Railway Times - Issue 1

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A SPECIAL PUBLICATION DEDICATED TO THE HISTORY OF RAILWAYS, FROM THE ARCHIVES OF

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YEAR IN

FOCUS 1900: A curious railway accident

1925: Stockton and Darlington

1898: Waterloo train indicators

1940s: WWII advertising

1898: Abingford box mystery!

1991: Fight to save Barrow Hill MERSEY LOOP TENDER ACCEPTED MERSEYSIDE P.T.A. has agreed to British Railways accepting tenders for the terminal loop underground line and burrowing junction at Hamilton Square, Birkenhead, at a cost of £9,092,525. The Department of the Environment has agreed to pay 75 per cent. An application has been made to the Department of the Environment for a further grant towards construction of the underground link between Exchange and Central Stations, Liverpool, estimated to cost £10,820,000.

Open day at Barrow Hill By Peter A Hogarth BA, reprinted from the January 1972 edition of The Railway Magazine ON Sunday, September 26 1971, British Railways held one of its increasingly popular “open days” at Barrow Hill diesel servicing depot, Staveley, Chesterfield. Despite limited publicity and an unfortunate freak thunderstorm, large crowds were attracted to the event. Local visitors, as well as considerable numbers of enthusiasts who had journeyed from farther afield. travelled to Barrow Hill Station, on the former Midland Railway “old road” to Rotherham. in a six-car d.m.u., which throughout the day operated a shuttle service from Chesterfield. Barrow Hill roundhouse - of M.R. origin, and still perpetuating in its modern role that company's impeccable traditionvcontained a variety of goods vehicles and examples of modern B.R. diesel

power. ranging from shunting locomotives Nos. 2045 and 3209, through “classes "20". ‘‘31'' and “37". represented by locomotlyes 8032. 5543 and 6808 respectively, to class “17" No. 15-18. In the shed yard one had the rare opportunity to compare a rake of the latest Mark IID coaches, headed by another class “47”, No. 1519, with Stanier class “5” steam 4-6-0 engine 45212, loaned for the occasion by the Keighley & Worth Valley Railway Society. Other exhibits of note were the two-car Metropolitan-Cammell D.M.U. housing the plasma-torch equipment developed by Derby Research Centre, a 100-ton bogie tank wagon, and a Freightliner vehicle. Alongside, class “03" No. 2129 and a B.R. second-class coach operated a short-haul passenger service for visitors, at the modest charge of 2p per head, from the shed to the present limit of the defunct mineral branch which gives access to the depot. The spectacle of these exhibits was in strange contrast to memories of the scene only eight years ago,

when, after the closure of Sheffield Darnall shed, ranks of stored “K3”s, “Jubilees” and “Royal Scots” stood silently alongside the Johnson “half-cabs” and Deeley “dock tanks" which for so long marshalled trafific at the nearby Staveley Works. Barrow Hill Station stands forlorn and almost forgotten since its closure in 1954, although the “old road" carries a still considerable volume of freight traffic, running for most of its length through a barren and malodorous wasteland of chemical plants, coking ovens and steel works.

Passenger traffic is normally limited to a few summer Saturday trains. However. should the main line through Bradway Tunnel to Sheffield be closed for Sunday engineering operations, and West of England expresses, or perhaps even then the “old road” regains briefly a measure of a Glasgow-bound sleeper, speeding past the longits former glory. On these rare occasions. one extinguished gas lamps which even now grace may still witness the fine spectacle of London the desolate platforms at Barrow Hill. MORE BARROW HILL: PAGE 4

SUFFOLK STATION REOPENED NEEDHAM STATION, on the former G.E.R. main line, was reopened as Needham Market - by the Eastern Region on December 6. “Paytrains” operating between Ipswich, Stowmarket and Cambridge call there. Serving increased local population, the rural council has contributed to restoring station facilities, last used by passengers on January 1, 1967. A supplementary souvenir ticket, price 10p, has been on sale. BOROUGH MARKET JUNCTION SOUTHERN REGION scheme for removing the bottleneck at Borough Market Junction (R.M. February, 1971, page 99), costing £14m., has been approved by the Government, which will make a 75 per cent. infrastructure grant towards the cost of the work, which should be completed by 1976. TROUBLE ON MARK IID COACHES AFTER a number of incidents, including three fatalities, British Railways has removed the inside door handles from all Mark IID stock in service, some 152 vehicles, and unlocked the windows in the vestibule doors, so that these doors can now only be opened by turning the external door handle. B.R. FARE INCREASES AND THE C.B.I. THOUGH individual fare increases imposed by British Railways in the New Year may be above the five per cent. recommended by the Confederation of British Industries, others will be lower, so that the overall average increase will not exceed the C.B.I. figure.


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A curious railway accident As reported in The Railway Magazine, March 1900 As will be seen by our illustration, an extraordinary railway accident occurred at terminus of the Dublin, Wicklow, and Wexford Railway about half-past four on the afterthe noon of Wednesday, February 14. A cattle train failed to stop at the station, and the engine dashed through the station wall, and hung suspended in mid-air over Hatch Street. The accident is unparalleled in Ireland, though one similar in its nature occurred at a Paris railway station some time ago, and attracted widespread attention. Fortunately, the accident at Harcourt Street was unattended by loss of life, though the engine-driver was severely injured. The cattle train left Enniscorthy about 10 o’c1ock in the morning, picking up trucks filled with cattle for the Dublin market at the different stations. A great many of the cattle were from Arklow Fair, to be sold at Dublin on February 15th. When the last truck was taken up, the train was a heavy one, consisting of about thirty trucks. All went well until the train was approaching Harcourt Street Station, when the driver found he could not get his brakes to hold

the train, owing to the slippery nature of the rails. The heavy train overpowered the engine, which dashed through the station, to the great alarm of the people on the platform, who saw that an accident of a serious nature must result. The engine, dashing against the stationary buffers at the end of the platform, drove them from their place, and, with a terrific crash, bored right through the wall itself. The locomotive was seen, amid a shower of falling masonry, to push on through the aperture, and come to a stop, suspended in mid-air, 30 feet over Hatch Street. Our illustration shows the 6-coupled goods engine thus suspended, with the tender in end behind it, and the massive stop-blocks in the street below.

None of the cattle-men who were in the train had been injured. The guard also escaped. There was intense excitement in the station when the accident occurred. The engine, on striking the buffers, had wrenched the dead end of solid masonry from its place, and,

mounting the bank, had crashed through the wall, displacing nearly a thousand cubic feet of masonry. A breakdown gang was soon at work; the fire drawn from the fire-box, and the steam allowed

to escape. The cattle wagons were speedily detached, and drawn off by another engine, and, when this was accomplished, the odinary traffic in the station was reumed. The breakdown gang worked all night removing the engine and clearing away the debris.

A curious Valentine for Hatch Street, Dublin

The fireman jumped off the engine and was unhurt, but the driver was badly injured, being thrown from the engine when it struck the wall. ‘ His right arm was jammed tightly between some broken bars and the tender, and he lay pinned just over the broken wall. When extracted it was found that his right hand was almost severed from his arm. The driver was removed to the hospital, where the arm was amputated just below the shoulder.

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1903: What our railways are doing

Welcome Welcome to a special publication drawn from the archives of The Railway Magazine.

The Railway Magazine is the most authoritative rail publication in Britain today, and three years ago we began the gargantuan task of digitising every issue of The Railway Magazine, from volume one, issue one in July 1897. 140,000 pages later, and we are very proud to say that the job is complete and available to subscribers. In 2014, we purchased an Atiz Bookdrive – a piece of technology that allows us to scan in issues without causing damage to the originals. It takes about an hour to scan in 100 pages, magazines are held open on a v-cradle with an acrylic top plate. The first piece of software uses LED lighting to illuminate the pages and

Editor Darren Hendley archive@railwaymagazine.co.uk railwaymagazine.co.uk/archive Production editor Sarah Wilkinson Publisher Tim Hartley Picture desk Paul Fincham Archive scanning Angie Sisestean Text processing Mark Aston Publishing director Dan Savage Marketing Paula Atkins Marketing manager Charlotte Park

120 years of railway history at your fingertips!

high resolution images are captured by two cameras. A second piece of software crops, de-skews and rotates the pages, stitching them together. A final piece of software runs Optical Character Recognition (OCR) to make the issues searchable. In this issue of Railway Times, we have a five-page history of the Stockton and Darlington Railway - the first public railway on which locomotive traction was employed, and intended to carry both passengers and goods. In the 1850s horse dandies were still employed – these were attached at the end of a train of wagons, and the horses were trained to jump in on the down gradients, and ride as passengers until their services were again required to head the load! On page 10, there's a fascinating history of train indicators at Waterloo,

To advertise, please contact Craig Amess - 01507 529537 camess@mortons.co.uk Distribution 01507 529529 Customer services 01507 529529 Railway Times is published quarterly by Mortons Media Group Ltd Printing Mortons Print Railway Times, Media Centre, Morton Way, Horncastle, Lincolnshire LN9 6JR

written in 1898 and on page 12, a look at how The Railway Magazine covered World War II. Cannon Street Station 1866 to 1966 is featured on page 20 – originally published in two parts, in the August and September 1966 issues of The Railway Magazine Close the curtains, put the kettle on and transport yourself back to a cold Victorian winter for some railway fiction – The mystery of Abingford intermediate box. We would love to hear your feedback on this issue, and welcome comments and suggestions for possible future editions, please email: archive@railwaymagazine.co.uk. Darren Hendley

© Copyright Mortons Media Group Ltd. Reproduction in any manner, in whole or in part, without prior approval in writing is prohibited. The publisher cannot accept reeposibility for errors in articles or advertisements, or for unsolicited manuscripts, photographs or illustrations.

Sir Loftus Wilkinson promises that the Great Western Railway will run express trains between London and Bristol in 2 hours next summer, when the shortened route via the South Wales Direct Railway is brought into use. *** There was a very interesting gathering in the directors’ board room of the North Staffordshire Railway at Stoke-upon-Trent on Thursday, November 27th, when Mr. John Henry Rice, Assistant Manager, was presented with a purse of gold from the heads of departments, a gold chain and sovereign fob from the senior members of the headquarters’ staff, and a gold watch (suitably engraved) from the station agents and senior clerks on the occasion of the completion of his jubilee in the railway service. Mr. W. D. Phillipps, General Manager, presided, and was supported by the heads of departments, chief clerks, and many station agents. *** A luxurious train for the King has just been built by the London and North- Western Railway at Wolverton Works, from the designs of Mr. Park, the Carriage Superintendent. There are two saloons in which the King will travel, and these communicate by means of corridors with each other and with other saloons in which the suite will be accommodated. The saloons are lighted by clusters of electric lights. *** The Great Southern and Western Railway intends to do everything possible to develop the Irish dairy-farming industry, and to obtain knowledge at first hand on the subject Mr. R. G. Colhoun, the General Manager, and Mr. E. A. Neale. the Goods Manager of the Great Southern and Western Railway, have recently spent some time on the Continent for the purpose of studying the manner in which butter and eggs, etc. are packed by consignors, the rates charged by the carrying companies. and the methods adopted for placing the dairy and agricultural produce on the English markets in the best possible condition. *** The Great Northern Railway, with the intention of effecting economies in working expenses, is now introducing, for the working of the coal traffic between the collieries in the West Riding and Nottingham districts and London, a number of high—capacity steel bogie freight cars, which. have a carrying capacity of no less than three times the existing standard 10-ton wagons. These Wagons, which are constructed throughout of steel, were recently submitted to several tests with weights of 40 tons. They are provided with the vacuum brake, a separate cylinder being provided for each bogie, Whilst, in addition, a screw brake which can be applied or released from either side is also fitted. A special feature of these wagons, which are 39ft. in length and 8%ft. high, is the provision of a removable hinged flap above

each of the six double folding doors, which enable a barrow to be wheeled into the wagon from a loading bank Without obstruction. *** Sir Loftus Wilkinson continues to improve the facilities afforded travellers by the Great Western Railway. We now have to chronicle the fact that from January 1st, 1903, new dining cars with accommodation for first, second and third class passengers will be attached to the 6.10 p.m. express from Paddington to Cardiff, and the 6.25 p.m. express from Paddington to Bristol. A new breakfast car with accommodation for first, second and third class passengers will be attached to the 7.45 a.m. express from Bristol to Paddington. A new luncheon car with accommodation for first, second and third class passengers will be attached to the 9.58 a.m. express from Cardiff to Paddington. Previously dining accommodation for only first-class passengers was provided by the Great Western Railway. *** Bristol, although only served by one railway. has as good a train service as any town in the kingdom, and this is being improved month by month by the Great Western Railway. The latest The Great Western Railway timetables for January were available for reference on December 10th, so that travellers wishing to journey early in the New Year could make their train arrangements over the Great Western Railway three weeks ahead. *** An agreement has now been made by which the Drumcondra Link Railway in Dublin will be worked to better advantage. A suitable junction at Amiens Street is to be provided, and a service of passenger trains will be run between the Great Southern and Western Railway and the Dublin, Wicklow and Wexford Railway, including connections with the Great Northern. The through coaches which are to be run by the Great Southern and Western Railway between stations on that system and stations on the Dublin, Wicklow and Wexford Railway as far as Bray will, doubtless, cause a large passenger traflic to be worked up between these points in the summer, when large numbers of people go to Kingstown, Dalkey, and Bray. It is very probable that the American mails will be conveyed via Kingstown to Queenstown, instead of via North Wall, as at present, under the new arrangements, since trains will be able to run over the Drumcondra Railway at a high rate of speed. This is a very important point as the existing connection between the North Wall lines and the Kingstown line and Great Southern and Western Railway via Newcomen Bridge Junction is not good as the junction in question is approached by a severe gradient in both directions, and trains. under the Board of Trade regulations, cannot be run at a higher speed than five miles an hour.


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Barrow Hill Special

Fight to save BR's last working roundhouse This news story appeared in the January 1991 issue of The Railway Magazine FOLLOWING British Rail’s announcement that it intends to close its last operational roundhouse at Barrow Hill on 11 February, a campaign to save the unique shed from demolition has started. With added support from The Engine Shed Society, local enthusiasts Graeme Parmley and Mervyn Allcock are trying to muster support from enthusiasts around the country. Helped by local press and radio coverage, the rescue plan is now gaining momentum. Mr Parrnley told Railway Magazine that it was becoming essential to make the campaign nationallybased in order to convince BR to save the building, which is of great historical importance. Built by the Midland Railway, the roundhouse opened in 1875 to service locomotives used in the nearby coalfields. In recent times its status has been relegated to that ofa stabling point for a handful of diesels working the MGR trains. The heavy maintenance once carried out there has been transferred elsewhere, and BR planes to concentrate its local colliery activities at Worksop. After a site visit by Chesterfield Borough Council, British Rail has been served with a Building Preservationn Notice, under Section 3 (Planning, Listed Buildings and Conservation Areas Act, 1990).

This gives the building temporary listed status and prevents BR doing anything to it for six months without planning consent from the council. The case has already been forwarded to the Secretary of State for the Environment who will decide if the building warrants a listed status. If any reader has any historic or factual information that would strengthen the case for listed status, The Railway Magazine will gladly forward to the relevant authorities. After the demolition and subsequent reconstruction of the its twin turntables, no other operational roundhouse exists in the country. Enthusiasts Graeme Pannley and Mervyn Allcock, along with the Little Midland Railway Society, are planning a meeting early in December at which it is hoped to form a local pressure group. If the depot can be saved, it would provide an ideal base for a preservation group or as a museum site. With covered accommodation and an operational turntable, it would allow locomotives and rolling stock to be restored in relative comfort. Further storage space is available in the shed yard. and a reasonable length of running line on the site could be used to operate train services without affecting operations on the nearby main line.

Reproduced from The Railway Magazine,January 1980: At Barrow Hill, Staveley, depot open day on October 7 for which BR ran a special D.M.U. shuttle from Chesterfield to the nearby closed station—diesel shunter 03 129 was employed working passenger trips along the yard, past 45 009 and "Deltic" 55 016, "Gordon Highlander", the latter having been brought specially from Doncaster for the occasion.

Barrow Hill events attract 8,500 crowd As reported in The Railway Magazine, September 1999 VOLUNTEERS at Britain's only operational roundhouse are celebrating two successful weekends of open days which attracted more than 8,500 visitors. Almost 3,500 enthusiasts flocked to Barrow Hill for the first of the two weekends on July 17/18 which was aimed primarily at diesel fans. Even so, there were eight steam locos on site to add to the 27 diesels which provided an excellent representative selection of

the past 40 years, ranging from Class 03s and a 20 from the late l950s right up to the latest Freightliner Class 57 and EWS Class 66. Both main line approved DPS ‘Deltics' proved to be a big draw, but space permits a complete list of both weekend's exhibits. In a poignant gesture, the Class 58 provided by EWS, No. 58042, was the last one to leave the 129-yearold roundhouse when it closed in February 1991. Locomotives for display were provided by EWS, DRS, Fragonset and Harry Needle, as well as the Barrow Hill-based AC electrics, including No. 82008 sporting nonauthentic BR large logo blue livery. The following weekend, July 24/25, saw 5,000 visitors as the shed was

A trio of class 58 locomotives Nos. 58 029/036/028, cluster together in the roundhouse of Barrow Hill Depot on 18 November. The planned closure on 11 February has sparked off a fight to save the roundhouse as a building of great historical importance.

Steam shed reincarnation on July 25, 1999

given over to steam with five of the eight locos in action, including main line-certified ‘MN’ Pacific No. 35005 Canadian Pacific — provided at short notice by owner Andrew Naish after 8F No. 48305 became unavailable. ‘Jubilee’ 4-6-0 No. 45593 Kolhapur appeared as classmate No. 45562 Alberta. A VIP guest was the Duke of Devonshire, whose Chatsworth estate is not too far from the roundhouse. He enjoyed a cab ride on the 'Jubilee'. Said a delighted Barrow Hill project manager Mervyn Allcock: “Its been monstrous.” The next big event at Barrow Hill will be in July 2000, with an even bigger event in 2001.


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1920s The first railway passenger station.The coach started from the building through the arch, now walled up

The Stockton and Darlington Railway Reproduced from The Railway Magazine, July 1925. ALTHOUGH not the first public railway in the British Isles (and therefore in the world), in that, besides industrial (mainly Colliery) lines in various parts of the country, some 20 railway Acts had been passed - the most important being that for the construction of the Surrey Iron Railway authorised in 1801 -

the Stockton and Darlington was the first public railway on which locomotive traction was employed and intended to carry both passenger and goods traffic on lines suggestive of modern railway methods. As pointed out in an article published in the Railway News in 1866, the necessity for improved means of transporting heavy loads at a cheap rate being more urgently felt in the coal districts of the north than anywhere else, it was perhaps natural that the first successful

attempt to establish a public railway should have been made in that quarter; and for the reason that many of the first railways originated in the coal areas, so were they the scene of action of the first successful railway locomotives. Some of the richest coalfields of Durham and Northumberland lie well inland, comparatively distant from the sea, and the shipping places on the Tyne, the Wear and the Tees. It was, therefore, with

difficulty that the The George & Dragon Hotel, Yarm. coal could be got Here the S. & D. R. was first promoted to market, and until that could be accomplished, the coalfields, no matter how productive, were comparatively valueless. One of the richest of these coalfields, lying to the west and north-west of Darlington, is well known as the Bishop Auckland district. It lay a long way from the sea, and, the Tees being unnavigable, there was next to no vent for the Bishop Auckland coal. We can easily understand, therefore, how the desire of obtaining an outlet for this coal for land sale as well as for and Darlington waited for transport to London by sea, should Stockton”: but neither stirred, until have early occupied the attention twenty years later, when Stockton of the coalowners in the Bishop began to consider the propriety of Auckland district. straightening the Tees below that town, and thereby shortening and Among Various pre-railway improving the navigation. proposals was one for a canal to connect the Darlington district Several other canal schemes with Stockton-on-Tees, and it is of were then mooted, but apparently interest to note that John Pease, the only result, so far as water a member of the family which transport is concerned, was the became so prominently associated obtaining by the Tees Navigation with the Stockton and Darlington Company, in 1808, of an Act and North Eastern Railways, was enabling them to make the short one of the Darlington Committee cut projected seventeen years appointed to consider the proposal. before, and thus to improve George Dixon, grandfather of John water access to the coal area. This Dixon, who also became associated improvement was completed in with the Stockton and Darlington 1810, when another committee Railway, was concerned in the was appointed to consider again surveys, on the basis of which plans proposals for a canal from Stockton were eventually prepared for a via Darlington to Winston, with the canal from Stockton via Darlington alternative suggestion of a railway, to Winston. As the Railway News a main object being to still further puts it, however, nothing was done, improve access to the colliery and enterprise was slow to move. districts concerned with a view to “Stockton waited for Darlington, making the new cut a success.

Map showing the original section of the Stockton and Darlington Railway from the Etherley to Stockton, opened in 1825, and the extent of the system in 1863, when it was amalgamated with the North Eastern Railway

Nothing, however, was done by the Stockton Committee, and sixteen months later the matter was revived at Darlington with Edward Pease as one of the members. To advise them as to the respective merits of rail and canal, John Rennie was asked to report. This report was presented in 1813, but was not apparently published. As far as can be gathered, however, he favoured a canal, though he afterwards inclined toward a tramroad. Once again, nothing definite followed, and in 1818 further proposals were advanced from Stockton for a canal, these being associated with the names of Edward, John and Thomas Pease and John Dixon. As a result, it was decided to apply to Parliament for an Act to make the intended canal “if funds are forthcoming.” As the money was not, apparently, forthcoming, the Stockton people were not able to make further headway, but in September, 1818, the Darlington people again took action. Mr. Rennie was consulted afresh, in conjunction with a Mr. Overton, who had been concerned with several coal railways in Wales. A railway was suggested via Darlington in preference to a canal via Auckland, whether taken as a line for the exportation of coal or as one for a local trade.” The report concluded as follows:


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1920s

Interior view of Joseph Pease's office, where the prospectus and deeds were first signed. Darlington

rehearsed. A train of wagons laden with coals and merchandise was drawn up the western incline by the fixed engine, a length of 1,960 yards, in seven and a half minutes, and then lowered down the incline on the eastern side of the hill, 880 yards, in five minutes. At the foot of the incline the procession of vehicles was formed, consisting of the locomotive engine, No. 1, driven by George Stephenson himself; after it six wagons loaded with coal and flour, then a covered coach containing directors and proprietors; next, 21 coal wagons fitted up for passengers (with which they were crammed), and, lastly, six more wagons loaded with coals.

“As a whole, the committee recommend the constructing a rail or tramroad throughout the entire line presented between Stockton, Darlington, and the collieries.” A survey for the proposed railway was made and steps taken to apply to Parliament for the necessary powers. The Stockton people, however, still favoured a canal, though apparently they were not prepared to subscribe thereto, or, indeed, to the alternative railway, and, as a result, the railway project was pushed almost exclusively by the Darlington people. The scheme was, moreover, fiercely opposed in three successive sessions of Parliament. The application of 1818 was defeated by the Duke of Cleveland, who afterwards profited so largely by the construction of the railway. The ground of his opposition was that the line would interfere with one of his fox covers, and through his influence the Bill was thrown out. The next year, in 1819, an amended survey of the line was made; and, the Duke of Cleveland’s fox cover being avoided, his opposition was thus averted. But as Parliament was dissolved on the death of George III, the Bill was necessarily suspended until another session. The principal opposition now came from the road trustees, who spread it abroad that the mortgagees of the tolls arising from the turnpike road leading from Darlington to West Auckland would be seriously injured by the formation of the proposed railway. On this, Edward Pease issued a printed notice requesting any alarmed mortgagees to apply to Mr. Raisbeck or Mr. Mewburn, the company’s solicitors at Darlington, who were authorised to purchase their securities at the price originally given for them. This notice had the effect of allaying the alarm, and the Bill, though still strongly opposed, was allowed to pass both Houses of Parliament in 1821. The preamble of the Act set forth the public utility of the proposed line for the conveyance of coal and other commodities from the interior of the county of Durham to Stockton and the northern parts of Yorkshire. Nothing was said about passengers, for passenger traffic was not then contemplated; and nothing was said about locomotives, as it was at first intended to work the line entirely by horse—power. The road was to be free to all who chose to place their wagons and horses upon it for the haulage of coal and other merchandise, provided they paid the tolls fixed by the Act.

The company were empowered to charge 4d. a ton per mile for all coal intended for land sale ; but only 1/2d. a ton per mile for coal intended for shipment at Stockton. The latter low rate was introduced in the Act through the influence of Mr. Lambton, afterwards Earl of Durham, for the express purpose of preventing the line being used in competition against him; for it was not believed possible that coal could be carried at that rate except at a heavy loss. As it was, the low rate thus fixed proved the vital element in the future success of the Stockton and Darlington Railway. Apparently, Edward Pease and those associated with the scheme had little or no idea of using locomotive engines. After the Act had been obtained, however, George Stephenson having been appointed engineer to lay out the line and to superintend its construction, Edward Pease seems to have come to believe in the possibilities of locomotive traction, and though the directors generally were in favour of horse haulage, the influence of Mr. Pease at the board was such as enabled him to obtain a fair trial for the engines that Stephenson advocated with such unhesitating confidence, and three locomotives were accordingly ordered to be constructed and delivered in time for the opening of the railway. The first was delivered in September, 1825, and the two others a week later, when they were immediately set to work to draw the coal wagons. Three years were occupied in construction, and on September 27, 1825, “a great day for Darlington,” the line was publicly opened. Opinions were pretty equally divided as to the railway, but as regarded the locomotive the general belief was that it would “never answer.” However, there the locomotive was - “ No. 1 ” - delivered on to the line, and ready to draw the first train of wagons on the opening day. The proceedings were thus described by the Railway News of the period :A great concourse of people assembled on the occasion. Some came from Newcastle and Durham, many from the Aucklands, while Darlington held a general holiday and turned out all its population. To give éclat to the opening, the directors of the company issued a programme of the proceedings, intimating the times at which the procession of wagons would pass certain points along the line. The proprietors assembled as early as six in the morning at the Brusselton fixed engine, where the working of the inclined planes was successfully

Strange to say, a man on a horse, carrying a flag, with the motto of the company inscribed on it, Pericnlum privatum utilitas publica, headed the procession! A lithographic view of the great event, published shortly after, duly exhibits the horseman and his flag. It was not thought so dangerous a place after all. The locomotive was only supposed to be able to go at the rate of from four to six miles an hour, and an ordinary horse could easily keep ahead of that. Off started the procession, with the horseman at its head. A great concourse of people stood along the line. Many of them tried to accompany it by running, and some gentlemen on horseback galloped across the fields to keep up with the engine. The railway descending with a gentle incline towards Darlington, the rate of speed was consequently variable. At a favourable part of the road Stephenson determined to try the speed of the engine, and he called upon the horseman with the flag to get out of the way! Most probably, deeming it unnecessary to carry his Periculum privatum farther, the horseman turned aside, and Stephenson “put on the steam.” The speed was at once raised to 12 miles an hour, and at a favourable part of the road to 15. The runners on foot, the gentlemen on horseback, and the horseman with the flag were, consequently, soon left far behind. When the train reached Darlington it was found that 450 passengers occupied the wagons, and that the load of men, coals, and merchandise amounted to about 90 tons.

The first railway bridge over a public highway, Brusselton Lane, Shildon The circumstances were on the whole favourable, and boded success rather than failure. Prudent, careful, thoughtful men were at the head of the concern, interested in seeing it managed economically and efficiently; and they had the advantage of the assistance of an engineer possessed of large resources of mother wit, mechanical genius, and strong common sense. There was an almost unlimited traffic in coal to be carried, the principal difficulty being in accommodating it satisfactorily. Yet it was only after the line had been at work for some time that the extensive character of the coal traffic began to be appreciated. At first it was supposed that the chief trade would be in coal for land sale. It was estimated that only about 10,000 tons a year would be shipped, and that principally by way of ballast; instead of which, in the course of a very few years, the coal carried on the line for export constituted the main bulk of the traffic, whilst that carried for land sale was merely subsidiary. It was also pointed out that, although the Corporation of the borough of Stockton welcomed the railway to their port, they were not prepared to provide the additional accommodation required, so that the Stockton and Darlington Company had to incur a great deal of expense

At Darlington the procession was re-arranged. The six loaded coal wagons were left behind, and other wagons were taken on with 150 more passengers, together with a band of music. The train then started for Stockton, a distance of only 12 miles, which was reached in about three hours. The day was kept throughout the district as a holiday; and horses, gigs, carts and other vehicles, filled with people, stood along the railway, as well as crowds of persons on foot, waiting to see the train pass. The whole population of Stockton turned out to receive the procession, and, after a walk through the streets, the inevitable dinner in the town hall wound up the day’s proceedings. But although the Stockton and Darlington was now launched as an operating concern, it had to justify its construction and cost, with the added burden that, as shown by subsequent history, upon its success or otherwise depended, in large measure, the development or abandonment of rail traction. We may quote a few further extracts from the Railway News for October 6, 1868.

Statue of Joseph Pease, Darlington

which might legitimately have been regarded as an obligation upon Stockton itself. Some of the directors proceeded to purchase the site of a new shipping place on the Tees, a few miles below Stockton, where they erected staiths and provided other conveniences for the speedy loading of coal. This site consisted of about 500 acres of land, the only building standing on it at the time being an isolated farmhouse. All round it were green fields, and along the river mud banks. Before long buildings were erected, and the town of Middlesbrough came into being, thus proving the truth of what Edward Pease had so often predicted, that “If they will only let us make the railroads, the railroads will make the country.” The original estimate assumed that 165,488 tons of coal would be carried annually, and produce an income of £11,904. The revenue from other sources was taken at £4,104. In 1827, the first year in which the coal and merchandise traffic was fully worked, the revenue from coal was £14,455; from lime, merchandise and sundries, £3,285; and from passengers (which had not been taken into account), £563. In 1860, when the original line of 25 miles had become extended to 125 miles, and the original capital of £150,000 had swelled to £3,800,000, the quantity of coal carried had


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increased to 2,045,596 tons in the year, besides 1,484,409 tons of ironstone and other minerals, producing a revenue of £280,375; while 1,484,409 tons of merchandise had been carried in the same year, producing £63,478; and 687,728 passengers, producing £45,398. In regard to public passenger traffic, the first carried on any railway, the Railway News of 1866 pointed out that, although only 40 years had passed, “the original style of travelling by coach on the Stockton and Darlington has already become antiquarian in its character, and it is, indeed, one of the very few bits of antiquity that railways have to boast of.” When the railway was nearly ready for opening, the running of a stage coach on the line was thought worthy of a trial, and a coach was ordered to be made called “The Experiment.” This vehicle was further described as follows :— This coach very much resembled a showman’s caravan, with three small windows on each side, seated all round, and a long deal table in the middle. The entrance to the caravan was by a door at the back end. It was drawn by one horse, which made the journey of 12 miles between the two towns in about two hours. There was only one class of passengers, and the fare charged was 1s.

The speed of the new coaches was raised to about 10 miles an hour; and two journeys were made daily between Darlington and Stockton and back. When the coach drew near to any bend of the road at which the view was obstructed, the coachman blew a horn to give warning of his approach to the drivers of any wagons coming from the opposite direction. The road being as yet only single, there were passing places provided, into which the coming vehicles were drawn to enable the proceeding coach readily to pass. Sometimes it happened that the coaches met on the single line between two passings, and then an altercation would arise between the drivers as to which should turn back. When an agreement was come to, one of the coachmen unyoked his horse, reyoked him to the opposite end, and drew the vehicle back to the next passing place, to allow the other to proceed.

“The Experiment” filled very well - so well that it sometimes could not contain half the passengers who presented themselves. When it was heavily laden, the one horse could with difficulty draw it, especially on the return journey from Stockton to Darlington, where the gradient was all up-hill. It was accordingly determined to banish the lumbering caravan to the coal districts of the west, and to employ a new kind of vehicle for the better accommodation of the traffic between Stockton and Darlington. A number of old stage coach bodies were bought and mounted on underframes with flange wheels. These coaches were let to contractors who horsed and worked them, paying certain agreed tolls to the company. The outside fares were 1s. for the 12 miles, and the inside fares 2s. From 15 to 20 persons could contrive to seat themselves outside, the inside passengers being limited to six.

A writer in the Caledonian Mercury of the time described in glowing terms the wonders of this new mode of conveyance. “Nothing appeared more surprising,’ observed the writer, “than the rapidity and smoothness of the motion, considering that the coach had no springs, and also the ease with which the animal drew his load. We left Darlington with 13 outside passengers, and two or three inside, and picked up various others on the way. In regard to passengers, the coach appears to be no way limited in its numbers. The coachman informed us that one day lately, during the time of the Stockton races, he took up from Stockton 9 inside and 37 outside, in all 46. Of these some were seated all round the top of the coach on the outside, others stood crowded together in a maze at the top, and the remainder clung to any part where they could get a footing. On that occasion he had two horses. Such is the first attempt to establish the use of railways for the general purposes of travelling, and such is the success with which it has been attended that the traffic in this way is already great; and, considering that there was formerly no coach at all on either of the roads along which the railway runs parallel, it is really quite wonderful; its trade and intercourse has arisen out of nothing - nobody knows how. It was unlooked for even by the promoters of the railway themselves, who now draw at the rate of £400 to £500 a year from the coaches alone; and, altogether, the circumstances of bustle and activity which now appear along the line, with the crowds of passengers going and returning, form a matter of surprise to the whole neighbourhood as well as to the public.”

Further quotations bring out certain other aspects which appear

As traffic increased it became necessary for the company to take

This description does not appear entirely to accord with information given elsewhere, in that, while some accounts contributor, others suggest that “The Experiment” was more of a stage coach, with a central closed compartment and open compartments at each end. Subsequent remarks suggest the probable explanation, as shown by the following extract :—

Heighington (formerly Aycliffe Lane), the old passenger platform

to be worthy of record, as follows :—

The bridge over the Tees which replaced the 1830 suspension bridge, Stockton

over its own passenger traffic, and for a period mixed goods and passenger trains were run, until the time came when passenger and goods traffic were separated and locomotive engines used for both, although this was not until some years after the railway had been opened. It is now necessary to consider the construction of the railway in greater detail. Work was actually commenced on May 13, 1822, and on the 23rd of that month the first rail was laid. The occasion was celebrated by festivities of the kind which appear to have been inseparable from every event of public note in those days. The point where the first rail was laid appears to have been close to St. John’s Well, in Stockton. Construction advanced during 1823, work proceeding for the most part fairly smoothly, though in places difficulties were experienced. Thus, at a place called Myers Flat, between Darlington and Heighington, marshy ground caused trouble not unlike that which George Stephenson had to overcome on a larger scale at Chat Moss when he was constructing the Manchester and Liverpool Railway. Although George Stephenson was interested in the manufacture of cast-iron rails, he advised the management to lay down malleable iron rails. According to the specification drawn up by him, the rails were to be made from scraps of good English bars re-manufactured. They were to be made after Birkinshaw’s patent, 2 1/4 in. broad at the top, with a flange 3/4 in. thick. Fish-bellied in shape, they were 2 in. deep at the points where they rested on chairs, and - 3/4 in. in the middle or bellied part. Their weight was only 28 lb. to the yard.

Their length averaged about 15 ft., and they were known among the workmen as 10 stone rails. The castiron rails weighed 56 lb. to the yard. Ultimately it was decided to order 800 tons of malleable rails; also 800 tons of cast-iron rails; the latter to be used for piecing out the line where the malleable rails fell short and for sidings. The rails having been ordered, the next point was as to the sleepers. The directors decided upon the extensive use of stone blocks for sleepers. These blocks at first were 18 in. square by 10 to 12 in. thick; but in 1835 the size was increased to 2 ft. square, and cost twopence each. Two holes were drilled through each stone block, and for drilling 24 blocks boys were paid 8d., which was Considered a fair day’s wage. But on the embankments blocks of wood were used, 2 ft. 6 in. long and 6 in. square. As time wore on the stone sleepers were gradually discarded, and used for edging platforms at country stations, and in 1882 Saltburn’s sea wall promenade was mainly formed with them. It is interesting to note, too, that it was in 1823 that George Stephenson entered into partnership with Edward Pease and Thomas Richardson, in order to establish a locomotive building works at Newcastle-on-Tyne, this being the origin of the famous Forth Street Works, which eventually gave rise to the present firm of Robert Stephenson & Co. Ltd, now and for many years past located at Darlington. It was at the Forth Street Works that the first two locomotives for the Stockton and Darlington Railway were constructed, the order being given on September 16, 1824, the price to be £500 each. It is of interest to note that Timothy

Hackworth, who was afterwards so closely associated with locomotive development on the Stockton and Darlington Railway, was at this time manager of the Forth Street Works. Locomotion arrived at Aycliffe in the summer of 1825, having been brought by road from Newcastle, and, according to a history of the Stockton and Darlington Railway published by Messrs. Heavisides & Son, of Stockton-on-Tees, in 1912 (from which some of the items of information previously given are extracted), when the news came that “t’ iron hoss ” was on the way to Aycliffe, the whole population of that village turned out to witness its arrival, but when at last the strange-looking piece of machinery came in sight a general feeling of disappointment was expressed, and they said, “This the iron horse! Why, it is nothing but a steam engine set on wheels.” At Aycliffe Level the engine was placed on the rails, and it is said that, no one having a light, the fire was kindled for the first time by means of a burning glass (in the possession of one of the navvies then present), and with the aid of tarred oakum. The publication just mentioned comments as follows: “The truth of this incident has been thoroughly corroborated, and thus, beyond all doubt, the first locomotive-engine that ever moved over a public railway was kindled on its first trial trip by the sun itself. Condensed sunlight, in the shape of coal, was waiting to be converted into heat in the furnace of the engine, and the kindling spark brought direct from the sun itself.” Apparently, although the name Puffing Billy strictly belongs to Blackett and Hedley’s engine constructed some years previously, No. 1 was often given that sobriquet. Incidentally, Locomotion seems to have been somewhat skittish when making her trial trips, in that one contemporary account describes her as “a runaway horse.” “She ran over hedge and ditch many a time (meaning she got off the line). When she made her trial trip there were wagons put to her for fear she could not be stopped on a dead flat.” The original line had sidings at frequent intervals, in some cases every quarter of a mile, with watering places here and there. There were a few bridges over the


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1920s

the Railway Committee and their friends. The make-up of the train was thus described officially :– The Company’s Locomotive Engine. The Engine’s Tender, with water and coals. Five waggons, laden with coals and passengers. One waggon, laden with flour and passengers. One waggon, containing surveyors, engineers, etc. “The Experiment,” containing the Committee and other Proprietors. Six waggons, with strangers seated. Fourteen waggons, with workmen and others standing. Six waggons, laden with coals and passengers.

Stockton - St John's Gate. The site of the original station railway, one carrying the line over the River Skerne, said to be the first railway bridge ever constructed. There were, of course, no stations, merely yards here and there to form depots. With regard to the opening ceremony, notices were issued in the local newspapers in the following terms :— STOCKTON AND DARLINGTON RAILWAY The Proprietors of the above concern hereby give notice that their main line of Railway commencing at Witton Park Colliery, in the west of this county, and terminating at Stockton-onTees, in the east, with the several branches to Darlington, Yarm, &c., being about 27 miles in extent. will be opened for the general purposes of trade on the 27th inst. It is the intention of the Proprietors to meet at the Permanent Steam Engine, erected below the Tower at Brusselton, near West Auckland, and situate about 9 miles west of Darlington, at eight o’clock. a.m., and after inspecting their extensive inclined planes, then proceed, at nine o’clock precisely, by way of Darlington and Yarm, to Stocktonupon -Tees, where it is calculated they will arrive about one o’clock. An elegant dinner will be provided for the Company who may attend, by Mr. Foxton, in the Town’s Hall, at three o’clock, to which the Proprietors have resolved to invite the neighbouring nobility and gentry who have taken an interest in this very important undertaking. Any gentlemen who may intend to be present on the above occasion, will oblige the Company by addressing a note to their Office, Darlington, as early as possible. A superior Loco Motive Travelling Engine, on the most improved construction, will be employed with a train of convenient carriages, for the conveyance of the Proprietors and strangers. Railway Offices, September 14, 1825.

Darlington,

It is of interest to note that Messrs. Heavisides’ “History” adopts the view taken by the Railway News, that the first passenger coach was

of a caravan type. Moreover, their publication brings out the point that “The Experiment” arrived from Newcastle on September 20, 1825, that on September 26 it was coupled to “No. 1” at Shildon, and that Messrs. Edward Pease, sen., Edward Pease, jun., Joseph Pease, Henry Pease, Thomas Richardson, William Kitching and George Stephenson were the first passengers to travel in the first passenger carriage the first time in railway history. Further, the journey was made behind a locomotive engine, James Stephenson, brother of George, being the driver. It is now necessary to describe again the proceedings associated with the opening ceremony, though even after this lapse of time, and bearing in mind the very great part played by the Pease family in connection with the fortunes of the Stockton and Darlington Railway, as also the North Eastern Company, one can sympathise on account of the fact that on the opening day Edward Pease had to mourn the death of his youngest son, Isaac, then 22 years of age. It was said, indeed, that the death chamber was within hearing of the cheers of the immense crowd which hailed the arrival of Locomotion and its lengthy train in Stockton. That explains why none of the Peases were present at the actual opening ceremony. The “great day” necessarily attracted a tremendous crowd, a number of people coming many miles and by all manner of conveyances. The first item in the day’s programme was an inspection of the Etherley incline plane and its stationary, engine, prior to joining a train of 13 wagons, 12 laden with coal and 1 with flour assembled at the foot of Brusselton incline. The wagons were then hauled by cable up the incline, and at the top the Brusselton engines were inspected. The wagons then descended the incline on the other side, presumably by gravity, to a point where locomotion was waiting to take charge. Its train included “The Experiment” coach, described as arranged so that the passengers sat face to face along each side; that it would carry 16 or 18 inside, and that it was intended to travel for public accommodation between Darlington and Stockton. On the opening day it was reserved for

It was recorded that when Locomotion began to blow off steam, some consternation was created among the spectators, the general effect being thus described by a somewhat imaginative reporter of the period:- “The locomotive, or steam horse, as it was more generally termed, gave a ‘note of preparation’ by some heavy respirations, which seemed to excite alarm among the “Johnny Raws,” who had been led by curiosity to the spot, and who, when a portion of the steam was let off, fled in affright, accompanied by the old women and young children who surrounded them, under the idea, we suppose, that some horrible explosion was about to take place. They afterwards, however, found courage to return, but only to fly again when the safety valve was opened.” George Stephenson, his brother James and another member of the family, Ralph, were in charge of the engine, and apparently Timothy Hackworth acted as a kind of guard.” The general impression appears to be that Locomotion could not manage much more than six or eight miles an hour, but one of the descriptions of the proceedings of that day suggests that “gentlemen riding hunters” alongside the railway across country were not able to keep up with the engine, at least not while it was on favourable gradients. Before reaching Darlington, the first incident was the derailment of one of the wagons - that containing the surveyors and engineers. This difficulty was soon overcome, but after a second derailment the faulty wagon was shunted to a siding. At Simpasture the tram came to an unexpected stop and many of the passengers hurried to the engine to find out

what had happened. “Some oakum had got into the feed pump, that was all; it would soon be all right.” This difficulty remedied , the journey to Darlington was resumed, and on Aycliffe Level it is recorded that the rate of 15 miles an hour had been reached. In due course the train entered Darlington, complete as it had left Shildon, except for the one wagon which had been removed. About two hours had been occupied in covering a distance of nine miles, though, in fairness, it must be remembered that there had been three stoppages, lasting altogether 55 minutes. At Darlington, where a halt for half-an-hour was made, six wagons of coal were taken off and other wagons, containing a band, coupled on. The train carried, however, many more passengers than those for which it had accommodation, in that people clung on to the wagons or the train in every conceivable way. Except for a stop at Goosepool for water, the run to Yarm and onwards to Stockton was made without difficulty. It is recorded, however, that Locomotion, with her train of thirty wagons and with some 600 or so passengers, raced a stage-coach bound for Stockton, drawn by four horses and carrying 16 passengers all told, which was then passing on the main road which was parallel with the railway. Proceedings were then transferred to the Town Hall in Stockton, where it is recorded that 102 gentlemen sat down to a very excellent dinner. It is now necessary to consider the general features of the Stockton and Darlington Railway. The railway commenced by connections with the Witton Park and Etherley Collieries. For the first mile the wagons were drawn by horses to the foot of a hill called Etherley Ridge. The height of this was about 646 ft. above sea level, and as the collieries were about 470 ft. above sea level, the rise to the summit was overcome by means of a hauling engine. On the opposite slope the wagons descended by gravity a distance of 312 ft., but the cable was used to govern the descent of loaded wagons as well as for hauling up the empties. At the foot, horses were again employed for the distance of about 1 1/4 miles to the foot of Brusselton Hill. Here another steam engine was utilised to haul the wagons up the slope of nearly a mile, achieving a

vertical rise of some 150 ft., while on the other side the wagons descended by gravity under cable control for about half a mile, representing a vertical distance of 90 ft. There were two hauling engines at each summit. those at Etherley Ridge being of 15 h.p. and those at Brusselton Hill 30 h.p. each. The two engines operated, one winding drum in each case, and an extra charge of 6d. per ton for the use of machinery was made for working over the incline. On the opening of Shildon tunnel in 1842 this mode of working was discontinued. The remainder of the route was sufficiently level to admit of being worked either by horse or by locomotive power. About two-thirds of the line was laid with malleable iron rails 18 ft. long and weighing 28 lb. to the yard. The remainder used cast-iron rails 4 ft. long and weighing 57 1/2 lb. to the yard. On the inland sections the rails were laid on stone blocks, and on the Stockton division upon oak blocks. Referring again to the question of passenger rolling-stock, the original caravan-like passenger coach seems to have proved a failure as an “experiment,” as within a few weeks a more satisfactory type of coach was introduced. The new vehicle was apparently of stage coach type, and this explains why the fares were, inside 1 1/2 d. per mile, and outside 1d. The original service provided for a coach on Mondays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays from Stockton at 7.30 a.m., returning from Darlington at 3 p.m., while on Tuesdays there was a service. from Stockton at 3 p.m., and on Saturday one from Darlington at 1 p.m., with apparently no return service—at least, none was publicly advertised. As first announced, the round fare was 1s. per passenger, so that, presumably, the inside and outside fares already quoted were not instituted until after the inauguration of regular passenger services. Passengers had a free luggage allowance of 14 lb., paying at the rate of 2d. per stone extra, while small parcels were conveyed at 8d. each. As the traffic grew, two coaches were in use, and one writer suggests that posts erected between the crossing place - the vehicle first reaching the post having precedence, while the other had to be drawn back to the next crossing - represent the first attempt at railway signalling and regulation.

The terminus at Stockton, Stockton and Darlington Railway


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One of the first extensions of the original line was a 4-mile route from Stockton to Middlesbrough. The Parliamentary Act covering this, as also the making of quays and coal staiths at Middlesbrough, was passed in 1828. The line was opened on January 1, 1831. There was a very crude iron bridge on the original line which is often referred to as the first iron railway bridge ever constructed, and on the Middlesbrough extension what was probably the first suspension bridge to be erected for conveying railway traffic was built. It was 274 ft. long, 25 ft. broad, and 60 ft. in height, and calculated to sustain a weight of 150 tons. It was not however, successful, in that it proved unable to carry the traffic contemplated, so that during the period it was in use the weight of trains crossing it had to be severely limited. Indeed, it is said that after a time it was necessary to work traffic across it one loaded wagon at a time, until, in 1844, a new and stronger bridge was available. It may be pointed out that, although Stockton was a town of some importance, Middlesbrough was little more than a “dismal swamp.” The next extension at the eastern end of the Stockton and Darlington Railway was not taken in hand until 1845 when a Bill was obtained for a line from Middlesbrough to Redcar, a distance of about eight miles. This was opened on June 4, 1846, and once again the engine Locomotion had the honour of inaugurating traffic. In 1858 powers were obtained to extend to Saltburn. At the western end, however, several branches and extensions were carried out in the Bishop Auckland district in order to serve various collieries and limestone works. These included the Bishop Auckland and Weardale, Wear and Derwent and Weardale Extension Railways. These, together with the Shildon Tunnel undertaking, were amalgamated in 1847 with the Wear Valley Railway Company, incorporated in 1847. They were all associated with the Stockton and Darlington Railway, and in 1847 were leased by that company,

together with the Middlesbrough and Redcar Railway. Further extensions relate to the development of the Cleveland iron district south of Middlesbrough. In this connection, a line was opened from Middlesbrough to Guisborough, this becoming eventually one of the most important sections of the system, so far as the iron traffic was concerned. At the western end, powers were obtained in 1854 for the construction of the South Durham and Lancashire Railway to Kirkby Stephen and Tebay, thus connecting with the London and North Western and Midland Railways. Eventually the tendency towards amalgamation affected the Stockton and Darlington itself, and by an Act which received Royal assent on July 13, 1863, the Stockton and Darlington was taken over by the North Eastern Company. Several incidental matters of interest may now be briefly referred to. The original horse— drawn passenger coaches were all, apparently operated by contractors, and it was not, indeed, until 1843 that their use entirely disappeared. The early passenger carriages were not, however, greatly superior to the stagecoach vehicles of the horse era. They included open carriages, such as those which remained in use on some lines for a number of years for the conveyance of third-class passengers, and covered carriages with seats along each side and a double row along the middle. Next came a type of coach containing five compartments, with backs extending only to the level of passengers’ heads, subsequent developments following substantially the same lines as on railways generally. It is said that in early days tickets were printed in different colours varying for each day of the week, without date or number, and that the guards wore red frock-coats with brass buttons. Until 1835 “there was no railway station” on the line, the trains drawing up at a terminus, while passengers purchased their tickets at a ticket-office in an adjacent

"Dandy Cart" as used on the Stockton and Darlington Railway building, entraining or detraining on ground level. Apparently, the last instance of horse traffic remaining on the railway was a service given on Sundays from Stockton to Middlesbrough and back until 1856. During this period, on the section where horses were still used, the famous horse dandies were employed. These were attached at the end of a train of Wagons, and the horses were trained to jump in on their own account on the down gradients, and thus ride as passengers until their services were again required to “head” the load. Although one engine only was available for the opening ceremony in September, 1825, the famous Locomotion, another one, named Hope, was placed in service in November of that year, and in April and May, 1826, Black Diamond and Diligence were added. These four engines were generally similar in design. The next addition was

a somewhat mysterious engine named Chittaprat, which was built by Robert Wilson, and said to have had four cylinders. The boiler was subsequently used for No. 5, Royal George, a 0-6-0 engine. No. 6 was supplied in January, 1828, and bore the name Experiment. It was later altered to a 0-6-0 engine. The Royal George, No. 5, differed essentially from other engines in service. It is, indeed, regarded to this day as a big advance upon previous locomotive practice, and its excellent service constitutes one of the principal achievements to the credit of Timothy Hackworth. It was a six-coupled engine with vertical cylinders driving directly the rear coupled wheels, and ranked as the most powerful engine which had been built until then. Its construction, however, required a tender at each end. Next came an engine (No. 7) which bore the name Rocket. This was originally placed on

Stockton & Darlington Railway No. 1, "Locomotion" (1825) and London & North Eastern Railway No. 2401, "Kingston-upon-Hull."

four wheels, but apparently the weight was too great for the rails, and it was subsequently rebuilt as a six-wheeled engine. In view of divergences between various historians, it seems possible that The Royal George itself at first had four wheels only, and was converted to six-coupled later. The Rocket seems to have been not unlike its more famous namesake on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, in that it had diagonal cylinders at the firebox end driving the leading wheels, very much in the style familiar in the Liverpool and Manchester engine. No. 8, Victory, was another Hackworth engine generally similar to The Royal George. In 1833 the engine was rebuilt and continued at work for another ten years or so, when it was replaced by a new No. 8, also of Timothy Hackworth’s design, named Leader. For the opening of the Middlesbrough and Redcar line, a six-wheeled single-driver engine, having driving wheels behind the carrying wheels and known as “A.” was an interesting development. By about 1840, however, the locomotives added to the Stockton and Darlington stock began to correspond generally with the types familiar on most railways in that period. There was at least one of the famous “Bury” class, so familiar on the London and Birmingham Railway, but the standard Stockton and Darlington engines gradually became 2-4-0 passenger and 0-6-0 tender locomotives of more or less orthodox type. A peculiarity for many years, however, was that all wheels were placed in front of the firebox and usually very close together, so that the engines gave an impression of unwieldiness owing to their apparently excessive overhang at one or both ends. For some time after amalgamation with the North Eastern Company the Stockton and Darlington section was operated more or less on its own account, and in some respects it may be said that the engines built at Darlington from 1883 to the early ’seventies, including those to the designs of Mr. W. Bouch, belonged more particularly to the history of the Stockton and Darlington Railway, although built and operated as North Eastern stock.


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1890s

Train indicators at Waterloo BY N. WILSON, Superintendent of Line’s Department, L. & S.W.R. From the January 1898 issue of The Railway Magazine.

It will be easily understood, therefore, that the description of the confusion so graphically portrayed by J.K. Jerome in “Three Men in a Boat” was (at one time) not too far-fetched. All this has now been changed by the introduction of a most elaborate and complete system of train indicators.

T0 those readers of the RAILWAY MAGAZINE who are not acquainted with the Waterloo terminus, I may say that the average number of loaded trains dealt with between the hours of 5.20 a.m. and 12.20 midnight is 630 - giving a train, either in or out, every two minutes for nineteen hours. Waterloo Station extends from York Road on the North to Aubin Street, Lower Marsh, on the south, and from Waterloo Road on the east to Westminster Bridge Road on the west; a total area of about twenty-two acres. There are twelve platforms and eighteen roads, all of which are used for both arrival and departure. The usual practice at terminal stations is to have certain platforms for departure and certain platforms for arrival trains. At Waterloo, owing to the enormous traffic and the insufficient size of the station, this cannot be done. Hence it follows that a train which starts today from No. 6 may start from No. 7 tomorrow, and No. 8 next day, and so on. And the same thing happens with regard to arrivals.

First and foremost among train indicators we must place timetables, but time-tables are a little too complicated for the average British passenger in a hurry. Consequently we find a board in the booking-offices, and a gigantic slate on the cab approaches (see photo No. 1), where constables wrote in chalk the departure times of the principal trains. The history of the train indicators is the history of the human race, according to Darwin, viz., evolution and survival of the fittest. The policeman’s slate, though useful, did not give sufficient information. The next step was the provision of a bigger slate, and the insertion of the name of the terminal station at the other end of the journey, thus, “7.45 a.m., Hampton Court train, starts from No. 2 platform." Then comes a series of boards, with the names of several stations painted on them, and so constructed that they will slide in, on grooves, in centre of slate, so that one may be changed for another as trains depart. For example, take out 7.45, as previously referred to,

and insert “8.5 a.m., Southampton, Portsmouth and Weymouth train, starts from No. 1 platform.” Twelve or thirteen years ago a most excellent machine was set up between Nos. 6 and 7 platforms, on the Windsor line station (now called the North Station), at Waterloo (see photo No. 2). It is, I believe, an American invention, and was introduced to the S.W. Railway by a member of the board of directors. This station indicator is manipulated by means of a key and card arrangement, and its internal economy reminds one very much of a piano. The cards are inserted at the bottom of the machine, and they are perforated where the rods are to go through, so as not to show the stations at which the train does not stop. A solid card is provided for cleaning the tablets, on which are printed the names of all stations on the loop, Richmond New, East Putney and Wimbledon, Kingston, Shepperton, Windsor and Reading lines. The tablets are very similar in appearance to the laths of a venetian blind, and are actuated by rods in much the same manner as the Venetians are opened for the admission of light without pulling up the blinds. There is a speaking instrument from this indicator to Waterloo shunting yard, and an attendant always on duty to manipulate the indicator and answer questions. Particulars of three trains can be shown at one time, and altogether this is the most complete and the best indicator of which I have any knowledge. The regular travellers from the North Station never think of troubling the station staff re the departure of trains, but go and consult the indicator. Many striking and remarkable scenes have been witnessed in front of this machine. One very foggy winter, when the train service was much delayed, I heard hearty and prolonged cheers (that would have done credit both in volume and sincerity to the most important political meeting) from a dense crowd of two or three hundred people when a belated train was shown. This machine has proved a real boon, not only to passengers, but likewise to the company’s servants, who before its introduction were worried almost to distraction by unfortunate travellers enquiring of everyone they saw in uniform where the next train to Clapham Junction started from, and, when told, going forthwith and worrying someone else by asking if there wasn’t a train “before the next." Nowadays it is much the safest plan, even for the most experienced officials, to refer all applicants to the indicator, because the platform for any particular train is liable to be changed any day, and almost any minute.

The original train departure indicator at waterloo terminus, L. and S.W.R.

The North Station indicator at Waterloo is, I think, as near perfection as it is possible to get in these degenerate days, but the Main Line departure trains are not quite so easily disposed of. The trains departing from the North Station serve some fifty odd stations in all, and the longest journey is under

Train indicator, at the North station, Waterloo terminus fifty miles. The trains departing from the Main Line platforms serve the remaining 200 stations, and the longest journey is about 250 miles. It is evident, therefore, that an indicator capable of showing every station on the Main Line is a large order, and, if not an impossibility, at any rate impracticable. Something, however, had to be done in that direction, and after many attempts a large machine has been erected on the square at the junction of Nos. 1 and 2 platforms (see photo herewith) which answers well. This indicator was constructed in the Company’s own workshops, and the rumour goes that before it was commenced an outside firm was requested to send in an estimate of the cost of an indicator somewhat similar to the one at the North Station. This estimate was so excessive that it practically frightened a wealthy corporation like the S.W. Railway Company, which does not stick at trifles where the convenience of passengers is concerned. I give this rumour for what it is worth, but whatever negotiations there may have been the result was that our own engineers’ building department was entrusted with the work——the practical carrying out of which, in the capable hands of their foreman, Mr. Crocker, has given the public the present useful machine. It is the second indicator erected here, and has been constructed by Mr. Crocker from a process of altering and improving on his models till he got what he wanted. It is a handsome structure, serving all practical purposes. It is also the

acme of simplicity so far as its working parts are concerned. The figures and the names of stations are painted on large wooden rollers, which are a distinct improvement on the original tapes, as these are liable to break and get tangled and out of order, thus necessitating continual repairs. Such an arrangement did not suit Mr. Crocker, as besides constructing the indicator he was also responsible for keeping it in repair. With his system of letters and figures, painted on wooden rollers, he anticipates that the total cost of keeping the machine in working order will not exceed £1 per annum. The advent of Mr. G. T. White, as Superintendent of the Line, gave a much-needed impetus to the construction of train and station indicators on the S.W. Railway. One of his first reforms was to have each coach of every train labelled with a destination board on both sides. Another most excellent arrangement was the provision of electrical indicators near the booking offices at Vauxhall and Clapham Junction showing from which platform the next train left for Waterloo. As there are three up platforms at both of these stations, the train indicators in the tunnels supplied really a “long-felt want.” I would like to add in this connection (if the Editor of the RAILWAY MAGAZINE will allow me) that what we want most at Clapham Junction now is another tunnel, with lifts to each platform for milk and luggage. Another form of indicator (see photo above) has recently been


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with Waterloo as with their own houses. At last, however, we have got an arrival train indicator. At the time of writing, though in use, it is not quite completed, but before this article is published it will be in full swing, and should prove an immense relief to everybody.

Indicator showing departure of main line trains, Waterloo terminus L. and S.W.R. attached to the girders over the South Station platform at Waterloo, principally for the information and guidance of the platform staff. These indicators, of which there are four, consist of a string of capital letters overhanging each road, and are manipulated from the “A” signalbox, from whence all the traffic is controlled. When a train arrives that is to be loaded forthwith, say for Leatherhead or Kingston, the letter L or K, as the case may be, is shown on the indicator. The nominal position of these letters is side by side and parallel with the running lines. When in use, to indicate how a train is to be disposed of, they are turned broadside on, like the old disc signals. So far we have dealt only with departure trains, but it has long been thought that some attempt ought to be made to construct an indicator showing the platforms where trains would arrive. Hitherto the great drawback to meeting a friend coming to Waterloo by train has been the uncertainty as to which platform the train would arrive at. The highest official was as ignorant as the humblest porter, it being quite impossible for either of them to say where a train was sure to arrive. Only “A” box could decide, and even

“A” box wasn’t certain many minutes beforehand where it could place a particular train. People could not goto the signal-box‘ for information, and the only thing they could do (and in this they were indefatigable) was to worry the uniform staff, and on a Monday or Saturday, during the excursion season, the Company’s servants of every grade had to pass through a most trying ordeal in endeavouring to satisfy people who refused to be satisfied. Every man was threatened with the most disagreeable penalties because he could not impart information which he did not possess. It was most unsatisfactory for everyone, but most of all to the railway servants. It is evident that any man would be only too glad to give a satisfactory answer to a plain question and have done with it, but at a station like Waterloo this was impossible, for we have here to get a bushel of traffic into a peck of platforms, and the difficulty formerly experienced of giving reliable information, re departure platforms, was intensified with respect to arrivals. For this reason: people who come to meet friends arriving by train are often entire strangers who probably never use the station, while the great majority of passengers who depart therefrom are as familiar

The “up” train indicator in subway at Clapham Junction station

This indicator has been constructed by the Company’s workmen, under the foremanship of Mr. Crocker, a portion of the old machine first erected on the Main Line departure being utilised for the purpose. Rollers have been substituted for the endless tapes which were used for the figures on the original machine. It is placed at the end of No. 7 road, between Nos. 3 and 4 platforms (see photo on page 56), and in connection with it there have been fixed three of “Tyers’s” electrical train describers. These are fitted with dial plates, on which are inscribed the different trains and platforms. When a train leaves Vauxhall it is described by “A” box to the indicator-box. A dial peg is inserted opposite the particular train on the dial plate; and also opposite the number of the platform to which the train will run on another dial plate. Similar operations are carried out at the indicator-box, and then the attendant sets the indicator for the information of passengers, visitors, and staff. “A” box sets and releases the describers in the indicator box, and the indicator-box sets and releases the instruments in “A” box. During the fitting up of this arrival indicator I have been a good deal in Mr. Crocker's company, and in the course of our numerous conversations I asked him where he got the original idea from, and if he had any plans put before him to work upon. For a reply he went to a drawer in his workshop and took out a scrap of paper, on which was Written, “11.45 a.m., Salisbury, Yeovil and Exeter line train. Starts from No. 1 platform.” “This, "said Mr. Crocker, “is all I had. I cannot say now who it was that gave it to me, neither do I know the writing. It has been in my possession for some years, and it is the pip or kernel from which these Main Line indicators have sprung. I have lain awake in bed hours and hours studying the thing out, and I have constructed models and sections in great numbers before I could get an apparatus to satisfy myself. I knew well enough if I wasn’t satisfied it would be useless for me to introduce the machines to my superiors. When at length I got the idea worked out I obtained permission to construct one complete section of full size, and here it is,” and he pointed to an indicator fixed on the wall of the workshop. I thanked him for his kind and complete information, and I was able to impart a little information in return, for I recognised the writing on the scrap of paper before mentioned; and RAILWAY MAGAZINE readers will, no doubt, be as interested as was Mr. Crocker to know that the calligraphy was in the (to me) familiar hand of Mr. W. H. Hilditch, Station Superintendent, Waterloo. I have omitted to say, when “speaking of the survival of the fittest” with regard to train indicators, that most of the policemen’s slates, etc., are still in daily use, and when the arrival indicator is completed, Waterloo will have such an array of indicators as no other station can equal;

Indication to the platform staff, south station, Waterloo Instructing them either to load arriving trains or to despatch them empty and the visitors to our terminus, whether intending to travel or only to meet a friend, will not need to worry the staff about the trains, if they will only use their eyes. I have long been of opinion that if the average passenger would use his eyes a bit more and his tongue a bit less it would greatly smooth the difficulties which are inseparable from the working of an enormous traffic. It is, of course, most annoying when a passenger cannot get a satisfactory answer to a straightforward question, but in providing an elaborate system of indicators, at a great expense, I am sure the S.W. Railway Company has done all it possibly can to minimise the inconveniences of Waterloo Station, and I trust passengers will thoroughly appreciate their efforts in that direction. At the beginning of this article I mentioned the description of Waterloo in the book, “Three Men

in a Boat.” Singular to say, I have just come across a criticism of Waterloo in the journal To-day, which is rather a strange coincidence, and it will most likely seem so to all who know the connection between the editor of that paper and the author of the book. It appears from what the “Major” says in the journal in question that Waterloo is not yet perfect. I would remind this gentleman that criticism is easy. I would also remind him that someone has said, “Comparisons are odious.” Were it not so I might quote from contemporary literature more than one paragraph in which the working of the traffic at Waterloo has been held up as a model to the very station which he praises at our expense. But whatever faults may be found and holes picked with regard to other points, I think everyone who knows Waterloo will admit that our officials have set an example to all other railways in the provision of train indicators.

Arrival indicator, Waterloo terminus, L. and S.W.R.


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World War II Here are a selection of World War II advertisements that appeared in The Railway Magazine in 1940. Throughout World War II, The Railway Magazine carried several British Railways adverts per issue, reminding the public (and possibly the enemy) of the amazing service they were providing. Here are a small selection of advertisements that appeared in 1940. From meat and milk to the mail – day and night, 20,000 British-built locomotives, 11,000 horses, 1,250,000 freight vehicles and half a million employees help Britain "carry on".

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World War II May & June 1943: Paper Salvage Risks READERS of newspapers will already have noted that the patriotic urge to increase salvage returns to the utmost, in order to help the war effort, has had unfortunate results when zeal has outrun discretion. Valuable reference collections of various kinds, and other irreplaceable antiquities, have been ruthlessly consigned to salvage collectors, and in some cases the loss has been serious. We have just received news of a railway collection which has suffered destruction in this way. It was that of the late Mr. H. R. de Salis, covering in a unique way, in drawings and photographs, the Stroudley locomotive régime on the late London, Brighton & South Coast Railway. The danger of destruction in the present emergency was foreseen, and a former colleague of the deceased collector did all in his power to avert this irreparable loss, but, due to a combination of circumstances over which the former had no control, was unsuccessful. We mention this matter, as it may enable readers of The Railway Magazine to take steps to prevent similar happenings to other valuable railway collections in the future in the urgently needed, but sometimes thoughtless, paper salvage drives.

January & February 1945: Amateur locomotive cleaners SOME further most appreciative letters have reached us from those who have undertaken wartime service in the cleaning of locomotives, following on the letter published on p.316 of our SeptemberOctober issue. Mr. A. Montgomery writes of Nine Elms, S.R., “ From the very first I have welcome, and have received nothing but kindly interest and courtesy from everyone there with whom I have come into contact. A more hard-working and thoroughly cheery crowd it would be difficult to find anywhere, and it is a tonic as well as a privilege to be among them.”

July & August 1945: Victory in Europe WITHIN a week of the publication of our May-June issue, the unconditional surrender of Germany brought hostilities to an end in Europe, and caused May 8 to be celebrated as VE—Day throughout the Allied world. Readers of The Railway Magazine have doubtless expressed their pleasure in their various capacities, but we feel that it is within our competence to mark the occasion in a way that is likely to cause widespread satisfaction, namely, by the inclusion of a coloured frontispiece. Paper control is still rigid, and the labour situation in the printing industry acute, so that it is unlikely that we shall be able to repeat this ‘in the near future. In fact, as with the railway industry that we serve, circumstances are still very far from normal, and are likely to remain so.

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1942: Air raid damage

These images from the November/ December 1942 edition reveal bomb damage in London and York


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British non-stop runs in Wartime By "Mercury", from the September/October 1942 edition of The Railway Magazine

January & February 1945: What our readers think May I say that I enjoy the magazine more than at any time during the twenty-five years that l have been a subscriber. It is invaluable as an aid to sanity in this mad world. L. A. Garrard, 27, Parkfield Road. Liverpool 77.

I have recently passed on copies to American, Canadian, and New Zealand soldiers and they all agree with me that The Railway Magazine is the best publication of its kind in the world. 1132565, Gnr. L. Brown, 445/65 Field Regt., R.A., C.M. Forces.

It is with interest that I note that readers from overseas have been writing to you in appreciation of the excellence of your publication in wartime. I would like to endorse these remarks, and to say how eagerly I await the mail, when I know The Railway Magazine has been forwarded on to me. Best wishes for future issues. S/76483, Cpl. A. W. Symons, S. 8: T. Branch, British Increment, Fifth Army, C.M.F.

I take this opportunity on behalf of my brother and myself, to compliment you on the continued excellence of The Railway Magazine. In view of war difficulties, it is all the more commendable that your reputation for accuracy, and good photography should remain E. H. Ross, 29, David Street, Liverpool 8. so high. Congratulations, too, on the excellent series of articles by T. F. Cameron, giving an I must congratulate you on the Memories of Crewe Works article which is now appearing in outline of railway traffic operation. N. Beecroft, 35l, Greasby Road, Greasby, Upton the magazine, and also for the extremely high Wirral, Cheshire. standard you are attaining in these difficult times. I have been a regular reader of The Railway John Banks, 8, Ashbrook Terrace, East Boldon. Magazine for eleven years, and wish to congratulate you on your excellent production; I cannot let the occasion pass without congratulating you on the very excellent issues the photography is very fine indeed. Particularly interesting to me are the articles, you are producing in wartime, which to me far excel any other wartime publication. I only “Some Memories of Crewe Works," as I served as a premium apprentice at Horwich, just hope along with all other enthusiasts that the before the last war. Very best wishes for the day is not long away before we can resume continued prosperity and excellence of The monthly issues. Railway Magazine. A. P. Herbert, 4, Moss Grove, Caradoc Road, I would like to congratulate you on the high standard of The Railway Magazine during these difficult days, and express the wish that you will soon be back to the pre-war size, and mode of issue.

CERTAIN features of the British 1942 summer train services, after nearly three years of war, are remarkable and in particular the number and length of nonstop runs scheduled in the timetables. The L.M.S.R. has recognised the fact that where station stops are not essential, and trains can command through passenger complements over long distances, much delay by passenger occupation of running lines is avoided if such trains are kept on the move. Severe congestion at Carlisle in particular, during the night hours, is eased by running northbound trains through the station to Kingmoor for examination and enginechanging, and by similarly dealing with certain up trains at Carlisle No. 12 instead of in the passenger station; in addition there are the two notable runs of the Night Scot in each direction over the 243.3 miles between Crewe and Glasgow (Central) - easily the longest daily non-stop runs in the world with steam power - and the 230.4 miles of the wartime version of the Royal Highlander from Crewe to Motherwell. Beating even these is the 8.40 p.m. Glasgow express from -Euston on Friday nights, which is booked over the 301.1 miles to

Kingmoor without a stop - an astonishing wartime feat. Also, following the Night Scot, there is the 9.20 p.m. from Euston, which runs non-stop from Crewe to Kingmoor, and then non-stop from Kingmoor over the Glasgow & South Western section to the St. Enoch station at Glasgow, 113.5 miles, with the help of Floriston and New Cumnock water-troughs. Other interesting novelties are a daily run over the 183.1 miles from Stockport to Euston, and one on Saturday mornings over the 219.7 miles from Euston to Lytham. The G.W.R. record is still held by the Cornish Riviera Limited, with non-stop runs in each direction over the 173.5 miles between Paddington and Exeter (with two additional down runs on Saturdays); the L.N.E.R. has nothing longer to show than the 124.4 miles between Newcastle and Edinburgh. In all, there are’ now 72 daily runs over 100 miles in length, and 40 of these are over 140 miles; 47 of the former and 36 of the latter are made by the L.M.S.R. The L.N.E.R. is responsible for 15 daily 100-mile runs and the G.W.R. for 10. That such a list can be scheduled in present conditions is a tribute alike to the standard of locomotive maintenance and to the efficiency of British railway operation in wartime.

Fuel Difficulties in Eire THE fuel difficulties of Eire in present war conditions are common knowledge, but the effect on locomotive working of the type of fuel in use may not be so readily understood. We have recently received an interesting letter on the subject from Mr. H. Turpin; it describes how the slack coal, or "duff" as it is called, is so finely divided that if it is raked thoroughly to obtain a draught it simply drops through between the bars, and the firebox thus empties itself. In consequence, the slack has to be packed in a solid mass in the firegrate, through which no draught can penetrate, and though an engine may accumulate full boiler pressure after standing in a station, in a matter of a few miles the pressure has dropped to such an extent that the train stalls. An outcome of this is that double-heading and triple-heading, even with the most powerful locomotives, are

common. On a recent occasion, when our correspondent observed the 9 a.m. from Dublin to Cork at Maryborough, it had contrived to cover no more than this 51 miles in just over 4 hr., with 3—cylinder 4-6-0 No. 800, Maeve, piloted by one of the oldest Aspinall 4-4-0s, and after it had stood there 15 min. a rebuilt 4-4-0 was attached in front, the whole cavalcade leaving 1 3/4 hr. late at the end of a 20 min. stop. On another occasion the same train reached Maryboroug with rebuilt 4-4-0s No. 330 and 314, and went out with 0-6-0 No. 186 as second pilot; on a third occasion the triple power was nicely graded with a 0-6-0 in front, a rebuilt 4-4-0 in the middle, and the 4-6-0 Maeve as the train engine. Incidentally, Great Southern locomotives are having their number-plates removed and painted numbers substituted, doubtless with a view to economy in the use of brass.

Prestatyn, North Wales.

H. Wrawcett, 124, Coulston Road, Lancaster.

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Railway fiction

The mystery of Abingford intermediate box By Reginald H. Cocks. Originally published in The Railway Magazine , March 1898. IT was one dull November day that I was busily occupied in working up some scrap evidence relating to a robbery that had recently occurred on the Great Southern line, when a telegram was hastily thrust into my hands. "Your assitance is required at Abingford; can you be there tonight. Full information given you on arrival. Reply paid." I hurriedly glanced at my "Bradshaw, " which showed that I should be able to run down there by an evening train; so I gave an affirmative reply by wire to the Divisonal Superintendent at Camford Junction, which place I should pass through en-route for Abingford. "That robbery business must be thrust aside,"I said to myself, "at any rate for the present; but that's my luck always. Just as I am getting the best of a tedious inquiry I am called off to go elsewhere and start ferreting some other job. Ah! well, I s'pose we 'tecs' must-" But here I was interrupted by my servant's entry. "Oh, John, you undertand I shall return here tomorrow; so don't disturb any of my papers, which I shall leave just a you see th em. Any callers must notify their business on those forms there, and then, if necessary, I can arrange appointments." John took in the situation, for he had an eye to one day succeeding his master as Chief Inspector

of the Criminal Investigation Department - a position for which he was scarcely adapted, it is almost needless to say. A thick fog hung over the country, enveloping it in moisture. The occasional explosions of fog signals helped to keep the passengers awake. In fact, one testy old squire, comfortably cornered in with rugs, mufflers, and the like, vowed (or swore) that someone had fired at him!. But I, Chief Inspector Burbridge, who was now, travelling to Abingford by this train, assured my restless partner that all anxiety on this point was, without foundation. "Confound those bombs! There, they're at it again!" the old gent irascibly growled. This time there was some cause for astonishment, for the "up'' express had come upon two of these detonators just a it was

dashing past our friend's carri age window. These and other minor diversions helped to pass the time, but I was wrapt in deep conjecture as to what shape my mission would assume? Was it a case of more jewels gone? If it were, I heartily wished within myself that their¡ owners would not advertise their wealth in this manner. "Camf'd Junction; change for Bath, Bristol, Chippenham," sang out the lusty porter; "Banbury c-a-kes," the small boy gurgled, and "Pa-i-pers" was intoned by another highpitched voice; while Mr. Chatterton - the Divisional Superintendent - recognised me as I leant out of the window gazing upon a. small coterie of excursionists, who had opparently gone adrift some fifty miles out of their course. However, I was in a through carriage, so was able to get to business at once with Chatterton, who joined me without delay, and we soon became absorbed in conversation and oblivious to everything else. "I guess it's a queer job,'' I remarked, after hearing Chatterton's account of the task that lay before us. It was briefly this: A month back the sleepy town of Abingford was horrified to temporarily awake on morning and find that a tragedy of a most mysterious nature had been perpetrated, resulting in the death of Joseph Pointer, signalman, whild on duty in his cabin, which was an "intermediate" box, situated about two miles distant from the town of Abingford. This signal-box was on a branck line between Canford Junction and the Western main line. Notwithstanding that it was responsible for the welfare of a frequent service of trains, these trains had been signalled as usual without delay, although poor Pointer, as the inquest proved, could not have been alive at the time. But this was not all. "Only last night, or rather, erly this

morning," Chatterton continued, "the relief signalman was found insensible on the cabin floor. There was not the least trace of a struggle having occurred in either case. In fact, there is no clue at all; so I propose that we get to the bottom of this at all costs. What d'you think?" I confessed that the business savoured of the uncanny, but at the same time agreed that we should leave no stone unturned in endeavouring to trace the cause of so mysterious a crime, if this was really what it certainly had the appearance of being. Af ter a few minutes meditation we found ourselves being pulled up at Abingford, and a moment or two later were being escorted to the stationmaster's room at th e end of the platform. "Ha! good evening , sirs. I was just wondering whether I might look for you by this train. No further disclosures of any consequence have come to hand. The signalman Reynolds, still lies unconscious in the Cottage Hospital, and the doctor orders that he should be kept perfectly quiet, and for the present not be questioned." "H'm! Well, look here, Chatterton, I shall repair to the 'Lion' and order dinner. You'll meet me there at eight o'clock, will you? Then I propose that we go down to the cabin, make a brief examination, and, if you acquiece, we will remain there all night.''

Chatterton agreed to my propoals, and I left him conversing with the stationmaster over a small cosy fire. People were standing in small groups, dotted about the dimly lighted market square; they were glad of something to talk about, and were doubtless full of worthless suggestions for a solution of the mystery. Two or three policemen, probably the full force in the town, were amongst the congregation and I observed that they eyed me with close scrutiny. "Some 'cove' what's comed to 'elp, Bill"; ''Ow's that for a 'spector'" and such like salutations met my ears as I walked sharply along down the High Street to the hotel. Dinner was ordered, and Chatterton arrived punctually at eight o'clock . The landlord himself helped to wait upon us, and a very excellent host does he make (should he ever read these words!). Chatterton and myself had arranged to make no mention of our business to anyone, except those immediately concerned; but as the whole town seemed at fever heat on the topic, it was natural that genial Mr. Toombs of the "Lion" should pass a remark or two on the event . "I suppose you gentlemen have


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instructions here with me as to all the signalling required tonight. Ha! yes, all right; let me have it," he said, as he pulled back the lever to signal a passing goods, train. "I say, they do go a bit stiff, but then that's your distant signal, eh?" The signalman seemed a bit loth to leave, and dawdled a while, polishing up the handles of the levers with a "shammy" leather. At length he seemed to understand, with an air of bewildered astonishment and left us, while we heard the last sound of their footfalls as they reached the bottom stair of the creaky wooden steps. Chatterton was taking stock of the workthat lay before him in shape of a signalman's duty, while I stirred up the fire and gazed out of the windows.

heard all about that affair at the signal-box here?"

required a tremendou stri de or a short step only.

"Er, oh I yes," we both hesitatingly replied, simultaneously. "What is your theory of it, Mr. Toombs ?"

These two miles seemed like ten, as neither Chatterton nor myself felt disposed for conversation with so weird an experience awaiting us at the finish.

" Well, gentlemen, I can't help having suspicions, but then, p'raps, the less said the better." "We did not attach much importance to this gentleman's view of the case ; so having finished our meal, which, good as it was, nevertheless seemed to require an effort to swallow, we lit up our cigars and strolled back to the station, where we found everything closed up for the night and lamps out. Chatterton then led the way up the line, as he was better acquainted than my humble self with the precautions to be taken regarding the trains that were constantly passing to and fro. It was a rough walk over those sleepers, some of which seemed to coincide to a nicety with one's footfalls, whilst other either

At last the signal-box lights glimmered through the thick haze, and I must confess to being concious at that moment of a cold "goose-skin" sensation running all over me. "Haven't far to go now," exclaimed my companion, as I pressed on, following his "leapfrog" like action between the metals. The signalman on duty was heartily glad to see us, as was also a pal of his who had recently joined him that night. "We are going to take your duty tonight, so you can retire - unless, by the way, you'd sooner remain" remarked Chatterton to the two men, who seemed too astonished to make reply. My friend continued, "I have full

The night was pitch dark, and the howling of a moderate wind made matters all the more uncanny. Occasionaly bells broke the silence, which had long ago become painfully oppressive; but these became more intermittent as the night wore on, and when even good traffic slumber. At last Chatterton spoke, but only to ask for more coffee and a drop of something in it. We were both very drowsy, and found it hard work to keep from dozing. The moaning of the wind as it travelled up the cutting acted as a lullaby. Just as my friend was (I afterward heard) about to remark that we might sit there week and never get any nearer to a solution of this veiled mystery, we both jumped up from our lethargic positions, exclaiming :

"Hallo! there's the sound of footsteps. Who is it? Can you see anyone about?" We both glared out of an open casement in the corner of the cabin, but strain our eyes and ears all we possibly could , there was nothing to be seen or heard. "Look here, Chatterton," I said, beginning to grow impatient, "if you mind the signals, I'll go down and have a look round." "It's not a bit of good, my dear sir; you'd far better stay where you are." "What's the good?" I replied. "We shall never find out anything boxed up here!" So saying, I straightened my Congo stick across my knee, and slipped as quietly as possible, down the stair ladder. It was (I could just see the cabin clock) about half-past two; but day break was a long way off, and one almost seemed to feel the darkness. So I stumbled on over the wires and down along the six-foot way. I had not far to go before I heard Chatterton's voice calling for assistance. What could it be for? And a thousand thoughts rushed through my brain a I staggered along back over the rough road to the cabin. But I could not dicern the cabin in the darkness. "Good God, the lights are out!" I shouted, whilst

breathlessly I felt my way to the wooden railing on the steps; but no sound met my ears as I clambered up to the cabin door. Excitement seems to lend nerve for work which one would in the ordinary way abandon or sink under. So it was now. Chatterton's form I could distinctly discern lying full length on the floor - and, and an elderly man. standing with his face towards the dying embers in the grate. It was no human face that now met my eyes, but the distorted countenance of a maniac. I hesitated, but it was too late. He sprang up on me and pinned me down. I was over · come with horror and stupefaction, but even now can recollect the sound of the signal- bell, and my would-be assassin who left me stunned to answer the "Be ready!" signal. ***** The rest is shortly told. Chatterton gradually recovered, and myself too, after much suffering, both mental and physical, from so severe a shock. We were both found unconscious early that same morning by a small relief party that came up to our assistance. The madman - a demented signalman, as he turned out to be was decapitated that very morning by the goods train that I heard him signal "Line clear" when I lay alongside Chatterton at Abingford.

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Fifty years a "King" K. S. Farr extols, at the time of its golden jubilee, the first of a great class TOWARDS the end of June 1927 there emerged from Swindon Works the first of thirty of the most powerful passenger locomotives engineered by the Great Western Railway. “Its” number was 6000; its name - despite rumours of a new “Cathedral” class—was King George V, after the monarch reigning at the time: a name destined to become famous wherever railways were spoken. The raison d'être of the “Kings” was not simply that the GWR needed more powerful locomotives for its heavy and increasing West of England traffic, although this was a strong influencing factor. When Caerphilly Castle had posed punily beside Gresley’s Pacific Flying Scotsman at the 1924 Wembley Exhibition it had been acclaimed as Britain’s most powerful passenger locomotive purely on a tractive effort basis, although the claim was borne out by the 1925 Exchange Trials between GWR Pendermis Castle and LNER Victor Wild. Thus had the modestly proportioned “Castle” lived up to its 31,625 lb. tractive effort; and the tractive effort war had begun. In 1926 Maunsell produced Lord Nelson from the Southern’s Eastleigh Works with a tractive effort of 33,500 lb. —although in this case such a “paper statistic” was not supported on the road, at least not until the locomotives had been modifiedby Bulleid. Meanwhile Gresley on the LNER was about to equip his Pacifics with long-travel valves and boiler pressure increased from 180 lb. per

sq. in. to 220 1b., thereby raising their tractive efforts to 32,910 lb. The Great Western was determined not to be outdone in this rather meaningless contest. The General Manager, Sir Felix Pole, insisted on a locomotive with a tractive effort of at least 40,000lb. So, with boiler pressure increased to 250 1b., four cylinders enlarged to 1671- in. x 28 in., driving wheels reduced in diameter from 6 ft. 8% in. to 6 ft. 6 in. and a boiler tapering from 5 ft. 6% in. to 6 ft. 0 in., the “Super-Castles” were born in the shape of the “Kings.” And the resultant tractive effort was 40,285 lb., practically as high as that of any subsequent British steam locomotive. Publicity accorded the birth of 6000 was unprecedented: as was the 67 ton 10 cwt. adhesion weight which restricted the locomotives initially to the Paddington— Bristol/Plymouth/Wolverhampton routes and which cost the Civil Engineer considerable sums in strengthening bridges. Yet within a month King George V had justified itself. On July 20, 1927, it hauled the 350-ton “Cornish Riviera Express” unassisted from Newton Abbot to Plymouth in just under 42 min. for the 31-9 miles of gruelling gradients and twisting curvature. Never before had such a load been taken over the South Devon banks by a single locomotive. After its return from America, where it was exhibited at the Centenary.

'Guineas for our readers - a novel prize competition' (left), appeared in the November 1903 edition of The Railway Magazine – it was withdrawn (see below) the following month, after the Commissioner of Police 'expressed an opinion' that the conditions under which answers would be decided brought the competition under the definition of a lottery

SPECIAL NOTICE TO “WONERSH” COMPETITORS The Commissioner of Police having expressed an opinion that the conditions under which answers in the “Wonersh” Competition would be decided brought the same under the definition of a “lottery,” we hereby withdraw same. Will all competitors therefore please send in their answers again, so

that they reach us by the first post on Monday, December 7th? It will not be necessary to attach fresh coupons, as when the prizes have been awarded, a search will be made for the letters from the successful competitors containing the coupons amongst the previous answers.


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"Black Prince"

THIS engine was built at the Crewe Works of the London and North Western Railway Company, in July 1897, from the designs of Mr. F. W. Webb, Chief Mechanical Engineer. Unlike other compounds previously built by Mr. Webb, this engine has four cylinders, two high and two low pressure, the former being 15 in. diameter and the latter 20% in. diameter, the stroke in each case being 24 in. All the cylinders are in line, the high pressure being outside and the low pressure between the frames and at right angles to the longitudinal axis of the engine, all driving on to one axle, this axle being coupled to the trailing axle behind the firebox. The

The main line departure platform, King's Cross terminus

Mr. Webb’s Four-Wheels Coupled Compound Passenger Locomotive, London and North Western Railway.

leading end of the engine is carried on a double radial truck, the centre of which is fitted with Mr. Webb’s radial axle-box and central controlling spring. This arrangement permits of one inch side play, and gives greater freedom to the truck when passing round curves than is possible in the ordinary type of bogie with a rigid centre pin. Another distinctive feature of this engine is the method devised for working the slide valves, two sets of valve gear only being required for working the four valves. This is accomplished in the following manner: The valve motion used is Joy's, which is applied to the low-pressure cylinders in the usual way. The valve spindle of the low-pressure valve is

prolonged through the front of the steam-chest, and on the end of this spindle a cross-head is fixed, having a loose phosphor bronze bush, which is free to turn in the cross-head. This cross-head engages with a lever of the first order, which is pivoted in such a position as to give the necessary length of travel to the high-pressure valves, the pivot being firmly secured to the frame of the engine. The opposite end of this lever engages with a cross-head fixed to the front end of the high-pressure valve spindle, which thereby receives its motion from the low-pressure valve spindle. Thus only one set of motion is used for working the two valves.

The driving axle, in addition to the two ‘ordinary bearings, which are each 7 1/2 in. diameter by 9 in. long, has a central bearing between the two cranks 7 in. diameter by 5 1/2 in. long. The driving and trailing wheels are 7 ft. 1 in. diameter, and the radial-truck wheels 3 ft. 9 in. diameter. The mean diameter of the boiler is 4 ft. 3 in., and the length of the barrel 11 ft., the working pressure being 200 lb. per sq. in. There are 225 tubes, each 1 7/8 in. diameter, and the heating surface is: tubes 1220.5 sq. ft., firebox 159.1 sq. ft. Total 1379.5 sq. ft. The area of the fire-grate is 20 1/2, sq. ft. The total wheel base is 23 ft. 2 in., the fixed-wheel base being 9ft. 3 in. The weight in working order is as follows :-

On the radial truck, 18 tons 18 cwt.; driving wheels, 18 tons; trailing wheels, 17 tons 10 cwt - total, 54 tons 8 cwt. This engine ran its first trip on August 2nd, 1897, and in the following October it commenced running, on alternate days, the “Up Dining Saloon Express,” which left Crewe at 5.20 p.m., running through to Willesden without a stop—a distance of 152 1/2 miles—and returning to Crewe the same night with the “Scotch Sleeping Saloon Express,” leaving Euston at 11.50, running through to Crewe (158 miles) without a stop. The total number of miles run by this engine up to June 30th, 1899, was 126,262.


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1960s

Cannon Street Station 1866-1966

View from the River Thames of Cannon Street Station and bridge as opened, with original signalling. Reproduced from a contemporary drawing by john O’Connor

Originally published in two parts in The Railway Magazine - August and September 1966 Cannon Street Station, which this month completes one-hundred years of service, is the only station within the City of London which was built by the South Eastern Railway. Both the name of the thoroughfare and the site of the station are of considerable historic interest. Canon (sic) Street appeared in Leake’s map of 1666, but this had been evolved over some 500 years from the early form Candelwykestrete which Stow asserted was derived from “makers of candles”; it certainly had no link with armaments. The site of Cannon Street Station was occupied for many centuries by the Steelyard of the Hanseatic League. Its ancient trading privileges were withdrawn by Elizabeth I in 1598, but the last connecting link of the site with German merchants was not severed until 1853, and pews in the Church of All Hallows the More were reserved for Hanseats until 1894, when that church was demolished. The word “Steelyard.” also, is derived from sources far removed from the apparent one. Authorities differ as to whether the original word was stillyard (meaning the great beam or weighing arm), or stell (a place of merchandise), but there seems to be no evidence of an association with steel. Until the 1860s the only railway to penetrate the City of London was the London & Blackwall, which opened its original terminus in July, 1840, at Minories (just within the City boundary), and extended the line to Fenchurch Street in August. 1841. After a gap of more than two decades, four other railways made their entry, all within the space of two years. The two stations on the north side of the City were Broad Street, North London Railway, in

November, 1865, and Moorgate Street, Metropolitan Railway, 21 month later. Approach from the south involved bridging the River Thames, a task which had not been undertaken by any railway in the neighbourhood of the Metropolis until this period. The London. Chatham & Dover Railway opened its bridge at Blackfriars on December 2l, 1864. to reach its original terminus at Ludgate Hill, a station which formed the subject of an article in The Railway Magazine for December, 1964. The South Eastern Railway, then engaged in keen competition, reached Cannon Street less than two years later. Earlier, but unsuccessful, schemes for railways entering the City had been promoted in the 1840s, usually in conjunction with proposed new streets. The north bank of the River Thames offered an attractive route, of course, long before the construction of the Victoria Embankment. In 1841 MajorGeneral Sir Frederick Trench advocated such an embankment, between Hungerford Market (afterwards the site of Charing Cross main-line station) and Blackfriars Bridge, with a cable operated elevated railway carried on columns above the roadway. This scheme was outlined by Mr. J. Spencer Gilks in an article in The Railway Magazine for July, 1961. A complementary scheme was the Thames Embankment & Railway Junction Company, which included a proposed new “railway street” from Blackfriars Bridge to the station of the Blackwall Railway (Fenchurch Street) consisting of an elevated railway over a new road. This would have served the area of the present Cannon Street Station, but on an eastwest route.

The City of London Junction Railway, one of the many “grand central station” schemes, would have built its central station on a site bounded by Moorgate Street, London Wall, Throgmorton Street, and Lothbury. This also included approach from the south by an iron bridge over the Thames near the site of the present Cannon Street railway bridge. None of these schemes proceeded beyond the paper stage. The line which eventually reached Cannon Street was a branch of the Charing Cross Railway Company. This undertaking was promoted as an independent company, but with the active backing and financial support of the South Eastern Railway, and received its Act of

responsible for Charing Cross bridge. Because of the clearances required for the river bridge, Cannon Street Station was built on arches, which it was envisaged would form valuable lettings if not required for railway purposes. The “cellarage” amounted to 140,000 sq. ft., and no fewer than 27-million bricks were used. From the public highway in Cannon Street to the northern end of the bridge the distance was 855 ft., of which the forecourt occupied 90 ft., the booking office 85 ft., and the platforms and circulating area 680 ft. The width of the station was 201 ft. 8in. outside the walls, and 187 ft. inside at platform level. Exclusive of the forecourt, the area of the station was 152,632 sq. ft. It accommodated nine lines of rails at what were described as five platforms, treating island platforms as units, and ignoring the available faces. The whole was covered by a single-arch roof standing on side walls rising 45 ft. above platform level and reaching a height of 120 ft. This comprised an area of four acres of which two acres were glazed. The river frontage had at the corners bold ornamental towers designed to contain water tanks. The cost of the station buildings and platforms was £157,262.

incorporation on August 8, 1859. The 60-chain branch line to Cannon Street, involving another bridge over the Thames, was authorised on June 28, 1861. At this time neither the Victoria Embankment nor the District Railway had been authorised, and the railway authorities envisaged a heavy urban passenger traffic between Cannon Street and Charing Cross. By an Act of July 13, 1863, the South Eastern Railway was empowered to absorb the Charing Cross undertaking by agreement, which was duly done as from August 1, 1864, and the Charing Cross company was dissolved.

The bridge is of five spans, of which the two shore spans are 130 ft. each from the face of the shore abutments to the centre of the adjacent pier. There are four such piers of cast-iron columns in the river, at 147 ft. 6in. distance, centre to centre. The columns are of 18-ft. dia. at the base and 12-ft. dia. above low water mark. In all, 16 cylinders were involved, with a total weight of iron of about 10,500 tons. The superstructure consists of free-span plate girders in the two shore openings and continuous plate girders 442 ft. 6 in. long over the three middle spans. The original cost of the bridge was £193,000.

For both the station and the approach bridge over the Thames, the engineer was Sir John Hawkshaw, who had been

More than half a century later, Mr. George Ellson told the Institution of Civil Engineers that very careful observations

“The City Terminus of the South Eastern Railway, Cannon Street" at the time of the opening in September, I866


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Cannon Street Station, forecourt, and hotel in original form, before construction of the Inner Circle underground station

Platform view of the new Cannon Street Station in july, I966, Seen through the old towers, the last remains of the original station had failed to reveal any sign of settlement having taken place in the piers. He was then (1921) describing a strengthening programme which had been effected over 4 1/2 years during 1909 to 1913 at a cost of £99,000. The original width of the bridge was 66ft. 8 in. and accommodated five sets of rails. At first there was a narrow footway on each side of the bridge, but apparently not available to the public. Colonel Yolland made the formal Board of Trade inspection of the branch and station in July, 1866, and it was announced that the line would be opened on September 1. The Railway Times commented: “The opening is judiciously delayed until after the next half-yearly meeting of the company, so that nothing may be said in respect to traffic, or the hopelessness of the receipts doing more than pay working expenses.” Cannon Street Station was duly opened on Saturday, September 1, and practically all trains went into, and out of, it on their way between London Bridge and Charing Cross. In 1866 seven

Temporary signalbox above in May, I957

bogie tank engines were built at a cost of £16,800 especially to work the traffic between Cannon Street and Charing Cross. Just before the opening, The Times stated that “since the inspection by the Government inspector, the staff of the line has been indefatigable in its exertions to secure the safe working of this important extension. For the past fortnight Mr. Knight has been busily engaged in revising the signals and making all the necessary arrangements for the large traffic expected to pour over the line.” The original signalling, as at Charing Cross, was by Saxby & Farmer, but Cannon Street provided far more complex problems by reason of the confiicting movements at the south end of the bridge. The signalbox, containing 67 levers, was outside the station on the bridge, on a gantry spanning the whole width of the bridge. When first opened, 264 trains arrived at, and 261 trains departed from, Cannon Street every day,

but these, of course, were “wayside station” rather than terminal station figures. The daily average number of passengers using the station in 1866 was 26,000. The City Terminus Hotel, a five-storey structure which provided the once familiar frontage to Cannon Street Station, was designed by Edward M. Barry, and provided by an independent company. It was opened in May, 1867, and cost about £100,000. Subsequently, it was taken over by the South Eastern Railway. A public footway with a halfpenny toll was opened across Cannon Street railway bridge in February, 1872, extending from Dowgate Hill on the north side to Clink Street on the south. The entrances were open from 5 a.m. to 9p.m. This was described in the South London Press of February 17, 1872, as “a rival to the footway tunnel under the Thames from the Tower to Southwark.” That tunnel had been built as a tube railway. and was worked for a few months in 1870 with a cable-operated car. On December 24. 1870, this tunnel opened to foot passengers at a halfpenny toll, and served in this capacity for about a quarter of a century, until the opening of Tower Bridge on June 30, 1894, rendered the subway obsolete. The Cannon Street railway bridge was freed from toll about July 12, 1877, the date on which the Metropolis Toll Bridges Act received the Royal Assent. This Act authorised the Metropolitan Board of Works to purchase the toll rights, but also left the South Eastern Railway with the option of closing the footway, which it did shortly afterwards. Two years before Cannon Street Station was opened, the Metropolitan District Railway had been granted powers to build the south side of the Inner Circle, including a station under the forecourt of Cannon Street. The District Line was brought into use from Westminster Bridge to Blackfriars on May 30, 1870, and extended to Mansion House on July 3, 1871. On the latter date the District Railway (heretofore worked by the Metropolitan Railway) took over the operation of its own railway,

under the guidance of James Staats Forbes, who was also a director and general manager of the L.C.D.R. Sir Edward Watkin had become Chairman of the S.E.R. in 1866, and the men were known to be keen opponents. Watkin succeeded in delaying the completion of the Inner Circle until October 6, 1884, on which date Cannon Street underground station was opened. One reaction was that increased efforts were made by the S.E.R. to retain its local Cannon Street to Charing Cross traffic, advertising immediately alongside the underground station: “South Eastern Railway. Open air route. Frequent trains to Waterloo and Charing Cross at reduced fares.” Increasing traffic made it necessary to widen the approach bridge over the river, and this work was begun in 1886 on the western (up-stream) side. The enlarged bridge, with ten roads, was brought into use on February 13, 1892, increasing the width to about 120 ft., but all the work was not completed until the first half of 1893. It was (and is) carried on piers of six cast-iron columns, of which the four downstream are the originals of 1865, and the two upstream those of the widening. In the 1890s, Cannon Street was claimed to be the widest railway bridge in the world. Shortly afterwards, new signalboxes were installed, and were brought into use on April 22, 1893. The new signalling was of the Sykes lock-and-block form, similar to that installed at Charing Cross in February, 1888, after that bridge had been widened. Cannon Street was controlled mainly from No. 1 signalbox, erected on the bridge itself and spanning all tracks, with the co-operation of No. 2 box at the south-west end of the bridge. The elevated No. 1 box ranked for many years as one of the most remarkable in the country, and for a considerable period its total of 243 manual levers held the distinction of being the largest number accommodated in one cabin. After many years of fierce competition, the undertaking of the S.E.R. was, by arrangement,

joined with that of the L.C.D.R. on January 1. 1899, for united working under a Managing Committee. The arrangement was confirmed and sanctioned by Parliament under an Act of August 5, 1899. In May, 1900, it was stated that the total number of trains entering Cannon Street daily was 398, and that departing was 385. The Financial Times commented: “Bearing in mind the manner in which they get in each other’s way at the triangles [presumably meaning Cannon Street South and Borough Market junctions at the south end of the bridge], the work of handling them without accident seems to call for superhuman qualities on the part of those who direct the traffic.” Eventually, the practice of Charing Cross trains running via Cannon Street ceased on the night of December 31, 1916, after having applied for fifty years. In 1918, as a wartime expedient, Cannon Street was closed to passengers during the middle of the day, and on Saturday afternoons and Sundays. This enabled it to be used for the transfer of goods trains from the Midland and Great Northern lines, which came through the Metropolitan Widened Lines and Ludgate Hill, and reached the South Eastern by means of a spur connection between Blackfriars Junction and Metropolitan Junction, which had been opened on June 1, 1878. Considerable traffic improvements were made by the systematic scheduling of trains on a “parallel” basis, a plan which was adopted on Monday, February 13, 1922, for the up morning trains, and extended to down evening services in July. No track alteration or signalling changes were needed. The basic principle was scheduling trains so that (1) at junction points, up and down trains on the same routes passed at the same times, thus avoiding conflicting movements because of route divergence or confluence; and (2) where multiple tracks were available, trains were scheduled to run parallel, and directed so that not only two up but also two down trains would be given simultaneous non-conflicting paths. By scheduling two up trains


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1960s to leave platforms 1 and 4 at London Bridge for Cannon Street, they could both be given clear parallel paths through Borough Market Junction. Meanwhile, two down trains from Cannon Street were scheduled to pass that junction at approximately the same time as the two up trains. This was further carried out by routing the trains to or from platforms at Cannon Street so that all four had clear paths between London Bridge and Cannon Street. Between these sets of four trains, two Charing Cross trains were dealt with. Thus, an up train from No. 2 platform at London Bridge was able to diverge at Borough Market Junction, and at the same time a down train from Charing Cross pass, and thus avoid any conflict with either up trains to or down trains from Cannon Street. Although schemes for extensive suburban electrification were prepared by the South Eastern & Chatham management shortly after the first world war, no work was undertaken until after the Southern Railway came into being on January 1, 1923, as the “amalgamated company” of the Southern Group under the Railways Act, 1921. The first electric working from Cannon Street was begun on February 28, 1926, and consisted of the services to Orpington, Bromley North, and Addiscombe and Hayes. This was regarded as temporary electrification, because it was found to be essential to re-lay the whole of the complex track connections on Cannon Street railway bridge and also to remodel the station layout and install new signalling before the full value of electrification could be secured. This reconstruction did not lend itself to piecemeal methods. and the operation was a major exercise in planning. An entirely new track layout was prepared, and assembled in a field alongside the goods yard adjoining New Cross Gate Station before being transferred in sections and placed in position on the bridge at Cannon Street. Some associated work had already been put in hand, including replacing and strengthening bridge girders where the new tracks would be

Cannon Street Station, with colourlight signalling, In October, 1955, before demolition of wardamaged roof

Concourse facing northward, in july, I966 in positions different from those occupied by the old lines. It was, of course, by no means unusual for a section of track to be assembled with a view to replacing an existing one by a completely built-up section, but the present writer stated some forty years ago, in describing the work, “so far as we can call to mind, there has been no previous instance of this being done on so large a scale, in that the new layout represents a total length of approximately 1,000 ft. and then does not cover the Cannon Street platform sections nor the connecting portions at Borough Market Junction.” Cannon Street Station was closed from 3 p.m. on Saturday, June 5, 1926, and about 1,000 men, 750 of whom worked in three shifts, were employed in removing the old platforms, lines, and signalling, and installing the new. The old layout of nine platform; (of which No. 4 was a short bay) was replaced by eight platforms ranging from 567 ft. to 752 ft. in length with a minimum width of 20ft. The old platforms were numbered from west to east, but the new ones were numbered from east to west. The work was completed to schedule and Cannon Street was reopened at 4 a.m. on Monday, June 28, with the arrival of an electric train. Initially, platforms 1 to 5 were equipped for electric traction, leaving the remainder for main-line steamoperated services. Platforms 6 and 7 were electrified in connection with the Gillingham and Maidstone electrification scheme which was brought into service on July 2, 1939. Four-aspect colour-light signalling was brought into use on Sunday, June 27, I926, from Charing Cross and Cannon Street to Borough Market Junction, but there were no public trains to or from Cannon Street until the next morning. The new Cannon Street Station signalbox was located on the river bridge adjacent to No. 8 platform, and, as it was poweroperated, was much smaller and more convenient than the one it replaced. Its 143-lever frame was housed in a structure 45 ft. long by 12ft. wide. Temporary restricted train services ran from Cannon Street at first, and it was intended

to begin full working on July 11. but in fact the full service was not introduced until July 19, 1936. As remodelled in 1926, equipped for suburban electric traction on platforms 1 to 5, and with fouraspect colour-light signalling installed. Cannon Street handled a weekday peak-hour traffic of increasing intensity, and also accommodated both mainline trains and non-electrified suburban services with steam traction. It was reopened on Sundays from July 6, 1930. A few trains resumed running into and out of Cannon Street on the way from Charing Cross to London Bridge from July 17. 1933, but this never again became a widespread practice as it had been from 1866 to 1916, and indeed the remodelled layout of the junctions south of the bridge would have precluded it. Eight years before the second world war the hotel was closed. and converted into an office building called Southern House, but the public rooms continued to be used for banquets and company meetings. It has been recorded already that platforms 6 and 7 were electrified in connection with the Gillingham and Maidstone electrification which was brought into service on July 2, 1939. Only two months later, on September 3, the second world war began, but the Southern Railway Chairman said in March, 1940, that a considerable increase in traffic had resulted from electric traction even in these first two months. Then emergency passenger services came into force

from October 16, 1939. Cannon Street was closed on Sundays and from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. and after 7.30 p.m. on weekdays. This applied throughout the war and until after railway nationalisation. In the famous fire raid of December 29, 1940. which devastated a substantial part of the City of London, Cannon Street Station was hit by incendiary bombs, but these were extinguished successfully. Its heaviest air raid damage was in the night of May 10-11, 1941. another of the noteworthy London blitz dates. Two heavy high-explosive bombs fell by the side of one of the platforms: the station hotel building caught lire and was ultimately gutted; and the station roof received severe tire damage. Trains standing in the station were taken out on the bridge. but this also suffered from both bombs and fire. In the morning, Cannon Street was one of five London terminals of the Southern Railway which were temporarily closed. Cannon Street Station emerged from the war with both short-term and long-term problems. The top two floors of Southern House (the old hotel building) were rebuilt following fire damage. The station roof glazing had been removed for safety, and an examination of the roof structure in 1948 showed that it could not then carry new glazing, but could probably support its own weight for a further ten years. The long-term problems were provided by the vast post-war increase in London suburban passenger traffic, the greater proportion of

which has been on the southern and eastern approaches to the City. With railway nationalisation under the Act of August 6, 1947, the solution of these problems became the task of the British Transport Commission, which assumed ownership on January 1, 1948. The Eastern Region handled the traffic increase by electrifying its suburban lines into Liverpool Street and Fenchurch Street, and also was assisted by the extension of the Central Line of London Transport into Essex. The Southern Railway had already brought its line capacity near to saturation point by electrification before 1939, and it received no help from London Transport extensions. From May 31, 1948, Cannon Street was reopened in the middle of the day on weekdays, and reopened on Sundays from October 3, but this did not alleviate the peak—hour problem. Experimental use was made of two-level (or double-deck) multiple-unit electric trains, the first of which went into service on November 2, 1949. Seats in the compartments were arranged on two levels, but there were no separate decks. This experiment proved unsuccessful because of increased time taken in loading and unloading. In 1950 it was decided to increase the length of trains from eight to ten coaches, and in 1956 to 12 coaches. Because of serious shortage of technical staff, the Southern Region commissioned Messrs. Freeman, Fox & Partners in 1953 to prepare schemes for lengthening

Frontage of Cannon Street in july, 1966, with l5-storey office block which has replaced a former hotel building


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the platforms at Cannon Street and for replacing the roof. To lengthen the platforms at the river bridge end proved impracticable from the operating viewpoint, as it would leave insufficient distance between the longer platforms and Borough Market Junction. It therefore became necessary to lengthen the platforms at the concourse end and to provide a replacement concourse area under Southern House. This proved possible as a short-term expedient, but serious structural defects discovered in some wrought-iron girders supporting Southern House necessitated a change in long-term plan. Eventually it was decided to undertake complete commercial redevelopment of the northern part of the station site, demolishing Southern House and replacing it by a new building, and also erecting another office block on a new site in Bush Lane, alongside the station, which was acquired from the Drapers Company. As the ten-car scheme was due to be introduced in March, 1957, there was no time to be lost in lengthening the platforms. Work was begun in November, 1955, when the booking office and bookstall were transferred to a temporary building in the forecourt. Five of the lengthened platforms were brought into service on March 4, 1957, enabling 22 ten-coach peak—hour trains to arrive in the morning and 23 to leave in the evening.

Present layout of Cannon Street Station View from the River Thames about 1905, showing Cannon Street Station, the bridge as widened in 1892, and the elevated signalbox with 243 manual levers opened in 1893

Early in the morning of April 5, 1957, fire was discovered in Cannon Street Signalbox. Although the first appliances arrived in four minutes, the box was burned out. The cause could not be determined, but was probably a cable fault. Hand signalling was set up and a skeleton suburban service began on April 8. Platforms 7 and 8 were closed, and 5 and 6 extended temporarily to take 12-car trains. Main-line steam trains were diverted to Holborn Viaduct, Charing Cross, and Victoria. Special buses were run between Cannon Street and London Bridge stations. On the day of the fire. the London Midland Region offered to supply a 225-lever power frame which was in store at Crewe. The Southern gladly accepted this offer, and the frame was dispatched by special train to the signal works at Wimbledon the same day. Part was made into a 47-lever frame, installed in the reconditioned staff rooms of the Cannon Street box and brought into use on May 5, enabling six of the eight platforms to be used. From the next day a full electric suburban service ran. Most main-line trains continued to use other termini. From May 6. also. two multipleunit diesel-electric trains were introduced prematurely on the Cannon Street-Hastings service via Tunbridge Wells Central. Although temporary arrangements still obtained at Cannon Street. the full “ten-car scheme” for peak-hour suburban trains came into force with the summer service on June 17, 1957. Platforms 5 and 6, and 7 and 8, were extended southward in permanent construction in January, 1958, to give the platform layout as it now is. Early in 1957 plans were prepared for the demolition of the high-level roofing, with the assistance of a movable gantry which had been used to demolish the roof of New Street Station, Birmingham. A contract was awarded in December,

Cannon Street Station interior as depicted in a drawing of 1890 by W. Luker jr. and work on site was begun on April 10, 1958. To facilitate the work, the station was closed for some weeks during the midday period, and on Saturday afternoons and Sundays. The demolition of the roof was completed in January, 1959. More than 1,000 tons of metal was removed and sold as scrap. Numerous schemes were proposed in connection with the new roofing. Requests were made by various Ministries and public authorities, including reduction of the height of the side walls to improve the view of St. Paul’s Cathedral; provision of a roof car park with spiral access; and accommodation for a heliport. None of these works has yet been undertaken. In addition, the City Corporation proposed to widen Upper Thames Street, which the railway spans on a bridge. This was duly done and the new bridge consisting of 85-ft. span twin box girders for each track, was completed in December. 1964. After the decision was taken to demolish Southern House, various plans were considered for the commercial development of the whole northern part of the station site. A scheme for a 9-storey main office block. 220 ft. high, was rejected by the planning authorities in July, 1958. A revised scheme received planning approval in 1959, but the arrangements were later modified because of the increasing cost of building and also the severe restrictions on office development. The main feature of the development works now approaching completion is a 15-floor office building replacing the old Southern House. This has been undertaken by British Railways in conjunction with City Properties (Cannon Street) Limited, a subsidiary of Town & City Properties Limited. In front of this building, on the forecourt, it was proposed to erect a low structure containing shops and two storeys of offices, but this has not yet been done. In addition to the block on the Bush Lane site, the revised plans included a podium block on the east side of the station, extending over the northern part of platforms 1 to 5, with a flat slab roof over the remaining platforms 6 to 8. Work was begun in 1960 on the Bush Lane block, following the demolition of part of the station side walls, and, towards the end of the year, piling for the roof and podium block foundation. The Bush Lane block was completed and occupied in February, 1962, and the podium block later in that year. It was found that there was no necessity to extend the overall roof farther

south than the podium block, and, for reasons of economy, the decision was taken to provide only umbrella roofing for the platforms. Fifteen-storey frontage Demolition of Southern House was begun in January, 1963, and completed in July. To facilitate this, and to avoid the risk of passengers being hit by falling rubble, the whole of the circulating area in the forecourt, and the concourse under Southern House, were closed for passengers on April 20, and on the next day two temporary exit-entrances were opened. The station was virtually divided into two, as there was very little room for walking from one side to the other. The suburban platforms 1 to 4 were serviced from the east side, with approaches from both Cannon Street and Bush Lane; access to platforms 5 to 8 was provided on the west (Dowgate Hill) side, along a covered way. Piling for the new 15-storey building was taken in hand in August, 1963, and completed in October, when steelwork erection was begun. It is a steel-framed structure to the fourth floor and the remaining eleven floors were built on the American lift—slab principle. The block is about 220 ft. long, 50 ft. wide, and 170 ft. high. It was ready for occupation at the beginning of July, 1965. Station facilities and railway offices are on the ground, first, and second floors. The remainder of the building has been leased to Lloyds Bank for use as a computer centre, and this was opened on May 9, 1966. A new temporary booking office, using cash registers, was opened on Monday, December 13, 1965. The front of the office is covered with armoured glass protected by stainless-steel shutters. Although much progress has been made, the approach to the station from Cannon Street does less than justice to what has been called “London’s first big rail terminal of the sixties”. The work remaining to be done is largely in the forecourt area, where the situation is complicated by the presence of the London Transport station. The City Corporation wishes to widen Cannon Street and move the building line back some 15 ft. This would entail complete reconstruction of the London Transport sub-surface booking hall, with costly re-girdering. Until this is resolved, the approach in unlikely to be improved. At the beginning of its second century, all that remains of the old station are the twin towers (the subject of controversy as to their possible retention on architectural merit) and part of the side walls.


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