variant marriage forms mentioned above.

There were also white shamans who cured, and black shamans who were employed to exact revenge. Shamans, who were male, inherited their vocation from their fathers; in cases in which a shaman had no sons, he would train a brother's son. In contrast to the lama, a shaman had to work as a farmer to support himself. A third type of religious figure was the kurtain (any person who had become possessed of a Daoist spirit and who passed a rigorous examination). Generally, one became a kurtain as a youth and lost the spiritual possession upon becoming aged.

The dead are now cremated, following Han practice, but in the past bodies were interred. Until the 1950s, children were given "sky burials" (their remains were placed on a platform in a tree).

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 113118. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey, 107-118. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Xie Jun (1990). "Visit to a Tu Nationality Village." China Today 39(8): 34-39.

Xie Shengcai (1981). "The Tu People of the Qinghai Plateau." China Reconstructs, 30(1): 29-31.

TuuJia ETHNONYMS: Bizika, Bizka, Tuding, Tujen, Tumin Orientation Identification. The Tujia are one of largest minority groups in south-central China. They are an agricultural people who have lived in long association with Han and Miao but who have retained distinctive cultural traits.

Their name suggests that they are the indigenous people of the areas they currently inhabit.

Location. The Tujia live in the Xiangxi Tujia-Miao Autonomous Prefecture of western Hunan and in parts of southwestern Hubei and eastern Sichuan provinces. Most of the population are in the Wuling Mountain range, south of the Yangtze, at elevations of 400 to 1,500 meters. The climate is mild, averaging 160 C, with lows of 40 C in January and highs of 28° C in July. The area is well forested, and the You, Feng, and Qing rivers intersect there. Annual rainfall varies from 120 to 140 centimeters, falling mainly

between May and October.

Demography. According to the 1982 census, the total population was 2.83 million. Of that number, close to 950,000 lived in the Xiangxi Autonomous Prefecture, with another 1.5 million in Hubei and 595,000 in Sichuan. The population figure reported in the 1990 census was 5,704,223, reflecting both high birth rates and recognition of additional communities and individuals as Tujia. At least 12 percent of the Tujia are urban residents. Population density in Tujia areas ranges from 130 to 150 persons per square kilometer. linguistic Affiliation. Many Tujia speak only local dialects of Han Chinese and some are Miao-language speakers. The original Tujia language is still spoken in some areas, particularly Longshan County in the Xiangsi Autonomous Prefecture. It is related to Yi (Loloish) and belongs to the Tibeto-Burman Branch of Sino-Tibetan. Written Chinese is in common use. No written script for Tujia has been found.

History and Cultural Relations There are conflicting versions of the origin of the Tujia.

Some sources trace their descent to the ancient Ba people of northeast Sichuan, while others identify them as the "Wu Man" (black barbarians) who moved from Guizhou Province. Another interpretation is that they originated in Jiangxi Province and moved westward at the end of the Tang dynasty. Our view is that the ancestors of the Tujia were native to the area, and were joined by conquerors and immigrants from different places over a long period of time. They were regarded as a distinct ethnic group in western Hunan and Hubei by the early Five Dynasties period (c. 910 A.D.). From the twelfth century, through frequent contact with Han settlers, they adopted metallurgical and agricultural techniques and became involved in commercial production and local marketing systems. Tujia continue to interact frequently with neighboring Han and Miao communities. They exchange local products, cele-

498 Tujia. brate some of the same festivals, and at present their children share the same schools at all levels.

Settlements Tujia villages may contain anywhere from 100 to upwards of 1,500 people, residing in 20 to 300 households. These are usually located at the foot of a mountain or on the lower slopes, and near a water source. Houses are of wood or a combination of wood, stone, and brick, with a tiled roof following Chinese style. The typical wooden house is two storied. The ground floor serves as the center of daily life. The central room where ancestors are enshrined and worshiped and family ceremonial activities are conducted serves also for entertaining guests. Additional rooms, built to each side of the central room, are subdivided into a kitchen and bedroom area. Seniors dwell in the room to the left, juniors in the room to the right. The second floor provides storage space and bedrooms for the children. The stables, pigsty, chicken coops, and toilet are placed as side structures to the main house. Originally, villages were founded by kin of the same patrilineage, but people from other places were gradually incorporated, so that by now every village is multilineal.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Tujia are both valley and mountain-terrace farmers. Wet rice is an important staple, along with wheat, maize, and sweet potatoes. They grow a variety of additional food crops, including potatoes, greens, eggplants, peppers, turnips, sesame and sunflowers (for the seeds), and oranges. Cash crops include beets, cotton, ramie, tea, and tung trees. Tung oil, wine, and tea were traditional Tujia commodities. Pigs and chickens are raised for market and also provide the main source of protein. Some hunting, trapping, and fishing continue. Some farmers have draft animals.

Industrial Arts. Full-time specialists and workers in new industries are more likely to be found in the towns and cities. Tujia are now involved in coal mining and light industry. Most villages include people who are skilled weavers and embroiderers, tailors, cabinet makers, house carpenters, and masons. Weaving and embroidery are of high quality, and the patterned quilts and bags are especially beautiful. Tujia gunny cloth is sought after for its durability.

Trade. Tujia have always participated actively in the local marketing system, which has revived since 1979.

Towns and cities have daily markets, and in the rural areas markets are held once every three, five, or ten days at the township government centers, attracting thousands or even tens of thousands of people from the area and farther afield. Frequency of the market depends on population density. Everything from grain and vegetables to livestock, herbal medicines, forest products, commercial items, cloth, items for daily use, and handicrafts appears in the market.

Division of Labor. There is a gender division of labor, with weaving, embroidery, and certain handicrafts being the responsibility of women. But Tujia men share in household chores, and women work together with men in agricultural tasks. In the towns, Tujia women are freer to

pursue professional work than women of the other ethnic groups in the area. People who are literate, or recognized as skilled herbalists or shamans, or able to perform and improvise songs enjoy considerable prestige.

Land Tenure. At present, state ownership of lands and forest resources is a widely accepted practice. However, since the breakup of the collectives in the early 1980s, the village communities hold the right to allot land among residents who are registered as farmers or potential farmers.

Prior to 1949, tenancy was widespread, as a result of large landholdings by both officials and merchants and local Tujia landlords.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kinship. Beyond the household the significant kin group is the patrilineage, which is now weak in its functions but continues to have generational depth. It appears that in the past many immigrants adopted the surnames of the larger lineages, especially Peng, Tian, and Xiang. Even so, marriage between people of the same surname is disapproved.

Marriage. Marriages are monogamous. Patrilocal residence is the ideal, but neolocal residence is acceptable. In the past, cross-cousin marriage was preferred, and the maternal uncle could claim or renounce his right to have his sister's daughter as daughter-in-law. Today, the maternal uncle's blessing to a marriage of a niece is still considered important. Even so, past and present, young Tujia could court and choose their own spouses, although such marriages once required the approval of the shaman. Under Chinese influence, dowry, bride-price, and arranged marriages became more frequent. It is not clear when the custom arose of ku jia (a gathering of the girl and her friends on the wedding eve to sing traditional and improvised songs lamenting the upcoming marriage). Divorce is rare and considered improper.

Domestic Unit. The nuclear family is the most frequent form, though more complex households are not unknown.

Inheritance. An eldest son inherited his father's property but was expected to share it with his brothers. If a man had no son, his younger brother's son became his heir.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The patrilineage or lineage branch was led by someone of the senior generation who conducted ceremonies for the ancestors, mediated disputes, and was responsible for the behavior of the members. Lineage branches met at ancestral halls, sometimes drawing members from several villages. The village itself was also a community in which people helped each other in daily life, house building, opening of waste land, and defense.

Wrongdoers would be ostracized by neighbors, in addition to suffering penalties from their descent group.

Political Organization. Though mentioned over centuries as a distinct ethnic group, the Tujia did not receive official government recognition until 1956. The following year, the Xiangxi Tujia-Miao Autonomous Prefecture was established in western Hunan. In 1980, the counties of

Uigur 499

Hefeng and Laifeng in Hubei were declared Tujia autonomous counties, and following the 1982 census the Exi Tujia-Miao Autonomous Prefecture in Hubei and several additional autonomous counties in Sichuan were established.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Tujia religious beliefs and practices incorporate borrowings from the Han (Daoism, ancestral worship) with earlier beliefs involving ghosts and evil spirits and various gods. There are Daoist temples in the Tujia areas, with Daoist priests and nuns attached to them, and also part-time shamans (the term used translates as "native teacher") who can chant the mythic history of the people.

A small number of families became Catholic in the years before Liberation.

Arts. Besides embroidery and brocades, handicrafts include elaborate jewelry worn by women. There is a rich repertoire of dance, songs, and longer song-cycles and stories, all of which are passed on orally. The "Hand Dance," with its seventy ritual gestures to indicate war, hunting, farming, and other aspects of life, is popular at the New Year's Festival.

medicine as it becomes more available in their areas. In the Xiangxi Autonomous Prefecture, the number of medical workers in Chinese and Western medicine rose from some 500 in 1949 to close to 6,000 in 1982.

Death and Afterlife. In the past, cremation was a common practice, but it was replaced by burials during the Qing period. Daoist priests were invited to perform the rituals leading the soul of the dead to the other world, and the shaman performed the Tujia chants and rituals to pacify the dead and protect the living from ghosts and evil spirits.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 401404. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Peng Bo, Peng Xiu-mo, et al. (1981). )ishou University Journal, Humanities Edition #2: Special Issue on Tujia Ethnography [in Chinesel. Jishou: Jishou University.

Zeng Xianghu, chief ed. (1985). Xiangxi Tujia-Miao Zizhizhou gaikuang (General survey of the Xiangxi TujiaMiao Autonomous Prefecture). Changsha: Hunan Peoples Press.

LIN YUEH-HWA (LIN YAOHUA) AND ZHANG HAIYANG

Medicine. Herbal medicine and exorcisms are both used to deal with disease, but Tujia also turn now to modem

Uigur ETHNONYMS:

Aksulik, Kashgarlik, Uighur, Uygur, Turfanlik

At just under 7,215,000 people, the Uigur are one of China's most populous minorities. They live in Xinjiang Province and make up two-fifths of the population there. The Uigur live primarily in the districts of Hotan, Kashgar, Turfan, Aksu, and Korla, where they occupy oasis land at the edge of the Taklamakan Desert and Tarim Basin. The Uigur language belongs to the Turkic Branch of the Altaic Family and is written in Arabic script, which has been modified to express all the sounds to be found in Uigur.

There are a large and growing number of Chinese loanwords in Uigur.

The Uigur have a long and well-documented history, at least in part because it has been so intertwined with Chinese history. In the eighth century, the forerunners of Uigur were under the control of the East Turkic Steppe Confederation. When that confederation fell apart, the Uigur, along with the Karluk, took control of the area (western Outer Mongolia) themselves. They came to the aid of the Tang dynasty in 757 and 762, defeating a rebellious Chinese general. During this period, the Uigur converted to Manichaeism. Later they would adopt Buddhism,

Nestorian Christianity, and finally undergo a widespread conversion to Islam. In 840, they were routed from the area by the Kirgiz and spread in many directions. Most went west and ended up where nearly all the Uigur are now, in what is now Xinjiang. They set up their own state, but later came under Karakitai control. In the twelfth century they broke away and allied themselves with Ghengis Khan. Following the decline of the Mongol empire, the area was disunited and numerous political powers, in different places and times, held sway. Unification under one leadership did not come until 1884, when the Qing government took control of what they called 'Xinjiang." After 1911, it was under warlord rule until 1933, had a short period as a 'republic," and was back under Chinese (KMT) rule from 1944 to 1949. Xinjiang became an autonomous region in 1955.

The Uigur traditionally were pastoralists, although the economy had diversified by the tenth century. Some Uigur were oasis farmers. They developed extensive irrigation systems to facilitate growing grains, cotton, fruits, and melons. Many were town artisans and merchants-the area has a number of towns of large size that were points on the Silk Road. Though the Uigur today are heavily involved in manufacturing, mining, oil drilling, trading, and transportation, their pastoralist past still shows itself in their diet; all meals must contain meat (particularly mutton) to be considered a meal and dairy products are part of the daily

500

Uigur

diet. The arid Xinjiang Province is unsuited to most types of agriculture, but many Uigur are employed in growing cotton. Wool is also a major export of the region. Uigur have largely adopted Western dress. They are noted for their music and dancing.

The Uigur did not convert to Islam until the midfifteenth century. For some five centuries before that the name "Uigur" referred specifically to Buddhist and Nestorian oasis dwellers in Xinjiang. Today, however, all Uigur are Sunni Muslims and adherence to Islamic teachings is one of the key markers of their identity.

See also Uighur in Part One, Russia and Eurasia

Bibliography Ecsedy, H. (1964). 'Uigurs and Tibetans in Pei-t'ing (790791)." Acta Orientalia Hungaricae 17:83-104.

Gladney, Dru (1990). "The Ethnogenesis of the Uighur."

Central Asian Survey 9(1):1-27.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 136151. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1976). 'The Khwajas of Eastern Turkestan." Central Asiatic Journal 20:266-296.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey, 1-16. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Uzbeks ETHNONYMS:

none

The small Uzbek population in China, which was counted at 14,592 in 1990, is but 1 percent of the total worldwide Uzbek population, most of whom live in Uzbekistan. The Uzbeks in China live in Xinjiang Province, primarily in Uzbek communities in cities adjoining the Russian border (Yining, Qoqek ITacheng], Kashgar, Urumqi, Yarkant, and

Kargilik IYecheng1). The Uzbek language belongs to the Turkic Group of the Altaic Family; it is closely related to Uigur. Uzbek has many loanwords from Farsi (which was once spoken by Uzbek intellectuals), Russian (due to the proximity of Russia), and Chinese (during the twentieth century). The Xinjiang Uzbeks use the Uigur (Arabic) script; in the 1930s the Soviets attempted to replace it with a Cyrillic-based writing system.

The Uzbeks of China originated in Central Asia.

Some Uzbeks moved east to Xinjiang as long-distance traders of silk, tea, porcelain, and other goods. Some settled there, becoming silk weavers, farmers, craftsmen, and, eventually, entrepreneurs. The Uzbek migration to Xinjiang has continued into the twentieth century, as has migration out of Xinjiang. Competition from Russian long-distance traders later forced many into local trading, handicraft production, and laboring.

In the past, as today, the Uzbeks of China were primarily an urban people. Less than 30 percent are farmers or herders today; most are factory workers, technicians, and traders. Their literacy levels are the highest of any population in Xinjiang.

The few Uzbeks making their living as herders do so in northern Xinjiang, where they live among Kazaks. In the cities, most live in adobe houses with flat roofs, though some have distinctive round, pointed roofs.

Since there are so few Uzbeks in China, and since they are so widely dispersed, they frequently intermarry with Uigurs and Tatars. In fact, it is very difficult to distinguish Uzbeks from Uigurs. One visible marker is the shape of hat that they wear; Uzbeks wear round hats, while Uigur wear square hats. Another marker is the embroidery designs on men and women's clothing.

The Uzbeks are Muslims. The Muslim prohibitions on eating pork and drinking alcohol are increasingly violated by younger Uzbeks. The medrese, (religious schools located in mosques) have been closed since Chinese public education was introduced.

When an Uzbek dies, the mourning period lasts one week. At 40, 70, and 100 days after death, the ahung (Muslim priest) performs a memorial service.

See also Uzbeks in Part One, Russia and Eurasia

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 185189. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Wa 501

Wa va, A vo, Benren, Da ka va, Ka va, La, Le Pa rauk, Va, Xiao ka va

ETHNONYMS: A va,

Orientation Identification. "Wa" (Va) refers to a mountain people who reside in southwest China, spreading across the border into Myanmar (Burma). They have a well-defined homeland called "A Wa Shan" (Mount A Wa) by the local peoples. The three names by which the Wa refer to themselves, "Va," "Pa rauk," and "A va," all mean "a people who reside in the mountain." The Wa distinguish themselves by their own language-Wa. Their history has been preserved through legends passed on orally by cultural and religious specialists and the elders. The Wa are well known for their religious practices such as oxen sacrifices. Their material culture is also distinctive, including their method of mountain agriculture, their unique way of cooking, and their hand-woven costume and dress, as well as their mountain villages with bamboo houses.

Location. In China, the Wa inhabit the region between 22° and 240 N and 99" and 100° E, called A Wa Shan. It is the southern part of the Nu Shan Mountains, running between Lancang Jiang and Nu Jiang (Salween) and is

formed of steep peaks that are sharply cut through by innumerable deep valleys with rivers and streams. The highest peak reaches 2,800 meters while the deepest valleys lie about 1,800 meters below that point. In the subtropical zone, this region has just two seasons-a rainy one and a dry one-with annual average rainfall of 150 to 300 centimeters falling between June and October, and with an annual average temperature of 17" C, ranging from 0° to 350 C. Demography. According to the China censuses, the population of the Wa within China was 175,000 in 1958 and increased to 266,853 by 1978 and to 351,974 by 1990. Most of these people inhabit the southwest corner of Yunnan Province, in the counties of Ximeng, Cangyuan, Menglian, Gengma, Lancang, Shuangjiang, Yongde, and Zhenkang. In Ximeng and Cangyuan, the two counties that are the center region of A Wa Shan, the percentage of the Wa population was 88.3 in 1958 and 79 by 1978. In the latter six counties, which they inhabit together with other peoples (mostly Dai, Lahu, and Han), the percentage of the Wa population runs from 9 to 20. Besides these eight counties in the A Wa Shan region, the Wa are also spread through Baoshan, Dehong, and Xishuangbanna and some regions of Myanmar and Thailand.

The Wa language belongs to the Mon-Khmer Branch of the Southern-Asian Language Family and is very close to De'ang (spoken by the De'ang or Palaungs, who reside in Yunnan, China and in Myanmar) and Bulang (spoken by the Bulang or Blang, who reside in Yunnan, China).

Unguistic Affiliation.

History and Cultural Relations There are two major sources for the history of the Wa and their cultural relations: their own oral legends and records about them in the written history of Han Chinese. The name of the Wa legend-Sigangli-means "coming from the cave," referring to the cave in A Wa Shan where the Wa (followed by other peoples such as Han, Lahu, and Dai) originated. This legend records the history of their migration and the origins of their agriculture, use of fire and iron tools, and religious practices. It suggests that the Wa were the original inhabitants of this mountain region, that they went through a transition from a huntinggathering mode of production to agriculture and from a matrilineal to a patrilineal kinship system, and that for a long time they have interacted with other peoples such as Dai and Han. In the written history of Han Chinese, the earliest records relevant to the Wa are those about the Ailao and the Pu, who were the ancestors of the Wa and other peoples who resided in this region. Beginning in 109 B.C., the Han empire established an administrative district that included the region of A Wa Shan and Wa-De'ang speakers. According to the records of the Tang dynasty (seventh to tenth centuries), the Wa had distinguished themselves from the Ailao and the Pu by their selfdesignation as "Vang," "Va," "Vo," or "Vu" and their mode of life as basically hunting and gathering combined with early stages of farming. Politically, the Wa were subordinate to the rule of the Nanzhao Kingdom in the Tang dynasty, and to the rule of the Dali Kingdom in the Song dynasty (mid-tenth to thirteenth centuries). From the Yuan to the early Qing dynasties (mid-thirteenth to the end of the eighteenth centuries), the Wa established many permanent villages, and agriculture became their major economic activity with hunting and gathering supplementary. This transition in their life-style was influenced by the largescale ethnic migrations of the thirteenth to seventeenth centuries; many of the Han, Dai, and other peoples migrated to southwest Yunnan where the Wa were spreading, thus forcing the Wa to concentrate themselves in the A Wa Shan region. Those left in the outskirts of the region lived together with the newcomers, who introduced some new farming techniques to the Wa. Since the nineteenth century, the Wa have gone through dramatic changes due to interaction with a larger cultural context. It is in this period that the Wa divided socially into three strata, became politically unified and conscious to an unprecedented degree (as shown by the famous Banhong event when seventeen Wa tribes allied into an armed force fighting the British military invaders), and took an active part in commodity production and exchange in local ethnic and international markets.

Settlements The people live in mountain villages, which are the basic units of Wa society. The population of the villages ranges from less than 100 to more than 400 families belonging to several clans. Most larger villages are composed of several smaller ones. Family houses are built in the ganlan style (a bamboo structure with a straw roof, raised off the ground, with livestock kept underneath).

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Wa

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Wa rely on mountain farming, which varies in technique and productive power in different regions. Basically, they have three different methods of farming, which developed in different times and now coexist as alternatives for different ecological environments. The oldest method is slash-andburn cultivation in which they plant seeds by dibbling with a wooden stick, rely on the ash of wild plants as fertilizer, and abandon the land after a year of farming for eight to ten years before reusing. This way of farming became the main source of food for the Wa after the thirteenth century when they started to build permanent villages. The second method of farming combines slash-and-burn farming with plowing and spreading the seed by hand, using iron hoes and plows that were introduced by Han people who came for the silver mines from the mid-eighteenth century on. This method preserves fertility by crop rotation and intercroping or mixing crops together, and thus they can continue using the land for two or three years, leaving it to lie fallow for four or five years before reusing. For the remote land on steep hillsides, however, the first method is still the only choice because the second method is only good for flatter and lower hills where the soil is richer and won't be washed away as easily by the tropical rain. These two methods of farming provide the major subsistence for the Wa; each is applied to about half of the total farmland.

Their third farming method is to cultivate rice-paddy fields, which were introduced by rice-producing peoples in the nineteenth century and exist mostly in the outskirts of the A Wa Shan region, where the Wa and rice-producing peoples live together and the land is level and close to water supplies. Rice paddies account for about 5 percent of the total farmland.

Trade. Interaction with a larger cultural context not only gave the Wa access to new farming techniques but also stimulated the growing need for exchange. By the end of the nineteenth century, the Wa participated in regular markets for trading-largely with other ethnic groups-in iron tools and living necessities such as pottery, salt, cotton cloth, and thread. In the late nineteenth century, British dealers introduced opium to this region. As a result, opium became the large-scale commodity product of the Wa, which they exchanged for living and productive necessities, including rice, cows, tea, iron instruments, and weapons. Opium provided one-fourth to one-third of their total income before it was prohibited in the 1950s.

Industrial Arts. Craft is subsidiary to agriculture. In most Wa villages, one or a few farmers serve as part-time blacksmiths who make and repair iron tools and silver work using raw material bought from other peoples. The family crafts-hand weaving cotton cloth, pottery making, rice wine making, basket weaving, and so forth-are mostly for family consumption.

Division of Labor. Labor is divided by gender. Males do the cutting, burning, and plowing, and females, with some help from children, do the seeding, weeding, harvesting, cooking, and weaving. Warfare, politics and religious activities were male dominated and used to consume much of men's time prior to 1949. Women became the major labor-

ers in the field and household, but today men are more engaged in economic activities than in the past.

Land Tenure. By 1950 land tenure had developed into three different kinds in different regions. In the central region of A Wa Shan, where roughly one-third of the Wa population resided, more than 80 percent of the total farmland was the private property of families, with the other 20 percent of poorer quality land remaining the common property of the village community. In the area bordering A Wa Shan, where about two-thirds of the Wa population lived, all the land, including moutains and rivers as well as the animals in the forests, belonged to the princes," the hereditary rulers of about one and one-half dozen 'Dahu" communities, with each consisting of about five villages. The members of the Dahu had to pay tributes and taxes as well as unpaid labor to the princes and the heads of the Dahu in order to use the land. In Zhengkang and Yongde, where 8 to 9 percent of the Wa were living together with the Han and the Dai, the landlords owned the land and rented it to the poorer peasants and farm laborers. From 1954 to 1958, the government directed a collective movement that led to all of the Wa being organized into People's Communes by 1969. This meant that the government and the communes owned all the land and other productive property and people worked collectively, shared their products, and sold the after-taxes surplus to the government and the communes. Since 1979, the communes have gradually been abandoned and a new government policy has been practiced; each family can use a share of the land by contract and pays some taxes to the collective and the government, which actually own the land.

Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kin Groups and Descent. A village is based on several clans, which are composed of many families that descend from the same ancestors. Each clan has its own name and a chief. Members of the same clan have common duties and rights such as paying debts for those who cannot afford to pay themselves. The descent line of a family and a clan is remembered through a patrilineal naming system that combines the name of the son with that of the father, whose name in turn is a combination of his own and the grandfather's; the family line can be traced back in this manner to twenty or thirty generations.

Marriage. Marriages are monogamous, with some exceptions of polygamy that were legitimate according to the Wa customary law and were practiced by a small number of people before the 1950s. One of their strictest rules is the prohibition of marriage or any sexual relation between people who have the same clan names; they believe that violation of this rule causes disasters for the whole village and thus should be seriously punished. For a marriage, the groom provides feasts for the engagement and the wedding and pays a bride-price to the bride's family-one or more cows plus gifts of cash, clothing and foods. After marriage, the wife lives with the husband either alone or with his parents. About 50 percent of the marriages are of the cross-cousin type, partially because a man can delay paying his bride-price and instead marry his daughter to his wife's family as compensation. Furthermore, a widow usually re-

Wa 503 marries to a brother of the former husband in order to avoid having to return the bride-price. As a norm, divorce is allowed as long as one spouse wants it, but in practice it seldom happens.

Domestic Unit. The domestic unit is the nuclear family, which includes the husband and wife, children, and, for some, the husband's parents.

Inheritance. The sons inherit the property of the family by dividing it into shares. If there is more than one son, the parents will choose either the oldest or the youngest son to live in the old family house and will give him more inheritance privileges. Daughters have no right to inherit anything. If the family has neither son nor stepson the clan will inherit its property, unless they bring in a son-inlaw to marry one of their daughters.

Socialization. Young people choose marriages freely, with little interference by parents. Teenagers start to socialize with the other sex at age 14 or 15 through a group activity called "visiting girls"; groups of young men visit groups of young women, and over time everyone finds a partner. But having sex before marriage is not allowed and will be punished seriously if it causes a pregnancy. After marriage the husband can still participate in 'visiting girls," but the female must cease this activity immediately after her engagement.

Sociopolitical Organization The villages, which are formed of several clans, are the basic territorial, economic, political, military, and religious organizations. A village clearly distinguishes its territory from that of others, and within it a small portion of farmland and all the forests and rivers remain the common property of the village. The villages that are related by kin, territory, and political and economic interests form a tribe, and some tribes used to form temporary alliances. Before the 1950s, villagers used to have common rights and duties in common affairs such as the election of leaders, military action against other villages or invaders, building houses for other villagers, and religious rituals. Each village had three kinds of administrators: wolang (the hereditary chief of the village, usually the chief of the village's oldest clan); kuat (formerly the chiefs of all the other clans, and later elected); and moba (religious experts in charge of ritual, divination, recounting legendary history, and interpreting customary law). Decisions for affairs of the village or the tribe used to be made through the "council of the chiefs," at which all three kinds of administrators have equal rights. The most important decisions required a meeting of the whole village, in which all men could speak up and which women could audit. Since the 1950s, the Chinese government has established new political structures called ethnic autonomous counties, districts, and villages; the leaders are Wa cadres trained by the Communist party and other Communist leaders of Han or other ethnicities. The Menglian Dai, Lahu, and Wa Autonomous County was organized in 1954, and the Gengma Dai and Wa Autonomous County in 1955. Two more autonomous counties were established in 1964-1965, in Ximeng and Cangyuan.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The Wa believe in a kind of animism and spiritualism according to which human and natural affairs such as disease or weather are controlled by spiritsspirits of water, mountains, fire, trees, grains, and so on.

Ancestral worship is a part of their religion because they believe that the soul of the deceased becomes a spirit and thus can protect or influence the lives of the descendants.

Religious Practitioners. Rituals used to be performed under the guidance of the religious experts-moba-who were selected by the villagers for their knowledge and experience. All men of the village have equal rights in performing rituals, but women are generally excluded except for watching from the outside and joining in the dancing and singing.

Ceremonies. Before the 1950s, rituals to serve the spirits ran year round. Besides the sacrificial rituals and chicken-bone divinations for family or individual affairs such as sickness, birth, building houses, weddings or funerals, there were four annual ceremonies for the whole village that came one after the other. At the beginning of a year (December in the Western calendar), they used to conduct the service to the water spirit, in which the whole village sacrificed animals and built a new bamboo water pipe for drinking water. The next ritual was "dragging the wooden drum"-a more than ten-day-long ritual in which all the men of the village cut a big tree from the forest and made a huge drum out of it. This drum was used for important rituals and emergency military actions. The third ritual was headhunting for sacrifice to the grain spirit. They hunted a human head either from outsiders or enemy villages. Next came a series of oxen sacrifices for the purpose of transporting the previous year's head from the "Wooden Drum House," where it had been kept, to the "spirits forest" outside of the village, where all the previous heads were put on top of wooden stakes, which stood together as a wood.

Called "cutting the tail of the oxen," this ritual lasted seventeen days, during which time the whole village raced to tear the flesh off from a dozen to dozens of live oxen, one after another, with knives. In addition to the headhunting that has been prohibited since the 1950s, all the other rituals were also prohibited as "superstitions" during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s and 1970s. In the 1980s, some of the rituals and divinations were revived, but since many old moba died during the Cultural Revolution without bringing up a younger generation, much tradition was lost and revived rituals are fairly different from the old ones, having lost a lot of old practices, functions, and interpretations, and having added new ones of their own.

Arts. Wa arts are mostly related to their religious life, which is at the same time their daily life. In all important rituals and events like weddings and building houses, the people of the whole village will dress up to sing and dance in one big circle, holding hands together. Sometimes the dance can last for days and nights. Paintings are religious as well, done by males on ritual places and objects. The ritual objects are often carved with images of humans and animals in relief. There are no professional artists.

Medicine. Before the 1950s, moba treated all diseases by doing service to the spirits. They also used the bile of

504 Wa bears and a few kinds of plants to treat some diseases as a supplement to the service to the spirits.

Death and Afterlife. The dead are buried either inside the village near the family house or outside in the common cemetery of the clan or village, in a coffin made from a hollowed tree that is split down the middle. The Wa believe in the afterlife of the soul, so they used to put a piece of silver or a coin in the mouth of the deceased and buried some tools, weapons, and living utensils as furnishing for the grave.

Xibe ETHNONYM: Sibe

The Xibe people numbered 172,847 in 1990, a sizable increase in population from the 82,629 enumerated in 1982.

Many still live in Liaoning Province, and over half live in Xinjiang Province along the Ili River. The Xibe language belongs to the Manchu Division of the Manchu-Tungus Branch of the Altaic Family. The Xibe use an altered Manchu writing system. They have been taking on elements of Han Chinese cultures, with two groups doing so at greatly different rates: the Xinjiang Xibe have been culturally more conservative than have the Northeast Xibe.

The Xinjiang groups are also influenced by large neighboring groups such as the Uigur and Kazak.

The Xibe attribute their ancestry to the ancient Xianbei people, though there is no hard evidence to support this contention. At the time of the Mongol invasion, the Xibe were hunters and fishers living in the far northeastern portion of China. By the late sixteenth century, they had come under the domination of the Manchu leader Nurhachi; at this time they settled and began agricultural activities. In the late seventeenth century, the Qing government moved many Xibe military and civilians to the frontiers, to larger Liaoning cities, and to Beijing. In 1764, 5,000 Xibe troops and their families were sent to Xinjiang to control the recently defeated Jungars, and this accounts for the present-day population of Xibe in the far northwest.

In Xinjiang, Xibe live in walled villages of between 100 and 200 houses. The central part of the house has a stove, and there are two to four rooms off to the side with heated kangs (beds/sitting places). The door faces south. Each house has a courtyard in which vegetables and fruit trees are planted.

The Xinjiang Xibe settled in a relatively good area for both herding and farming, and now do both. They raise wheat, wet rice, cotton, sesame, and fruits with the aid of irrigation. The eldest son inherits his father's land.

Bibliography National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1983). Wazu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Wa). Vols. 1-3.

Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

National Minorities Commission, Yunnan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1985). Wazu jianshi (A concise history of the Wa). Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

WANG AIHE

The Xibe are patrilineal, as are most in China's northeast. The hala (phratry) consists of people having the same patronym. Each hala has several mokon (local patrilineages the members of which can trace descent from a common ancestor). Xibe societal organization, however, has been changing to a territorial system. The new system is one of gashan (groups whose members live together to work together). Among the Northeast Xibe, hunting gashan are formed; among the Xinjiang Xibe, farming and irrigationwork gashans are favored.

In earlier times, Xibe marriages were arranged by parents.

Traditional Xibe religion featured ancestor worship and was polytheistic. They paid homage to the Insect King, the Dragon King, the Earth Spirit, the representative of the Smallpox Spirit, and especially to Xilimama (who maintains domestic tranquility) and to Hairkan (who protects livestock). In addition, there were Xibe shamans.

There is no information available on whether these practices have revived since the reforms of the 1980s.

Xibe funerary traditions are distinctive. Most bodies are interred, though shamans, girls, women who die in childbirth, and people who commit suicide by hanging are cremated. With the exception of girls, whose ashes are scattered, the remains of those cremated are saved in urns.

Moreover, husband and wife must be disposed of in a like manner. Thus, the wife of a shaman must be cremated; if she dies first, her body is buried until her husband dies, and then is exhumed and cremated.

Bibliography Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 171177. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey, 157-170. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

Yi

505

Yao

Their religious life has been heavily influenced by Han versions of folk Daoism.

See also Yao of Thailand in Volume 5

ETHNONYMS: Byau Min, Kim Mun, Mien, Pai Yao, Yao

Bibliography Lemoine, Jacques, and Chiao Chien, eds. (1991). The Yao of South China: Recent International Studies. Paris: Pangu Editions de l'A.F.E.Y.

Min

The 1990 census reports 2,134,000 Yao in China. Sixty percent of them live in Guangxi Province, with the remainder located in bordering areas of Hunan, Guangdong, Jiangxi, Guizhou, and Yunnan. Most live in mountainous areas. Their language belongs to the Miao-Yao Family. The most widely kown of four Yao dialects is Mien, which is spoken by about one-half of the Yao population. The four dialects are related but not closely enough to be mutually intelligible. About 20 percent of the Yao speak ZhuangDong, Miao, or Chinese languages rather than Yao. Dress styles serve as visible markers of language and territorial affiliation.

The Yao are mentioned in Chinese writings from Tang times on. They were called "Mo Yao," meaning that they were exempt from the corv&e and taxes imposed on Han settlers in the area. The ancestors of the modern Yao probably derived from a number of ethnic groups, including some Han. Over the centuries a Yao ethnic identity emerged, and "Yao" is the name they use to identify themselves to outsiders.

Yao economic strategies vary according to regional conditions. The majority, long before 1949, were settled agriculturalist whose crops and techniques were strongly influenced by their Zhuang and Han neighbors. Depending on locale, forestry or hunting and gathering were as important or more important than agriculture. Some Yao continued slash-and-burn shifting cultivation into recent times.

Women play an active role in the agricultural cycle and are responsible for household chores, weaving, embroidery, batik production, and clothing manufacture. Traditionally, in many communities in Guangxi, plowing, sowing, and transplanting of rice seedlings was done in mutual-aid groups of ten to twenty households. Hunting is also a communal activity.

Despite considerable variation, some cultural features are widely shared. The Yao follow principles of patrilineal descent and inheritance, adopting sons or bringing in sons-in-law when necessary and usually providing daughters with a share of land as part of the dowry. Marriages tend to be endogamous with regard to dialect and local territorial unit. Same-surname marriages are frowned upon but sometimes There is a preference for marriage with mother's brother's daughter. Frequent festivals provide opportunities for courtship and love matches. Marriage requires parental consent and the payment of bride-price and dowry. Marriages are monogamous and residence is usually patrilocal. Divorces and remarriages are permitted.

The Yao are organized in patrilineal clans that subdivide into lineages and lineage segments. These named groups have ritual and legal functions, and their members provide mutual assistance. Formerly they held property, but today all agricultural and forest land is owned by the state.

The Yao have a rich heritage of music and song, which accompanies work activities, courtship, feasts, and festivals. occur.

Ma Yin (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 380-387.

Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Yi

ETHNONYMS: Axi (also Lolo, Luoluo), Misaba, Nosu, Sani Orientation

Identification. The Yi are one of the largest minority groups in China. They are uplands farmers and pastoralists. Most live in Sichuan and Yunnan provinces, in the areas of the Greater and Lesser Liangshan mountain ranges, at elevations ranging from 2,000 meters to 3,000 or 3,500 meters above sea level. The main areas of settlement lie south of the Dadu River and along the Anning River. Altitude and access to water varies, making for differences in economic activities in various

areas.

Demography. There are about 1,300,000 Yi in the Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan. Another 3,000,000 live in Yunnan Province, with large populations in the Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Prefecture and in a number of autonomous counties and townships in both northern and southern Yunnan. Another 560,000 live in Guizhou Province, and some 4,600 have located as far east as the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. The 1985 estimate of the total population was 5.45 million or more, and the 1990 census estimate is 6,572,173.

Linguistic Affiliation. The Yi languages belong to the Tibeto-Burman Branch of Sino-Tibetan. There are six distinct dialects. The Yi have a syllabic script developed in the thirteenth century or earlier, which has been replaced with a reformed writing system in recent times.

History and Cultural Relations The Yi share common ancestry with other ethnic groups such as the Bai, Naxi, Lahu, and Lisu of Yunnan, and seem also to be related to the Di and Qiang peoples of western Sichuan. Between the second century B.C. and the early Christian era, the forerunners of the Yi made their appearance in the areas of Dianchi (present-day Kunming) in Yunnan and Chengdu in Sichuan. After the third century A.D. their activities were extended to northeastern and southern Yunnan and into northwestern Guizhou and Guangxi. Present areas of settlement are shared with a

506 Yi number of different ethnic groups, including Miao, Lisu, Hui, Hani, Dai, Zhuang, and Tibetans. There has also been a long history of interaction with neighboring Han people; Han systems of agriculture influenced the Yi in some areas. Much of the Yi area of settlement was governed indirectly by the Chinese state, through appointment of local Yi. nobility as rulers. Some Yi families became powerful landlords. Before 1949, many Han people were captured or purchased to become slaves in Yi communities. At the same time, the trade between Han and Yi developed, with the Yi exchanging medicinal materials, furs, and other local products for salt, cloth, and iron provided

by Han merchants. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Yi were engaged in the opium trade. After 1949, Han and other ethnic groups migrated into the Yi areas. Many modern techniques of farming and stock raising were introduced, as were changes in general life-style.

As a result, local industries and enterprises, as well as science, education, and cultural developments have been strongly promoted.

Settlements Mountain hamlets tended to be small, averaging some ten to twenty households. Traditionally, the Yi lived in windowless single-storied houses built of wood and earth. The house style was distinguished by double-slope roofs covered with small pieces of wooden plate held down by stones.

The houses were simply furnished. The main area of activity was a fire pit cornered by three stones. Sleeping areas were on the ground, behind the fire pit; cattle and sheep were penned at one end of the house during the night.

More recently, there has been a shift to brick-and-tile housing following the Han pattern, with livestock penned in adjacent buildings.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. In recent historical times, most Yi people grew maize, potatoes, buckwheat, and oats as their staples. The maize and potatoes were late borrowings that rapidly became a major part of the diet: potatoes cooked in plain water (salt was scarce) were considered one of the better foods. In the Liangshan ranges and wherever else possible, livestock included cattle, sheep, goats, horses, pigs, and chickens. Sheep and goats were the most numerous, raised for their meat and wool.

The diet was supplemented by gathering acorns, roots, wild greens, and herbs year round, particularly among the poorer families, and by hunting and fishing. Farmland was prepared by the slash-and-burn method; lands were often left fallow for five to seven years after use. Little attention was given to seed selection, and use of animal manure was insufficient or unknown. Commercial activities were frequent in the areas inhabited by both Yi and Han, where markets were run by the Han merchants. Animal furs, lard, Chinese prickly ash, and various herbs were sold, as were opium and livestock. In the Liangshan area, trade was done by barter and exchange of goods, but elsewhere the coinage was used. From 1949, state-run shops have been introduced in the township centers and serve the rural ar-

eas. From the early 1980s, private merchants and peddlers have been encouraged by state policy and the local government.

Industrial Arts. Among the Yi, there were no full-time artisans. All families were engaged in agriculture and pastoral work, and various handicrafts were done during the slack seasons. These included ironwork, woodwork, stonework, masonry, silversmithing, and coppersmithing. The silver and copper were obtained through the market. Women wove cloth, tailored clothing, and did the decorative embroidery.

Division of Labor. Prior to the various reforms under the new socialist government, there was no marked division of labor by class even though the Yi were a stratified society, headed by a hereditary class of nobles (Black Yi), with a subordinate class of commoners (White Yi) and a lower class of slaves. These classes were endogamous, but members of all classes engaged in similar tasks in agriculture and pastoralism and in various handicrafts, which were part of the household economy. The division of labor by sex was more crucial: Men cleared the land and did the plowing, whereas women (and also children or aged men) did the sowing and cultivation of the crops. Men were responsible for most of the handicrafts save for the making of clothing, which was the responsibility of women. Before 1949, men were also engaged in hunting and in military pursuits. In the Liangshan area and elsewhere, the one clear specialist was the bimo, or 'shaman/magician," who was held in high respect. He presided over many different kinds of religious ceremonies.

Land Tenure. Before Liberation, most of the land belonged to Black Yi landlord/slaveowner households, who accounted for about 5 percent of the total Yi society.

These lands were rented to members of the White Yi group or use was granted to them in return for military service and loyalty. In parts of Yunnan and Guizhou, Yi landlords also drew tenants from other ethnic groups, particularly the Miao. After land reform in the early 1950s, all ownership of land was transferred to the state. As elsewhere in China, the Yi areas went through a series of different policies. Since the early 1980s, the contracting of land use to households has become widespread.

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. The patrilineage was the significant kin group in the Liangshan mountain areas in the past. Such patrilineages were strong in function, especially among the Black Yi, whose territories were clearly demarcated by mountain ridges or rivers. No trespass was tolerated. Each patrilineage had a headman (suyi) who was the elder in charge of public affairs. The position of degu went to senior members who were gifted with a silver tongue, and whose responsibility was to uphold the interests of the Black Yi as a high-ranked group. Important issues within the patrilineage, such as the settling of blood feuds or the suppression of rebellious slaves, had to be discussed in meetings among the headmen (called a jierjitie) or by a general conference of the lineage membership (mengge).

Kinship Terminology. In areas of settlement where there are few Han and little intermarriage, the Yi system of

Yi 507

kinship terminology continues to be consonant with a system of bilateral cross-cousin marriage between patricians.

Parallel cousins, whether children of father's brother or mother's sister, are equated with siblings, while different terms apply to cross cousins, who, like siblings, are distinguished by sex. Father's brother and mother's sister's husband are called by the same term, whereas a second avuncular term stands for mother's brother or father's sister's husband. Similarly, mother's sister and father's brother's wife receive the same term, and a second "aunt" term refers to father's sister or to mother's brother's wife. Male Ego's terms for parents-in-law are the same as those for mother's brother and wife.

Marriage and Family Marriage. Yi marriages are usually monogamous. The marriage partner must be of the same rank and of a different patrilineage. Cross-cousin marriage is preferred, and marriage with parallel cousins prohibited. In the past, parents had the final say in the arrangement of a marriage even though young people had considerable social freedom compared to the Han population. It was common for the bride's family to ask for a heavy betrothal-price, particularly among the Black Yi. Delayed-transfer marriage was common, with the young bride remaining at her parental home until the first child was born. In some instances, ceremonial kidnapping of the bride was the custom. The groom's side would send people at a prearranged time to snatch the girl and carry her on horseback to the groom's house. The bride was expected to cry for help, and her family members and relatives would come to her aid, chasing after the kidnappers, but not in a serious fashion. A related custom was one in which the groom's emissaries would go to fetch the bride and would undergo a mock attack by the bride's relatives and friends who would throw water and ashes at them and beat them with cudgels. After this initial show of hostility, the groom's side would be treated to a feast of wine and meat and finally be allowed to take the bride away on horseback. Part of the wedding night would be spent in a ceremonial 'fight" between the newly wed bride and groom.

Domestic Unit. Patriarchal, monogamous families were the basic units in the Liangshan Mountains. At marriage, sons would be set up in independent households of their own. In the occasional instances of polygynous families, each wife and her children had a household of their own, with the husband rotating visits between them.

Inheritance. Both sons and daughters could inherit, although women were disadvantaged compared to their brothers. The youngest son, who would continue to live with his parents after marriage, was privileged to inherit a larger portion of the family property. There were rigid differences between sons by a wife and those by a concubine: Property handed down from the ancestors usually went only to the former. Among the Black Yi, if a man died without issue his property would be received by his full brothers and his widow would be married to one of his kinsmen. Women received part of their inheritance as dowry at marriage, and dowry goods might include livestock and, in the case of the Black Yi, slaves.

Socialization. Children were treated indulgently and learned about their roles and tasks in the daily life of the family and the community through oral transmission and example. In the past, the aristocratic class paid much attention to the training of their sons, especially in physical training, horsemanship, and handling of weapons. Customary laws and moral standards were also taught at an early age, and youngsters were expected to learn their clan genealogies by heart. For Black Yi this meant knowing some twenty generations or more. Even today, White Yi know the details of their ancestry for seven or eight generations.

There was a special coming-of-age ceremony for girls at the ages of 15 or 17, known as the "Change Skirt" ceremony.

Odd numbers were considered lucky. During the ceremony, the girl changed into long colorful skirts, and her hair style changed from a single plait into double plaits looped behind each ear. She also received earrings.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Before Liberation, the Yi in the Liangshan area were stratified into four different ranks: Nuohuo, Qunuo, Ajia, and Xiaxi. The top rank of Nuohuo was determined by patrilineal descent and remained permanent: Members of other ranks could not move up to that position. However, over time there was some upward and downward mobility within the other ranks.

Political Organization. During the late Qing dynasty, the system of appointed hereditary local rulers (tusi/tumu) was abolished in some places in Yunnan and Guizhou, while in others it continued well into the twentieth century. In the Liangshan region, slavery continued until 1949. In more egalitarian communities, the patrilineages were vested with political, legal, and religious functions in addition to regulating marriage and descent.

Social Control. Social controls were generally maintained through moral pressures and customary law. Violations of social norms, particularly sexual relations that crossed class lines, personal attacks on the Black Yi, or encroachments on their private property, would be severely punished. In areas under tusi/tumu controls, the ruling family often provided its own military and police forces and prisons, and the tumu served as judge and jury.

Conflict. There were frequent conflicts between patrilineages or even lineage branches over possession of slaves, land, or marriages. Armed feuds ensued, and many lives were lost before reconciliations were reached. At various times in the Ming and Qing dynasties, Yi were also involved in uprisings against the expanding Chinese state and local Han military settlements.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. In Yunnan, Guizhou, and Guangxi the Yi religion was a polytheistic one, mixing older beliefs with elements of Daoism and Buddhism. Both Catholic and Protestant missionaries had some success in making converts among Yi in Yunnan and Guizhou in the early twentieth century, and an indigenous church continues in some areas at present. In the Liangshan, religion was less affected by Chinese religions. It included belief in a variety of natural spirits, encompassing animals, plants, the sun,

508 Yi

moon, stars, and other natural phenomena. Sacrifices to the ancestors and worship of gods and ghosts were an important part of religious activity. The bimo and suyi presided at religious ceremonies, explained religious concepts, and served as intermediaries between the human and the supernatural world. The bimo was responsible for carrying out sacrifices, whereas the suyi could control ghosts through magic, but sometimes these roles overlapped.

Ceremonies. There were various ceremonies for marriage, the onset and reconciliation of feuds, initiations, etc.

Sacrifices were offered to the ancestors of the lineage and household and to other spirits. There were common ceremonies that were held as the need arose and special sacrifices that took place on calendrically fixed occasions. The Yi had a well-developed knowledge of astronomy, though it was mainly the bimo who could read and interpret the texts.

Arts. Cooking utensils were usually made of leather or wood. Tubs, plates, bowls, and cups were handcarved and then painted inside and out with black, red, and yellow colors. Typical patterns included waves, thunderclouds, bull's-eyes and horses' teeth. Wine cups were carved from cattle horns or hooves.

Medicine. In the past, the Yi dealt with disease through both ritual and the use of herbal medicines. If someone died of illness, the bimo would be invited to compound additional medicines to offer to the dead. There have been great changes in medical care since 1949, with modern medicine available at all levels in the Yi areas of settlement.

Death and Afterlife. The dead were believed to travel to the netherworld where they would continue their lives. A properly held sacrificial ceremony was necessary to satisfy and calm the deceased: An unsatisfied spirit would haunt the people and offer no protection to descendants and kin.

Bibliography Ma Xueliang, et al. (1989). Yizu wenhua shi (The cultural history of the Yi). Shanghai: Peoples Press.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 232248. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Commission, Sichuan Provincial Editorial Group, ed. (1985). Sichuan Liangshan Yizu shehui lishi diaocha (Research on the society and history of the Liangshan Yi nationality of Sichuan Province). Chengdu: Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences Press.

National Minorities Commission, Sichuan Provincial Editorial Group on the Slavery Society of the Liangshan Yi Nationality, ed. (1982). Liangshan Yizu nuli shehui (The Slavery Society of the Liangshan Yi nationality). Beijing: Peoples Press.

LIN YUEH-HWA (LIN YAOHUA) AND NARANBILIK

Yugur ETHNONYMS: none

As of 1990, 12,297 Yugur lived in the Hexi Corridor of Gansu Province, with 90 percent of them living in the Sunan Yugur Autonomous County. Those living in western Sunan speak Yohur, a language belonging to the Turkic Branch of the Altaic Family and closely related to Uigur and Salar; those living in the eastern part of the same county speak Enger, a language belonging to the Mongolian Branch of the Altaic Family and related to Bonan, Tu, and Mongolian. Other Yugur speak only Han, which also functions as a lingua franca among the various Yugur groups. There is no writing system for either Yohur or Enger, Han is used in written communication. A few Yugur also speak Tibetan.

The Yugur are essentially a people who were separated from the Uigur and who came to have their own identity.

After an attack by Kirgiz from the north in the ninth century, the Uigur fled Mongolia. Those who moved into what is now Dunhuang, Zhangye, and Wuwei came under Tibetan control and came to be known as Hexi Ouigurs (later, Yugur). They have alternately been free and under the control of external forces, including the Tufan (Tibetan) kingdom, the Tangut state of Xixia, the Mongol Empire, and the Ming and Qing court. It is during the period between the mid-eleventh and the sixteenth centuries that a distinctive Yugur culture and identity emerged.

In this period they moved farther to the west beyond the Great Wall, where they hunted, herded, and interacted with a great many different peoples. By the sixteenth century, the Turfan people had become so aggressive that the Yugur returned to safety behind the Great Wall, in Sunan and Huangnibao. Those who went to Huangnibao became agriculturalists, whereas those in Sunan have remained migratory pastoralists who live in tents.

The Yugur living in the higher elevations raise Tibetan oxen, sheep, goats, horses, and Tibetan/Chinese cross oxen. Those at lower elevations keep Chinese oxen and camels, as well as a few sheep and goats.

The Yugur were traditionally organized into nine tribes, seven of which were ruled by a datomu (great chief), and two of which were associated with each other and independent. In addition, each had a chief and an assistant chief. All three leadership positions were inherited. There were other minor noninherited positions. The tribal leaders also collected taxes from its members (to be paid to the Chinese), and each tribe met several times a year to decide how much each family was to be taxed. Local monasteries worked closely with the tribal leaders. In the past, some of the pastureland was owned by rich households, other lands by the tribe as a whole or by the local Lamaist monasteries. Today, lands are owned by the state.

The Yugur are monogamous, and parents arranged marriages when their children were 12 or 13 years of age.

When the couple reached 15 to 17 years of age, the groom's family presented gifts to the bride's family, and this initiated the final preparations for marriage. The wedding involved a feast in which the couple ate a sheep's

Zhuang 509 thigh; they kept the thigh bone for several years afterward.

The newlywed bride moved in with her husband's family, except when she had no brother, in which case postmarital residence was with her own family. If a woman could not find a mate, she "married heaven," and bore the children of any man she chose.

At one time the Yugur followed shamanistic religions or were followers of a Gnostic Christian sect that spread into Central Asia and China in the eight and ninth centuries. When they moved to Gansu, they came under Tibetan rule and influence, and became converted to Lamaism. Each tribe had its own Lamaist monastery, and all households were expected to contribute to its support.

The poorer Yugur maintained a belief in the cult of the emperor of heaven, Han Tengri.

Bibliography Mannerheim, C. G. E. (1911). "A Visit to the Saro and Shera Y6gurs." Journal de la Societi Finno-Ougrienne 27(2).

Zhuang

linguistic Affiliation. The Zhuang language belongs to the Zhuang Dai Branch of the Tai (Zhuang-Dong) Language Family, which includes Bouyei and Dai and is closely related to the standard Thai language of Thailand and the standard Lao of Laos. The eight-tone system resembles that of the Yue (Cantonese) dialects of the GuangdongGuangxi area. There are also many loanwords from Chinese. Zhuang consists of two closely related "dialects," which are termed "northern" and 'southern": the geographical dividing line is the Xiang River in southern Guangxi. Northern Zhuang is more widely used and is the base for the standard Zhuang encouraged by the Chinese government since the 1950s. A romanized script was introduced in 1957 for newspapers, magazines, books, and other publications. Prior to that, literate Zhuang used Chinese characters and wrote in Chinese. There was also Zhuang writing that used Chinese characters for their sound value only, or in compound forms that indicated sound and meaning, or created new ideographs by adding or deleting strokes from standard ones. These were used by shamans, Daoist priests, and merchants, but were not widely known.

Buban, Budai, Budong, Bulong, Buman, Bumin, Buna, Bunong, Bupian, Bushuang, Butu, Buyang, Buyue, Gaolan Nongan, Tulao ETHNONYMS:

Orientation Identification. The Zhuang are the largest of China's minority peoples. Their autonomous region covers the entire province of Guangxi. They are a highly Sinicized agricultural people and are closely related culturally and linguistically to the Bouyei, Maonan, and Mulam, who are recognized by the state as separate ethnicities.

Location. Most Zhuang live in Guangxi, where they constitute about 33 percent of the population. They are concentrated in the western two-thirds of the province and neighboring regions of Guizhou and Yunnan, with a smaller group in Lianshan in northern Guangdong. For the most part, villages are in the mountainous areas of Guangxi. Numerous streams and rivers provide irrigation, transportation, and more recently, hydroelectric power.

Much of the province is subtropical, with temperatures averaging 200 C, reaching 24 to 28° C in July and lows between 8 and 12" C in January. During the rainy season, from May to November, annual rainfall averages 150 centimeters.

Demography. According to the 1982 census, the Zhuang population was 13,378,000. The 1990 census reports 15,489,000. According to 1982 figures, 12.3 million Zhuang lived in the Guangxi Autonomous Region, with another 900,000 in adjacent areas of Yunnan (mainly in the Wenshan Zhuang-Miao Autonomous Prefecture), 333,000 in Guangdong, and a small number in Hunan. At least 10 percent of the Zhuang are urban. Elsewhere, population density ranges from 100 to 161 persons per square kilometer. The reported birth rate in recent years is 2.1, which is in line with China's family-planning policies.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 129135. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

National Minorities Questions Editorial Panel (1985).

Questions and Answers about China's Minority Nationalities. Beijing: New World Press.

Schwarz, Henry G. (1984). The Minorities of Northern China: A Survey, 57-68. Bellingham: Western Washington University Press.

History and Cultural Relations The Sinicization of the Tai-speaking peoples of the Lingnan (Guangdong and Guangxi) has been a long process. Chinese forces first penetrated the area in 211 Bc., sparking local resistance and the creation of the Nan-Yue Kingdom, which expanded its rule to what is now northern Vietnam. In 111 B.c., Nan-Yue was integrated into the Han dynasty domain but not until the Tang (c. 600 A.D.) was state control established. Military farm colonies opened the way for further Han Chinese settlement. The indigenous Tai peoples either assimilated or were pushed westward or into the uplands, whereas the newcomers settled in the lowlands and interior river valleys. The crushing of a major Zhuang uprising in Guangdong during the Song led to further assimilation or dispersement of the ancestors of the current-day Zhuang. From the incoming Han settlers, the Zhuang adopted new agricultural techniques, where applicable, such as the iron plow, application of manure ferti-

510

Zhuang.

lizer, triple-cropping of rice, and more sophisticated irrigation systems. In the western part of Guangxi, the Zhuang remained in control of much of the area suitable for wetfield rice agriculture, as well as holding sway in the uplands where the introduction of Chinese technology was less feasible. From Tang onward, successive dynasties, landlord officials, and state-appointed local landlords ruled a large part of the Zhuang area, with most of the population reduced to tenancy and owing feudal service. This system continued into the nineteenth century, despite a number of major peasant uprisings. In the 1850s Guangxi was the origin point for the Taiping Rebellion, and Zhuang played an active role in the Taiping army and leadership. In 1927, the predominantly Zhuang area near Pai-se (Bose) was one of the earliest soviets. In 1949, the Zhuang of western Guangxi, who regarded themselves as oppressed by former Chinese governments, were warmly receptive to the Liberation army and new government. In 1952, a Zhuang autonomous region was organized in western Guangxi: By 1958, all of Guangxi became a Zhuang autonomous region, shared with the Han and with other ethnicities such as Yao, Miao, Maonan, Dong, Mulam, Jing, and Hui (Chinese Muslims). Soon after, the government organized the Zhuang-Miao Autonomous Prefecture in southeastern Yunnan and the Lianshan Zhuang-Yao Autonomous County in Guangdong. In 1984, Zhuang together with other minority people accounted for about one-third of the cadres (government employees and officials) in these areas.

Settlements Some Zhuang areas in Guangxi are relatively homogenous, while elsewhere Zhuang villages are scattered between villages of other nationalities. Zhuang villages range in size from 20 to 2,000 persons, with a few larger communities that are traditional marketing centers located along riverways or a crossroad. Often, a village or cluster of villages traces its descent from a common male ancestor. In multilineal villages, houses tend to group according to surname (patrilineage). Newcomers to the area live on the outskirts, often at a considerable distance. Typical villages are located on a mountain slope facing a river. Under Han influence, most Zhuang have adopted the one-story brick house, but some retain the wooden-pile house common to other ethnic groups in the area: a two-story structure, with living quarters upstairs, and the lower floor serving as stables and storage rooms. Both styles nowadays have tiled roofs.

Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Paddy rice, dry-field uplands rice, glutinous rice, yams, and maize are staples, with double- or triple-cropping in most areas.

Many tropical fruits (pineapple, banana, orange, sugarcane, litchi, mango) are grown, as well as a number of vegetables. River fisheries add protein to the diet, and most households raise pigs and chickens. Oxen and water buffalo serve as draft animals but are also eaten. Hunting and trapping are a very minor part of the economy, and gathering activities focus on mushrooms, medicinal plants, and fodder for the livestock. There is additional income in some areas from tung oil, tea and tea oil, cinnamon and

anise, and a variety of ginseng. During the agricultural slack seasons, there are now increased opportunities to find construction work or other kinds of temporary jobs in the towns.

Industrial Arts. Most villages have always had some craft specialists skilled in carpentry, masonry, house building, tailoring, and the weaving of bamboo mats. Brocades, embroidered works, and batiks made by Zhuang women are famous throughout China and were mentioned as early as the Tang dynasty. Ordinarily, the Zhuang tend to dress like their Han neighbors, but ethnic dress has reemerged and is now encouraged by the state.

Trade. Households are heavily dependent on local markets for obtaining daily necessities and luxury goods and for selling their own products such as vegetables, fruits, fish, poultry, furniture, herbs, and spices. Participation in the market is also a social pastime. Both sexes participate in market trading. These periodic markets, held every three, five, or ten days, are now the site of township, district, and county governments. A small number of Zhuang are shopkeepers in a village or market town, and with the recent reforms some now are long-distance traders, bringing clothing from Guangdong Province for resale on the local markets.

Division of Labor. Men are responsible for plowing and management of the draft animals, while women are primarily responsible for transplanting rice in the flooded fields, weeding, and harvesting. Young men are more likely to be educated and are encouraged to learn an artisan skill or seek an urban job. The development of forestry and industries in the area makes some wage labor available. With adult women engaged in agriculture, the tasks of child care, feeding of domestic animals, and some of the housework is taken on by the elderly members of the family.

Land Tenure. From the Tang through much of the Qing dynasty, a feudal landownership system was prevalent, in which households received land-use rights for their own subsistence in return for labor on the landowner's estates and other labor services. A more commercialized landlord system developed from the eighteenth century on into the twentieth, creating a large number of poor peasants. Under the current reforms, land is allocated on contract to households, according to the number of people registered as rural residents. A village administrative committee (formerly a production brigade or team under the socialist economy) oversees the allotments of arable land, particularly irrigated fields. The contract is usually for five years.

All land now belongs to the state, but use rights and redistribution rest with the village. Conflicts over land boundaries between households, villages, or even townships and counties are not uncommon. Population density is now high relative to available land.

Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Beyond the three-generation household, the significant group is the localized patrilineage, which shares a common surname and traces descent from a common ancestor. There is an elder recognized as the head, and households participate together at ancestral worship ceremonies, weddings, and funerals, with the line-

Zhuang 511 age branch head directing. There are no reliable data on local variations of kinship terminology. The mother's brother plays an important role for his nieces and nephews, from choosing their name and participating in their marriage arrangements to playing a role in their parents' funerals.

Marriage and Family Marriage. Marriages are surname exogamous, and usually village exogamous as well. There is some preference for a boy to marry his mother's brother's daughter, whereas marriage with parallel cousins is forbidden. In the past there was also a preference for early engagements and for a girl to be five or six years older than her prospective groom. Perhaps because of the age difference, there was delayed transfer of the bride: after the marriage ceremony she remained with her parents, making frequent visits to her in-laws to assist with planting and harvest, but maintaining her social freedoms and natal residence until the birth of her first child. Only then did she move to her husband's village. Sinicized Zhuang utilize go-betweens, matching of horoscopes, sending of gifts to the girl's family, sending of a dowry, and the general patterns of Han marriage practice. However, older patterns or borrowings from neighboring ethnic groups also continue. Groups of unmarried boys visit to serenade eligible girls at their homes; there are singing parties for groups of unmarried youth (and those not yet living with their spouses); and there are other opportunities for young people to choose a spouse for themselves. In the past, there were "elopement" marriages, accepted by the family and community. Divorce is frowned upon, and if it occurs, fathers retain custody of their sons.

Remarriage is permitted.

Domestic Unit. The domestic unit is monogamous and nuclear except for youngest sons, who are obliged to live with their parents. Residence is generally patrilocal: about 20 percent of marriages bring the groom to the wife's village.

Inheritance. The youngest son inherits a larger share of the parental property. Both sons and daughters inherit movables, and also parental debts. In the absence of surviving offspring, other lineage members inherit.

Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Prior to 1949, village organization was based on the patrilineage and on villagewide religious activities focused on gods and spirits who protected the community and assured the success of the crops and livestock. Ceremonies were led by recognized village elders.

Political Organization. Since 1949, various governmentdesignated forms of organization have appeared. At present, villages are administered by a committee; and the next-highest level is the township government, which is responsible for a number of villages and which manages agriculture, local industry, and collection of taxes and required quota sales to the state. Within the village and township there are branches or groups of the Communist party, the Women's Federation, and the Youth League, all of which seek to ensure that party policy is carried out. While some problems are handled informally by family or community,

some matters go through government courts at the township, district, or county level. About one-third of government employees in Guangxi are Zhuang.

Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Ancestral worship differs from that of the Han in that it includes "kings" and mythic or historical heroes and heroines as well as actual ancestors in the patriline. The names of the ancestors, written on strips of red paper, are displayed on home altars together with the names of other spirits to be honored and receive special offerings at Spring Festival and at the Festival of the Dead in the seventh lunar month. In addition, there are a variety of local gods drawn from precontact religion or fused with gods from the Chinese folk tradition. These include Tudigong, who protects the village boundaries from his crossroads temple; She Shen, who is the village tutelary spirit; the Mountain Spirit (some mountains are sacred and should not be opened to farming); the Dragon King (Long Wang), who also protects the villages; and a number of spirits drawn from the pantheon of natural forces. Both Daoism and Buddhism or a fusion of the two are important in community life, particularly at the time of funerals.

Catholic and Protestant missionaries came to the area in the late nineteenth century, but the number of followers is small and mostly limited to the urban areas.

Religious Practitioners. Female divination specialists treat sickness and in trance can communicate with spirits and ghosts. A second kind of local shaman, who is male, differs in that he serves at an altar and is skilled in either the Zhuang writing system or a Zhuang reading of Chinese characters. His texts, which serve as a basis for performance (songs, chants), include myths, history and geography, astronomy, and tales. He performs at funerals, local festivals, and at times of crisis. The sacrifices of oxen, chickens, and other livestock are in part used to pay him for his service. Daoist priests, who are also part-time practitioners, perform at many of the same events as the shaman. They chant in Chinese and use Han texts. Buddhism in the Zhuang areas has been strongly influenced by Daoism and earlier traditional religion. The priests can marry and are semivegetarian. They cast horoscopes, serve as geomancers, and exorcise ghosts, as well as chanting sutras at life-crisis times.

Ceremonies. Honoring ancestors at home altars and in ancestral halls is of key importance. The Chinese Qingming Festival for sweeping ancestral graves (third lunar month) is often combined with an Ox Birthday Festival and ceremonies for the goddess who protects at birth and during infancy.

Arts. There is a rich repertoire of songs, dances, local opera, oral literature, and music. Hundreds of decorated bronze drums have been found in archaeological sites in the region, and there are frescoes dating back some 2,000 years at sites along the Zuo River.

Medicine. Divination, shamanistic healing, and herbal medicines from an older tradition are augmented by borrowings from Chinese traditional medicine (cupping, acupuncture) and the more recent introduction of clinics and health stations using both Chinese and Western medicine.

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Death and Afterlife. Souls of the dead enter a netherworld but can continue to assist the living. Corpses are wrapped in white cloth and buried after three days, together with some of their favorite items of daily use. Daoist priests preside over the funeral: in some areas, two special singers are called upon to sing traditional mourning songs.

The corpse is disinterred after three years and the bones are cleaned and placed in a pottery urn that is deposited in a cave or grotto. Those who died violent or untimely deaths are potentially evil spirits. Their bones are burned and a Daoist priest is called to transform the ashes into proper ancestors. Families arrange "spirit marriages' to appease the souls of those who died unmarried.

Bibliography Gu Youzhi, and Lu Julie (1985). "Zhuangzu yuanshi zongjiao de fengjianhua' (The feudal transformation of early Zhuang religion). In Zhongguo shaoshu minzu zongjiao (Religions of China's national minorities), edited by Song Enchang, 301-315. Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

Liang Tingwang (1986). Zhuangzu fengsu ji (Customs of the Zhuang). Beijing: Central Minorities Institute.

Ma Yin, ed. (1989). China's Minority Nationalities, 371379. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press.

Song Enchang, ed. (1980). Yunnan shaoshu minzu shehui diaocha yanjiu (Social researches on Yunnan's minorities).

Vol. 2. Kunming: Yunnan Peoples Press.

LIN YUEH-HWA AND NORMA DIAMOND

Glossary

ayran.

bay/bey A feudal leader in Muslim areas; a wealthy cattle breeder.

adat Traditional law in Muslim areas (vs. Sharia).

affine

See airan

beg/bek A member or chief of the feudal aristocracy.

A relative by marriage.

agnatic descent. See patrilineal descent.

beshmet A quilted, caftanlike man's outer garment.

airan/ayran Sour milk or buttermilk of cow, sheep, or goat's milk (the latter being the most desirable), especially favored in the Caucasus; also used for bums, stomach upset, etc.

bilateral descent The practice of tracing kinship affiliation more or less equally through both the female and male lines.

alim (pl., ulema) animal husbandry.

blood feud (vendetta) A conflict between two groups (usually families or other kin groups) in a society. The feud usually involves violence or the threat of violence as a means of avenging some wrongdoing against a member of one of the groups. Feuds often are motivated by a desire to protect or restore a member's honor.

Literally, "scholar," Sharia judge.

See pastoralism

arak Homemade vodka; liquor from milk or barley.

Bronze Age The third stage in the conventional development of civilization, marked by the production ofbronze tools and objects. The Bronze Age, which began as early as 5000 B.C. in some places and ended about 1000 B.C., followed the Neolithic Period and preceded the Iron Age.

arbaz A closed-off courtyard.

arkhalug/arkhaluk/arkhalukh A robelike woman's dress, open at front; long shirt worn by men under the cherkeska.

Bolsheviks The wing of the Russian Social Democratic party that advocated revolution to achieve socialism and seized power in the Revolution of 1917-1920.

Asia Minor Also known as Anatolia, the peninsula ofland that forms the Asian portion of Turkey.

ASSR An Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which is a subdivision of a Union republic. In the former Soviet Union there were twenty such republics, based on ethnicity.

brigades Name for villages in China, used since 1958. burka A man's sleeveless coat of sheepskin or felt.

atalik/atalyk Education and rearing of children by a ritually related family (usually a peasant family raising a noble child); life-long ritual bond formed between persons so raised.

buza A drink fermented from barley, millet, or buckwheat flour; like beer but made without hops; important ritually in some areas.

aul A mountain village, encampment; semisedentary or mobile village.

Carpatbian Mountains A mountain range in east-central

Europe in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary, Romania, and nations that were formerly part of the Soviet Union.

autonomous area (AA) A subunit of a kray or oblast and the lowest ethnic-based administrative division. In the former Soviet Union there were ten autonomous areas.

Caucasus A system of mountain ranges running from northeast to southwest between the Black and Caspian seas; the general geographical-cultural area between the Black and Caspian seas and the south Russian steppe and the Iranian plateau.

autonomous region (AR) An autonomous (usually, ethnically based) region of a Union republic. In the former Soviet Union there were eight autonomous regions.

513

514 Glossary

chongur Stringed musical instrument, like a mandolin.

Ego In kinship studies "Ego" is a male or female whom the anthropologist arbitrarily designates as the reference point for a particular kinship diagram or discussion of kinship terminology.

chukht/chukhta/chukhtu Woman's traditional dress.

ekmek Leavened bread.

cherkeska Man's frock, with wide sleeves and no collar and worn tight at the waist.

chum

Hut of hides, conical tipi of poles and hides.

clan, sib A group of unilineally affiliated kin who usually reside in the same community and share common property. cognates Words that belong to different languages but have similar sounds and meanings.

endogamy Marriage within a specific group or social category of which the person is a member, such as one's caste or community. evil eye An idea that a person can cause harm to another by simply wishing him or her harm (casting the evil eye).

cognatic kin Kin related to one another through the female line.

exogamy Marriage outside a specific group or social category of which the person is a member, such as one's clan or community.

collaterals A person's relatives not related to him or her as ascendants or descendants; one's uncle, aunt, cousin, brother, sister, niece, nephew.

fictive kin Individuals referred to or addressed with kin terms and treated as kin, although they are neither affines nor consanguines.

collectivization A process by which peasant farms were converted into large-scale, mechanized economic units. The process began in the late 1920s and during the early 1930s resulted in a great loss of life and economic displacement (through famine and deportation). The system of state farms (sovkhozy) and collective farms (kolkhozy) began to break up in the 1990s.

foreign workers. See guest workers

Communist Party A conglomerate of political organizations that controlled virtually all aspects of life in the Soviet Union; about 6 percent of the citizens belonged to it.

Confucianism A secular set of ethnical teachings focused on individual behavior, human relationships, and the relationship between the rulers and the ruled. continental climate In the Koppen system, a climate characterized by large seasonal temperature variations, with hot summers, cold winters, and year-round precipitation.

gazyry Cartridge cases sewn across the cherkeska, purely ornamental after the nineteenth century (e.g., reinforced with wood, bone, or metal). glasnost A policy initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev that sought to have open discussion of social issues and to expand peaceful relations with non-Communist nations, especially the United States. guest workers A term originally coined in Germany for immigrant workers who have been invited and/or contracted by the host country or individual agents for a specified term. iasak/yasak Tribute paid by indigenes to the czarist government in furs (typically sable, arctic fox, or squirrel; ten squirrel skins was a unit of exchange).

cousin, cross Children of one's parents' siblings of the opposite sex-one's father's sisters' and mother's brothers' children.

Industrial Revolution An economic transformation marked by the decline of small-scale, domestic production of goods and the rise of large-scale, centralized mass production and distribution based on power-driven machines.

cousin, parallel Children of ones' parents' siblings of the same sex-one's father's brothers' and mother's sisters' children.

Iron Age The fourth stage in the development of civilization, characterized by the production and use of iron tools and objects. The Iron Age followed the Bronze Age.

Cyrillic alphabet A writing system developed in the ninth century for Slavic languages. Russian, Serbian, Bulgarian, and other Slavic languages today are written with somewhat different versions of the basic Cyrillic alphabet.

Islam Mohammed the Prophet chose the name "Islam" for the new faith he began preaching in Arabia in A.D. 622 (A.H. 1). The term signifies "submitting oneself to God." The faithful are called Moslems, Muslims, or Mohammedans.

czar Ruler of Russia before 1917.

izba Peasant hut or house.

dolma Stuffed grape leaves.

jamaat Village council.

dowry The practice of a bride's kin giving substantial property or wealth to the groom or his kin before or at the time of marriage.

joraby Knitted woolen socks. kadi. See qadi

Glossary 515 kalym Bride-price or bride-wealth (amount paid by the groom's parents and other relatives, often commensurate with the dowry, much of it often spent at the wedding).

Koppen System A system of climatic classification developed in 1900 based on mathematical values assigned to temperature and rainfall. The system is named for its developer, the German climatologist Wladimir Koppen (1846-1940).

karlag Sacred stone pile, usually one per village, at holy places (e.g., site of a murder, the death of a martyr).

Korban The great feast of Abraham.

kebin Supplement to the bride-price intended for the support of the bride should she be divorced or widowed.

KGB The Committee for State Security, which was formed by the Soviet government in 1954 to manage both internal security and foreign intelligence-gathering activities; successor to the Cheka and other prior organizations.

krai/kray A territorial division of a Union republic. kulak Wealthy peasant; wealthy peasant in any indigenous area. kumis

Fermented mare's milk.

kunak/qunaq A person with whom one has contracted a bond of friendship, mutual support, and defense, etc.

khanate A territory in eastern Russia, Central Asia, or Siberia that was under the control of a khan-many were formed following the Mongol conquest in the thirteenth century. The three major khanates were the Crimea, Astrakhan, and Kazan.

Lamaism A form of Buddhism with a central role played by the priests called lamas; often called Tibetan Buddhism.

khinkal Boiled dumplings stuffed with meat, cheese, sour cream, lard, or drippings.

lineage A unilineal (whether patrilineal or matrilineal) kin group that traces kinship affiliation from a common, known ancestor and extends through a number of generations.

khurin Woolen or carpet saddlebag. khutor A farmstead or small village.

levirate The practice of marrying one's brother's widow.

literary language A language used for literature (e.g., poetry); a written form of a language used for newspapers, documents, etc.

kindred The bilateral kin group of close kin who may be expected to be present and to participate on important ceremonial occasions.

magal/mexle A section of a village.

kinship Family relationship, whether traced through marital ties or through blood and descent.

matrilineal descent The practice of tracing kinship affiliation only through the female line.

kin terms, classificatory Kinship terms, such as aunt, that designate several categories of distinct relatives, such as mother's sister and father's sister.

medresseh madrasah).

kin terms, descriptive Kinship terms that are used to distinguish different categories of relatives such as mother or father. kin terms, Eskimo A system of kinship terminology in which cousins are distinguished from brothers and sisters, but no distinction is made between cross and parallel cousins.

Sometimes also called European kin terms. kin terms, Iroquois A system of kinship terminology in which parallel cousins are referred to by the same terms used for brothers and sisters, but cross cousins are identified by different terms.

kolkhoz (pl., kolkhozy) A collective farm in which the land is owned by the government and its use given to the kolkhoz members who work it communally, the products being shared somehow by the government and member households. Each household has a small private plot for its own use.

maat A village council or commune.

An Islamic secondary school (Arabic:

minorat Inheritance by the youngest son of the hearth and home (of the typically patrilineal, patriarchal family). mir

Russian village commune.

monogamy Marriage between one man and one woman at a time. murkhal

Central support pillar in a house.

national minorities In China, the fifty-five groups, not including the Han, classified as ethnicially distinct by the government. nationality As used in reference to the peoples of the former Soviet Union, the members of an officially recognized ethnic group.

Neolithic Period A stage in the development of human culture characterized by the use of polished or ground stone tools. It followed the Paleolithic Period and preceded the Bronze Age.

516

Glossary

neolocal residence The practice of newly married couples living apart from the immediate kin of either party.

RSFSR The Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic of the former Soviet Union.

nimat Customary reciprocal aid between clan members, especially as regards hunting spoils.

Russian Orthodox church A branch of Christianity that began in what is now Russia in the ninth century. At times it was closely allied with the Russian government, although it fell from formal influence following the 1917 Revolution.

blast Province, an administrative division of a Union republic. In the former Soviet Union there were 121 oblasts, some of which contained autonomous areas. okrug Region. See also autonomous area oraza/uraza Muslim fast period.

Ottoman Empire The empire created by Turkic peoples from 1300 to 1922 in what is now Asian Turkey.

papakha Man's tall hat of felt or (astrakan) fur. parallel cousin. See cousin, parallel pastoralism A type of subsistence economy based on the herding of domesticated grazing animals such as sheep or cattle. patrilineal descent The practice of tracing kinship affiliation only through the male line.

Russification Assimilation to Russian language, culture, political control; process of encouraging or enforcing the spread of Russian influence, sometimes including the forced relocation of ethnic populations, the settlement of Russians in republics other than Russia, the use of Russian, and Russian control of politics and economics.

seck Descent line, often coincident with clan. serf A tenant farmer who subsisted by farming land owned by a lord or landowner. Serfs were generally bound to the land they farmed and their rights to move from the land were greatly restricted. shaman Religious specialist in Siberia who protects clan members from enemies, foretells future events, helps individuals suffering from Arctic hysteria, brokers between the human and supernatural.

shamkhal Feudal leader.

peasant, peasantry Small-scale agriculturalists producing only subsistence crops, perhaps in combination with some fishing, animal husbandry, or hunting. They live in villages in a larger state but participate little in the state's commerce or cultural activities. Today, many peasants rely on mechanized farming and are involved in the national economy, so they are called "post-peasants" by anthropologists.

Sharia Quaranic law.

Peoples of the North The official designation for twentyfive indigenous ethnic groups of northern Russia and Siberia.

Slavs (Slavic Peoples) A generic term for peoples who speak Slavic languages. In Russia and Eurasia it encompasses Russians, Ukrainians, Belarussians, and Carpatho-Rusyns, as well as Southern and Western Slavs.

perestroika A policy initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev that sought, among other things, to encourage economic development by increasing the power of the republic governments, to decentralize the economy, and encourage foreign investment. permafrost Land that is permanently frozen, with only the top few milimeters thawing in the warmer months. pir Muslim shrine. posyolok Settlement. qadi/kadi Judge of Sharia law.

sib. See clan

Siberia Territory from the Ural Mountains to the Pacific Ocean and from the Arctic Ocean to the borders of Kazakhstan, Mongolia, and China.

soviets Adminstrative and representative bodies that existed at all levels of the governmental structure. There were the Supreme Soviet, the supreme soviets of the Union and autonomous republics, and local soviets at all regional and local levels.

sovkhozy (sing., sovkhoz) State farms owned by the government and from which the government takes all that is produced, the workers being paid wages and given a small plot for their own use.

qunaq. See kunak

SSR Soviet Socialist Republic. In the former Soviet Union there were fifteen SSRs.

raion An administrative district within any other republic, kray, oblast, okrug, or city. In the former Soviet Union there were 3,160 raions, most of them rural.

stem family A residential group composed of a nuclear family and one or more additional members who do not comprise a second nuclear family.

Ramadan Major Muslim holiday lasting one month.

steppe

Open grassland, relatively treeless plain.

Glossary 517 Stolypin reforms A series of legislative reforms between 1906 and 1911, under Premier and Minister of the Interior P. A. Stolypin, whose policy was to break up the communes mirss) by encouraging and enabling peasants to acquire and work land on an "individual" basis (by household as represented by the elder); by 1916, 500,000 to 2 million households had separated from the communes in this way and about half of Russia's peasants were working their land on this basis.

Turks (Turkic Peoples) A generic term that refers to modem-day descendants of the people who formed an empire that, in the sixth century A.D., extended from the Black Sea east to Mongolia.

sub-Arctic climate In the K6ppen system, a climate characterized by a long, cold winter with low humidity and relatively little precipitation, mainly in the form of snow.

ulu A group of patrilineally related families; a rural commune; an administrative unit.

taiga Area of heavy forest, both coniferous and deciduous, often with poor soil and bogs and marshs in low-lying drainage areas; an ecological zone across nothem Eurasia, south of the tundra belt.

tusi Quasi-fiefdoms ruled by local hereditary landed officials who collected and paid taxes to the Chinese state.

ulema. See alim

unilineal descent The practice of tracing kinship affiliation through only one line, either the matriline or the patriline.

Union republic Soviet socialist republic of the former Soviet Union.

tamada System of ritualized and intense hospitality at feasts and other similar situations; master of ceremonies or presiding elder at such occasions.

Ural Mountains Mountain range running north-south that separates European and Siberian Russia.

tariqa Sufi religious brotherhood (clandestine in the Soviet period).

uraza. See oraza uterine descent.

See matrilineal descent

tipi Conical, portable dwelling of skins or hides, covering the poles.

waqf Mosque property.

tonir Conical clay oven for baking bread.

yasak. See iasak

transhumance Seasonal movements of a society or community. It may involve seasonal shifts in food production between hunting and gathering, horticulture, and the movement of herds to more favorable locations.

yurt A usually portable multifamily dwelling with a circular ground plan and sides of felt or skins attached to a folding wooden lattice framework.

zakat/zekat Tax for the support of the mosque or the tukhum Patrilineal clan; set of patrilineally related families; patrilineally based quarter of a village; patrilineally based settlement; patrilineal name group. tundra Environment marked by long winters, permafrost, poor soil, and little vegetation.

clergy. zurna Clarinet-like instrument.

Filmography

11. The Russians: People of the Country. (Belarussians) 1979. Directed by Arch Nicholson and produced by John Abbott for Film Australia. Color, 30 minutes, 16mm. LCA (PS).

12. Siberia: Russia's Frontier. (Siberia) 1970. Color, 27 minutes, 16mm. NOS (PS).

13. Soviet Television: Fact and Fiction. (Soviet Union) 1985. Produced by the BBC. Color, 110 minutes, VHS. Fl (PS).

14. Soviet Union. (Central Asia) 1987. Color, 25 minutes, VHS. NOS (EMC).

15. Soviet Union: Epic Land. (Russia) 1971. Color, 29 minutes. EBEC (EMC).

16. Soviet Union: Faces of Today. (Soviet Union) 1972.

Color, 26 minutes. EBEC (EMC).

17. The Soviet Union: A New Look. (Soviet Union) 1978.

Color, 25 minutes, 16mm. IFF (PS).

The following is a list of films and videos on Russia, Eurasia, and China. The list is not meant to be complete; rather, it is a sampling of documentary films available from distributors in North America. Listing a film or video does not constitute an endorsement by the volume editors or any of the summary authors, nor does the absence of a film represent any sort of nonendorsement. Abbreviations for names of distributors are provided at the end of each citation. The full name and address may be found in the directory of distributors that follows the indexes to the filmography. Many of these films are also available through the Extension Media Center of the University of California at Berkeley and/or the Audio-Visual Services of Pennsylvania State University, indicated by (EMC) or (PS) at the end of the citation.

China

Russia and Eurasia

1. Acupuncture: An Exploration. (Medicine) 1973. Color, 16 minutes. FILMF (EMC).

2. Agonies of Nationalism, 1800-1927. (China) 1972. 23 minutes, 16mm. Fl (EMC).

3. An Army Camp: Nanking. (China) 1976. Produced by Joris Ivens and Marceline Loridan. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm. ICARUS (PS).

4. The Barefoot Doctors of Rural China. (Medicine) 1975.

Produced by Diane Li. Color, 50 minutes, 16mm. PS. 5. Beijing. (China) 1980. Produced by Sue Yung Li and Shirley Sun. Color, 46 minutes, 16mm. PS (EMC).

6. Buddhism in China. (China, Buddhism) 1972. Produced by Wan-go Weng for the China Institute in America. Color, 30 minutes, 16mm. PIC (PS).

7. China, A Hole in the Bamboo Curtain. (China) 1973.

Produced by WWL, New Orleans. Color, 28 minutes, 16mm. PS. 8. China and Japan: 1279-1600. (China, history) 1985.

Color, 26 minutes, VHS. EMC. 9. China: A Portrait of the Land. (China) 1968. Color, 18 minutes, 16mm. EBEC (EMC).

10. China Coast Fishing. (China, fishing) 1975. Color, 19 minutes. EMC. 11. China in Transition: 581-1279. (China, history) 1985.

Color, 26 minutes, VHS. EMC. 12. China's Only Child. (China) 1985. Color, 57 minutes, VHS. T-L (EMC).

13. China's Villages in Change. (China, village life) 1968.

Color, 20 minutes, 16mm. EBEC (PS).

1. First Encounters: A Russian Journal. (Russia) 1978. Directed and produced by Laura Morgan. Color, 16 minutes, 16mm. BNCHMK (PS).

2. Heritage: Civilization and the Jews, 6-Roads from the Ghetto. (Jews) 1984. Produced by WNET. Color, 59 minutes, 16mm. Fl (PS).

3. People of Influence (Politics and People). (Soviet Union, politics) 1980. Produced by Film Australia. Color, 28 minutes. LCA (EMC).

4. People of the Cities (Urban Life Styles). (Russia, cities) 1980. Produced by Film Australia. Color, 28 minutes.

LCA (EMC).

5. People of the Country (Rural Collectivism). (Russia, collectivism) 1980. Produced by Film Australia. Color, 28 minutes. LCA (EMC).

6. Russia: The Unfinished Revolution. (Russia) 1968.

B&W, 60 minutes, 16mm. IU (PS) (EMC).

7. The Russian Consumer. (Russia) 1968. Produced by Julien Bryan. Color, 13 minutes, 16mm. IFF (PS).

8. The Russian Peasant. (Russia, peasants) 1968. Produced by Julien Bryan. Color, 20 minutes, 16mm. IFF (PS).

9. Russian X-Ray Film. (Russia) 1962. B&W, 11 minutes, 16mm. PS. 10. The Russians: People of Influence. (Russia) 1979. Directed by Arch Nicholson and produced by John Abbott and Tom Manefield for Film Australia. Color, 29 minutes, 16mm. LCA (PS).

519

520

Filmography

14. Chinese Bronze of Ancient Times. (China, art) 1952.

Color, 17 minutes, 16mm. PS. 15. Chinese Farm Wife. (China, women) 1975. Color, 17 minutes. EMC. 16. Chinese History: I-The Beginnings. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 19 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

17. Chinese History: 2-The Making of a Civilization.

(China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng.

Color, 18 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

18. Chinese History: 3-Hundred Schools to One. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 19 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

19. Chinese History: 4-The First Empires. (China, History) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 19 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

20. Chinese History: 5-The Great Cultural Mix. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 17 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

21. Chinese History: 6-The Golden Age. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 23 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

22. Chinese History: 7-The Heavenly Khan. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 22 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

23. Chinese History: 8-The Age of Maturity. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 23 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

24. Chinese History: 9-Under the Mongols. (China, history; Mongols) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng.

Color, 18 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

25. Chinese History: 10-The Restoration. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 21 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

26. Chinese History: 11-The Manchu Rule. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 18 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

27. Chinese History: 12-Coming of the West. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 20 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

28. Chinese History: 13-The Enduring Heritage. (China, history) 1976. Produced by Wan-go Weng. Color, 19 minutes, 16mm. IU (EMC) (PS).

29. Chinese Jade Carving. (China, arts) 1950. Color, 10 minutes, 16mm. EMC. 30. Chinese X-Ray Film. (China) 1962. B&W, 22 minutes, 16mm. PS. 31. A City of Cathay. (China, urban life) 1968. Color, 24 minutes, 16mm. PS. 32. Communist Triumph and Consolidation, 1945-1971.

(China) 1972. 20 minutes. Fl (EMC).

33. Depending on Heaven: The Desert. (Mongols) 1989. A Film by Peter Entell. Color, 28 minutes, 16mm, VHS. ICARUS. 34. Eight or Nine in the Morning. (China) 1973. By Felix Green. Color, 25 minutes, 16mm. T-L (EMC).

35. Enemies Within and Without, 1927-1944. (China) 1972. B&W, 25 minutes, 16mm. Fl (EMC).

36. First Moon: Celebration of a Chinese New Year. (China, Festivals) 1987. Produced and directed by Carma Hinton. Color, 37 minutes, 16mm, VHS. NEWDAY.

37. The Forbidden City. (China, urban life) 1973. Produced

by NBC. Color, 43 minutes, 16mm. Fl (PS).

38. Friendship First, Competition Second. (China) 1973. By Felix Green. Color, 25 minutes, 16mm. T-L (EMC).

39. Good Earth. (China) 1943. Directed by Sidney Franklin. B&W, 40 minutes, 16mm. Fl (EMC).

40. Great Treasurehouse. (China) 1973. By Felix Greene.

Color, 25 minutes, 16mm. T-L (EMC).

41. The Heart of the Dragon: I-Remembering. (China). Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

42. The Heart of the Dragon: 2-Caring. (China) 1984. Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

43. The Heart of the Dragon: 3-Eating. (China) 1984. Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

44. The Heart of the Dragon: 4-Believing. (China, Daoism; Buddhism; Confucianism) 1984. Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm. AMBVP (PS).

45. The Heart of the Dragon: 5-Correcting. (China) 1984.

Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and prooduced by Patrick Lui. Color, 54 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

46. The Heart of the Dragon: 6-Working. (China) 1984.

Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

47. The Heart of the Dragon: 7-Living. (China) 1984. Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

48. The Heart of the Dragon: 8-Marrying. (China) 1984.

Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

49. The Heart of the Dragon: 9-Understanding. (China) 1984. Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

50. The Heart of the Dragon: 10-Mediating. (China) 1984.

Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

51. The Heart of the Dragon: 11-Creating. (China) 1984.

Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

52. The Heart of the Dragon: 12-Trading. (China) 1984.

Directed by David Kennard and Mischa Scorer, and produced by Patrick Lui. Color, 55 minutes, 16mm.

AMBVP (PS).

53. Hong Kong Dresses Up. (Hong Kong) 1983. Color, 30 minutes, VHS, U-mat. LCA (EMC).

54. Hoy Fok and the Island School. (Hong Kong) 1975.

Color, 32 minutes, 16mm. EMC. 55. Inside China: Living with the Revolution. (China) 1983.

Color, 52 minutes, VHS. Fl.

Filmography

56. Inside China: The Newest Revolution. (China) 1983.

Color, 52 minutes, VHS. Fl. 57. Island Fishpond. (China) 1975. Color, 13 minutes, 16mm. EMC. 58. Island in the China Sea. (China) 1975. Color, 33 minutes. EMC. 59. It's Always So in the World (Urban Communal Living).

(China, urban life) 1980. Produced by Film Australia.

Color, 28 minutes, 16mm. LCA (EMC).

60. The Kazakhs of China. (Kazaks) 1983. Color, 53 minutes, VHS. Fl 61. The Long Search: I I-Taoism: A Question of BalanceChina. (China, Daoism) 1977. Produced by the BBC. Color, 53 minutes, 16mm. AMBVP (PS).

62. Masterpieces of Chinese Art. (China, art) 1973. Color, 28 minutes, 16mm. (PS).

63. Mind, Body, and Spirit (Health Care for the Masses).

(China, medicine) 1980. Produced by Film Australia.

Color, 28 minutes, 16mm. LCA (EMC).

64. Misunderstanding China. (China) 1972. Color, 51 minutes, 16mm. EMC. 65. Old Treasures from New China. (China) 1977. Color, 55 minutes, VHS, U-mat. EMC. 66. One Hundred Entertainments (State Supported Arts).

(China, art) 1980. Produced by Film Australia. Color, 28 minutes, 16mm. LCA (EMC).

67. One Nation, Many Peoples. (China, Uigur; Mongols; Thai) 1973. By Felix Greene. Color, 25 minutes, 16mm. T-L (EMC).

68. People of 'People's China". (China) 1973. Produced by ABC News. Color, 52 minutes, 16mm. XEROX (EMC).

69. People's Army. (China) 1973. By Felix Greene. Color, 25 minutes, 16mm. T-L (EMC).

521

70. People's Commune. (China, rural life) 1973. By Felix Greene. Color, 25 minutes, 16mm. T-L (EMC).

71. Requiem for a Faith. (Tibet) 1968. Color, 28 minutes, 16mm. HP (EMC) (PS).

72. Something for Everyone (Rural Communal Living).

(China, rural life) 1980. Produced by Film Australia.

Color, 28 minutes, 16mm. LCA (EMC).

73. Son of the Ocean (Changing Life Styles). (China) 1980.

Produced by Film Australia. Color, 28 minutes, 16mm.

LCA (EMC).

74. Stilt Dancers of Long Bow Village. (China, dance) 1980.

Directed and produced by Carma Hinton and Richard Gordon. Color, 27 minutes, 16mm. Fl (PS).

75. Suzhou. (China) 1980. Produced by Sue Yung Li and Shirley Sun. Color, 28 minutes, 16mm. EMC (PS).

76. A Taste of China. (China) 1984. Produced by Sue Yung Li. B&W, 16mm, VHS. EMC. 77. Three Island Women. (China, women) 1975. Color, 17 minutes, 16mm. EMC. 78. Tibet-A Buddhist Trilogy. Part 1, A Prophecy. (Tibet) 1981. Color, 54 minutes, 16mm. EMC. 79. Tibetan Medicine: A Buddhist Approach. (Tibet, medicine) 1976. Produced by Sheldon Rocklin. Color, 29 minutes, 16mm. HP (PS).

80. To Taste a Hundred Herbs: Gods, Ancestors, and Medicine in a Chinese Village. (China, village life; medicine) 1986. Produced by Richard Gordon and Kathy Kline, directed by Carma Hinton and Richard Gordon. Color, 58 minutes, VHS, U-mat. NEWDAY. 81. Zengbu after Mao. (China) 1987. Produced by Thomas Luehrsen in collaboration with Jack Potter and Sulamith Potter. Color, 27 minutes, VHS. NEWDIM.

522

Filmo-rabhv

Index to Filmography Reference numbers correspond to the entry numbers in each section of the Filmography.

Russia and Eurasia:

Belarussians, 11 Central Asia, 14 Jews, 2 Russia, 1, 4, 6-11, 15 Russia, cities, 4, 5 Russia, collectivism, 5 Russia, peasants, 8 Siberia, 12 Soviet Union, 13-17 Soviet Union, politics, 3 Soviet Union, television, 13

Directory of Distributors AMBVP

BENCHMK EBEC

EMC Fl

FILMF HP ICARUS

Ambrose Video Publishing, 381 Park Ave. S., New York, NY 10016 Benchmark Films, Inc., 145 Scarborough Rd., Briarcliff Manor, NY 10510 Encyclopaedia Brittanica Educational Corporation, Division of Encyclopaedia Brittanica, 425 N. Michigan Ave., Chicago, IL 61611 University of California Extension Media Center, 2176 Shattuck Ave., Berkeley, CA 94704 Films Incorporated, Subsidiary of PMI, 5547 N. Ravenswood Ave., Chicago, IL 60640 Film Fair Communications, Division of Film Fair, Inc., Box 1728, 10900 Ventura Blvd., Studio City, CA 91604 Hartley Productions, Inc., Cat Rock Road, Cos Cob, CT 06807 First Run/Icarus Films, 153 Waverly Place, New York, NY 10004

Cha: Arts, 14, 29, 62, 66 Buddhism, 6, 44 China, 2,3, 5,8,10,12, 30,32, 34, 35, 38-43,45-52, 55-58, 64, 65, 68, 69, 73, 75, 76, 81 China, history, 8, 11, 16-28 Confucianism, 44 Dance, 74 Daoism, 44, 61 Festivals, 36 Fishing, 7 Hong Kong, 53, 54 Kazakhs, 60 Medicine, 1, 4, 63, 80 Mongols, 24, 33, 67 Rural life, 70, 72 Thai, 67 Tibet, 71, 78 Tibet, medicine, 79 Uigur, 67 Urban life, 31, 37, 59 Village life, 13, 80 Women, 15, 77

IFF IU LCA

MCI NEWDAY NEWDIM NGS PIC PS

T-L XEROX

International Film Foundation, 155 W. 72nd St., Room 306, New York, NY 10023 Indiana University, A-V Center, Bloomington, IN 47405 Leaming Corporation of America, 130 E. 59th St., 10th Floor, New York, NY 10022 Mass Communications, Inc. New Day Films, 22 Riverview Drive, Wayne, NJ 07470 New Dimensions Films, 85895 Lorane Highway, Eugene, OR 97405 National Geographic Society, Washington, D.C. Pictura Films Distribution Corporation, 111 8th Ave., New York, NY 10011 Pennsylvania State University, Audio-Visual Services, Special Services Bldg., University Park, PA 16802 Time-Life Multimedia, 100 Eisenhower Drive, P.O. Box 644, Paramus, NJ 07653 Xerox Films, Department of Xerox Educational Publications, 245 Long Hill Road, Middletown, CT 06457

Ethnonym Index This index provides some of the alternative names and the names of major subgroups for cultures covered in this volume. The culture names that are entry titles are in boldface.

The symbol (R) following a title indicates that the article is to be found in Part One, Russia and Eurasia; (C) indicates that the article is in Part Two, China.

Abaka Tatars-Khakas (R) Abans-Shors (R)

Abazintsy-Abkhazians (R) AbLhazians (R) Abkhazy-Abkhazians (R) Acha-Jingpo (C) Achang (C) Ach'areli-Ajarians (R) Adyghe-Circassians (R) Aghuls (R) Ahni-Hani (C) Aini-Hani (C) Ainu (R)

Ajarians (R)

Aji-Jingpo (C) Akha-Hani (C) Ak Nogays (White Nogays)-Nogays (R) Aksulik-Uigur (C) Alan-Balkars (R) Alas-Laz (R) Aleuts (R) A Long-Nu (C) Alta-Altaians (R) Altai-Altaians (R) Altaians (R) Altai Turks-Altaians (R) Altays-Altaians (R) A-nan-Maonan (C) Andal-Andis (R) Andiitsy-Andis (R) Andis (R) Ang-De'ang (C) A Nu-Nu (C) Apswa-Abkhazians (R) Armenians (R) Armyanin-Armenians (R) Ashkenazim (R) Asi-Balkars (R) As-iakh-Khanty (R) Asiat-Balkars (R) Asiatic Eskimos (R) Atsa-Jingpo (C) A va-Wa (C)

Avam-Nganasan (R) Avars (R) A vo-Wa (C) Axi-Yi (C) A Yia-Nu (C)

Azerbaijanis-Azerbaljani Turks (R) Azerbaijani Turks (R) Azeris-Azerbajani Turks (R)

Bizika-Tujia (C) Bizka-Tujia (C) Black Benglong-De'ang (C) Black Lisu-Lisu (C) Blacksmith Tatars-Shors (R) Blang (C) Bo-Bai (C) Bodpa-libetans (C) Bonan (C)

Ba'ale Mikra-Karaites (R) Bai (C) Baihong-Hani (C) Baihuo-Bai (C) Baima-Qiang (C) Bai Man-Bai (C) Bai Miao-Miao (C) Baini-Bai (C) Baiyi-Dai (C) Baizi-Bai (C) Baizu-Bai (C) Balkars (R) Balqar-Balkars (R) Bashkirs (R) Bashkort-Bashkirs (R) Basiani-Balkars (R) Basman-Balkars (R) Beglopopovtsy-Old Believers (R) Begundy-Old Believers (R) Beiyi-Dai (C) Belarussians (R) Belarussian Sibetians-Siberiaki (R) Belkyur-Balkars (R) Belokrinitsy-Old Believers (R) Belorussians-Belarussians (R) Bendiren-Mulam (C) Benlong-De'ang (C) Benren-Wa (C) Bespopovtsy-Old Believers (R) Bhotia-TIbetans (C) Binei Mikra-Karaites (R) Birar-Evenki (R) Bitso-Dai (C) Biyue-Hani (C)

523

Bouyei (C) Boyi-Dai (C) Bozi-Bai (C) Brat-Buriats (R) Bratsk-Buriats (R) Buban-Zhuang (C) Budai-Zhuang (C) Budong-Zhuang (C) Bulkharan Jews (R) Bukharskie Evrei-Bukharan Jews (R) Bulgar-Balkars (R) Bulghar-Volga Tatars (R) Bulong-Zhuang (C) Buman-Zhuang (C) Bumin-Zhuang (C) Buna-Zhuang (C) Bunong-Zhuang (C) Bupian-Zhuang (C) Buriaad-Buriats (R) Buriat-Mongol-Buriats (R) Buriats (R) Bushuang-Zhuang (C) Butu-Zhuang (C) Buyang-Zhuang (C) Buyue-Zhuang (C) Byau Min-Yao (C) Byelorussians-Belarussians (R)

Carpatho-Rusyns (R) Ch'ani-Laz (R) Chaplintsy-Asiatic Eskimos (R) Chashan-Jingpo (C) Chasovennye-Old Believers (R) Chavash-Chuvash (R)

524 Ethnonym Index Chavchuvans-Koryaks and Kerek (R) Chechen-Chechen-Ingush (R) Chechen-Ingush (R) Cheremis-Maris (R) Cherkess-Circassians (R) Chernyye klobuhi-Karakalpaks (R) Ch'i-lao-Gelao (C) Chinese-Han (C) Chinese Muslims-Hui (C) Chukchee (R) Chukchi-Chukchee (R) Chuvans (R) Chuvantsky-Chuvans (R) Chuvash (R) Chysh Kizhi-Shors (R) Circassians (R) Cossacks-Don Cossacks (R) Cowrie Shell Miao-Miao (C) Crimean Jews-Krymchaks (R) Crimean Tatars (R) Cuan-Bai (C) Cumul'-kup-Selkup (R)

Dagchifut-Mountain Jews (R) Daguer-Daur (C) Dahuer-Daur (C) Dai (C) Daija-Dai (C) Daili-Dai (C) Daina-Dai (C) Daisa-Achang (C) Da ka va-Wa (C) Darganti-Dargins (R) Dargi-Dargins (R) Dargins (R) Dargwa-Dargins (R) Dashan-Jingpo (C) Daur (C) Dawoer-Daur (C) De'ang (C) Derung-Drung (C) Di-Qiang (C) Diakonovtsy-Old Believers (R) Digor-Ossetes (R) Dolgan (R) Don Cousack& (R) Dong (C) Dongag (C) Drung (C) Duasen-Yezidis (R) Dubo-Tuvans (R) Dulongzu-Drung (C) Dungan-Hui (C) Dungans (R) Dzhigets-Circassians (R) Edinoverie-Old Believers (R) Eesti-Estonians (R) Eestlased-Siberian Estonians (R) Egamik-Pamir Peoples (R) Ekaw-Hani (C) Eoni-Hani (C) Ersu-Qiang (C) Estonians (R) Etel-Chuvans (R) Even (R) Evenki (R) Ewenki (C)

Feodoseevtsy-Old Believers (R) Filippovtsy-Old Believers (R) Fishkin Tatars-Hezhen (C) Flowery Lisu-lisu (C)

Jin-Mulam (C)

Gagauz (R) Gaolan Nongan-Zhuang (C) Gelao (C) Gelo-Gelao (C) Georgian Jews (R) Georgians (R) Germans (R) Ghalghay-Chechen-lngush (R) Ghazi Kumukh-Laks (R) Ghvanal-Andis (R) Giliak-Nivkh (R)

Jugar-Bukharan Jews (R) Jukaghir Odul-Yukagir (R) Jurchen-Manchu (C)

Gilyak-Nivkh (R) Gin-Jing (C) Giriya(a)ku-Nivkh (R) G'ivri-Mountain Jews (R) Gold-Hezhen (C) Great Russians-Russian Peasants (R) Greeks (R) Guanting-Tu (C) Gypsies (R)

Haibulu-Avars (R) Hakka (C) Haknyin-Hakka (C) Han (C) Han Baiyi-Dai (C) Han Chinese-Han (C) Han Dai-Dai (C) Handisew-Andis (R) Hanhui-Hui (C) Hani (C) Hansa-Achang (C) Hanti-Khanty (R) Haoni-Hani (C) Hay-Armenians (R) Hei Miao-Miao (C) Heman-Hani (C) Heni-Hani (C) Heyi-Hani (C) Hezhe-Hezhen (C) Hezhen (C) Hlikhin-Naxi (C) Hmong-Miao (C) Hua-Han (C) Hua Miao-Miao (C) Hui (C) Huihui-Hui (C) Hung Miao-Miao (C) Huzhu-Tu (C) liqhy-Tsakhurs (R) Ile-Evenki (R) Ingilos (R) Ingush-Chechen-Ingush (R) Ir-Ossetes (R) Iron-Ossetes (R) Israel-Bukharan Jews (R) Isroil'-Mountain Jews (R) Itelmen (R) lz(e)di-Yezidis (R) Jews of Lite-Uthuanian Jews (R) Jiarong-Qiang (C)

Jing (C)

Jinghpaw-Jingpo (C) Jingpo (C) Jino (C)

Kaduo-Hani (C) Kalmyks (R)

Kalpaks-Karakalpaks (R) Kamchadals-Itelmen (R) Kamenshchiki-Siberiaki (R) Kang-Jingpo (C) Karachays (R) Karagas-Tofalar (R) Karaim-Karaites (R) Karaites (R) Karakalpaki-Karakalpaks (R) Karakalpaks (R) Karalpaks-Karakalpaks (R) Karbardians-Circassians (R) Karelians (R) Karjalaiset-Karedians (R) Karnveli-Georgians (R) Kashgarlik-Uigur (C) Ktish-Khinalughs (R) Kattid-Khinalughs (R) Ka va-Wa (C) Kaw-Hani (C) Kazak (C) Kazakh-Kazak (C) Kazakhs (R) Kazaks-Kazakhs (R) Kazanli-Volga Tatars (R) K'e-chia-Hakka (C) Keiia-Hakka (C) Kerek-Koryaks and Kerek (R) Keren-Hakka (C) Ket (R) Khaka-Dolgan (R) Khakas (R) Khal'mg-Kalmyks (R) Khanty (R) Khazak-Kazak (C) Khevsur (R) Khevsur-Khevsur (R) Khinalughs (R) Khojem-Hui (C) Khundzi-Avars (R) Kik-Kun-Kyrgyz (R) Kim Mun-Yao (C) Kirghiz-Kirgiz (C); Kyrgyz (R) Kirgiz (C) Kirgiz-Kyrgyz (R) Kizhi-Altaians (R) Komi (R) Kondoma-Shors (R) Kopu-Gelao (C) Koreans (R) Koryaks and Kerek (R) Koryo-Koreans (R) Krashenlar-Kriashen Tatars (R) Kreshchenye Tatary-Kriashen Tatars (R) Kriashen Tatars (R) Krymchaks (R)

Ethnon~ym Index Krymskie-Crimean Tatars (R) K'rymtatarlar-Crimean Tatars (R) Kubachins (R)

Kubachintsy-Kubachins (R)

Kunywks (R) Kurds (R) Kurmandz-Kurds (R) Kuznets Tatars-Shors (R) Kyrghyz-Kirgiz (C) Kyrgyz (R) Kyrgyz-Kirgiz (C) La-Wa (C)

Lachi-Jingpo (C) Lahu (C)

Lahuna-Lahu (C) Lahupa-Lahu (C) Lahuxi-Lahu (C) Lairen-Hakka (C) Lakk-Laks (R) Laks (R) Lalang-jingpo (C) Lamuts-Even (R) Langshu-Jingpo (C) Langwo-Jingpo (C) Lapps-Saarni (R) La Sam-Dai (C) Lashi-Jingpo (C) Latvians (R) Latviesi-Latvians (R) Latvji-Latvians (R) Laz (R) Lazoi-Laz (R) Lemki-Capartho-Rusyns (R) Letten-Latvians (R) Letts-Latvians (R) Le va-Wa (C) Lezgi-Lezgins (R) Legins (R) Lhoba (C) U (C) Liang-De'ang (C) Lietuva-Uthuanians (R) Ling-Mulam (C) Usu (C) Litawen-Lithuantans (R) Uthuanian Jews (R) Uthuanians (R) Litva-Utbuanians (R) Litvaks-Uthuanian Jews (R) Litwa-Uthuanians (R) Lolo-Yi (C) Lom-Gypsies (R) Lopari-Saami (R) Luoluo-Yi (C) Luoravetlan-Chukchee (R) Luxi-Naxi (C)

Maarulal-Avars (R) Magpie Miao-Miao (C) Malkan-Balkars (R) Malkars-Balkars (R) Malqat-Balkars (R) Manchu (C) Manegir-Evenki (R) Manoan (C) Mansi (R) Manzi-Qiang (C)

Mar-Maris (R) Margali-Mingredians (R) Mari-Maris (R) Maris (R) Maru-Jlingpo (C) Mata-Evenki (R) Megreli-Mingrelians (R) Menggu-Mongols (C) Mengsa-Achang (C) Mengsa-shan-Achang (C) Meskhetians (R) Meskhedian Turks-Meskhetians (R) Meskhetinskie Turki-Meskhetans (R) Miao (C) Mien-Yao (C) Mingrelets-Mingrelians (R)

Mingrelians (R) Minjia-Bai (C) Misaba-Yi (C) Mishar-Volga Tatars (R) Mitro-Dai (C) Moinba (C) Moldovans (R) Moldovians-Moldovans (R) Monggol-Mongols (C) Mongols (C) Mongols-Tu (C) Monguor-Tu (C) Mosalman-Volga Tatars (R) Moso-Naxi (C) Mountain Jews (R) Mountain Shors-Shors (R) Mountain Tatars-Bakars (R) Mrassa-Shors (R) Mukhadar-Rutuls (R) Mulam (C) Mulao-Mulam (C) Mulaozu-Mulam (C) Mumin-Hui (C) Musavi-Bdlkars (R) Mushwzn-Svans (R) Musilin-Hui (C) Muya-Qiang (C) Muyami-Qiang (C)

Nabei-Hezhen (C) Nakhi-Naxi (C) Namuyi-Qiang (C) Nanai (R) Nanai-Hezhen (C) Nanay-Nanai (R) Nani-Orochi (R) Naniao-Hezhen (C) Nari-Naxi (C) Naukantsy-Asiatic Eskimos (R) Nazi (C) Nenets (R) Nevuga Yupiga-Asatic Eskimos (R) Ngai-Hakka (C) Nganasan (R) Niang-De'ang (C) Nibuhi-Nivkh (R) Nikubun-Nivkh (R) Nivkh (R) Nogays (R) Noghaylar-Nogays (R) Nokhchiy-Chechen-Ingush (R) Nosu-Yi (C)

Nu (C) Nusu-Nu (C) Nuzhen-Manchu (C)

Nya-Nganasa- (R) Nymylan-Koryaks and Kerek (R) Oirats-Kalmyks (R) Old Believers (R) Onufrievtsy-Old Believers (R) Orochen-Evenid (R) Orochi (R) Orochisel-Orochi (R) Orok (R)

Oroqen (C) Ossetes (R) Osson-Badkars (R) Ostiak of the Yenisei-Ket (R) Osqyak-Khanty (R); Selkup (R) Ostyak-Samoyeds-Selkup (R) Oubykhs-Circassians (R) Ovsi-Balkars (R) Pai Yao-Yao (C) Pamirians-Pamir Peoples (R) Pamirian Tajiks-Pamir Peoples (R) Pamnir Peoples (R) Panthay-Hui (C) Pa rauk-Wa (C) Pei Er Mi-Pumi (C) Peimi-Pumi (C) Polak-Poles (R) Poles (R) Pomortsy-Old Believers (R) Pontian Greeks-Greeks (R) Pontic Greeks-Greeks (R) Popovtsy-Old Believers (R) Primi-Pumi (C) Pumi (C) Pumi-Qiang (C)

Qarachayri-Karachays (R) Qara Nogays (Black Nogays)Nogays (R) Qazi Qumukh-Laks (R) Qevsur-Khevsur (R) Qiang (C) Qing Miao-Miao (C) Qiren-Manchu (C) Qiu-Drung (C) Qumirq-Kurnyks (R) Red Benglong-De'ang (C) Rma-Qiang (C) Roma-Gypsies (R) Rong-Qiang (C) Ross-Russians (R) Rourou-Nu (C) Rus'-Russians (R) Rusnatsi-Capartho-Rusyns (R) Russian Peasants (R) Russians (R) Russian Siberians-Siberiaki (R) Russkiy-Russians (R) Rusyny-Capartho-Rusyns (R) Ruthens-Ukrainians (R) Rutuls (R) Saam'-Saami (R)

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526 Ethnonym Index Saami (R)

Sakartvelo-Georgians (R) Sakha-Dolgan (R); Yakut (R) Sala-Salar (C) Salar (C) Same-Saami (R)

Samoyed-Nenets (R); Nganasan (R); Selkup (R) Sani-Yi (C) Sannoi-Laz (R) Saviar-Balkars (R) Selkup (R) Semeiski-Siberiaki (R) Shanda-She (C) Shanha-She (C) She (C) Shemin-She (C) Shidong-Jingpo (C) Shors (R) Shortsy-Shors (R) Shui (C) Shui Baiyi-Dai (C) Shui Dai-Dai (C) Shwzn-Svans (R) Siam-Dai (C) Sibe-Xibe (C) Siberiachi-Siberiaki (R) Siberiaki (R) Siberian Cossacks-Siberiaki (R) Siberian Estonians (R) Siberian Germans (R) Siberian Tatars (R) Sibiriaki-Siberiaki (R) Sibtatars-Siberian Tatars (R) Singhinem Yupiga-Asiatic Eskimos (R) Sireniktsy-Asiatic Eskimos (R) Sivugam Yupiga-Asiatic Eskimos (R) Slavic Siberians-Siberiaki (R) Soioty-Tuvans (R) Somekhi-Armenians (R) Sou-Bai (C) Spasovtsy-Old Believers (R) Sredneziatskie Evrei-Bukharan Jews (R) Starokreshchenye Tatary-Kriashen Tatars (R)

Staroobriadtsy-Old Believers (R) Starovery-Old Believers (R) Stone Tower Culture-Qiang (C) Stranniki-Old Believers (R) Sulun-Ewenki (C) Sushen-Hezhen (C) Siisse-kum-Selkup (R) Svans (R) Syrjane-Komi (R) Tabasarans (R) Tabassarans-Tabasarans (R) Tadar-Khakas (R) Tadjik-Tajik (C); Tajiks (R) Tadzhiks-Tajiks (R) Tadzik-Tajik (C) Tai-Dai (C) Tajik (C) Tajiks (R)

Talish-Talysh (R) Talishlar-Talysh (R) Talushon-Talysh (R) Talysh (R) Tandy-Uriankhai-Tuvans (R) Tannu-Uriankhaitsy-Tuvans (R) Tarlyk-Siberian Tatars (R) Tarvgi-Samoyeds-Nganasan (R) Tatar-Volga Tatars (R) Tatar Jews-Krymchaks (R) Tatars (C) Tatary-Crimean Tatars (R) Tats (R) Taulu-Balkars (R) Tavgi-Nganasan (R) Tavricheskie-Crimean Tatars (R) Tibetans (C) Tobolik-Siberian Tatars (R) Tofa-Tofalar (R) Tofalar (R) Tom-Kuznets Tatars-Shors (R) Tsakhi-Tsakhurs (R) Tsakhurs (R) Tsannoi-Laz (R) Tscherkess-Circassians (R) Tsygane-Gypsies (R) Tu (C) Tual-Ossetes (R) Tuba-Tofalar (R) Tubal-Mingrelians (R) Tuding-Tujia (C) Tujen-Tujia (C) Tujia (C) Tulao-Zhuang (C) Tulong-Drung (C) Tumin-Tujia (C) Tungus-Even (R); Evenki (R); Ewenki (C) Turcomans-Turkmens (R) Turfanlik-Uigur (C) Turkish-speaking Bulgars-Gagauz (R) Turkmens (R) Turkmens-Turkmens (R) Turks-Tatars (C); Meskhetians (R) Tuvans (R) Tuvintsy-Tuvans (R) Tuzemnye-Bukharan Jews (R) Tya-Dolgan (R) Tya Kikhi-Dolgan (R) Tyva-Tuvans (R) Ubykhs-Circassians (R) Udins-Udis (R) Udis (R) Udmurt (R) Ugbug-Kubachins (R) Ugbugan-Kubachins (R) Uighur (R) Uighur-Uigur (C) Uigur (C) Uigur-Uighur (R) Uilta-Orok (R) Ukrainian Peasants (R) Ukrainians (R) Ukrainian Siberians-Siberiaki (R)

Ul'ta-Orok (R)

Unangan-Aleuts (R) Ungazim Yupiga-Asiatic Eskimos (R) Urangkhai Sakha-Yakut (R) Uriankhai-Tuvans (R) Uriankhi-Tuvans (R) Uti-Udis (R)

Uyghur-Uighur (R) Uygur-Uigur (C) Uzbeks (C) (R) Va-Wa (C) Velikorusskiy-Russians (R)

Voguls-Mansi (R) Volga Tatars (R) Votyak-Udmurt (R) Wa (C)

Wadul-Yukagir (R) Western Mongols-Kalmyks (R) White Lisu-Lisu (C) White Mongols-Tu (C) White Russians-Belarussians (R) Wild Nuchen-Hezhen (C) Wilta-Orok (R) Woni-Hani (C) Xiao ka va-Wa (C) Xiaoshan-Jingpo (C) Xibe (C) Xifan-Pumi (C) Xinren-Hakka (C) Xuejdzi-Dungans (R)

Yahudi-Bukharan Jews (R) Yakut (R) Yakut-Ewenki (C) Yakutians-Yakut (R) Yao (C) Yao Min-Yao (C) Yarussa-Avars (R) Yazid;-Yezidis (R) Yenisei Kirghiz-Khakas (R) Yenisey Ostyak-Ket (R) Yevrei-Ashkenazim (R) Yezidis (R) Yi (C) Yu-She (C)

Yuezu-Jing (C) Yugur-Yi (C) Yukaghir-Yukagir (R) Yukagir (R) Yupibu-Hezhen (C) Yupik-Asiatic Eskimos (R) Yurak-Nenets (R) Yurak-Samoyeds-Nenets (R)

Zaiwa-Jingpo (C) Zanar-Mingrelians (R) Zhch'uch'ur-Mountain Jews (R)

Zhongguo ren-Han (C) Zhuang (C) Ziryene-Komi (R) Zyrian-Komi (R) Zyryan-Komi (R)

The Editors

Parallax, and, most recently, Music in Russian Poetry (in press). He has taught at several universities and, since 1962, at the University of Chicago, where he is professor of anthropology, linguistics, and social thought and an associate in Slavic languages and literatures.

Editor in Chief David Levinson (Ph.D., State University of New York at Buffalo) is vice-president of the Human Relations Area Files in New Haven, Connecticut. He is a cultural anthropologist whose primary research interests are in social issues, worldwide comparative research, and social theory. He has conducted research on homelessness, alcohol abuse, aggression, family relations, and ethnicity. Among his dozens of publications are the award-winning text Toward Explaining Human Culture (with Martin J. Malone), The Tribal Living Book (with David Sherwood), and Family Violence in CrossCultural Perspective. Dr. Levinson also teaches anthropology at Albertus Magnus College in New Haven, Connecticut.

Associate Editors

Robert Austerlitz was born in Bucharest, Romania, came to the United States in 1938, and took his B.A. at the New School and his M.A. and Ph.D. (in linguistics) at Columbia University; he has also studied in Finland and Japan. He is a specialist in Finno-Ugric and Paleosiberian languages and cultures, on which he has published many articles and a book: Ob-Ugric Metrics; he has also coedited several anthologies.

He has taught at Yale University, the University of Cologne, the University of California at Berkeley, the University of Ohio, the University of Washington, and other institutions, but mainly at Columbia University, where he started in 1958 and is currently professor of linguistics.

Volume Editors Norma Diamond (Ph.D., Cornell University) is professor of anthropology and an associate of the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. She is one of the founders and editors of the journal Modern China. She is primarily a cultural anthropologist, with particular interests in economic anthropology, gender, ethnicity, and social change. She has done fieldwork in Taiwan and Shandong on Han rural communities, and more recently has done fieldwork in Yunnan on the Miao. Recent and forthcoming publications include "Writing and Power Christianity and the Hua Miao" (in Christianity in China, edited by Daniel Bays), "Defining the Miao: Ming, Qing, and Contemporary Views" (in China's Civiliting Project, edited by Stevan Harrell), and "Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics" (Women and International Development Annual Review, no. 4).

Clementine Creuziger was born in New York City and educated in France, Germany, and the United States, taking her B.A. at Bowdoin University (Russian) and, at the University of Chicago, her M.A. (geography/Ukrainian focus) and her Ph.D. (anthropology)-the latter with a thesis titled Childhood in Soviet Russia (based on over a year of fieldwork)). She teaches languages at the U.S. Naval Academy and is currently researching Russian child lore and spiritual education in Russia.

Kevin Tuite was born in South Bend, Indiana, and received his B.A. at Northwestern University (chemical engineering) and his Ph.D. (linguistics) at the University of Chicago-the latter with a thesis that won the Mark Perry Galler Prize.

After teaching classical and modem Georgian at the University of Tokyo, he joined the University of Montreal, where he teaches in the Department of Anthropology (e.g., a course on the cultures of the Caucasus). A specialist on the languages, cultures, and poetic systems of the Caucasus, particularly of Georgia and Svanetia, Tuite has published or presented numerous papers.

Paul Friedrich was born in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and educated at Williams College, Harvard University, and Yale University (Ph.D. in anthropology). He has done almost five years of fieldwork with Mexican and East Indian Indians and Russians and has written numerous articles and eleven books, including Agrarian Revolt in a Mexican Village, The Language

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