Female Genital Mutilation

What can you do? The simplest answer is talk. Talk and educate people about this issue, open dialogues that are culturally sensitive, using the right language and information to motivate people to learn more. This is not an ethnic minority women’s issue, this is not an ethnic minority issue, this is not a women’s issue, it’s an issue for us all and we all have the responsibility to do what we can by educating those around us. Smash down the walls of stigmatisation and talk to someone about FGM.

By Kairel Mcleary-Barnes

The practice, traditional in some cultures, of partially or totally removing the external genitalia of girls and young women for nonmedical reasons, is illegal in many countries, including the UK.

Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is practiced in many Western, Eastern, and North-Eastern regions of Africa, countries in the Middle East, Asia, and by migrants from these areas. FGM happens to young girls between infancy and age 15 as some cultures believe it will help preserve their virginity making them more marriageable, more feminine, and cleaner. It has zero health benefits but many health implications, including severe or constant pain, infections such as tetanus, HIV and Hepatitis B and C, pain or difficulty having sex, infertility, bleeding, cysts, and abscesses. Difficulties urinating or incontinence, organ damage and problems during pregnancy and childbirth which can be lifethreatening for mother and baby, are attributes of FGM.

Alongside these physical effects, there are also psychological implications. Those who are in education can have their work suffer and may even stop attending school. For many, the stigma and shame around women’s sexual organs create a reluctance to go to the doctors or ask for help following FGM, meaning many women suffer alone.

The latest figures from the NSPCC show that the number of people reaching out to their FGM helpline rose 36% from 476 in 2017/18 to 645 last year (2020). Since the helpline’s launch in 2013, there has been 2,747 calls, with almost 1 in 5 concerns being so severe that they were referred to external agencies. More than 200 million girls and women alive today have experienced FGM in 30 countries across Africa, the Middle East and Asia. But FGM is a global problem and is present here in the UK too. A new report from the City University London and Equality found that 2.1% of women in London have been affected by FGM, the highest in the country. Outside the capital, the highest estimates were for Manchester, Slough, Bristol, Leicester, and Birmingham. Many organisations, including Mojatu Foundation, are working together to end FGM. If you are concerned about a woman or girl or want to seek out support you can call the NSPCC’s 24/7 anonymous FGM Helpline on 0800 028 3550 or email fgmhelp@nspcc. org.uk, in an emergency ring 999. For emotional and peer support in Nottingham contact us at info@ mojatufoundation.org.

by Karuti Kanyinga & Tom Mboya

In Kenya’s previous elections, senators spent an average $319,000 in getting elected. Kenya’s general elections, scheduled for 9 August 2022, are now less than a year away. It’s too early to say what the country’s political landscape will look like after the vote, but we do know something about who will get elected – those who can afford it.

In Kenya, campaign financing laws and regulations are rarely enforced. Some new rules were recently proposed, but politicians are keen to avoid discussing electoral expenditure. They know that winning elections is more about spending money – and then making money – than worrying about constituents’ wellbeing or coming up with a compelling political ideology. As our recent research in collaboration the Westminster Foundation for Democracy (WFD), the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD), and Mzalendo shows, this means that access to Kenya’s political spheres is based on affluence rather than passion or aptitude. We found that candidates who were successfully elected to the National Assembly in the 2017 general elections spent an average KSh18.2 million ($166,000) during their campaigns. Those elected to the Senate expended an average KSh35 million ($319,000). In many constituencies – especially those in which one party dominates – most of the expenditure occurs during party primaries. Senators, for instance, spent an average KSh19.2 million ($175,000) during these internal contests to win their party’s nomination, compared to KSh16.3 million ($148,000) in the subsequent national election. In both instances, the vast majority of costs seem to have come from the aspirants’ own pockets. Threequarters of the those surveyed said they received no or very little support from their political party.

Running as a woman

To put it simply: if you want to win a political position in Kenya, be rich and spend big. The more you spend, the greater your chances of winning – unless you are a woman.

Our research also found a significant gender disparity. Far fewer women make it to the ballot or win seats, but they spend significantly more. In trying to win seats in the National Assembly, for instance, women spent an average of KSh23.6 million ($240,000) compared to men’s average of KSh17 million ($155,000). Female candidates face multiple challenges arising from Kenya’s deep-seated patriarchal norms. For example, it is seen as improper for women to lead largescale rallies or campaign late into the evening. This means that they must rely on more costly and labour-intensive strategies such as smaller events, door-to-door canvassing, and face-to-face meetings. Female candidates are also typically held to higher standards than men, while many voters simply believe women should not be in politics to begin with. As one respondent told us, “Some people still think that the woman’s place is in the kitchen”. Kenya’s “big man” politics puts women at a disadvantage too. In this political culture, candidates’ ability to solve local challenges is seen to be determined by their proximity to the centre of power, and this usually means being male. There have been attempts to increase female representation in Kenya politics. The 2010 constitution, for instance, created a new “county woman representative” position that set aside 47 seats in the National Assembly that only female candidates could contest. This has increased the proportion of women in parliament but has also had the undesirable side-effect that remaining 290 directly elected seats have been perceived by many as “men-only seats”.

Fixing the system

In Kenya, politics is the preserve of the rich or, more specifically, rich men. To change this, the country needs a holistic, transparent, and effective campaign finance infrastructure. To begin with, the 2014 Election Campaign Finance Act, which set spending limits, must be actively enforced. It is only with caps on expenditure that Kenya’s vastly skewed playing field can be levelled, and the transactional nature of politics can be challenged. It will also be necessary to reject the prevailing perception that women should only compete for affirmative action seats. Female candidates will need to be encouraged and supported to compete for the full range of positions. The constitutional provision that no more than two-thirds of the National Assembly or Senate can be of the same gender needs to be enforced, while gender quotas for party primaries and a reduction of electoral fees for women contesting at all levels could also help increase representation. Unfortunately, the people with the greatest capacity to change the status quo are the very ones who most benefit from it. This means that the 2022 elections will be likely to follow the same patterns as those in 2017. Less affluent Kenyans and women will, once again, be largely excluded. shorturl.at/uIMY0