6 minute read
Disaster Capitalism
the shock doctrine & forced migration - By Ophelie Lawson
You might wonder, what on earth is disaster capitalism and the shock doctrine?
Advertisement
Let me explain: The “shock doctrine” is a political strategy that consists in using the public disorientation following large-scale crises and disasters - wars, natural disasters, pandemics - (in other words massive collective shocks) to push through policies that systematically deepen inequality, enrich elites and which would normally never be accepted in ordinary circumstances. It uses the public’s disorientation following a collective shock to push through radical pro-corporate measures, often called “shock therapy”. Shock tactics follow a clear pattern: wait for a crisis, declare a moment of what is sometimes referred to as “extraordinary politics”, suspend some, or all, democratic norms – and then force the corporate wishlist throughout hastily. The term Disaster capitalism is described by Naomi Klein in her book The Shock Doctrine (2007) as the way that private industries spring up to directly profit from large-scale crises. Capitalism uses disasters and catastrophes to privatize new sectors of society and imposes free-market reforms, creating private company profits but failing in terms of democracy, fairness, and justice. It hides behind situations that create hardship for people, profiting from the collective shock.
This concept of disaster and crisis profiteering
isn’t new. In her book, Naomi argues that it really intensated under the Bush administration after 9/11. The aftermath of 9/11 left Americans disoriented and in shock. The Bush administration seized the collective shock and fear felt by Americans after the attack and declared this sort of never-ending security crisis, privatizing security state, launching the ‘War on Terror’, and enabling the “Patriot Act” which violated many constitutional rights. Homeland security is now a $200 billion industry. Homeland security companies gained a lot thanks to the atmosphere of crisis and fear that was being spread through media outlets. (The patriot Act is a Anti-terrorism law, passed by the United States Congress and signed by George W. Bush on October 26, 2001. The purpose of the USA Patriot Act is to deter and punish terrorist acts in the United States and around the world
It gives the government rights to look at records on an individual’s activity held by third parties, allows security services to access computer data held by individuals and businesses without prior authorization and without notifying users.)
Now you might wonder, how does that apply to the so called ‘refugee crisis’ ?
Refugee flow is a thematic that has already gained worldwide attention. In 2015, Greece was the main entry point for over one million refugees, forced migrants and migrants who fled to Europe by sea. 1,000,573 people reached Europe across the Mediterranean, mainly to Greece and Italy that year. A further 34,000 crossed from Turkey into Bulgaria and Greece by land, according to the UNCHR The number of people displaced by war and conflict was in 2015 the highest seen in Western and Central Europe since the Balkan crises of the 1990s. (UNHCR) This period is known as the ‘European migrant crisis’, aka the so called ‘refugee crisis’. And much like any other “disaster,” the crisis has been and is continuously exploited for political and economic purposes, it is the perfect excuse for governments to push through radical agendas, as we have seen unraveling over the past few years. Policy makers within Europe have used the“ refugee crisis” to push for more restrictive, selective, and securitised immigration law and border control. Then, the pandemic happened. And for governments, it was the perfect opportunity to push through even more radical agendas. Another ‘disaster’. Earlier this year, for instance, the Eu started experimenting with new digital measure to prevent people from crossing, with the Greek border police firing bursts of deafening noise from an armored truck over the frontier into Turkey. Using “sound cannon,” to protect its borders. This was part of new experimental digital barriers that were being tested during the quiet months of the coronavirus pandemic and installed while Europe was still dealing with disorientation and shock in the middle of a pandemic. During the pandemic, EU member states have used illegal operations to push back at least 40,000 asylum seekers from Europe’s borders. Their methods have been linked to the death of more than 2,000 people, an article from The Guardian revealed the following investigations. Using the pandemic to both push through their agendas and ‘protect’ the borders. Meanwhile, private companies have secured and made profits through providing technology and infrastructure to help strengthen border enforcement, but also through providing services that have helped different countries to house, feed, detain and also deport arriving people, making ‘illegal’ border crossing their core business idea: Private security companies, defense contractors and others. Capitalising on crisis.
HOW DIFFICULT IS IT FOR REFUGEES AND ASYLUM SEEKERS IN THE UK TO OBTAIN AN EDUCATION? By Cleo Hanson
According to the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child and the 1951 Refugee Convention, education is considered a basic human right (UNHCR). However, many refugees and asylum seekers in the UK face multiple barriers to accessing education. A proper education can help people find jobs, make money to support themselves and rebuild their lives, and protects young refugees from sexual exploitation and child labour.
Financial difficulties play a major role in preventing refugees from accessing education. Asylum seekers cannot claim benefits, nor do they have the right to work in the UK and are forced to subsist on £5.66 a day if they have no source of income (Refugee Action). This can prevent families from affording transport for their children to get to and from school.
Young asylum seekers looking to attend higher education may find that it is harder for them to study than their peers who are UK nationals. Students seeking refuge are categorised as international students and therefore must pay higher fees and often cannot apply for student loans (UNHCR). The fact that asylum seekers do not have the right to work means they cannot get a job to afford the fees and the living costs.
Furthermore, the ability to speak English is vital for finding work, making connections, and doing basic everyday tasks in the UK. However, according to a report by Refugee Action, nearly two thirds of refugees who responded claimed that they did not receive enough ESOL teaching hours. In addition, three quarters of parents said that lack of childcare prevented their ability to attend English classes. As a result, two out of every three respondents said their lack of English proficiency made them feel as though they were not ready to work in the UK.
There is also a large gender disparity between the education of refugee men versus women. Men who seek refuge in the UK are more likely than women to know how to read and write (LSE). In addition, they were more likely to attend ESOL classes. The fact that women are usually the primary caregivers of children may affect their attendance of ESOL lessons.
A lack of financial stability can dramatically reduce a person’s ability to receive a good education, and due to UK government policy, asylum seekers often struggle to support themselves and their families.
Allowing asylum seekers the right to work and giving them better financial support could mean improved access to education for themselves and their children. Moreover, not enough is being done to ensure that refugees are learning English, which is essential for living, working, and studying in this country. A quality education can help improve life chances for both children and adults alike and more needs to be done to make it accessible.
Alliance for Cohesion & Racial Equality (ACRE) info@acre-reading.org 0118 951 0279
